Arab Spring 2
Arab Spring 2
1. Title
2. Abstract
3. Introduction
4. Literature Review
5. Research Objectives/Questions
6. Hypothesis/Thesis Statement
7. Methodology
8. Data Analysis
9. Results/Findings
10. Discussion
11. Conclusion
12. References/Bibliography
Title:
•The Arab Spring and Its Lasting Impact on Regional Geopolitics: A Case Study of Power Shifts, Alliances, and Conflicts.
Abstract:
This paper discusses the Arab Spring, tracing its causes, triggers, and impact on the geopolitical dynamics of the Middle East and
North Africa (MENA). The uprisings, sparked by socio-political and economic grievances, led to significant shifts in regional power
structures. Internal actors, such as grassroots movements and non-state actors, as well as external powers, including the U.S., Russia,
and regional players like Saudi Arabia and Iran, played major roles in shaping outcomes. The study finds that the Arab Spring
exacerbated fragmentation, sectarianism, and regional rivalries, reshaping alliances and triggering ongoing conflicts. The broader
implications of these shifts include heightened instability and the transformation of regional and global geopolitical alignments.
Introduction:
The political and socio economic landscape of MENA before Arab spring :
Before the eruption of the Arab Spring in late 2010, the Middle East and North Africa were marked by a mixture of authoritarian
governance, consolidated social inequalities, and economic woes. The political systems were characterized by autocratic regimes
consisting of monarchies, military-led governments, and long-serving dictatorships. Leaders like Zine
El Abidine Ben Ali of Tunisia, Hosni Mubarak of Egypt, Muammar Gaddafi of Libya, and Ali Abdullah Saleh of Yemen sustained their
power through repression, patronage networks, and the suppression of dissent. Political pluralism was practically nonexistent, with
opposition parties either banned or heavily restricted. Elections, when held, were often manipulated to ensure the dominance of
ruling elites. The citizens had limited avenues to participate in politics, while demands for reforms were frequently met with state
violence or imprisonment. Socioeconomically, the region faced stark challenges despite its vast natural resources, particularly oil and
gas.
Wealth distribution was highly uneven: whereas oil-exporting Gulf states like Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and the UAE enjoyed immense
prosperity, non-oil economies like Egypt, Tunisia, and Yemen struggled with widespread poverty and unemployment. In many
countries, economic policy favored the ruling elites and their associates, which reinforced inequality. Corruption and nepotism were
extreme, and state institutions often served the interests of those at the top rather than the general population. The demographic
profile of the region further exacerbated socio-economic grievances. Many countries in the region, with a predominantly young and
rapidly growing population, faced high levels of youth unemployment and underemployment. Public services, such as education,
healthcare, and housing, were also quite insufficient for this burgeoning population. Increased living costs, including spikes in food
and fuel prices, put additional strain on ordinary citizens and further deepened economic grievances. Socially, the region was marked
by the spread of discontent and bitterness over systemic injustices and lack of opportunities. Often, these grievances were deeply
compounded along ethnic, religious, and sectarian lines, as was more typical in countries like Iraq, Syria, and Lebanon. Most of the
minority groups faced marginalization and exclusion from political and economic life, fostering resentment and alienation.
The emergence of new technologies for communication, particularly the use of social media, was one factor in shifting the balance in
public discourse in the period before the Arab Spring. Facebook and Twitter gave voice to youth to express frustrations, coordinate
demonstrations, and share with similar individuals across national borders. This sense of a digital awakening has sensitized a new
generation to the realization of systemic injustice and to shared struggle.
By 2010, the combination of authoritarian repression, economic inequality, and social frustration had created a volatile environment
across the MENA region. Outwardly stable, the region was ripe for upheaval. The self-immolation of Mohamed Bouazizi in Tunisia
acted as a catalyst, igniting a wave of uprisings that sought to challenge the entrenched political and socio-economic order, forever
altering the trajectory of the region.
How did the events of the Arab Spring reshape political and geopolitical dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa, and what are
its long-term implications for stability, alliances, and power within the region?
