Plutarch's Lives (Clough)/Appendix
Volume 1
[edit]APPENDIX.
The Lives in the first volume were translated for Dryden's edition, as follows:—
Theseus, by R. Duke, Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, (to whom two pages are given by Johnson in his Lives of the Poets).
Romulus, by Mr. James Smallwood, Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge.
Lycurgus, by Knightly Chetwood, Fellow of King's College, Cambridge.
Numa, by Sir Paul Rycaut, (the Turkey merchant, and author of the History of the Turks).
Solon, by Thomas Creech, of Wadham College, Oxford, (the translator of Lucretius).
Poplicola, by Mr. Johnson.
Themistocles, by Edward Brown, M. D.
Camillus, by Michael Payne, Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge.
Pericles, by Adam Littleton, D. D.
Fabius, by John Caryl, Esq.
The following notes may be added to those given with the text:
Life of Theseus, page 1.—Beautiful and far-famed, or famed in song, are current epithets of Athens, originally given by Pindar. The two verses just above are from the scene in the Seven against Thebes of Æschylus, where Eteocles considers what captains he shall post against the assailants at each of the gates.
Page 2.—Both warriors, that by all the world's allowed, is from Iliad, VII. 281, said by the heralds of Ajax and Hector, when they come to part them after their single combat.
Page 4.—The Abantes of Eubœa wearing their hair long behind, are mentioned in the Catalogue, Iliad, II. 543; and Strabo speaks of Arabians, companions of Cadmus, who went into Eubœa.
Page 11.—The hamlets of Marathon, Œnoë, Tricorythus, and Probalinthus, formed the Tetrapolis or Four-towns, which is reckoned with Sphettus, Aphidna, Eleusis, and others, in the list of the twelve old Attic towns or townships, all independent of each other.
Page 18.—Theseus, Pirithoüs, mighty sons of gods, is from Odyssey, XI. 630.
Page 25.—The pillar is mentioned by Strabo, who says it was removed when the Dorians of Peloponnesus invaded the Ionian country, and settled themselves in Megara. The translation should be altered; the original does not refer to the inscription as a still existing thing.
Page 32.—Cora, or the girl, is another name for Proserpine; the whole account being (like the story of Taurus) a late transformation of fable into something that might seem like history.
Page 35.—Æthra and Clymene are the two handmaids who attend Helen (Iliad, III., 143) from her chamber, when she goes to seek Priam and the elders of the city upon the walls at the Scæan gate.
Life of Romulus, page 49.—Remuria or Remoria is the name found elsewhere, instead of Remonium or Rignarium. The line from Æschylus below is out of The Suppliants (223).
Page 56.—Sextius Sylla, the Carthaginian, was one of Plutarch's personal friends. He is one of the two speakers in the Dialogue on Controlling Anger; and in the Symposiaca (VIII. 7) he gives a dinner of welcome on Plutarch's returning, after some absence, to Rome. Plutarch says, Greek words not yet being overpowered by Italian, on the theory that the early language was Greek, which was gradually corrupted. By the Questions he means his little book of inquiry into points of Roman antiquity, his Roman Questions.
Page 64.—Caius Caesar is the emperor Caligula.
Page 66.—Periscylacismus, from peri, around, and scylax, a dog.
Page 69.—The wood called Ferentina, should be the gate. There was a wood (hulē in Greek), a Lucus Ferentinus, as well as a gate (pulē), but there seems no reason to change the latter into the former.
Page 74.—The story of Aristeas comes from Herodotus (IV. 14, 15), that of Cleomedes, the hero of the islet of Astypalæa, is told also by Pausanias (VI. 9), who says the thing happened in the 71st Olympiad, 496 (B.C.). The passage from Pindar is quoted by Plutarch at greater length elsewhere (in his Consolation to Apollonius on the death of his son), as a part of one of his Funeral Odes. "These all with happy lot attain the end that releases from labor. And the body, indeed, in all cases, is taken by overmastering death; but a living shape (or image or form) yet remains of the life; (or of the unending existence;) this alone being from the gods; while our limbs are stirring, it slumbers, but when we sleep, in sundry dreams it foreshows good and evil things to come." Fragment 96, in Boeckh. Another piece which he quotes just before from these funeral songs or Threni, describes the Blessed as walking in their beautiful flowery suburb, diverting themselves with horses and gymnastics, games of draughts and the harp, and with converse on what has happened, and what is."—Fragment 95.
Page 79.—Comparison. The philosopher Polemon, one of the early successors of Plato, was the author of this definition of love; so Plutarch tells us, quoting it again in one of his Essays (Ad Principem Ineruditum, c. 3).
Life of Lycurgus, page 88.—Creophylus is the correct name, which the copies of Plutarch change into Cleophylus, and Dryden's coadjutor miswrote or misprinted Cleobulus. Creophylus was spoken of already in Plato's time as the companion of Homer.—(De Republica, X. p. 600.)
Pages 90 and 92.—Plato's criticisms are in the third book of the Laws, pages 691, 692.
Page 113.—The passage of Pindar is from a lost and unknown poem. One of their own poets is Alcinan.
Page 122.—For the reference to Plato, see the Timæus, p. 38, where the divine Creator, desirous to add to his works the resemblance of eternity, proceeds to create "this which we call Time."
Life of Numa, page 132.—Plutarch speaks more at length of this distinction of the wise Egyptians in one of the Dinner Conversations.—On the sixth of Thargelion they kept the birthday of Socrates, and, on the seventh, met again to celebrate that of Plato. Apollo himself, according to the story, had been born on this seventh day; and it had been no disparagement to the god, said one of the company, to attribute to him, as many had done, the mortal procreation of one that had been, under the tuition of Socrates, a greater healer of human maladies and diseases than ever Æsculapius (Apollo's mythological son) had become under that of Chiron. And he referred, at the same time, to the warning which Ariston, Plato's acknowledged father, was said to have received in a dream, forbidding him the company of his wife during the ten months preceding Plato's birth. To this another of the party opposes the incorruptible nature of the godhead: yet that by some creative, not procreative, power, the eternal and unbegotten God is the father and maker of the world and all begotten things, Plato, he adds, himself admits, nor can we limit the modes in which such divine intervention may operate; and then he gives the Egyptian dogma.—(Symposiaca, VIII. 1).
Page 138, Note.—The Greek would, however, not be Aimulos or Æmylus, but Haimulos.
Page 139.—The stone bridge, the Pons Æmilius or Lapidens, seems to have been built, for the actual traffic, close alongside of the original wooden bridge, the Pons Sublicius, which was allowed to remain for religious purposes, but was not otherwise used. Dionysius of Halicarnassus says it was still remaining in his time.
Page 148.—Dacier, in his note on the Egyptian wheels, refers to a passage in Clement of Alexandria, to the effect, that the Egyptian priests gave those who came to the temples to pray, a wheel, which they were to turn, and flowers, both of them emblems of change and instability.
Page 152.—The correct name is not Mercedinus but Mercedonius.
Page 155.—The verses are from a Pæan, or song of triumphal rejoicing, of Bacchylides. The complete passage is found in Stobæus; it is Fragment 13 of Bacchylides, in Bergk's Poetæ Lyrici.
Page 156.—The saying which Plato ventured to pronounce, is the famous demand made with such fear and trembling in the fifth book of the Republic (p. 473) for the rule of the king-philosopher. It is repeated in the fourth book of the Laws, from which latter place come the words of the next sentence, the wise man is blessed in himself, and blessed also are the auditors who can hear and receive the words that flow from his mouth.
Page 163.—Comparison. These with the young men, &c., is from the Andromache of Euripides, (597). She also, the young maid, on the next page, is referred by some to the Hermione, by some to the Reclaiming of Helen, both of them lost plays of Sophocles. It is the Fragment No. 791 in Dindorf.
Life of Solon, page 168.—Hand to hand as in the ring, literally, like a boxer, hand to hand, is from the Trachiniæ of Sophocles (441); the line just above is the eighth of the Bacchæ of Euripides.
Page 170.—Work is a shame to none, the shame is not to be working, is the 309th line of Hesiod's Works and Days.
Page 179.—Munychia was best known to the Athenians of Plutarch's time, as one of the strong-holds invariably occupied by the garrisons by which the kings of Macedon had controlled the city.
Page 188.—The Tragedy is probably the Philoctetes, one of the lost tragedies of Euripides. Plutarch quotes it more fully elsewhere: "What bride, what young virgin would accept thee? Truly," &c.
Page 193.—The end and the beginning of the month, occurs twice in the Odyssey (XIV. 162, XIX. 307).
Page 199.—For Homer's Ulysses, see the fourth book of the Odyssey (235–264), where Helen relates, at Sparta, to Telemachus and Nestor's son, how Ulysses entered Troy, as a spy, in the dress of a beggar, and was recognized by her alone, and returned after killing many and procuring much information.
Page 201.—Plato, on the mother's side, claimed relationship with Solon, so that in this way, the story of the Atlantis came with some title to him. See the Timæus, pp. 21 to 26.
Life of Themistocles, page 232.—The Lycomedæ or Lycomidæ were an ancient Attic priestly family. Phlya is one of the Attic demi or townships; and the record found in Simonides was probably an epigram inscribed in the chapel.
Page 240.—The two lines from Pindar are quoted by Plutarch in three other places; they are one of the Fragments of his lost and uncertain poems, (Boeckh, Fragment 96). Olizon is one of the places whose warriors, in Homer's Catalogue, (Iliad, II. 716–718), are led by Philoctetes,—"The dwellers in Methone and Thaumacia, and the inhabitants of Melibœa and rocky Olizon, these Philoctetes commanded, skilful with the bow."
Page 243.—The guides in the time of Pausanias showed figures in a colonnade in the market-place of Trœzen, which they said were the representations of these Athenian women and children, erected in remembrance of their stay in the town (Pausanias, II. 31).
Page 247.—The verses are the 347th and following of the Persæ.
Page 249.—Simonides says it probably in an ode on the victory at Salamis, similar to those of which some fragments remain, on the battles of Artemesium and Thermopylæ. A few of the words—was ever known more glorious exploit on the seas, are pretty certainly a part of the original, but it is impossible to restore the verse.
Page 253.—The passage in Aristophanes is the 812th line of the Equites.
Page 259.—Nicogenes in Diodorus is called Lysithides, under which name the same account is given of his entertainment of Themistocles.
Page 267.—Plato in the Meno, arguing the question whether virtue or excellence is a tiling that can be learnt or attained by training and practice, or, on the contrary, comes to us by divine allotment, points out how Aristides and Pericles, and all the great Grecian statesmen, had failed to impart their political wisdom to their sons. You have often heard it said that Themistocles taught his son Cleophantus to be such an admirable rider, that he could stand upright on horseback, and could throw a javelin standing upright;—the son obviously was not without ability;—but did you ever hear it said by any one, that Cleophantus showed any virtue, skill, or wisdom in the same sort of things as did his father? Yet he, undoubtedly, had virtue been a tiling to be taught, would have taught his son the virtue and wisdom in which he himself excelled (pp. 93, 94). Nothing is known beyond what is here said, of the Address of Andocides to his Friends. But the Friends, or rather Companions, are evidently the members of the oligarchical associations or clubs, who united under that name towards the end of the Peloponnesian war.
Life of Camillus, page 273.—Matuta is quite confidently identified with Ino or Leucothea, by Ovid in the Fasti, (VI. 475-562),
Leucotheë Graiis, Matuta vocabere nostris.
The words, they embrace their brothers' children instead of their own, ought perhaps to be, they take their sisters' children . . . . up in their arms to present them to the goddess. Ino had been kinder to her sister's children than to her own. Thus Ovid says,
Non tamen hane pro stirpe sua pia mater adoret:
Ipsa parum felix visa fuisse parens:
Alterius prolem melius mandabitis illi:
Utilior Baccho quam fuit ipsa suis.
Page 288.—The twenty-fifth of Boëdromion, the day of the battle of Arbela, should be the twenty-sixth; and the day which the Carthaginians observe, the twenty-first of Metagituion, should, perhaps, be corrected to the twenty-second. Hesiod's account of fortunate and unfortunate days is appended to his Works and Days, from whence Virgil took the hint for his in the Georgics.
Page 290.—The Greek gives the past tense in the sentence, Others say that this fire was kept burning, &c.; but it should, probably, be altered all through into the present.
Page 291.—Doliola is the Latin name of the place called the Barrels. "It was thought best," says Livy (V. 40), "to bury them in barrels in the chapel adjoining the house of the flamen of Quirinus, in the spot where now it is considered an offence against religion to spit."
