The president is the head of state and is elected by the parliament for a maximum of two five-year terms; the office does not hold executive power, though the president has some authority over the judiciary and the armed forces. The prime minister is the head of government and is designated by the majority party or coalition. Because both the president and prime minister are selected by lawmakers, their legitimacy is generally dependent on the conduct of parliamentary elections.

In June 2022, the parliament elected defense chief Bajram Begaj to succeed Ilir Meta as president. Meta had been impeached by lawmakers in 2021 over his conduct during that year’s electoral period, but the Constitutional Court overruled the parliament in February 2022, allowing him to complete his term. The PD boycotted the vote, with opposition lawmakers voicing concerns over whether his status as a military officer made his selection unconstitutional. Begaj took office in late July.

Socialist Party (PS) leader Edi Rama began his third term as prime minister following the April 2021 parliamentary elections.

The unicameral, 140-member Kuvendi (Assembly) is elected through proportional representation in 12 regional districts of varying size corresponding to administrative regions. All members serve four-year terms.

The ruling PS maintained its parliamentary majority in the April 2021 polls, winning 49 percent of the vote and 74 seats. The PD won 39 percent of the vote and 59 seats, while the Freedom Party (then known as the Socialist Movement of Integration) took 4 seats. Turnout stood at 46.3 percent.

The elections were administered under reforms adopted in 2020, ensuring the participation of opposition parties including the PD, which had boycotted previous polls. International observers called the elections well-organized and competitive. However, the elections were also marred by irregularities, including allegations of widespread vote buying, the misuse of administrative resources by the PS, and media bias that allowed the PS to “derive significant advantage from its incumbency.” Despite such flaws, the results were widely accepted by stakeholders.

The Central Election Commission (CEC) administers polls. In 2020, the parliament established the Political Council, comprised of representatives of the three largest parties, to address electoral reforms recommended by the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe. The parliament adopted several provisions of the Council’s plan to gradually depoliticize election administration, introduce electronic identification of voters where technically possible, and restructure the CEC, among other changes. The CEC received additional responsibilities via these reforms.

The April 2021 elections were administered by the newly restructured CEC and were the first polls conducted after reforms were adopted in 2020. Despite concerns about the CEC’s ability to manage the polls after the parliament’s “extremely hasty” adoption of the electoral amendments, international observers reported that the elections proceeded smoothly and were competently and transparently administered.

Albanian citizens generally have the right to organize in political parties. The two main parties, PS and PD, are sharply polarized and given to personality-driven rivalry. Candidates who do not belong to a party currently seated in the Assembly must collect a set number of signatures to run.

In January 2022, PD leader Lulzim Basha expelled former premier Sali Berisha from the party. The decision came after months of internal tension and days after Berisha supporters attempted to storm the party’s headquarters. An intraparty conflict between the two men’s supporters ensued; in March, Basha resigned as party leader, with Berisha succeeding him in May.

In Albania’s multiparty system, opposition parties have the opportunity to participate in the political process and take power via the ballot box.

While individuals are generally free to make their own political choices, powerful economic actors shape Albanian politics through their media holdings and influence on electoral campaigns. Criminal organizations and corrupt actors are also known to exert influence.

Albanian law guarantees political rights for citizens regardless of their ethnic, racial, lingual, or religious identity. However, Roma and other marginalized communities remain vulnerable to political exploitation and have difficulty participating in politics.

Women are underrepresented in the Assembly, holding 35.7 percent of its seats. However, a record 12 women were appointed to the 17-member cabinet in September 2021.

Since coming to power in 2017, the PS has largely been able to formulate and implement policy, though its ability to do so was somewhat impacted by a February 2019 opposition boycott. The potential for boycotts in the Assembly may weaken legislative oversight of the government.

Corruption is pervasive, and the European Union (EU) has repeatedly called for rigorous implementation of antigraft measures, particularly for corruption within the judiciary. In 2016, constitutional reforms established the Special Anticorruption Structure, which is tasked with investigating and prosecuting high-level corruption.

In a process monitored by EU and US experts, the government began vetting judges and prosecutors in 2018, to detect and combat corruption within the judiciary. A 2021 European Commission report praised Albania’s anticorruption efforts, specifically noting the success of judicial vetting. In February 2022, the Assembly extended the mandate of vetting bodies to the end of 2024.