Research objectives:
This paper seeks to investigate the geopolitical shifts in the MENA region, which were
precipitated by the Arab Spring uprisings. This study aims to explore the causes of the uprisings, their impact on regional political
structures, and the shifting dynamics of alliances and power structures that ensued. This understanding is crucial given that the Arab
Spring radically reconfigured the internal politics of the region's countries as well as the wider regional order, and equally affected
both state and non-state actors. The study aims to give insight into how these uprisings reshaped the relationships between regional
powers such as Saudi Arabia, Iran, Turkey, and Qatar and how external interventions by global powers like the United States, Russia,
and the EU further complicated these dynamics. By examining these complex interactions, the research underscores the importance
of understanding the long-term implications of the Arab Spring on regional stability, security, and global geopolitics.
Literature review:
Key Scholarly Perspectives on the Political History of the MENA Region Before the Arab Spring
The political history of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) before the Arab Spring has been the focus of significant scholarly
debate, with experts emphasizing the interplay between authoritarianism, colonial legacies, and socio-economic structures.
Lisa Anderson, along with Eva Bellin, believes that authoritarianism was the defining characteristic of a region, supported by coercive
state apparatuses, patronage networks, and weak civil societies. Bellin's theme of "robustness of authoritarianism" underscores
regimes' reliance on military and security forces to suppress dissent--a phenomenon central to this region's political stagnation.
Similarly, Anderson writes regarding the ways in which ruling elites acquired legitimacy through nationalist rhetoric, subsidies for the
economy, as well as control over mass media.
Others are the works of scholars such as Albert Hourani and Bernard Lewis, tracing the
MENA's roots in modern political systems to colonial and post-colonial structures. They say borders drawn by the European powers
and centralized government imposed created a weakness and dependency of internal power structures due to external support.
Those legacies they argue entrench authoritarianism and hamper political development.
Islamist movements are also central to the analysis of political history in the region. Researchers such as Olivier Roy and Gilles Kepel
analyze how political Islam was a response to state repression and the failure of secular ideologies. These movements, though often
repressed, became popular because they addressed socio-economic grievances that ruling regimes failed to address.
Lastly, scholars like Charles Tripp note the elements of economic mismanagement, corruption, and inequality that had been building
and feeding people's discontent. According to his argument, the survival of political elites had trumped efforts at dealing with
systemic challenges, creating a crisis of governance that was leading to the Arab Spring.
These perspectives collectively underscore how authoritarianism, colonial legacies, and socio-economic inequalities have shaped the
MENA region's political landscape, setting the stage for the widespread unrest that erupted during the Arab Spring.
2) Geopolitical theory:
Literature Review: Analyzing Regional Power Dynamics and Its Application to MENA Countries
Traditionally, regional power dynamics studies involve the use of realist, constructivist, and regionalist theories. These scholars
include Kenneth Waltz, who argues that power is distributed along material capabilities such as military and economic resources.
This kind of perspective often helps explain rivalries and alliances in geopolitics. In contrast, constructivist scholars like Alexander
Wendt emphasize ideational factors, such as identity, ideology, and perceptions, as the drivers of state behavior. Regionalism theory,
developed by scholars like Barry Buzan and Ole Wæver, focuses on the interplay of security complexes, where neighboring states
form patterns of amity and enmity shaped by geographical and cultural proximity. Applying these frameworks to the Middle East and
North Africa (MENA) suggests a complex web of regional power dynamics driven by material, ideological, and historical factors.
A realist perspective explains how regional powers like Saudi Arabia, Iran, and Turkey compete intensely with each other for
dominance through military build-ups, alliances, and proxy conflicts. For instance, Saudi-Iran rivalry is based on the dual factors of
power rivalry and religious sectarianism; both countries are exerting influence through proxies in Syria, Yemen, and Lebanon.
Constructivism emphasizes the role of identity and ideology in the structuring of MENA geopolitics. The Sunni Saudi-Iran rivalry, for
example, is not only a power play but an ideological and religious narrative that is deeply entrenched. In the same vein, the neo-
Ottoman ambition under Recep Tayyip Erdoğan is framed by Turkey's identity
as a historical and cultural leader in the Muslim world. This aspect can be seen in the fragmented character of MENA's security
dynamics; thus, intra-regional conflicts have sometimes been subject to manipulation from great powers, especially the U.S. and
Russia. In this regard, the Arab-Israeli conflict, the Gulf Cooperation Council disputes, and external interventionalism are some
examples that reflect overlapping security concerns and competitive alliances.