Life of Pericles, page 327.—Plato's expression, "so strong a draught of liberty," occurs in the 8th book of the Republic (p. 562). The author of the verses that follow is unknown.
Page 328.—The quotation from Plato is from the passage in the Phædrus, where Socrates argues that the knowledge of nature, and, in particular, of the soul, is as necessary to the perfect master of rhetoric, as the knowledge of the body is to the physician. Pericles is said to thunder and lighten in the Acharnians of Aristophanes (530).
Page 337.—Socrates says he heard Pericles propose to the people the building of the long wall—more properly the middle wall, a subsequent addition to the long walls—in the Gorgias of Plato (p. 456 a). The Odeum was burnt in the time of the siege of Athens by Sylla, to be described in Sylla's life.
Page 341.—The quotation from Plato is again out of the Phædrus, (p. 261). Rhetoric is a psychagogia—a magic power of swaying and carrying about the souls of men by the use of words.
Page 348.—The brazen wolf at Delphi was famous. A man who carried off some treasure from the temple, went to hide it in the thick woods of Parnassus. A wolf fell upon him and killed him; and for many days after came daily into the city and howled. At last the people followed him, discovered the gold, and set up this image of the wolf.—(Pausanias, X. 14.)
Page 353.—Aristophanes's line about the Samians is from his lost comedy of the Babylonians.
Page 354.—Most likely the engineer was called Periphoretus, or the carried-about, for the very reason that the name was already familiar from Anacreon's verses.
Page 356.—Cimon is said to have given these names to his sons in honor of the states whom he represented, as Proxenus, at Athens.
Page 358.—The story of Anthemocritus is not alluded to by any contemporary writer. Yet Pausanias also relates it, and speaks of his monument as still remaining on the Sacred Road, going to Eleusis; just as described here, outside the Dipylon. The famous verses in the Acharnians are the 524th and following.
Page 368.—Sold for slaves may have been Plutarch's expression, but the fact itself cannot be believed; and it would not be difficult to correct the one word in which the assertion is made.
Page 370.—Olympus, where they say the gods have their ever secure abode, occurs in the Odyssey (VI. 42), and the phrase of the secure abode or seat is repeated by Pindar, (Nem. VI. 3).
Life of Fabius, page 393.—This is probably a fragment, of which no more is known. No existing line of Euripides can very well be identified with it.
Page 400.—This brazen colossal statue of Hercules was the work, we are told by Strabo (VI. c. 3), of Lysippus. He speaks of it as still standing in his time in the Capitol, as the offering of Fabius Maximus, the taker of the city.
Page 404.—"Long shaken on the seas restored the state," is said of Œdipus, in the beginning of the Œdipus Tyrannus.
Volume 2
[edit]APPENDIX.
The translations in this volume are by the following hands:—
Alcibiades, by Mr. John Somers (Lord Somers, the statesman).
Coriolanus, by Thomas Blomer, D. D.
Timoleon, by the same.
Paulus Æmilius, by Mr. Joseph Arrowsmith, late Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge.
Pelopidas, by Thomas Creech, of Wadham College, Oxford.
Marcellus, by Walter Charlton, M. D., Fellow of the Royal College of Physicians, London.
Aristides, by John Cooper, Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge.
Cato, by Sir John Litcott, late Fellow of King's College, Cambridge.
Philopœmen, by Thomas Short, M. D.
Flamininus, by Charles Whitaker, of the Inner Temple, Esquire.
The following are notes in addition to those in the text.
Life of Alcibiades, page 1.—Plato records it in the First Alcibiades, p. 122.
Page 2.—Of all fair things the autumn is most fair is Lord Somers's verse, going a little beyond the original. It seems probable, however, that the critics, who reduced the original words to the form of an iambic line, put themselves to unnecessary trouble. Plutarch quotes it elsewhere as said viva voce by Euripides at a supper party, when he was laughed at for putting his arms round Agathon, a bearded man, and kissing him. See Matthiæ's Euripides (Fragm. Incert., 124). The passage from Aristophanes, just below, is from the Wasps, 44th and following verses.
Page 5.—Dropped like the craven cock his conquered wing is quoted again in the life of Pelopidas, but is otherwise unknown. The words in the Phædrus of Plato (p. 255), alluded to presently, are simply Anteros the image of love, and admit of more than one interpretation. Plutarch, however, seems to take them to mean the reciprocation and return of love.
Page 7.—The expression used by Thucydides occurs in his account of one of Alcibiades's orations on the Sicilian War (VI., 15), where he speaks of it as one of the chief causes which ultimately led to the disasters of the city, that people, in alarm at the excessiveness of his personal licentiousness and scorn of all legal restrictions in his habits of life, would not trust themselves to his guidance, which was the best and wisest, in matters of public policy.
Page 10.—Demosthenes in his oration against Midias, whom he prosecuted for an assault upon himself, has a long passage about the way in which Alcibiades, in former times, in spite of all his great pretensions, high birth and wealth, capacity as a general, and skill as an orator, had not been tolerated in his insolence to private persons.
Page 17.—At Agraulos is the old reading, but in [the temple] of Agraulos is the early and certain correction. Agraulos, or Agraule, from whom the township of Agraule took its name, was one of the daughters of Cecrops, who, to fulfil an oracle which promised victory on such a condition, threw herself from the rocks of the Acropolis. The people built her a temple, and here the young Athenians, on first assuming arms, took this oath.
Page 18.—The quotations from Aristophanes are lines 1445, 1452 of the Frogs.
Page 28.—'Tis not Achilles's son, but he himself, the very man, is quoted elsewhere by Plutarch, but is otherwise unknown. 'Tis the same woman still is said of Helen by Electra in the Orestes of Euripides (129), when, in making a funeral offering, she had, to save her beauty, cut off only the very ends of her hair.
Life of Coriolanus, page 69.—To beware of self-will, which belongs to the family of solitude, is Plato's phrase of caution to Dion (Epist. IV., p. 321). See the life of Dion, where it is repeated more than once.
Page 78.—The adage about wealth is from Heraclitus, and is quoted in two other places by Plutarch, as also by Aristotle. I have let the conplet stand, but the original, though it has the run of an iambic verse, was probably prose. The line from Homer is from Helen's description, in the fourth book of the Odyssey (IV., 246).
Page 85.—Bola, in the list with Toleria, Lavici, and Peda (or Pedum), is obviously meant for a different town from Bola, a few lines below,—a town not above ten miles from Rome. The spelling in the Greek differs, and there is little doubt that in the latter place Bolla, so written in the Greek, should be turned into Boïlla, the equivalent used for the Latin Bovillæ.
Page 90.—But him the blue-eyed goddess did inspire is the first line of the 21st book of the Odyssey, only that for him, we should have her; Minerva inspires Penelope with the thought of the trial by the bow. Plutarch no doubt quoted from memory. The next two lines are wholly different from any thing now to be found in Homer. The third quotation is from the ninth Odyssey (339), where the Cyclops is described coming home at evening to his cave, and were it some thought of his own, or so ordered him by a god, he left none of his flock outside, but drove them all into his hollow fold. In the same book (IX., 299), is also the line: But I consulted with my own great soul; Ulysses consulted with himself whether he should kill the Cyclops as he lay drunk and asleep, but reflected that there would then be no one to move away the stone from the door and let them out. He spoke; Achilles, with quick pain possessed, is from Iliad I., 188, and the lines about Bellerophon from Iliad VI., 161. Coray in his notes compares the doctrine given at the end of the first paragraph of the following page (91) with a passage in Plato's Critias (p. 109), where it is said, that we in our several tribes and cities are the flocks whom the divine beings severally tend, not by any bodily compulsion applied to our bodies, but by an intellectual agency operating on the rudder, to which all living things most aptly answer, of the soul.
Page 92.—Through all this narrative Plutarch appears to have made a mistake. The mother of Coriolanus was Veturia, and his wife Volumnia.
Page 98.—The divine nature, differing from us in all respects, may very well be conceived to differ in its acts and mode of agency yet more than in any thing else. The sense of the passage from Heraclitus, which is quoted also by Clement of Alexandria (Stromata V., cxiii), is very uncertain. It may merely mean that divine things transcend our powers of belief and knowledge.
Life of Timoleon, page 107.—As they sat at meat in the tent, after Achilles had consented to give Priam Hector's body, Priam, son of Dardanus, eyed Achilles, admiring his stature and his qualities, and his appearance, as it were of a god, and Achilles in turn looked with admiration upon Priam (Iliad, XXIV., 629). The line that follows is from a lost play, the Tympanistæ of Sophocles, a fragment found at great length elsewhere:—
Ah, and what greater pleasure can one have,
Landed from sea, safe in one's home, to list
With slumbering sense the swift descending rain?
(Dindorf fragment 563.)
Page 139.—The pine, sacred to Neptune, was the original Isthmian garland; then came parsley in its place, and then, not long before Plutarch's time, the pine was returned to again. There is a whole chapter in the Symposiaca (V., 3) devoted to a conversation on this subject. At a dinner at Corinth, given by Lucanius the priest, in the time of the games, the question is started, why the pine is used? One of the company, a pretender to learning, shows by numerous quotations that in old times it was parsley. Lucanius, when he has finished, quietly points out by other citations that originally it was pine, and that parsley came in at a later time.
Page 146.—
"Corinthian women, coming out of doors,
Blame not, if thus ye see me,"
are the words with which Medea first enters the stage and addresses the chorus in Euripides's tragedy.
Page 149.—The lines from Sophocles are a fragment of a lost play. (Dindorf, 710).
Life of Æmilius Paulus, page 181. The battle fought in Italy (rather, by the Italian Greeks), near the river Sagra, or Sagras, is that mentioned by Justin (XX., 3), Cicero (de Natura Deorum, II., 2), and Strabo (VI., 10), in which the Locrians gave a great defeat to the Crotoniats; it took place in early history, some time before the Persian wars.
Life of Pelopidas, page 204. The verse is from the Suppliants of Euripides (861), where Adrastus describes to Theseus the chiefs who fell at Thebes.
Page 205.—The battle at Mantinea is the first and less famous battle, fought in the period of the Peloponnesian War by the Argives and their allies against the Lacedæmonians, and described by Thucydides in his 5th book.
Page 206, Androclides, and, page 207, Damoclides, might be more correctly written Androclidas or Androcleidas, and Damoclidas or Damocleidas, like Meneclidas or Menecleidas, in page 225. The whole of the narrative that follows, of the way in which the plot was carried out, is ingeniously expanded so as to form the framework of Plutarch's philosophic piece On the Genius (or daimonion) of Socrates. Caphisias, brother of Epaminondas, being at Athens shortly after as an envoy, relates it to his philosophic friends there; the interest of course being in the events, but the greater amount of space being given to the conversation that had passed on the philosophic subject, this in its turn serving to show the composure and equanimity of the noble Thebans at the time.
Page 210.—Archias with Phillidas should be, as appears by the parallel passage in the dialogue De Genio Socratis, Archias with Philippus or Philip.
Page 218.—The line is from Nestor's speech, Iliad II., 363.
Page 219.—The disaster of Laius, or, more correctly, what befell Laius, alludes to the tale of his carrying away Chrysippus, the son of Pelops by the nymph Danais, an obscure story, which is, however, mentioned elsewhere by Plutarch.
Page 220.—Scedasus was a man who lived at Leuctra, and had daughters named Hippo and Molpia. Those were violated by men of Lacedæmon, Parathemidas, Phrudarchidas, and Parthenius. The young women hung themselves, and the father, after going in vain to Sparta to seek redress, came home to Leuctra and killed himself.
Page 231.—One Epicrates, a baggage carrier, should at any rate be Epicrates the baggage carrier (skeuophoros); perhaps Epicrates the shield carrier (sakesphoros), a name which he has in the Comic writers (Aristophanes, Ecclesiasuzæ, 71, and Plato, Legati, fragm. 3), because of his immense shield-like beard. Epicrates was long prominent as a public speaker; he took part in the expulsion of the thirty tyrants and in all the subsequent political proceedings, and is the subject of one of the extant orations of Lysias.
Page 232.—In the 7th line, after three hundred horse volunteers, should be added and mercenary soldiers; but the text appears to be uncertain.
Life of Marcellus, page 238.—The verses are from the fourteenth Iliad, 86.
Page 246.—A golden cup of a hundred pounds weight is quite uncertain; there is no number given in the present text of Plutarch; Amyot, who translates "du poids de cent marcs," may have had the number before him in a manuscript now lost; but litrōn, pounds, which is all there is in the Greek, is changed by some critics into lutrōn, spoils,—a golden cup from the produce of the spoils.