A robust access-to-information law is not well implemented. Public procurement processes and public finances are frequently opaque, though parliamentary procedures are more open.

While the constitution guarantees freedom of expression, the intermingling of powerful business, political, and media interests inhibits the development of independent news outlets; most are seen as biased toward either the PS or the PD. Reporters have little job security, low salaries, and remain subject to lawsuits, intimidation, and occasional physical attack by those facing media scrutiny.

In November 2022, Council of Europe (CoE) fact finders warned that the Albanian media environment was worsening due in part to media-sector concentration. The CoE mission also voiced concerns over the independence of the country’s media regulator, the Audiovisual Media Authority.

The government restricted reporting on sensitive subjects in 2022. In June, prosecutors ordered outlets not to report on state witnesses’ testimony from an organized-crime investigation. In September, prosecutors banned the publication of material that was revealed via a cyberattack.

The constitution provides for freedom of religion, which is generally upheld in practice.

The government typically does not limit academic freedom, though teachers in several districts have faced pressure ahead of elections to participate in political rallies. Access to higher education is affected by corruption.

There are no significant restrictions on private discussion.

Freedom of assembly is generally respected.

Several protests and events were held in 2022, including some political rallies that turned violent. In January, supporters of Sali Berisha attempted to storm PD headquarters; they were forcibly dispersed by police using tear gas and water cannons, leading to several injuries. In December, Berisha was physically attacked while leading an antigovernment protest; the assailant was quickly arrested.

Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) generally function without restriction but have limited funding due to dependence on foreign donors.

Workers are constitutionally allowed to organize and bargain collectively, and most have the right to strike. However, effective collective bargaining remains limited, and union members have little protection against discrimination by employers.

The constitution provides for an independent judiciary, but corruption remains a serious problem, underfunded courts are subject to political pressure and influence, and public trust in judicial institutions is low.

In 2021, the Assembly adopted amendments to 10 laws in an effort to strengthen judicial efficiency. International governance bodies praised the subsequent reevaluation of judges and prosecutors via judicial vetting mechanisms. All priority cases had been reviewed by that September; more than 60 percent of all cases reviewed had resulted in dismissals “due to unexplained assets.” The vetting process continued in 2022; in April, Tirana chief prosecutor Elizabeta Imeraj was dismissed over concerns regarding her family’s assets.

Constitutional guarantees of due process are upheld inconsistently. Trial procedures can be affected by corruption and are sometimes closed to the public. Although the state is supposed to offer free legal aid, legal counsel is not always provided to those who cannot afford their own. A number of local NGOs offer free legal aid for those affected.

Reports of police abuse of detainees continue. Prison inmates suffer from poor living conditions and inadequate medical treatment. Drug-related crime remains a problem, as Albania is a transit country for heroin smugglers.

Tribal law is practiced in parts of northern Albania, and sometimes involves revenge killings.

The Roma community faces significant discrimination in education, health care, employment, and housing.

A 2010 law bars discrimination based on race and several other categories, including sexual orientation and gender identity, and a 2013 reform of the criminal code introduced protections against hate crimes and hate speech based on sexual orientation and gender identity. A May 2022 pride parade in Tirana attracted significant support. However, anti-LGBT+ bias persists.

Women are underrepresented in the workforce. Women living in rural areas have fewer opportunities for employment and education.

Albanians generally enjoy freedom of movement, though criminal activity and practices related to historically predominant honor codes limit these rights in some areas. People are generally free to change their place of residence or employment. Access to government documents is affected by bribery.

Numerous property restitution cases related to communist-era confiscations remain unresolved. Illegal construction is a major problem, as is bribery linked to government approval of development projects. Women continue to face serious challenges to fair and equal property inheritance from parents as well as when divorcing their husbands.

The government generally does not place explicit restrictions on social freedoms, though same-sex marriages are not recognized.

Domestic violence is widespread. Police are poorly equipped to handle cases of domestic violence or spousal rape, which is often not understood to be a crime.

Albania has relatively robust labor laws but lacks the capacity to enforce workplace safety and other protections. Conditions in the manufacturing, construction, and mining sectors are often substandard and put workers at risk.

While Albania continues to struggle with human trafficking, authorities are proactive in addressing the issue. In recent years, the government has cooperated with civil society leaders, creating an advisory board on trafficking and increasing victim assistance in criminal proceedings.