These frameworks collectively present an understanding of how MENA's regional power dynamics have historically been contested
and remain pivotal to its geopolitics today.
Summary of Existing Research on the Arab Spring: Causes, Events, and Outcomes
Research on the Arab Spring indicates a combination of socio-political, economic, and technological factors as key causes of the
uprisings. Scholars point to authoritarianism, political repression, corruption, and the lack of democratic freedoms as central triggers.
Economic grievances, including high unemployment, income inequality, and rising food prices, have exacerbated public frustration,
particularly among the region's youth. The demographic factor, having a youth-dominated population and the widespread use of
social media, facilitated easy mobilization and the dissemination of struggles across borders. The Arab Spring began in Tunisia in
December 2010 with the self-immolation of Mohamed Bouazizi, sparking nationwide protests leading to the ousting of President
Zine El Abidine Ben Ali.
Inspired by Tunisia, similar uprisings spread to Egypt, Libya, Yemen, Syria, and Bahrain, and each took a different turn. In Egypt,
protests culminated in the resignation of President Hosni Mubarak, while in Libya and Yemen, the uprising led to civil wars.
Muammar Gaddafi and Ali Abdullah Saleh died in the process, respectively. Syria had the worst outcome, where peaceful protests
turned into a protracted and complicated civil war. The outcomes of the Arab Spring have been mixed. While Tunisia transitioned to a
fragile democracy, most other states either reverted to authoritarianism or descended into protracted conflicts. The uprisings also
destabilized regional geopolitics, amplifying rivalries, sectarian tensions, and external interventions, leaving an enduring and
contested legacy in the Middle East and North Africa.
Turkey's role is looked into as a combination of pragmatism and ideological ambition. In the case of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Turkey
initially supported pro-democracy movements, particularly Islamist factions, similar to groups such as the Muslim Brotherhood in
Egypt. For instance, Henri Barkey argues that Turkey's interventions, such as those in Syria and Libya, are part of its pursuit of neo-
Ottoman aspirations, where it aims to lead the Muslim world.
Kristian Coates Ulrichsen analyzes how Qatar emerged as a powerful but contentious actor that used its wealth and media clout,
such as through Al Jazeera, to support revolutionary movements and Islamist parties. These works collectively illustrate how regional
states structured post-Arab Spring geopolitics in the context of competition, proxy wars, and strategic partnerships, thus further
breaking up the region and ensuring its instability.
Research gaps:
While much has been written about the role of social media in mobilizing protests during the Arab Spring, little attention has been
paid to its long-term implications for governance, political discourse, and propaganda. For example, how authoritarian regimes
adapted to and weaponized social media to counter opposition and spread misinformation is an emerging field of study.
Finally, the intersection of climate change, resource scarcity, and their exacerbation of social unrest in the post-Arab Spring era has
not been addressed adequately, although these are relevant to the region's ongoing instability.
Research questions:
_What are the causes and dynamics of Arab spring?
_Is Arab spring is the cause of regional alliances and rivalries including proxy wars and sectarian conflicts?
_The rise of non state actors and their role in the power dynamics of the MENA region influence regional security.how?
_What's the role of social media in shaping outcomes of Arab spring?
_What are the long term effects of Arab spring?
Thesis statement:
"The Arab Spring profoundly changed the political and geopolitical structure of the Middle East and North Africa, pulling down
regimes, intensifying regional rivalries, and altering alliances. This research considers what triggered the uprisings, what key actors
played in them, and how they have permanently impacted the stability of the region, democratization, and the broader global
order."
This thesis is important as it looks into the profound and enduring changes the Arab Spring brought about in MENA's political order.
The research paper will support this by analyzing the root causes of the uprisings, examining the involvement of regional and global
actors, and assessing its impact on political stability, democratization, and global geopolitics.
Methodology :
Data analysis:
The Arab Spring triggered great regional power shifts, particularly in Egypt, Libya, Syria, and Yemen, reshaping their political systems
and bringing about changes in both domestic and international alliances.