Page 250.—Three hundred should probably be thirteen hundred. Livy, whom Plutarch appears to be following in the narrative, says 1272.
Page 262.—Ephesus was the workhouse of war when Agesilaus made it his head-quarters in his Asiatic campaigns. The quotation from Pindar is from the beginning of the 2nd Pythian ode. Rude, unrefined, only for great things good, is the description of Hercules in fragment No. 1 of the Licymnius. The words are quoted elsewhere by Plutarch as applying to Cimon; see Vol. III, p. 202.
Page 273.—The fragment from Pindar is No. 256, in Boeckh; nothing more is known of it.
Comparison, page 278.—The passage referred to in the Cyropædia is the 1st chapter of the 4th book. It is not certain how much of the sentiment contained, a little below, in the two verses of the translation, belongs to what Euripides said. Plutarch, who gives it in an unmetrical form here, quotes elsewhere two lines identical with the latter part. But if it be lawful to die, then it is noble to die, making virtue (or honor) the term of our life. Grotius gives, as a translation of the whole:—
Vincere vivereque optima res est;
Si moriendum est, ita dulce mori
Vitam ut virtus sorbeat in se.
See Matthiæ's Euripides (Fragment. incert., 110).
Life of Aristides, page 281.—The way of writing in use since the time of Euclides differed from the previous usage more particularly in the introduction of the Ionic letters eta and omega, the long e and o, which up to that date had never appeared in public inscriptions or documents. The year of the archonship of Euclides is 403 B. C., the first after the end of the Peloponnesian War; in the course of which the thirty tyrants were expelled, the amnesty decreed, and the democracy reëstablished.
Page 284.—The verses from Æschylus relating to Amphiaraus are from the Seven against Thebes, lines 574 to 576. Well known he was, &c., is ascribed to Euripides.
Page 305.—The inscription is by Simonides. Plutarch's text omits one line, which is found elsewhere in one of his minor works.
Page 312.—What Plato declares is found in the Gorgias, pages 519 and 526.
Page 313.—The death of Paches in the judgment-hall is an incorrect expression. Paches, after his suppression of the revolt of Lesbos, was brought to trial, on his return home, and killed himself in the presence of the people assembled to try him, as he stood on the speaker's stand (the hustings). Compare the account in the beginning of the life of Nicias, Vol. III. p. 296.
Life of Cato, page 320.—Scipio the great did not seem to envy, but, on the contrary, as the right translation would stand, to be envied by Fabius. See the account at the end of the life of Fabius Maximus, Vol I. p. 321. In the 13th line from the bottom, the word general should probably be altered for prætor; when he was holding the office of prætor, or of consul.
Page 324.—For Socrates in the description of Plato, see the Symposium, p. 215; a famous portraiture, placed in the mouth of Alcibiades. Cato is compared, rather at random, to Lysias, in Cicero's Brutus, chapter 16.
Page 335.—He is reported to have escaped at least fifty indictments should be, to have defended himself in at least fifty causes.
Page 351.—The quotation is from the 10th book of the Odyssey, line 495: Among the dead, whom Ulysses is to visit, Tiresias, Circe tells him, alone has retained his wisdom after death, the rest flit about as shadows.
Comparison, page 356.—The lines from Homer are from the Odyssey (XIV., 222).
Life of Philopœmen, page 374.—The passage of Plato, about the Athenians becoming ill mariners, is in the fourth book of the Laws, p. 706.
Page 379.—Aristænus (this is the more recognized form) is the same as the Aristæus of page 373; the readings vary.
Page 380.—The hill of Evander is thought to be a mis-reading for the hill of Evas (or Evan, in the accusative case), mentioned by Polybius and Pausanias. Polybius, the historian, is the general's son, who carried the urn, mentioned in pages 382 and 383.
Life of Flamininus, page 385.—Manlius should be Manius; it is Manius Curio that is meant.
Page 388.—After the name Charops, in line 14, the words the son of Machatus have been accidentally omitted.
Page 397.—The Achæans and Phthiotians should not be distinguished as two separate tribes; it should be the Achæans of Phthiotis.
Volume 3
[edit]APPENDIX.
The Lives in this volume were translated for Dryden's edition, as follows:—
Pyrrhus, by William Croune, M. D., Fellow of the College of Physicians.
Marius, by Miles Stapleton, Fellow of All-Souls College, Oxford.
Lysander, by the Honorable Charles Boyle, of Christ's Church, (the once famous editor of the Epistles of Phalaris, and unequal opponent of Bentley).
Sylla, by William Davies, Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge.
Cimon, by Mat. Morgan, A. M., of St. Johns' College, Oxford.
Lucullus, by Giles Thornburgh, A. M.
Nicias, by Thomas Rymer, Esq., (the critic and antiquary).
Crassus, by Amhurst, Esq.
Eumenes, by some one unnamed.
Sertorius, by Edward Browne, M. D.
Some notes in addition to those in the text are subjoined.
Life of Pyrrhus, page 4.—The affairs of Alexander, called Ægus, son by Roxana, and lawful heir of Alexander the Great, proved unfortunate, as did those of all the blood royal of the old Macedonian family, in the time of Cassander. Alexander and Roxana were both put to death by his orders. Olympias, with whom they had acted, was cousin to Pyrrhus's father, Æacides. For the great battle of Ipsus where all the kings, or as one reading has it, all the kings of the earth were engaged, see the life of Demetrius in Volume V.
Page 6.—The only peninsula or chersonese of Epirus that appears to be mentioned, is that on which Buthrotum stands. Niebuhr suggests the peninsula in the lake of Janina. Tymphæa and Parauæa are corrections of Niebuhr's for Nymphæa and Paralia. They are districts commanding the passage from Macedonia to the Greek city, Ambracia, which Strabo tells us became Pyrrhus's capital.
Page 10.—Not by the lot decide, But with the sword the heritage divide, is from the Phœnissæ of Euripides, (66).
Page 15.—But sat and languished far.—Iliad, I. 491, 492.
Page 17.—The saying of Euripides, that the force of words, Can gain whate'er is done by conquering swords, is in the Phœnissæ, 516, 517.
Page 24.—The translation of the first sentence should be, Yet most were well inclined to a peace. Cineas was not listened to with any delight or eagerness, when he made his moderate proposals; nevertheless, it was evident that the greater number were prepared to make concessions for peace.
Page 30.—Homer uses such words as madness or frenzy, for example, of Hector, who rages beyond all further withstanding, and bold in Zeus, is possessed with a terrible frenzy. Fortitude, through the Latin, has become the cardinal name of the virtue, which in the Greek has not chiefly to do with the endurance of pain, but is exercised in the encounter of all danger, and is more properly bravery, courage, or intrepidity, etymologically manliness. It is in the Greek ethics the virtue or excellence of the active part, as temperance is of the passive, and wisdom in its two divisions, practical and scientific, of the intellectual part, of the human soul. This classification of the elements of our nature into the active impulses, the sensibilities or appetites, and the reason or mind, occurs everywhere in Greek. It is the basis, for example, of the whole system of Plato's republic with its triple division, corresponding to this, of soldiers, artisans, and governors.
Life of Marius, page 49.—Cirrhæaton is simply a corruption for Cirrhæatæ, equivalent to Cereatæ or Cereate, a little town in the district of Arpinum, which in Pliny's time was a municipality whose people, the Cereatini Mariani, still bore Marius's name; of which, if the site be correctly identified with the monastery of Casa Mara or Casamari, some traces may be thought to remain even now.
Page 50.—The bill for the regulation of voting had no natural connection with the courts of justice. A very slight correction of a single word would change courts of justice into elections: but it is of course always possible for Plutarch to make a mistake about Roman matters, or a slip of a word in copying from his authorities.
Page 53.—For the tumors, or swellings, with which Marius was troubled in his legs, Mr. Long in his translation has varicose veins, on the authority of Cicero, who in his Tusculan Disputations (II., 15 and 22) uses the word varices. Cicero adduces the story in elucidation of the question as to the nature of pain. Of the fortitude of Marius there could be no doubt: others had followed the example after him; but he had been the first who ever had submitted to the operation without being tied down. Yet that with him pain was not simply indifferent, (neither an evil nor a good, as the Stoics taught,) appeared by his declining to let the surgeon have his other leg to cut.
Page 55.—The images of ancestors are emphatically the imagines, the busts, in wax or other material, of those of their ancestry who had borne office and gained distinction, which it was the pride of a Roman family to accumulate in the hall (the atrium), and to display on great occasions.
Page 63.—The great trench or canal bore the name of Fossa Mariana. The phrase just below, to march against Marius by the seaside through Liguria, is an incorrect one, but the incorrectness seems to be Plutarch's. Marius was on the Rhone, to oppose any march into Liguria. What the Teutones and Ambrones proposed to do was to beat him, and so enter Italy by Liguria.
Page 66.—In the sixth line, the soldiers might be omitted and them substituted. The text is as the translation, but it must be corrected. It was certainly the soldiers who recognized the birds, not the birds who saluted the soldiers.
Page 70.—The others refreshed with victuals and sleep is more correctly translated, the others who got their supper in good time and went to bed.
Page 72.—Plutarch's words, attired in the purple-bordered robe (which might be more closely rendered, girding himself, and taking up, or wearing the purple-bordered robe), are meant to describe the cinctus Gabinus or Gabine cincture, used by officiating persons on great occasions; when the purple-bordered or purple-striped robe, the prætexta or trabea, was gathered up, and tied like a girdle round the body. As in Virgil: "Ipse Quirinali trabea cinctuque Gabino Insignis reserat stridentia limina consul."
Page 80.—The passage in which Pindar calls Truth the first principle of heroic virtue is a fragment of a lost and unknown composition, found, however, at a little greater length elsewhere. "First beginning of great virtue, queen Truth, shipwreck not my faith on any rock of falsehood;" i.e. let not my promise ever come to be broken by me; keep me ever faithful to my engagements. (Boeckh, Fragm. Incerta, 118.)
Page 89.—The line about the eagle's young, ascribed to Musæus, is cited also by Aristotle in his History of Animals.
Page 100.—A part of the ceremonial of the consul's appearing on his first assuming office on the calends of January was to go up and offer sacrifice in the Capitoline Temple, attended apparently by the senate, a full meeting of which took place immediately after. The words, a little above, as if a change of wind were coming on, are more expressive in the original; it is, as if the wind, which had been blowing steadily from the one quarter, were setting in from the opposite. The word tropaia (the turn or return wind), according to a passage of Aristotle (quoted by Coray), was specially applied to the wind which set from the sea after it had blown for its regular time from the shore; the sea breeze, succeeding the land breeze.
Page 102.—The story of Plato's thanks to the providence and fortune of his life is told a little more fully by Lactantius (Instit. III., 19). " Plato returned thanks," he says, "that he had been born, first, a human and not a brute creature; secondly, a man and not a woman; thirdly, a Greek and not a barbarian; lastly, an Athenian, and in the age of Socrates;" as if, adds Lactantius, scornfully, had he been born a barbarian, a woman, or an ass, he would still have been the same Plato.
Life of Lysander, page 104.—In the description of the statue, the phrase, but indeed it is Lysander's, representing him, is in the original a good deal more precise; but indeed it is an iconic figure of Lysander. Iconic (from the Greek icon or eikon, the word that is used in the title Ikon basilike, and forms part of the compound iconoclast, and means an image or likeness) was a technical term applied in Latin, as well as Greek, to real portraitures from the life, as distinguished from ideal representations.
Page 105.—Aristotle has a long chapter in his Problemata (XXX., 1) on this subject. Why is it, he asks, that all remarkable men that have ever lived, in philosophy, politics, poetry, or the arts, have been atrabilious (melan-cholic)? some so much so as to be subject to maladies occasioned by black bile, as we are told Hercules was, from whom epileptic fits have received a name, and who also suffered before his death on Œta from an eruption of boils on his skin, a thing often caused by black bile. Lysander, the Lacedæmonian, before his death, suffered from them. Ajax and Bellerophon among the heroes are other instances. In later times, Empedocles, Plato, Socrates, and many other famous men. So, too, the great majority of the Poets. He proceeds to compare the vaporous effects of this temperament to those of wine, which he says is so creative of character and moral dispositions.
Page 117.—As Theophrastus writes in his history should be rather, as Theophrastus the historian or historical inquirer writes.
Page 120.—The first chorus in the Electra begins at the 167th line.
Page 126.—Others besides Ulysses deep can be is thought by some critics to be a fragment of the lost Palamedes of Euripides.
Page 136.—The localities about Haliartus, the spring of Cissusa, the rivulet Hoplites, and the hill Orchalides or Alopecus (p. 138), are identified by Col. Leake in his Travels in Northern Greece (Chap. XIII., Vol. II., pages 206 to 211). Haliartus is on a low hill terminating in cliffs on the edge of the lake Copais, and, "though not fifty feet higher than the water," the "rocky point projecting into the marsh is remarkable from every part of the plain." Hoplites is "the rivulet under the western wall," and Cissusa, "the fountain below the cliffs." In Plutarch's time, the town was extinct; one of the few remaining objects when Pausanias went there, was a monument of Lysander. Alea, the name of the tomb ascribed to Rhadamanthus, should in correctness be Aleës or Aleäs. There is no reason for supposing Cissusa to be a corruption for Tilphussa or Tilphossa, the spring beside which Tiresias died; this is in a different place.
Page 138.—The sanctuary of Ismenus, or the Ismenian sanctuary, is the temple of the Ismenian Apollo.
Life of Sylla, page 143.—The long attachment for Metrobius the player has very likely been brought in here by some copyist from the passage in page 189. The text is various and uncertain.
Page 145.—Euripides's warning against Ambition is in the Phœnissæ (532). Cæsar, just below, is of course not the great Cæsar, but a Cæsar of the previous generation; probably Sextus Cæsar, his uncle.
Page 153.—Picinæ should perhaps be Pictæ, a place mentioned by Strabo.
Page 163.—Panope is more correctly Panopeus; the oracle near Lebadea is that of Trophonius. The details in these pages (162 to 171), taken, it would seem, from Sylla's own memoirs, and enlivened by Plutarch's knowledge of and interest in the localities, are examined at length by Col. Leake, who goes through the whole narrative (Northern Greece, Vol. II., Chap. XIII., pages 192 to 201). Chæronea itself, under its high citadel-hill of Petrochus, is described in pages 113 to 117. An antique chair of marble in the church is called Plutarch's chair. But a memorial more probably connected with him and his family existed in an inscription, read by Colonel Leake on a stone near a fountain below the theatre, in remembrance of Demetrius Autobulus, a Platonic philosopher. And there is a record of another being extant in the time of Meletius the geographer, distinctly "in memory of Sextus Claudius Autobulus, the sixth from Plutarch, remarkable for every excellence in conduct and in words, erected by his grandmother Calliclea, his parents, and his sisters." Autobulus is a family name in Plutarch's minor works. Plutarch's own son Autobulus is there spoken of as married, and having a son of his own. See Vol. I., Life of Plutarch, page xii.
Page 176.—The text of the passage about Neleus of Scepsis is uncertain. But the account is probably taken for the most part from Strabo (XIII. 1, 54), who, in speaking of Scepsis near Troy, tells us that Neleus, a native of the town, a scholar of Aristotle and Theophrastus, succeeded to the possession of Theophrastus's library, which included that of Aristotle, who left his to Theophrastus; Aristotle being the first man, to Strabo's knowledge, who collected a library, setting the example to the Egyptian kings. Neleus took the books to Scepsis, where those who afterwards came into his properly kept them shut up without much care for their preservation; and when the kings of the house of Attalus were searching everywhere for books for the library at Pergamus, they buried them underground; and in the damaged condition they thus were in, the works of Theophrastus and Aristotle were bought at last by Apellicon the Teian, who was more, however, of a book-collector than a philosopher, and had copies made with the gaps filled in at a venture. Thus the earlier Peripatetics were left without the works of their master, and the later had faulty copies. And after Sylla, on taking Athens, carried Apellicon's library to Rome, Tyrannion the grammarian made a recension of them, and bad copies were made for booksellers, as is commonly the case, he says, with books written for sale both here (in Rome) and in Alexandria. Strabo was Tyrannion's scholar, and probably gives the story from his account; the statement, however, that the early Peripatetics had no copies of Aristotle's writings, is said to be open to a good deal of exception.
Page 177.—The mountain of Hephæus in Campania seems to be quite unknown. It has been thought that Tifata (Tiphata in Greek) may have been the name originally written.
Page 183.—Afidius, the last word in this page, is probably a mistake (of Plutarch or of a transcriber) for Fufidius.
Comparison, page 194.—The proverb Lions at home occurs in verse, but not in the same form, in Aristophanes's play of the Peace (1189). The scholiast, in his note on the passage, says it was originally said of the Spartans after some mishap in Ionia, "Lions at home, but in Ephesus—mere Laconians." Sallust's affirmation about Sylla was probably made in one of his lost Histories.
Page 196.—Sharp only at the inglorious point of tongue is a verse, of which nothing is known.
Life of Cimon, page 202.—Miltiades and his family were Laciadæ, or Laciads, this being the name of the members of the township or demus of Lacia, which itself was more commonly thus called, the township Laciadæ or the Laciads. Compare page 211.—For the quotation Rude and unrefined, see a note on the life of Marcellus at the end of Vol. II.
Page 203.—Laodice, of the daughters of Priam the best in appearance, occurs in the third Iliad (124). Iris took her form when she went to summon Helen to the walls, in the interval before the combat between Paris and Menelaus.
Pace 207.—These inscriptions are quoted by Æschines (In Ctesiphont., p. 573), in his speech on the Crown; the simple honors of old times contrasting favorably for his purpose with those now offered to Demosthenes. Butes is Boges in Herodotus, and Sochares (p. 208) is Sophanes.
Page 212.—King Agesilaus is a doubtful reading; Agesilas or Arcesilas is more probable.
Page 221.—The quotation from Aristophanes is from the Lysistrata (1138).
Page 223.—Posidonia is Pæstum; this is one of the first things mentioned of it.
Page 226.—Such was the Greek commander is a translation that has come from Amyot, "telle donc a esté la vie du capitaine Grec." The text, as we have it (agon, not hegĕmon), means Such is the Greek game, i. e., thus much is to be said for the Greek competitor in the present pair of lives.
Life of Lucullus, page 228.—Lash as a wounded tunny does the sea is quoted again in Plutarch's Essay on the Tardiness of the Gods in inflicting Punishment (de Sera Numinis Vindicta), where Wyttenbach, in his note, conjectures merely that it comes from a lost play of Æschylus or Sophocles, and the fragment following from a Comic writer. But nothing further is known.
Page 232.—Marius should in correctness be Manius, as appears from Velleius Paterculus (II., 18), who relates how on the occupation of the coast and islands of Asia Minor by Mithridates, Manius Aquillius and other Romans were handed over to him by the Mitylenæans.
Page 235.—The Sophists in Plato's dialogues always begin boldly with any showy, blustering piece of logic that occurs to them; and it is only when Socrates has quietly exposed the futility of this, that they bring forward something less pretentious and more to the point.
Page 277.—The city and adjoining villages or vici; such is Plutarch's expression; but the vici are properly the subdivisions of the regions, or wards, of the city, each under its proper officers or vici-magistri. Augustus made them four hundred and twenty-four in number. Many of these might in Lucullus's time have been called vici, but not included in the city.
Page 278.—The Lucullean gardens were those of the Garden Hill (the Collis Hortulorum), the Pincian of the present time. Horace, in the last line, is in the original Flaccus.
Comparison, page 284.—Plato says it scornfully not of Orpheus, but Musæus, in the Republic (II., p. 363). The feast of Venus, the Aphrodisia, is often spoken of as kept formally by sailors on their return to port, and, in a general way, the phrase is used of all indulgence and feasting after business, labor, or danger.
Page 286.—Plato's words about Cimon's ostracism are in the Gorgias (p. 516).
Life of Nicias, page 289.—The fragment from Pindar is No. 119, in the Uncertain Fragments of Boeckh's edition. Diphilus is a Comic poet.
Page 291.—The quotation is loosely taken from the Knights of Aristophanes (Equites, 1096).
Page 294.—The allusion of Teleclides in the case of Charicles is to the habit, apparently very frequent with rich and childless women in Greece, of introducing supposititious children into a family. For the words of Cleon (or, more correctly, of Agoracritus, Cleon's opponent), in Aristophanes, see the Knights, 358.
Pages 295–296.—The words of Agamemnon are from the Iphigenia in Aulis of Euripides (449).
Page 299.—For the first quotation, see the Birds (643); the second is from a lost play.
Page 300.—Egypt is thus described in the fourth Odyssey (230).
Page 301.—My lance I'll leave is a fragment of the lost Erechtheus of Euripides. It is found at greater length in Stobæus. See Matthiæ's fragments of the play, No. xiii.
Page 305.—Hipparchus was kin to the tyrant Pisistratus.
Page 306.—The benches, literally the semicircles, are probably the seats of this form, which were set in public places, in porches and gardens and exercise grounds, rather perhaps than the regular seats of the theatres.
Page 322.—Instead of Autoclides, we have elsewhere Anticlides. His Commentaries, or Exegetics, as the Greek term is, would be a book of directions or prescriptions as to what to do in a particular case of good or bad omens; exegesis referring specially to the oral instructions given by a priest, for example, to a worshipper for the performance of a ceremony; it is applied, for instance, to the dictation of the words of an oath.
Life of Crassus, page 341.—Salenæ or Salinæ (the latter is a conjecture), and the Lucanian lake, in page 343, are uncertain localities; the mountains of Petelia, page 344, are near Petelia in Bruttium.
Page 352.—Hierapolis, the "holy city," so called by the Greeks (Bambyce by the natives), was the seat of the worship of the Syrian Venus or Astarte, the personified divine prolific moisture of the universe, out of which all things are born and grow, and seek their proper good. In this sense, she would be Hera or Juno, perhaps, rather than Venus. See Lucian On the Syrian Goddess, a little narrative in imitation of the style of Herodotus, giving an account, apparently, of his own visit to the place. This holy city was on the way from Antioch to Zeugma, the Crossing, the ordinary passage of the Euphrates, and so to Seleucia, or Seleuceia, on the Tigris, at this time (Ctesiphon not as yet having outgrown it), the Greek capital of the Parthian kings.
Comparison, page 378.—A statesman ought not to regard how invidious the thing is, but how noble (or, more exactly, the part of the statesman is to strive upon the highest conditions to attain, not exemption from odium, but glory), is a sentiment taken from Thucydides, which Plutarch himself cites expressly with commendation in one of his minor works. It occurs in the address of Pericles to the citizens, in the year of the Plague. "Mere present hatred and unpopularity all must experience who seek dominion over others; he is wisest who takes the odium on the loftiest terms. The unpopularity does not last; the present splendor, and the glory that follows it, remain to an everlasting remembrance." (II., 64.)
Page 379.—A brave man anywhere but in the field, is, I believe, an unknown fragment.
Page 380.—If wrong we must do, says Euripides in the Phœnissæ, 521–525; it is the reply of Eteocles to the expostulations of his mother:—
Come fire, come sword, yoke-to the steeds apace,
Through all the plain let the war chariots race,
I to my rival will not yield my place;
If wrong we must do, let us, so 'tis best,
To become kings do wrong, and right in all the rest.
Life of Sertorius, page 395.—Lucius Domitius is the old reading, followed by Amyot, but it may be Domitius Calvisius, or Domitius Calvinus. The Roman names in Plutarch must always be accepted under protest. Fufidius, just above, is a correction, and for Thoranius just below, and Lucius Manlius in the next page, there are other readings. Lucius Manilius appears to be the proper original of the latter, and "the true name of Thoranius," says Mr. Long, "is Thorius." Perpenna, in like manner, ought in correctness to be written Perperna, and Marcus Marius (p. 411), the envoy to Mithridates, should most likely, both here and in the Life of Lucullus (p. 242), be Varius. And the same uncertainty attaches to the orthography of the names of the Spanish localities.
Life of Eumenes, page 422.—His hat should be rather, perhaps, his bonnet; it is the Macedonian broad-flapping causia, which their kings, even in Egypt, retained as a mark of their nationality. See the account in the Life of Antony, Vol. V., page 208.
Volume 4
[edit]APPENDIX.
The Lives in the fourth volume were translated as follows:—
Agesilaus, by W. Needham, M. D.
Pompey, by W. Oldys, LL. D.
Alexander, by Mr. Evelyn, (one of the minor compositions of the author of Sylva, and not unworthy of him).
Cæsar, by the Rev. Dr. James Smalridge.
Cato the Younger, by Stephen Waller, LL. D.
Agis, by Sir Robert Thorold, Bart.
Cleomenes, by the Rev. Mr. Creech, Fellow of All-Soul's College, Oxford. The translator of Lucretius, whose name has appeared before in Vols. I. and II. as of Wadham College. He became Fellow of All-Souls afterwards.