In Egypt, President Hosni Mubarak's ousting in 2011 brought political uncertainty. At first, the uprising raised hopes for
democratization, but the military, which wielded considerable power, moved quickly to reassert its control. The rise of Mohamed
Morsi and the Muslim Brotherhood led to a military coup in 2013, bringing Abdel Fattah el-Sisi to power and restoring authoritarian
rule. Regionally, Egypt's role changed from being one of the key U.S. allies to a more independent actor, while its relations with Gulf
states, particularly Saudi Arabia, became stronger.
Libya's regime under Muammar Gaddafi collapsed into civil war after NATO-backed rebels overthrew him. A power vacuum ensued,
which allowed multiple factions to vie for control, leading to a fragmented state. Rival governments emerged in Tripoli and Tobruk,
backed by competing international actors, such as the UAE, Egypt, and Qatar. Libya became a focal point for regional proxy conflicts,
further destabilizing North Africa.
Initially peaceful protests turned into a brutal civil war in Syria as President Bashar al-Assad resorted to violent suppression. Regional
powers such as Iran and Hezbollah supported Assad, whereas Sunni Arab states and Turkey supported different opposition groups,
and thus the war continued for an extended period of time and transformed Syria into a battleground for regional influence.
The Arab Spring that toppled President Ali Abdullah Saleh in Yemen has been followed by a descent into civil war. Saudi Arabia
formed a coalition to support the government against Houthi rebels backed by Iran, deepening regional rivalries.
These changes in political systems and alliances have had long-term effects, feeding the instability and ongoing conflict across the
region.
2) Role of key regional actors:
Saudi Arabia, Iran, Turkey, and Qatar played pivotal roles in shaping the post-Arab Spring political landscape, each pursuing strategic
goals to enhance their influence in the region.
Saudi Arabia,focused on maintaining regional stability and countering the rise of political Islam, particularly the Muslim
Brotherhood. It supported military coups, such as in Egypt, and intervened in Yemen to combat Houthi rebels, backed by Iran. Riyadh
also led a coalition in the Syrian conflict to limit Iranian and Shiite influence. Saudi Arabia’s alliances with Egypt and the UAE
strengthened its influence across the Arab world.
Iran, on the other hand, capitalized on the Arab Spring to expand its regional influence. It supported the Assad regime in Syria,
deepening its involvement in Lebanon through Hezbollah, and aligned with Shiite factions in Iraq and Yemen. Iran's strategic goal was
to create a "Shia Crescent," linking Tehran to Damascus, Baghdad, and Beirut, challenging Saudi dominance in the region.
Turkey, under Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, initially supported the Arab Spring uprisings, particularly backing Islamist movements in Egypt
and Tunisia. However, as the region descended into instability, Turkey shifted its focus to expanding its influence in Syria, where it
supported opposition groups. Turkey's strategic goals also included reviving its historical ties and positioning itself as a leader in the
Muslim world.
Qatar, used its wealth and media power, particularly through Al Jazeera, to support uprisings and Islamist groups, aiming to shape
regional narratives and align with factions that advanced its interests, including in Libya and Syria.
These actors' differing strategic goals led to complex alliances and rivalries that continue to shape the region’s geopolitical dynamics.
The region's geopolitics is shaped by the rise of the non-state actors in the shape of militias, extremist groups, and civil society
organizations sprouting post-Arab Spring.
Libyan and Syrian militias filled the emerging vacuum as proxies for regional powerhouses such as Saudi Arabia, Iran, and Turkey. On
their own, these militias contributed much more to an enhanced fragmentation of these states than renewal of local conflict on the
path toward making reconciliation and consolidation very arduous undertakings. With Libya, each side in control of parts of that
country sustained what made all peace and restoration efforts arduous.
Most palpable expression of regional security resulted from the emergence of violent extremist movements with ISIS, by far, most
high-profile amongst these. By exploiting weaknesses at the state level, it has formed a mythical "caliphate" across Iraq and Syria,
fuelling more severe sectarianism and importing international fighters worldwide. Their barbaric modes of warfare and territorial
objectives brought these powers to this region as U.S., Russia, and Iran also according to their vested interests complicated regional
scenarios even further.