Tiberius and Caius Gracchus, by John Warren, Fellow of Catherine Hall, Cambridge.
The following notes may be added:—
Life of Agesilaus, page 17.—The two verses are those of the old translation, and express Plutarch's meaning. But in the original passage, O Greeks, that have found out barbarian ills, or, crimes such as only barbarians could be guilty of, is what Andromache says, when the herald, Talthybius, has announced to her, that her child, Astyanax, is to be put to death.—(Eurip., Troades, 759.)
Page 18.—The passage in the Iliad from which the words his object unachieved are borrowed is the lament of Agamemnon over Menelaus's wound, when he had been shot by Pandarus,—if he dies, the Achaeans will at once cry out to go home; Helen the Argive will be left for Priam and the Trojans to boast of, while his bones shall rot in the soil, as he lies in Trojan earth, his object unachieved. "Lying in Trojan earth, having failed in what he attempted," or, "without having done what he wanted," is the last line.
Page 19.—The Trallians are evidently not the people commonly called by this name, the inhabitants of the town of Tralles, in Asia Minor, still flourishing in Plutarch's time, but a tribe of wild Thracians. The name may perhaps be corrupt; but certain Trallians of Thrace are spoken of as having taken part in the foundation of the town in Asia which took their name.
Page 21.—Xenophon, who was present, calls it the hardest-fought battle of his time in the Hellenics (IV., 3, 16), referring evidently to the last struggle between Thebans and Spartans, when "they met shield against shield, pushing, fighting, killing, and falling;" to which he adds in his Agesilaus (II., 12), "there was no war-shout or cry, though not silence either, only the sort of utterance that comes of anger and fierce fighting." The temple of Minerva the Itonian, spoken of in the next page, standing near the battle-field, was a great sanctuary of the whole Bœotian people, founded by them when they first entered Bœotia, in the plain before Coronea; they called it after the name of that in their own late country in Thessaly. Here the feast of All Bœotians (the Pambœotia) was held, and the congress of the Bœotian towns met. There were in the temple brazen statues, made by Agoracritus, Phidias's scholar, of the Itonian Minerva, and Jupiter, or Pluto, who was worshipped here in some mystic connection with Minerva. See Pausanias (IX., 24), and Strabo (IX., 2, 29), and Col. Leake, Northern Greece (Vol. II., chap. xii., pp. 137–141.) The Thessalian Minerva Itonis is mentioned in the Life of Pyrrhus (Vol. III., p. 35); the little stream that ran by the temple, the Curalius, was also called by the name of that near the temple in Thessaly.
Page 33.—The site of Tegyræ or Tegyra, where the Spartans were beaten by the Thebans in a set battle, more fully described in the life of Pelopidas, is placed above the marshes, on the heights that rise to the north of the lake. "In the time of Plutarch, all the part of Bœotia to the northward of the Lake Copais seems to have been no better inhabited than at present, for in one of his dialogues he introduces an assertion that about Tegyra and Mount Ptoum, two places formerly so much famed for their oracles, hardly a herdsman or shepherd was to be met with in a day's journey." (Leake's Northern Greece, Vol. II., ch. xii., p. 159.) The passage referred to is in the Dialogue on the Cessation of Oracles, a phenomenon which one of the speakers, Ammonius the philosopher, explains by the general depopulation which former wars and factions have occasioned in pretty nearly all the habitable world, and more particularly in Greece, the whole of which could now scarcely furnish the three thousand men-at-arms whom the single town of Megara sent to fight at Platæa. With so few to consult him in these days, why should the deity keep up all his former oracles? (De Defectu Oraculorum, 8.)
Page 35.—Xenophon's remark about the casual sayings of good men is in the beginning of his Banquet.
Life of Pompey, page 50.—Ah, cruel sire! how dear thy son to me! is from the Prometheus Unbound, the lost play of Æschylus, where Hercules releases whom his father Jupiter had bound. Pompey's father was of course a Pompeius like himself, Cnaeus Pompeius Strabo; but the name of Strabo made way in the son's case for that of Magnus.
Page 79.—Olympus (it is Olympus alone in the Greek) is not Mount Olympus, say the commentators, at any rate not that of Thessaly, nor that of Prusa, the modern Broussa, but Olympus in Lycia, which, however, appears to have been a mountain as well as a town. "It was the strong-hold," says Strabo (XII., 7), "of the pirate Zenicetus, a mountain and a fortified place of the same name, from whence there is a view of all Lycia, Pamphylia, and Pisidia." The strong-hold had been wrested from the pirates before Pompey's time by Servilius Isauricus, when Zenicetus burnt himself and all his household in it; but it had doubtless soon been re-occupied.
Page 83.—Thy humbler thoughts make thee a god the more. Literally, In so far as you know yourself man, even so far you are a god; an Attic conceit, expressing the same meaning as Horace's Dis te minorem quod geris, imperas.
Page 86.—See for the death of Hector, Iliad, XXII., 207.
Page 101.—Of Pompey's famous and stately theatre some small remains are still supposed to exist. It was the first building for theatrical shows which was erected in Rome for permanent use. Up to that time, all had been temporary stages, pulled down after the occasion for which they were set up. This stood far out from the walls, with a large portico, and plane trees planted about it, on the very edge of the Campus Martius, beyond the public buildings which had by this time covered the new quarter (the Prata Flaminia), outside and under the Capitoline. Agrippa went a little beyond it with the Pantheon. Whether the house which Pompey built as a sort of appendix to it for himself was near the theatre, and different from his house within the walls, in the Carinæ, is made a question. Plutarch's words certainly do not require us to suppose that it was locally an appendix or appendage to the theatre, and there seems no doubt that the house in the Carinæ was his real residence. See the story in the Life of Antony (Vol. V., p. 185), of the retort made to Antony by Sextus Pompeius.
Page 113.—There was a necessity to sail, but no necessity to live. "Necesse est ut eam, non ut vivam."
Page 117.—The combatants are waiting to begin is an unknown comic fragment.
Page 118.—The four verses are a very liberal translation of one quoted by Plutarch. All was divided in three, and each had a portion assigned him. It is from the passage in the fifteenth Iliad (189), the reply of Neptune when Jupiter, waking out of sleep, sees the Trojans flying and Neptune busy aiding the Greeks, and sends Iris to order him to quit the field; somewhat an arrogant message, replies Neptune in anger, to one his equal in honor. "We are three brothers, all sons of Cronus by Rhea our mother, Zeus, and I, and Hades, the third, in the world underneath us; three shares were made of all things, and each of us had his portion; I had the lot of the white salt sea for my possession; Hades had the thick darkness; Zeus had the open sky and the clouds in the heaven above us; and as common to all remain the earth and the heights of Olympus."
Page 129.—Cicero accuses him (of deserting the city like Themistocles in the Persian, when he ought to have maintained it like Pericles in the Peloponnesian war), in the letters to Atticus (VII., 11), "Fecit idem Themistocles. At idem Pericles non fecit." Would he do so, he continues, if the Gauls came?
Page 132.—Lucius Vibullius Rufus is pretty certainly the real name of the person meant by Jubius; but the manuscripts of Cæsar write it corruptly, sometimes Jubellius, or Jubilius, or Jubulus; and one of these bad readings Plutarch may have had in his copy.
Page 136.—A temple or chapel dedicated to Venus Victrix, or, the Victorious, formed the highest part of Pompey's theatre at Rome.
Page 138.—Cæsar much condemns this command. Cæsar de Bello Civili, III., 92.
Page 141.—The translation from the Iliad (XI., 543), should have been made a little less epigrammatic; the following rough correction is truer to Homer's swift plain-speaking:—
But Jove from heaven struck Ajax with a fear;
He stopped and stood as in amazement there;
Put on his back his shield of sevenfold hide,
And trembling on the advancing numbers spied.
Page 143.—O heaven in those that noble are is an uncertain fragment of Euripides. (Matthiæ Fragm. Incert., 119.)
Page 145.—The words, we must leave the divine power to act as we find it do, have been wrongly included between the inverted commas.
Page 149.—The verses are a fragment from a lost and unknown play. Fragm. Incert., 54; in Dindorf, 711.
Life of Alexander, page 166.—The bridle and the rudder too. Sophocles, Fragm. Incert., 55; in Dindorf, 712.
Page 171.—On husband and on father and on bride (Jason, Creon, king of Corinth, and Glauce). Euripides, Medea, 288.
Page 175, in the last line, forty-three thousand foot and three thousand horse should be forty-three thousand foot and five thousand horse. The numbers in this passage are, as numbers very generally are in manuscripts, given with variations. This, however, is the reading established by comparison with the corresponding passage in Plutarch's own treatise on the Merit or Fortune of Alexander. He says there, that Aristobulus made it 30,000 foot and 4,000 horse; Ptolemy, the king, 30,000 foot and 5,000 horse; and Anaximenes, 43,000 foot and 5,000 horse (De Alexandri s. Virtute s. Fortuna, I., 3).
Page 180.—The passage from Menander is only known by this quotation. It may perhaps belong to the character of some Boastful Soldier, like a fragment in Athenæus from his play called the Flatterer, in which it is made a compliment to say, "You have drunk more than king Alexander." The twelve years of the campaigns of Alexander were those of the boyhood of Menander, who was not quite twenty-one when his first play was acted two years after Alexander's death (321 B. C.).
Page 181.—Darius had been one of the royal Couriers (Courtier, in the twenty-second line, is a misprint), or king's messengers. Astandes, the Greek word of the original, is of Persian derivation. The system of regular relays of horses and couriers for conveying the government despatches seems to have been one of the good points in the Persian imperial system. It was adopted in the Macedonian kingdoms, and passed from them to the Romans.
Page 192.—An island lies where loud the billows roar is from Menelaus's story of his return from Troy, told by him to Telemachus at Sparta in the fourth Odyssey (354). A neck of land would be better, a strip (it is literally a ribbon) of land.
Page 195.—Ichor, such as immortal gods are wont to shed, flows from the wounded hand of Venus (Iliad V., 340).
Page 211.—Bagoas's house, at Susa, is probably the sense, but the words at Susa, omitted in the translation, are doubtful.
Page 226.—The passage from the Andromache is a speech of Peleus to Menelaus (693–702). The fragment (p. 228), in disparagement of the wise man who is not wise to his own interest (miso sophisten hostis oukh hautoi sophos), is quoted also, once in Greek, and twice in a Latin form given it by Ennius (qui ipse sibi sapiens prodesse non quit, nequidquam sapit), by Cicero (Ad Diversos, XIII., 15, a letter to Cæsar, & VII., 6, & de Officiis, III., 15). It is No. CXI. in Matthiæ's Uncertain Fragments. 'Tis easy on good subjects to excel is from the mouth of Tiresias in the Bacchæ (266–267). In civil strife e'en villains rise to fame (p. 229) is a verse which Plutarch has already used twice in the Lives, once in that of Nicias, and again in the comparison between Lysander and Sylla, and it occurs a third time in the Essay on Brotherly Love; but where it comes from is, I believe, unknown. Death seized at last on great Patroclus too is from the uncompassionate answer returned by Achilles to the prayers of Lycaon, one of Priam's sons, in the battle of the rivers (Iliad XXI., 107). While yet Patroclus lived, he might haply have thought upon pity, now death was the doom of every Trojan man, and above all, of the children of Priam; wherefore,
Be content, good friend, and die, and do not lament it;
Patroclus died also, who was much better than you are.
Look at me and observe my size and beauty of person,
Yet for me too death is at hand, and the fated appointment.
Either in the morning, or the evening, or at the noonday,
Some one in the battle shall take the life from my body
With the stroke of a spear or arrow shot from the bowstring.
Page 247.—Promachus won the prize (or crown), which was a talent. This appears to be the correct reading; the crown is simply taken as equivalent to the prize, and might, like a cup in English races, be something else, a sum of money.
Page 254.—As a sort of guard to his person should be rather, perhaps, as a sort of badge of the royal power which he himself exercised. The term seems to have been one in use for the mute person who appeared on the stage to attend the actor who represented a king.
Life of Cæsar, page 258.—Apollonius should not be called, as he is both here and in the [[Life of Cicero, Molon's son, but Molon, or Molo, which was his additional name. It is Plutarch's mistake.
Page 262.—High Priest is the Latin Pontifex Maximus. The highest religious dignities were held, at Rome, by laymen. Caesar, as High Priest, had an official residence, the Regia, in which he lived to the day of his death.
Page 271.—The words whose glory went up at that time to heaven should have perhaps been placed between inverted commas. The form, if not the exact words of the phrase, is from the Odyssey; the nearest passage to it is in the answer made by Ulysses to the inquiry of the Cyclops: "We are Achaians on our way from Troy, driven by the winds, the people of Atrides Agamemnon, whose glory is at this time the greatest under heaven, so great a city he has taken, and so many people has destroyed."
Page 284.—Returned the same way he went, and showed the barbarians—A better reading gives the following sense, returned, and showed the barbarians by the very roads he took.
Page 287.—The first basilica built in Rome was the Porcian, built by Cato the Elder; see his life, Vol. II., p. 240, and the life of the younger Cato, in this volume, p. 375. The Fulvian was the next, built by the joint censors Æmilius and Fulvius, adorned by subsequent members of the Æmilian family, and now restored with the help of Cæsar's money. This was the Basilica Paulli.
Page 309.—Antony's debauchery and Corfinius's profuseness ought perhaps to change places, and to stand as Corfinius's debauchery (or drunkenness) and Antony's profuseness: it was certainly Antony who bought Pompey's house; see his life, Vol. V., p. 164; and the statement there made is confirmed by Cicero in the second Philippic (c. 26).
Page 315.—Pomentium is Pometia, or Suessa Pometia, a town that had ceased to exist long before Cæsar's time, which, however, gave its name to the Pomptine marshes.
Page 328.—To the top of a rock is a mistranslation; the Greek is merely to a rocky place; and the place which Brutus made his refuge seems, by the account in his life, to have been at the bottom rather than at the top.
Life of Phocion, page 329.—When fortune fails, the sense we had before, Deserts us also, and is ours no more, is said by Antigone to Creon, in the play of Sophocles (Antigone, 563).
Page 332.—The passage in Cicero is in the letters to Atticus (II., 1): "Dicit enim tanquam in Platonis politeiai, non tanquam in Romuli fæce, sententiam." It does not, however, refer to his repulse as a candidate for the consulship.
Page 336.—The two elegiac verses from Archilochus are quoted also by Athenæus, as said by Archilochus of himself. They are the first fragment in Bergk.
Page 338.—Plutarch tells the story also in his essay on False Modesty (de Vitioso Pudore, c. 10), and again in his Political Precepts (Reipublicæ Gerendæ Præcepta, c. 31). These calls for subscriptions for public amusements and displays were snares to the unwise in his time also. From the turn he gives to Phocion's answer in the latter passage, it seems to be that he declines to make a gift by incurring a debt, to offer the state a present by borrowing money which he will not be able to repay, not as if he was already in debt to his banker or money-lender.
Page 345.—The defeat is the battle of Chæronea.
Page 346.—Unwise one, wherefore is what the sailors say to Ulysses in the story of the Cyclops, when they are rowing their boat from the shore, and Ulysses, though he has already by one bold speech provoked the Cyclops to hurl a rock which had nearly intercepted them, is, nevertheless, eager to accost him once again with a taunt.
Page 353.—A friend and old confidant should be a friend and old schoolfellow. Phocion in like manner replied, that they had not ever been at school together, nor had ever been acquainted or familiar with each other.
Page 356.—Diogenes Laertius, in his life of Xenocrates the philosopher, tells a pleasant story, which appears to belong to this occasion of his going as envoy with Phocion, and yet is quite inconsistent with Plutarch's account of it, and must, in some way or other, be inaccurate. Antipater, says Diogenes, asked him to supper. Xenocrates replied to the invitation by repeating the words in the Odyssey used by Ulysses to Circe, when, showing him hospitality, she placed the table before him, and saw him neither eating or drinking,—"O Circe, what man of a right mind could let himself touch meat or drink before he had ransomed his companions, and beheld them with his eyes,"—with which Antipater was so well pleased, that he released them. Xenocrates paid the alien-tax at Athens (below, p. 360), being a native of Chalcedon, opposite Constantinople.
Life of Cato, page 393.—Short-hand writers; in the Greek, semeiographi, writers by signs; in Latin, notarii, which has the same sense.
Page 394.—The life of Cato, like a dramatic piece, has this one scene or passage full of perplexity and doubtful meaning. Every tragedy, according to Aristotle's remark in the Poetics, consists simply of two portions, one the fastening or complication, the other the undoing or solution of the difficulty or embarrassment in which the plot consists (the nœud and the denouement of French criticism); and one particular part, one crisis, will usually bring the complication to its height: the tragic dilemma has first to be indicated, then stated in its strongest terms, then one or other alternative taken, or a middle course somehow discovered, and the spectator one way or other relieved of his anxiety. See for the tragic desis and lysis, Aristotle, Poetics, c. 18. Thrasea is the famous Thrasea Pætus, who died by Nero's orders, and who wrote a life of Cato, his Stoic example, just as Arulenus Rusticus wrote one of him.
Page 408.—To seize his goods as was the custom. The magistrate might seize a portion of a man's property, by way of distress, to compel him to the discharge of a public duty. The sum of money brought from Cyprus, seven thousand talents, which Cato says (below, p. 416) was more than Pompey brought home from the ransacked world, seems quite too small; the figure is probably wrong. Phylargyrus, just below, should be Philargyrus. The dock, in page 409, is the state-arsenal, or navalia, high up the river, at the other end of the Campus Martius, so that Cato passed through the whole city, and along a part of the Campus, before he brought his vessel to shore.
Page 417.—Apollodorus the Phalerian is described in Plato's Phædo as shedding tears all through the previous conversation, and, when Socrates took the hemlock, bursting into a passion of distress and horror. Xenophon, in the Memorabilia, calls him an ardent admirer of Socrates, but otherwise rather a silly person. He is also characterized at the beginning of Plato's Symposium.
Pago 423.—The verses are from the Hercules Furens (174); an answer to a charge of cowardice brought against Hercules.
Page 426.—The word domestics, used by the old translator, should have been altered; it is simply taken from the Latin word for the original Greek, which means, belonging to his house or family, and is not at all limited, as the word domestics is with us, to servants.
Page 441.—Cato could scarcely have read the Dialogue on the Soul (the Phædo) twice over in so short a time, and it is rather strange that he should have been said to have done so.
Life of Agis, page 445.—We follow these, though born their rightful lords, said by the herdsmen of their flocks, is a fragment conjectured to belong to the lost play of the Herdsmen, in which, apparently, the death of Protesilaus by the hand of Hector was the great event, the chorus being a company of herdsmen. It is No. 447 in Dindorf's fragments.
Page 453.—In the phrase fifteen companies, some of four hundred, some of two, the word companies is properly messes, or dining-companies, phiditia, which, as described in the life of Lycurgus, consisted each of fifteen. There would seem to be some corruption in the text. A fragment of Diodorus gives a verse of an oracular warning to Lycurgus, Love of wealth, and that only, shall be the ruin of Sparta; which is probably referred to in the passage below about "the oracles in old time." Cassandra, the daughter of Priam, was worshipped in Laconia under the name of Alexandra; there were temples dedicated to her in Amyclæ and Leuctra. Cicero, in his dialogues on Divination (I., 43), mentions the custom observed by the Lacedæmonian magistrates of sleeping, for the object of having dreams, in the temple of Pasiphae, in a country spot, near the city. But Thalamæ, named in this passage as the seat of the temple, is at some distance, on the coast, near the Messenian frontier; and here, on the way from Œtylus to Thalamæ, Pausanias says, stood a temple and an oracle of Ino or Paphia, pretty certainly a misreading for Pasiphae, in which inquiry was made after the manner described by Cicero. "People consult it," he says, "by sleeping; and of what they desire to know, the goddess sends them dreams." An Ephor has a dream in the temple of Pasiphae, in the Life of Cleomenes, below, page 473.
Page 464.—Of this execution-chamber, the Dechas, as it is called, or Dekhas, there appears to be no mention found elsewhere. The Ceadas, or Keadas, the pit in the rocks, into which the bodies of malefactors were thrown, out of which Aristomenes, the Messenian hero, made his escape, is well known, but cannot very well have any thing to do with it.
Life of Cleomenes, page 468.—Sphærus the Borysthenite came from the distant Greek colony of Borysthenis, or Olbia, on the north coast of the Black Sea, having the former name from the neighboring and larger river, the Dnieper, the ancient Borysthenes, but more correctly called Olbia (Wealthy), and actually situated on the Hypanis, the present Boug, not far from the Russian arsenal of Nicholaieff. Olbia was visited by Herodotus, and still flourished in the days of Plutarch. It seems to have been a sort of Greek Odessa. Zeno the Citiean, of Citium in Cyprus, is Zeno the founder of the Stoic philosophy. Sphærus was a philosopher of considerable reputation; in the list of his works given by Diogenes Laertius, there is a book On the Spartan Polity, and another On Lycurgus and Socrates.
Page 475.—A reverence still attends on fear. This is the end of a fragment quoted in Plato's Euthyphro, and said by the scholiast on the passage there to be taken from the Cypria or Cyprian Epics, attributed to the poet Stasinus, at one time thought to be Homer's. The Cypria contained the whole tale of Troy antecedent to the Iliad, as the Little Iliad, the Æthiopid, the Sack of Ilium, and other epic pieces, did the sequel. The two lines which Socrates uses to Euthyphro in the Dialogue are: "But Zeus who did it, and was the sower of it all, you are not willing to name; for where fear is, there also is reverence," or shame. Feared shall you be, dear father, and revered, are the words with which Helen when she comes to the walls of the city in the third Iliad returns Priam's salutation and inquiry as to the names of the Greek warriors, whom they see: "I approach you with shame, dear father-in-law, and with trembling. Would that an evil death had met me on the way when I came hither with your son, leaving my marriage chamber and friends, my little daughter, and pleasant companions!. . . But this of whom you ask me is the son of Atreus, Agamemnon with large dominions, brother-in-law, if indeed I may say so, of me the dishonored," (Iliad, III., 172). In silence fearing those that bore the sway is from the description of the steady advance of the Greek line of battle in the fourth Iliad (431). The word translated reverence (aidōs) is the same which in other places is shame, or modesty (more generally the fear of doing what is disgraceful than the shame at having done it), but it is continually and perhaps most properly used for the feeling of respect for persons and fear of behaving amiss to our betters. Diomede, out of aidōs or respect, would not answer Agamemnon's rebuke to him. I felt aidōs to do so in their presence, I could not for aidōs refuse or contradict him, are current expressions. The distinction between courage or bravery, and a mere absence of fear or being afraid of nothing, is enforced by Aristotle. Some things every one ought to be afraid of. And hence we come, with Plato, to perceive that courage is only another form of knowledge of the truth, knowing what is truly to be feared and avoided, and what is so only in appearance. The Virtues, he said, were all Knowledges.
Page 479.—The wine more plentiful is perhaps incorrect; it is more exactly, the wine less ascetic (literally more humane, more philanthrōpon), and he means, in quality, not in quantity. The passage, which he followed in Phylarchus the admiring historian of Cleomenes, is quoted in Athenæus, "When he had company, the wine was a little better." It is part of a long extract about Cleomenes and his habits. (Athenæus, p. 142.)
Page 481.—Even to the women's apartments is an allusion to what is told in the Life of Aratus of the conduct of Philip, the young king of Macedon, to the wife of Aratus's son.
Page 485.—Tritymallus the Messenian is in the Life of Aratus called Tripylus.
Page 489.—Rhœteum and Helicus are unknown. Possibly the right names are Zœtium and Helisson, which are Arcadian towns in Pausanias.
Page 491.—Polybius, in his second book, is Plutarch's authority for much of the history; the passage referred to here is II., 64, 2.
Page 493.—The baker was wanted first, and the pilot after, is literally in the Greek the kneader comes before the look-out man, or kneading before acting as look-out man, which seems too poor a saying to be the right one. By no very violent alteration it might be brought to the sense, they must knead before they baked (artopteusai for prorateusai, a conjecture of Hermann's). The copyist had been misled by the mention of the ships just before, and changed the word into one that seemed to suit them. But there are several other conjectures.
Page 503.—Cleomenes's body should be flayed and hung up. Flayed is not the correct term; it was one way of insulting a dead body to sew it into the skin of a brute animal and hang it up. Thus a case is quoted from Polybius where a man first has his extremities cut off, then is beheaded, and his trunk then stitched into an ass's skin and hung on a cross. The strange theory of dead oxen generating bees, dead horses wasps, and dead men snakes, seems to have been very prevalent. Ovid, in the last book of the Metamorphoses, mentions all the three supposed phenomena (XV., 365, 368, 379). Virgil has made the first well known by the story of Aristaeus and his bees in the fourth Georgic, and Pliny speaks of the third as a received tradition (Hist. Nat., X., 66).