Some states saw civil society organizations working behind the scenes, calling for democratic reforms and human rights. Their
contributions, however, were constantly undermined by authoritarian regimes and other armed groups dominating the political
scenes. These non-state actors not only influence conflicts but also change the geopolitics of the regions by challenging state
sovereignty and the traditional power structures.
The post-Arab Spring order is essentially made up of external powers, especially the United States, Russia, the European Union, and
China, where the strategic objectives of these powers in the MENA region are quite different.
The United States promoted democracy in Tunisia and then in Egypt but later focused on its interest in counterterrorism stability
in Libya and Syria, in particular. U.S. interventions, such as its own in Libya in this sense, created unintended chaos and sustainable
instability. The United States was also interested in containing Iranian influence, for example, by allying with Saudi Arabia and other
Gulf states.
Russia was able to capitalize on the Arab Spring by consolidating its presence in the region, mainly through Syria. The support of
Bashar al-Assad by Russia has been instrumental in its place among the key players in the geopolitics of the Middle East, where
military intervention has been used to counterbalance the West and safeguard its naval base at Tartus. The support also lined up
Russia with Iran and Hezbollah.
High level, the European Union concerned itself with humanitarian aspects of revolutions- especially within Syria and Libya- and
stability and democratic reforms. However, on the part of the European Union, efforts were often fragmented: there was a
disagreement among its member states concerning the approach to migration and interventions.
While China was less directly involved in political crises, it had a deeper influence in the region through economic leverage,
particularly in investment and trade, thereby solidifying its position in the Middle East as part of the broader Belt and Road Initiative.
These external interventions and strategies have profoundly influenced the balance of power in the region and, therefore,
complicated the already fragile order created by the post-
Arab Spring.
Results:
The Arab Spring also saw several major geopolitical shuffles in the Middle East and North Africa, mostly the division of countries and
formation of new alliances.
One of the biggest regional and international conflicts that emerged was the Syrian crisis, as the crackdown by the Assad regime
on protests turned into a brutal civil war. This has led to a long-protracted proxy war, with regional actors such as Iran, Saudi Arabia,
and Turkey, besides global powers like Russia and the United States, being a party in this war. The ongoing war further dug into
sectarian divisions and fueled mass displacement that has troubled regional security balances.
In Libya,the fall of Muammar Gaddafi's regime created a power vacuum, with two governments claiming authority: one in the
capital city of Tripoli and the other in the eastern city of Tobruk. In this absence of a central authority, the environment became
unstable, and external powers, including Egypt, the UAE, and Qatar, preferred different factions and further consolidated the division
of the country.
Other new alignments started to take shape. Saudi Arabia and the UAE, having common security interests, intensified their relations,
especially in Yemen and Libya. The Iranian reach extended into Iraq, Syria, and Lebanon, bringing that country closer to Hezbollah
and other militias under the Shiism umbrella. Turkey aligned with the Islamist parties, Muslim Brotherhood, and wanted to play a
greater role in the region. It zeroed in on Syria and Libya.
These transformations rewrote regional power dynamics, polarizing and destabilizing the balance of forces within the MENA region.
The long-term implications of the Arab Spring have profoundly transformed the Middle East's geopolitical landscape, characterized
by proxy wars, increased sectarianism, and heightened strategic competition among regional powers.
Proxy Wars became a defining feature of post-Arab Spring geopolitics. As countries like Syria, Libya, and Yemen descended into
conflict, regional powers intervened, supporting opposing factions to safeguard their interests. Iran increased its influence in Syria
and Iraq by supporting the Assad regime and the Shiite militias. Saudi Arabia and the UAE supported different rebel groups. The
proxy wars were also extended to the external powers like the U.S., Russia, and Turkey.
Sectarianism intensified as the Sunni-Shia divide was becoming more pronounced. Saudi Arabia and Iran defined their rivalry through
sectarian lines, which manifested in Yemen, Bahrain, and Syria. Such sectarian divisions worsened the conflict, contributing to a
regional order where religious identity is as important as political allegiance, further polarizing communities and states.
The Strategic competition between regional powers, such as Saudi Arabia, Iran, Turkey, and Qatar, has deepened. These
countries, driven by security, ideological, and economic concerns, have used military interventions, alliances, and diplomacy to assert
dominance in various regional conflicts. This competition has fractured the Middle East, leading to shifting alliances and a more
fragmented geopolitical environment, with stability increasingly elusive in many areas.