Life of Tiberius Gracchus, page 506.—The story of the two snakes is told by Cicero (de Divinatione I., 18, II., 29), who says it was left on record by Caius Gracchus in a letter written to Marcus Pomponius.
Page 510.—Fannius is quoted by Cicero as the author of a history, in which the times of the Gracchi were included. He was the son-in-law of Lælius, and is one of the speakers in Cicero's dialogue, de Amicitia.
Page 513.—The friends and reasoners who urged on Tiberius. The original word for reasoners is sophistæ; perhaps it would be better to translate it friends and philosophical teachers, or teachers of philosophy and rhetoric. Diophanes and Blossius are meant, who are described in the following page. The workhouses full of foreign born slaves are what the Romans called their ergastula. The Latin word Sapiens has, he says, p. 514, the two meanings of Wise and of Prudent; the two original words for which are sophos and phronimos, famous in Greek philosophy, sophia and phronesis being the two forms of intellectual virtue or excellence, sophia, the knowledge of the truth as it is, phronesis, the knowledge of its practical application. What the sophos sees by the light of reason, the phronimos converts into immediate precepts for action; sophos is the epithet of the philosopher, phronimos of the statesman; the first and supreme principles of morality are discerned by the sophos, the rules of life and conduct are supplied by the phronimos. No two English words exactly express a distinction which is scarcely recognized in English modes of thought. Wisdom is with us rather the practical habit, phronesis than sophia; yet speculative is a term which it is a disparagement to apply to sophia, the perceptions of which are of an absolute certainty: the word science would do better, as implying this, but the range of scientific knowledge must be extended (to make it commensurate with the claims of Greek intellect) to include subjects to which, in modern use, such an expression would never be applied. What geometry is to magnitudes, such is another, not less exact science to the highest phenomena of the world and of human nature, and in the knowledge of this consists the proper exercise of sophia.
Page 517.—The words in revellings and bacchic play are from the Bacchæ of Euripides (317). Tiresias, defending the bacchic rites to Pentheus, who forbids them, says that
Even in revellings and bacchic play,
She that is modest, modest still will stay.
There is a story told of a banquet in Sicily where Dionysius bade all the company get up, each one in his turn, put on a purple gown, and perform a dance: Plato declined, quoting the words of Pentheus (Bacchæ, 835), "I cannot go into a woman's robes;" Aristippus complied, and quoted Tiresias, in the same play, as above.
Page 526.—Flavius should, in accordance with Roman usage, be Fulvius.
Page 528.—This punishment, by which Caius Villius was cruelly murdered, is that usually said to have been reserved for parricides, except that the tun, as Plutarch calls it, should be a sack. The parricide was sewn up in a leather sack (insutus in culeum) with a dog, an ape, a viper, and a cock, and thrown into the sea. Thus Juvenal, VIII., 214,
Cujus supplicio non debuit una parari
Simia, nec serpens unus, nee culeus unus.
Page 529.—The story of Blossius is told by Cicero in the dialogue on Friendship (de Amicitia, 11). The verse out of Homer in the following page is from the first book of the Odyssey (47). Minerva says so to Jupiter, who has spoken of Orestes killing Ægisthus; he has died the death he deserved; "so perish any one else that does as he has been doing."
Life of Caius Gracchus, page 532.—Cicero relates the story of Caius's dream in the dialogue on Divination I., 26: "quam vellet, cunctaretur; tamen eodem sibi leto quo ipse interisset, esse pereundum." Caius had the dream when he was a candidate for the quæstorship, and had related it, some time before he was elected tribune, to many persons, and amongst others to Cælius the historian, from whom Cicero took the statement.
Page 539.—This Caius Fannius is not Lælius's son-in-law, who is quoted in the Life of Tiberius, but a different person, Caius Fannius Strabo.
Page 549.—The grove consecrated to the Furies is probably the grove of Furina, lucus Furinæ, a goddess whom Cicero (de Natura Deorum, III., 8) connects with the Greek Eumenides or Erinnyes, so that it would not be absolutely a mistake in Plutarch; and Aurelius Victor expressly says, by the help of his friend Pomponius, who turned to withstand the pursuers at the gate Trigemina, and of Publius Lætorius, who did so on the Sublician bridge, he reached the lucus Furina. This obscure divinity, whether a Fury or a patron goddess of theft, nevertheless had had a high priest of her own, a flamen Furinalis, and a yearly festival, the Furinalia, facts in the time of Cicero and Varro scarcely known to a few antiquarians. The passages showing the route taken by Caius in his flight are of some interest in the topography of Rome, as they appear to prove that the Old Bridge, the Sublician, was outside the walls.
Page 554.—The ordinary small legislation about petty cases of theft and breach of contract and the like is compared by Plato in the Republic (IV., p. 426) to cutting the Hydra (quid leges sine moribus Vanæ proficiunt?) a fundamental change of principle is needed in the training, education, and discipline of mankind; in a commonwealth where this exists all minor observances will follow as a matter of course, and where it does not, these complex regulations are worse than useless.
Volume 5
[edit]APPENDIX.
The translations in this volume were made as follows:—
Demosthenes, by a writer unnamed.
Cicero, by Thomas Fuller, D. D.
Demetrius, by John Nalson, LL. D.
Antony, by Charles Fraser, M. D.
Dion, by Robert Uvedale, LL. D.
Brutus, by R. Duke, Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge (the translator of the Life of Theseus).
Aratus, by John Bateman, M. D.
Artaxerxes, by Mr. Oakly.
Galba, by Andrew Taylor, Fellow of King's College, Cambridge.
Otho, by Samuel Garth, M. D. (the author of the Dispensary, the "well-natured Garth," gratefully remembered by Pope; a short account of whom is given in Johnson's Lives of the Poets).
A few additional notes are subjoined.
Life of Demosthenes, page 3.—Cæcilius, who was so bold as to write a comparison of Demosthenes and Cicero, was a Greek rhetorician of Cale Acte, in Sicily, who lived in the time of Augustus, and whose books were much studied in the succeeding period. He and Dionysius of Halicarnassus are mentioned together. Suidas says his parents were slaves, his name, until he obtained the Roman citizenship, Archagathus, and that in religious opinions he was a Jew.
Page 6.—"From the Persian war to the Peloponnesian, the Lacedæmonians and Athenians were continually engaged, one way or another, in military operations, and thus became," says Thucydides, "thoroughly well prepared and thoroughly expert in war, getting their training with real danger" (I., 18); their lessons being taken at the peril of their lives if they failed, their military exercises performed not on parade, but in battle.
Page 13.—He was no easy or good-natured man is from Iliad 20, 467,—said of Achilles. Tros, the son of Alastor, took hold of his knees and besought his mercy, little knowing that it was useless, since he was no easy or good-natured man.
Page 14.—The oration for the Immunities is that commonly called the oration against Leptines.
Page 18.—War can't be fed at so much a day is a saying quoted in three other places by Plutarch,—once in the Life of Cleomenes, once in that of Crassus, and once in the miscellaneous works,—and in all these passages it is ascribed to king Archidamus, who commanded the Spartans in the first campaigns of the Peloponnesian war, and whose language, as reported by Thucydides, has something of this purport.
Page 27.—Will you not hear the cup-bearer? is explained by the custom of drinking parties, that each guest as he took the cup in his hand should sing some verses. The cup in a man's hand was the signal for all to listen to him. Dacier cites this as the remark of M. Lefevre, Tannéguy Lefevre, his teacher and the father of Madame Dacier, known in the Latin of commentators as Tanaquillus Faber.
Page 34.—He had encouraged Perdiccas to fall upon Macedonia. I believe it has been more commonly said, as in the note to the text, that the mistaken statement is this, and that it was not Perdiccas, but Antigonus, to whom Demades had written. But Mr. Grote in his history takes this for the correct, and the passage in the life of Phocion for the incorrect account; during Demades's lifetime, Perdiccas, not Antigonus, had been formidable to Macedonia.
Life of Cicero, page 36.—The third of the new Calends, the day on which now the magistrates pray and sacrifice for the Emperor, was, in imperial times, a well-known anniversary, known by the name of Vota. Capitolinus, in a passage of his life of Pertinax, quoted by Dacier, speaks of a thing happening ante diem tertium Nonarum, Votis ipsis; and in Facciolati a passage from Vopiscus is added, to the effect that the emperor Tacitus built a chapel for the worship of the good emperors, in which libations should be made on his own birthday, on the feast of Parilia, on the Calends of January, and on the Vota. The passage from Plato about the true, scholarlike, and philosophical temper is from the Republic, p. 475.
Page 39. — Apollonius was not the son of Molon, but Molon or Molo merely his own surname. Greek and Scholar, terms of reproach, are noticeable. Greek is in the original not Hellen, the proper national name, but Graikos, the Roman Grœcus, a name never used of themselves by those whom we, after the Roman usage, call Greeks. Scholar is scholasticos, the learned fool or pedant of the late Greek witticisms.
Page 40.—Cicero 'tells us himself, in his speech pro Plancio. Much had been said in praise of various good deeds done in the country by Laterensis, Plancius's opponent. "Very likely," says Cicero, "but at Rome so much is done, that one hardly knows what occurs in the provinces. I may be forgiven for speaking of my own quaestorship;" and he proceeds to mention the honors paid to him in Sicily. "I had done a good deal, and, I confess it frankly, I came away in the belief that all the talk at Rome was of nothing but my quaestorship. On my way home I visited Puteoli, where the best company is usually to be found, and here I was, I may say, struck to the earth when a friend accosted me with the inquiry, When I had left Rome, and what was the news? On my replying that I had just quitted my province, 'Oh, yes,' said he, 'Africa, I believe.' I began to be really offended, and said, a little scornfully, 'Sicily,' when one who stood by interposed, with the air of knowing every thing, 'Don't you know, he was quæstor at Syracuse?'"
Page 55.—As Cicero himself says,—not, it is said, in any of his extant writings.
Page 57.—They did live. "Vixerunt."
Page 60.—The remark in disparagement of Demosthenes is not to be found in any one of his letters now remaining; but it is mentioned, says Coray, by Quintilian.
Page 64.—He reared a race against Apollo's will is evidently a verse from a play on the subject of Œdipus; but nothing more is known of it.
Page 65.—Quadrantia in correct Latin is Quadrantaria.
Page 73.—The Greek texts continually vary in these names, Cæcilius and Cælius. But whether Plutarch wrote it so or not, Cælius undoubtedly is the person, for we have Cicero's letter to him, in which he gives this answer (Epist. ad Diversos II., 11).
Page 74.—The passage describing what he writes in his epistles is a sort of summary of what we read in the seventh, eighth, and ninth books of the letters to Atticus; the last phrase is directly from VII., 7, "Ego vero quem fugiam habeo, quem sequar, non habeo."
Page 75.—What a thing it is to have a Greek in command is a scoff of course at the rhetorical gifts of the Greek, who could put a good color upon any disaster. The point of the answer at the end of the paragraph (p. 76) may perhaps be, "The first result of this expedient, this trick, or stratagem, as the Greek is, of circulating idle predictions, has been the loss of our camp."
Page 77.—The speech pro Quinto Ligario ad Cæsarem is extant; the passage about the battle of Pharsalia is in the third chapter.
Page 78.—The passages in the Odyssey, describing the life of Laertes, are I., 190, XXIV., 226.
Page 80. — Amnesteia, the Greek original of amnesty, literally, an act of oblivion, a not-remembering, seems to have been a term first made for the occasion when Thrasybulus came back to Athens and the old democratic government was restored, after the expulsion of the thirty tyrants. Cicero expressly adduced the Athenian example, and suggested the Greek word. "Jeci fundamenta pacis, Atheniensiumque renovavi vetus exemplum; Græcum etiam verbum usurpavi, quo tum in sedandis discordiis erat usa civitas ilia, etc." Philippic, I., 1, quoted in Mr. Long's note.
Page 82.—The dream is described both by Suetonius and Dion Cassius, but is said by them to have been had by Catulus. Cicero, they say, dreamed he saw Jupiter letting down a youth (whom he afterwards, as in the other dream, recognized in Octavius) by golden chains from heaven, and putting into his hands a scourge.
Comparison, page 91.—The verse Soldier full-armed, terrific to the foe is a fragment of one of Æschylus's elegies. Plutarch quotes it in three other places, in the minor works. It is No. 464 in Hermann's edition.
Demetrius, page 96.—For the words of Plato, that great natures produce great vices as well as great virtues, Coray refers to a passage in the Crito, "Would to heaven they were capable of accomplishing the greatest evils, as in this case, they might be capable of the greatest good!" (p. 44). But perhaps he alludes rather to the descriptions in the Republic, of the temptations and perils to which the best natures, the true philosophical, wisdom-loving minds are exposed—from these come, when perverted and corrupted, those who do the greatest mischiefs to states alike, and individuals: as also those that do the greatest benefits, if haply they take this direction, (de Republica, VI., ch. 8, p. 495).
Page 99.—For the theory of Empedocles as to the elements of the world, compare Horace's phrase of the rerum discordia concors. Two verses, still remaining among the fragments of Empedocles, express this doctrine of attractions and repulsions.
"All things at one time in liking collect and combine into one thing.
All things again at another, divide and are severed in quarrel."
Page 106.—Adding flame to fire, Aristophanes, Equites, 382.
Page 107.—The show of hospitable entertainment with which Ceres and Bacchus are received, when they were supposed to enter the city in procession in the times of their festivals. Philippides was a comic writer of great distinction. He is one of the six whom the grammarians selected as the standards of the third, or, as it is called, the New, Attic Comedy. The list is as follows: Philemon, Menander, Diphilus, Philippides, Posidippus, Apollodorus.
Page 109.—Natural or not, a man must serve where profit will be got, is from the Phœnissæ, 398.
Page 116.—The picture of Ialysus and his dog was still at Rhodes in Strabo's time, but was taken to Rome and placed, where Pliny saw it, and, no doubt, Plutarch also, in the Temple of Peace, built, after the end of the new civil wars, by Vespasian; and perished when the Temple was burnt in the reign of Commodus.
Page 120.—The description of the mockeries passed upon the other kings, Seleucus, Master of the Elephants, etc., appears to be taken from Phylarchus, the writer whom Plutarch follows in the life of Cleomenes. Athenæus (VI., p. 261) quotes it as from the tenth book of Phylarchus's histories. Lysimachus said he had never before seen a courtezan act a queen's part; the women's parts on the Greek stage were performed by men. This again is quoted by Athenæus (XIV., p. 614), from the sixth book of Phylarchus. Demetrius, sneering at the short and mean names of Lysimachus's courtiers and captains, said his court was like a comedy stage, there was not a single personage with three syllables to his name—contrasting Bithys and Paris, Lysimachus's friends, with his own Peucestes and Menelaus and Oxythemis, sounds worthy of the tragic stage. Lysimachus retorts, that he had never seen a harlot on the tragic stage, and Demetrius rejoins as in the text.
Page 129.—The saying of Plato, that the way to be rich is not to have more property, but fewer desires, is repeated in a variety of forms by both Greek and Roman moralists. Horace proposes (Odes, III. 16, 38) to enlarge his revenues by contracting his desires,—"Contracta melius parva cupidine Vectigalia porrigam." Cicero more than once recommends the affluence of frugality,—"Non intelligunt homines quam magnum vectigal parsimonia." (Paradox. VI. 3.) Epicurus himself is recorded to have bidden his followers increase their incomes by curtailing their wishes, and add to their means by cutting down their wants. But I do not find where it occurs in Plato's extant writings.
Page 132.—The fragment from Æschylus, Thou liftest up, to cast us down again, from an unknown play, quoted also once elsewhere by Plutarch, is No. 312 in Hermann's edition.
Page 141.—For Law, in Pindar's words, the King of all, see Boeckh, Fragmenta Incerta, 151, a famous and much debated passage quoted at greater length in Plato's Gorgias, p. 484, and in the Laws, pp. 690, 890. In Pindar's sense it is Enacted Law, making all things right by its own naturally appointed might. For Minos, the familiar friend of Jupiter, compare the life of Theseus, Vol. I. p. 13. The passage in Homer is in the Odyssey (XIX. 178), the land of Crete in the mid dark sea is beautiful and fat, with water flowing around it, full of people in great hosts, containing ninety cities .... one of which is Gnossus, where Minos reigned nine years, the familiar friend of great Zeus,—and there is a reference also in both places to the comments of Socrates in Plato's Minos (p. 320), where, on the argument of Homer's phrase, Minos is pronounced the best of kings, and the story of the Minotaur and the labyrinth discarded as an Attic stage fable.
Page 144.—What was the play of Sophocles, to which the passage belongs, is unknown. This fragment (No. 713 in Dindorf) is only preserved to us by Plutarch, who quotes a part of it in two other places.
Page 145.—The verses, Humbled to man, are from the beginning of the Bacchæ (4), spoken by Bacchus.
Page 146.—They called Antigonus the blind old man, since, as Plutarch himself records in the beginning of the life of Sertorius, he had lost one eye. There is a story in one of Plutarch's minor works which turns upon his being called a Cyclops.
Life of Antony, page 160. — The passage of Cicero in his Philippics is in the twenty-second chapter of the famous second Philippic;—"Ut Helena Trojanis, sic iste huic reipublicæ causa belli, causa pestis atque exitii fuit."
Page 175.—Antony's reply, Not very large but extremely ruinous, is meant for a jest in the manner which the Greeks called a surprise,—rather a favorite piece of pleasantry with them. Antony begins in the tone of compliment, The building certainly could not be called large, but it was exceedingly—beautiful, he seemed to be going to say, and for this he substitutes rotten or ruinous. The Senate in the next sentence must, I think, be the Senate, or Council, of Delphi.
Page 176.—The City in Sophocles is Thebes in the time of the pestilence, described at the beginning of the Œdipus Tyrannus.
Page 189.—The mischief that thus long had lain still or slept has a metrical run in the Greek, and sounds like a tragic fragment. Plato's restive and rebellious horse is depicted in the Phsedrus about the middle of the dialogue (pp. 254–256).
Pages 190 to 205.—It may add interest to the details of Antony's Parthian campaign to know that they are very likely taken from the narrative of an eye-witness. Strabo (XI. p. 523) tells us, that a history of the campaign was drawn up by Antony's friend and officer, Dellius, who served in it himself, and Plutarch, a little further on, speaks of Dellius as the historical writer, so that it is certain that he knew of his history. This is apparently the same Dellius who before (p. 179) was sent to summon Cleopatra to appear before Antony, and gave her the advice to go to Cilicia in her best attire. He deserted Antony before the battle of Actium, and he is generally identified with the moriture Delli, addressed in the third ode of the second book by Horace as a rich man living at his ease.
Page 224.—Two passages are extant in the comedies of Aristophanes in which Timon is mentioned,—the 1549th line of the Birds, in which Prometheus calls himself a Timon, a sort of god-misanthrope among the deities, and lines 805–820 of the Lysistrata, where his solitary, man-hating life is briefly depicted. Plato, the comic poet, was another contemporary. So also was Phrynichus, a fragment of whom, describing Timon's habits, is preserved by a grammarian. But it seems to have been in the next century by Antiphanes, one of the two great leaders of the second or Middle Attic Comedy (quoted by Plutarch, Vol. V. p. 10, as ridiculing Demosthenes), that Timon was elevated to be the ideal of the misanthrope, and made the vehicle for general invective on mankind. Antiphanes wrote a play called Timon. This passage in Plutarch is the most historical account that we have of Timon, though it is from Lucian's dialogue in the century following Plutarch that the modern representations have been chiefly derived. Some have thought that Lucian probably copied Antiphanes, but this is quite conjectural.
Page 239.—Ahenobarbus, in the second line, is the son of Domitius who deserted before Actium (p. 216), and is the father of Ahenobarbus in the ninth line. The stem, showing the three emperors of Antony's race, is as follows:—
Mark Antony = Octavia, sister of the Emperor Augustus.
Antonia = L. Domitius Ahenobarbus
Antonia = Drusus, brother of the Emperor Tiberius.
Agrippina (I.) daughter of Agrippa nad Julia daughter of Augustus. = Germanicus.
The Emperor Claudius.
Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus = Agrippina (II)
The Emperor Caligula.
Lucius Domitius, the Emperor Nero.
Comparison, page 242.—The quotation from Euripides, the minister of the unpriestly or unhallowed Mars, is an uncertain fragment, No. cxii. in Matthiæ. A second Taphosiris (tomb of Osiris) is distinguished by Strabo from the more important inland town of the same name, and described as a rocky place on the coast, and a favorite resort for pleasure parties from Alexandria.
Life of Dion, page 245.—Aristotle, in his Rhetoric, takes the verse of Simonides in quite a different sense. The Corinthians, he says, thought Simonides meant it to their disparagement, as if those could have little worth whom their enemies did not think it worth while to complain of.
Thirteen letters professing to be Plato's have come down to us, almost all relating to these more eventful passages of his life, and addressed to Dion, Dion's friends, and Dionysius himself. It is of course highly probable that letters of this description would be fabricated,—it is more probable, perhaps, that any extant compositions of the kind should be fictitious, than that they should be genuine. These which we have are not what we should expect Plato's letters to be, and yet, on the other hand, are not what we should expect to have been written for him. Plutarch quotes the fourth and seventh; and some critics have considered these to be, not Plato's own, but early compositions by some immediate disciples, written in his name, as a defence of his conduct. Mr. Grote appears to treat the whole collection as genuine.
Life of Brutus, pages 325, 326.—Letters of Brutus to Cicero and to Atticus, in which the phrases quoted by Plutarch occur, have come down to us in a series from Cicero to Brutus (Epist. ad Brutum, I. 16, 17). But this whole collection also is regarded with suspicion.
Page 329.—Plutarch discusses the nature of this ravenous or famishing ox-hunger (as the Greek word is), in the Symposiac Questions (VI. 8).
Page 339.—Favonius might very aptly quote the whole passage from Homer:
Ah me, truly great grief to the land of Achaia is coming,
Truly would Priam be glad and all the children of Priam,
And every Trojan else be greatly rejoiced in his spirit,
Should he be told the news of you contending together,
Who are in counsel best of the Danaans, and in the battle.
Be persuaded; you are, both of you, younger than I am.
I have consorted ere this with men much greater than you are — etc.
Page 358.—Punish, great Jove, Euripides, Medea, 332. It has been thought that by the verse which Volumnius says he forgot we may understand two which Dion Cassius gives. "Alas, poor Virtue, you were, it seems, a mere word. I practised you as a reality, but you were the slave of fortune." This, however, was a very well-known commonplace on the subject, and Dion's statement must be considered quite doubtful.
Page 365.—A real likeness, i.e., an iconic statue; compare the first note on the Life of Lysander, Vol. III., p. 104, Appendix.
Life of Aratus, page 367.—The quotation from Pindar is from the eighth Pythian ode, line 44.
Page 381.—A year after, being again elected general. Not one year after, but eight, as we find from Polybius. Plutarch's phrase is a little ambiguous; it is possible that the word eight has slipped out.
Page 411.—The fragment of Simonides is only known by this mention of it. It is probably confined to the words sweet and something excusable.
Life of Artaxerxes, page 451.—The verse from Sophocles is an uncertain fragment, No 57; 714 in Dindorf.
Life of Galba, page 464.—Mauriscus, both really and in reputation one of the best of the city, is probably Julius Mauricus, mentioned with honor both by Tacitus and Pliny. (Tacit. Hist. IV. 40; Agricola, 45; Plin. Ep. IV. 22.) He was exiled under Domitian. He appears (Plin. Ep. I. 5) to have been the brother of Arulenus Rusticus, Plutarch's auditor at Rome, for whom see the Life of Plutarch, Vol. I., p. ix. x.
Page 491.—The line from Hesiod is 366 in the Works and Days.
Life of Otho, page 501.—Mestrius Florus is also mentioned as a consular by Suetonius (Vespasian, 22). Vespasian made a witty retort to him.
The lives of Galba and Otho recall us to that of Plutarch himself. There can be little question that they are his genuine work; any difference in tone may be easily accounted for by difference in subject, and we feel perhaps the effects of his having been studying Tacitus. The visit to Bedriacum may accordingly be added to the brief sum of Plutarch's recorded Italian experiences.
Among the notable people with whom he came into connection should have been mentioned, perhaps, Dio Chrysostom, the eloquent speaker, to whom in the catalogue of his writings he is said to have dedicated one of his minor works, and king Philopappus, so well known by the monument to him remaining on the Museum Hill at Athens; who appears as resident in Athens at the time of one of the scenes in the Symposiac Questions.
There were, apparently, lives of both the Scipios; and the elder perhaps, not the younger (as stated in Vol. I., p. 1), was compared with Epaminondas. The most complete summary of all the notices of Plutarch's life and circumstances to be found both in his own works and elsewhere is in the preface by Westermann to the edition of the Greek text by Bekker, published by Bernhard Tauchnitz. This I had not seen until after the Preface in Vol. I. had been printed.