3- Lesson learned:
The Arab Spring has many important lessons regarding regional politics and the complex interactions between internal uprisings and
external geopolitical forces.
First, "Internal uprisings quickly can escalate into protracted conflicts " when state institutions are weak or absent. Even though the
Arab Spring promised democratic transitions, it instead created power vacuums due to the weakness of institutions, which were
rapidly filled by both domestic factions and powers outside.
External intervention also played a significant role in uprisings and how the situations have been shaped. Be it in terms of military,
economic, or political intervention, external actors generally tended to fuel the conflicts. As seen in Syria, both Russia and Iran, along
with the U.S. and its allies, prolonged the civil war, as well as complicated resolution, with regional stability being far from
guaranteed. External powers are interested in their own strategic priorities more than peace, further complicating regional stability.
Third, sectarianism and identity politics were far more significant in shaping post-Arab Spring conflicts than anticipated. Regional
powers increasingly contextualized conflicts in terms of sectarian identity, thereby reinforcing already-existing cleavages but
particularly between Sunni and Shia.
Lastly, the "fragility of post-uprising states" underlined the necessity for institution-building in the long term. The short-term
solution and interventions were insufficient; sustainable peace requires resilient political institutions and inclusive governance, a
lesson crucial for future transitions in the region.
Discussion:
1) Comparative analysis:
The outcome of the Arab Spring has differed widely in each country - Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Syria, and Yemen - with varying internal
and external causes.
Tunisia is often referred to as the success story of the Arab Spring. The relatively stable democratization process was the result of a
combination of factors, including a strong civil society, a relatively unified opposition, and effective mediation by local organizations
such as the Tunisian National Dialogue Quartet. It is the political elites who understand that they have to compromise, leading to an
inclusive political system, stability.
In "Egypt" ,initial optimism gave way to a return to authoritarian rule. After the ousting of Hosni Mubarak, the country saw the
rise of Mohamed Morsi and the Muslim Brotherhood, but the military, which had maintained significant power, intervened in 2013,
leading to Abdel Fattah el-Sisi's coup. The military's dominance and the absence of a robust political transition contributed to Egypt's
shift back to authoritarianism.
Libya descended into chaos after the NATO-backed overthrow of Muammar Gaddafi. It lacked central authority, with multiple militias
and factions supported by foreign powers fighting for control, leading to ongoing civil war and fragmentation.
In "Syria" , peaceful protests escalated into a devastating civil war because of President Bashar al-Assad's brutal crackdown and
subsequent foreign interventions by Russia, Iran, and the U.S. The lack of unity among opposition forces and external influence
prolonged the conflict.
"Yemen" , also fell into civil war, with the Arab coalition on the side of the government and Iran supporting Houthi rebels. The
division of the factions is on tribal, sectarian, and political lines. This has led to a humanitarian crisis and no solution at hand.
These opposing examples serve to highlight the factors of effective state institutions, the unification of opposition forces, and the
role of outside actors that determine the course of the Arab Spring.
The involvement of global powers significantly influenced the outcomes of the Arab Spring uprisings and the subsequent
reorganization of regional alliances.
In "Syria" , Russia and Iran’s support for Bashar al-Assad helped preserve his regime, counteracting Western-backed opposition
forces. Russia's military intervention turned the tide of the conflict, ensuring Assad's survival and solidifying Russian influence in the
region,
while Iran expanded its Shiite alliances, notably with Hezbollah and Iraqi militias.
In "Libya" ,NATO's intervention, led by the United States and European powers, helped overthrow Muammar Gaddafi but led to
state collapse and ongoing civil conflict. The lack of post-intervention planning, coupled with competing foreign interests, fueled
fragmentation.
In "Egypt" ,the U.S. initially supported democratic movements but shifted toward backing the military after the 2013 coup,
reflecting its strategic interests in maintaining stability with key allies.
Global powers also shaped regional alliances, with countries like Saudi Arabia and the UAE aligning with Western powers, while Iran’s
influence grew with Russian support.
3) Regional fragmentation:
The Arab Spring triggered deep fragmentation in the MENA region, leading to continued instability and changing regional power
dynamics. Countries like "Libya , Syria and Yemen"were subject to deep political, social, and territorial divisions. In Syria, the civil war
split the state into zones of control with the Assad regime, Kurdish forces, and opposition groups competing for control. The
intervention by other powers such as Russia, Iran, the U.S., and Turkey into the conflict further deepened these divisions, leading to
an extended war without a conclusive end.
Libya , The fall of Muammar Gaddafi created a vacuum with rival militias and competing governments in Tripoli and Tobruk. Foreign
powers like Egypt, the UAE, and Qatar supported different factions that worsened the fragmentation. Libya remains divided with no
central authority able to take control of the whole country.
Yemen also saw fragmentation with the Houthi rebels, backed by Iran, challenging the internationally recognized government,
backed by a Saudi-led coalition. This civil war further deepened sectarian and tribal divides.
This has created fragmentation that now represents a weakened regional order by a country increasingly broken out in sectarian,
tribal, and ideological lines, resulting in fostering a volatile environment to support local conflicts along a cross-cutting interaction
between various broad regional rivalries- underpinning all possible stabilization efforts and poses numerous international
peacekeeping and governance difficulties.
The Arab Spring has significantly deepened sectarian divisions in the MENA region, as the Sunni-Shia rivalry between Saudi Arabia
and Iran has become a central aspect of the region's political landscape. In the beginning, the revolutions were apparently open to
democratization, but as the conflicts unfolded, religious identity became a battle site for
regional powers.
The Syrian civil war morphed into a proxy war, where Iran supported the Alawite-dominated Assad regime that is closely aligned
with Shia Islam, while Saudi Arabia backs the Sunni opposition groups. This made Syria a point of focus in the larger Sunni-Shia fault
line, with both powers competing for further influence.
Similarly, in Yemen ,the ascension of the Houthi rebels, a Zaidi Shia group, prompted Saudi Arabia to intervene militarily in 2015 to
reinstall the Sunni-led government. This intervention was justified as part of a wider campaign to roll back Iranian influence in Yemen
and in the region, using sectarian rhetoric to frame this intervention.
In Bahrain ,protests during the Arab Spring were also couched in sectarian terms, with the Sunni monarchy concerned that a Shia-led
revolution was in the offing, backed by Iran.
The aftermath of the Arab Spring thus deepened sectarianism, as regional powers resorted to religious identity to mobilize domestic
and international support. This rivalry has fed instability, derailed national unity initiatives, and converted local conflicts into broader
sectarian struggles that continue to this day.
Conclusion:
This paper established that the Arab Spring caused drastic changes in regional geopolitics, as was the case with Syria, Libya, and
Yemen, which underwent fragmentation, while Tunisia was relatively successful in transition. Other regional players, such as Saudi
Arabia, Iran, Turkey, and Qatar, furthered strategic interests that catalyzed conflicts and reshaped alliances. The rise of non-state
actors, such as militias and extremist groups, further destabilized the region. Sectarianism was intensified, particularly Sunni-Shia
rivalry, and intervention by global powers has been seen in the outcomes. Long term, the Arab Spring impact has been one of
increased instability, regional fragmentation, and evolving geopolitical competition.
The Arab Spring had deep implications not only for regional but also global geopolitics. Regionally, it changed the pattern of power
distribution, dividing states like Syria, Libya, and Yemen, further deepening sectarianism; particularly, the Sunni-Shia rivalry. This
would mean new alliances and added fuel to regional rivalries as external powers, with the U.S., Russia, Iran, and Saudi Arabia
prominent among them, became more implicated. Gobally, the revolutions and their consequences transformed international
relations. They revised Western intervention policies and made complex state sovereignty, democracy, and outer influence results in
questions about global security strategies and alliances.
Future research may examine several very important areas: First, the **role of non-state actors**—that is, militias, extremist groups,
and civil society organizations—should be probed more to understand their impact on regional stability and political transformations.
External powers, especially China and Russia, in shaping the new geopolitical order after the post-Arab Spring should also be studied
for new global power dynamics. Finally, research
into **long-term economic consequences**, such as effects on trade, foreign investments, and development, would help to
understand what the uprisings imply in terms of the reshaped economic trajectories of the region.
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