Global Trends CH 2 Full
Global Trends CH 2 Full
Global Trends CH 2 Full
Foreign policy is the actions, decisions and goals that states pursue towards the outside
world.
Foreign policy is shaped by both external/systemic factors and internal factors.
International regimes, international organizations, the prevalence of great powers at
international level are some of systemic factors.
Internally, the economic, technological and military capabilities of states, and the
idiosyncrasy of leaders heavily affect foreign policy.
Accordingly, it is important to understand the deriving motives behind foreign policy, viz.,
the pursuit of national interest.
2.1. Defining National Interest
National interest refers to set of values, orientation, goals and objectives a given country
would like to achieve in its international relations.
It has been the main driving force that determines the contents of foreign policy.
There are controversies on the exact meaning, scope and contents of national interest.
Holsti defines national interest as the ambition of governments, viz., what governments
aspire to fulfill in their future interaction with others.
He also underlined power as the primary instrument to implement national interest.
Seabury provided normative and descriptive definitions of national interest.
In the normative sense, national interest is related to “…set of purposes which a
nation…should seek to realize in the conduct of its foreign relations”.
In the descriptive sense, national interest may be regarded, “as those purposes which
the nation [states] through its leadership appears to pursue persistently over time”.
There is also major controversy regarding whether national interest can be defined
objectively or whether it is a subjective enterprise, viz., an art.
This debate can be traced as far back to Plato’s philosophy.
For Plato, the public good could best be arrived at by philosopher king aided by a few
highly learned, detached and fair-minded advisors.
Plato’s ideas have been used as the inspiration for dictatorial forms of government.
To further complicate the problem of identifying national interest, foreign policy decision
is not necessarily a clear-cut and rational process.
Policies are often generated through great internal political and bureaucratic debates.
Multiple conflicting criteria compete for priority in the minds of the decision maker as
they shape the contents of national interest.
Criteria for Defining National Interest
1) Operational Philosophy: Here you may choose one of two major style of operation.
a) Synoptic style - act in a bold and sweeping fashion. Up on taking office, introduce major
new practices, policies, and institutions and discontinue others.
b) Incremental style - is to act in caution, probing, and experimental fashion, following the
trial and error approach.
2) Ideological Criteria: Most of the time, governments employ ideological criteria and
establish their relations on the basis of that criteria.
3) Moral and Legal Criteria: Sometimes states are expected to act morally as this is equated
with acting honestly and make decisions in accordance with international laws.
4) Pragmatic Criteria: Here, your decisions are made based on scientific analysis of cost and
benefit without considering normative issues, issues that involves judgment.
5) Professional Advancement Criteria: Here, your action may be manipulated and adjusted in
consideration of your professional survival and growth/personal success.
6) Partisan Criteria: Here you tend to equate the survival and the success of your political
party, or ethnic or religious origin with the survival and success of your country.
7) Foreign Dependency Criteria: This usually applies to developing countries who had kept
the colonial ties with their ex-masters intact.
Realists:
Reject the ideological, legal and moral criteria of national interest.
Advised leaders to prioritize pragmatic criteria and practical necessities when defining
national interest and employing foreign policy.
Defines national interest in terms of pursuits of power. Power is a means for achieving and
promoting the interest of state.
National interest should be objectively defined in terms of ensuring survival and security of a
state, than talking about justice and morality.
The scope of national interest and foreign policy should be proportional to the state’s
capabilities.
A good diplomat is a rational diplomat and a rational diplomat is a prudent diplomat.
Realists, however, fail to recognize and prescribe solutions for addressing global problems
Idealists:
Have strong belief in the relevance of legal, ideological and moral elements of national
interest.
According to this view, specific actions and objective of foreign policy have often been
derived from general moral and legal guidelines and principles.
So, national interest reflects the marriage of different criteria that include legal and moral
criteria, ideological criteria and prudence or pragmatism-practical necessities.
Idealists believe on the prevalence of common problems of human beings as, environmental
pollution, population growth, poverty, war, and the north-south gap…etc.
Accordingly, idealists call for global solutions than local (national) solutions.
The establishment of new institutions with global orientation may play vital role in
addressing global problems, instead of the state-centric particularism.
2.2.2.1.
Understanding Foreign
Understanding Policy
Foreign andand
Policy Foreign Policy
Foreign Behaviors
Policy Behaviors
Foreign policy refers to the sets of objectives and instruments that a state adopts to guide its
relation with the outside world.
It involves the general purposes/goals a state aims to achieve in its external relations.
It also encompasses specific strategies and instruments, economic and diplomatic tools
that states employ to achieve their objectives.
Objectives are classified into (1) core values and interests, (2) middle range goals,; and (3)
universal long range goals based on the combination of the three criteria:
(1) the value placed on the objective;
(2) the time element placed on its achievement; and
(3) the kind of demands the objective imposes on other states in international system.
1. Core Values and Interests
Description Examples
These objectives determine the foreign policy of a 1. National security – It may include
state. the security of national borders,
They are usually stated in the form of basic the security of cultural and political institutions,
principles of foreign policy. the security of national beliefs and values, and
Core objectives are necessary for the existence maintenance of political independence.
and survival of the State. Some governments place great values on controlling or
Hence, States seek to safeguard these defending neighboring territories.
objectives at all costs. Countries such as Israel and the United States pursue
States are willing to make the ultimate such policies called extraterritoriality.
sacrifices in order to realize core objectives Extraterritoriality is there when the national
directly, quickly, forcefully and effectively. interest and claims of a country is projected
beyond the limit of its geographic boundary.
They have no time to delay or postpone the
fulfilling of these objectives. 2. Economic Development - is directly associated
with a state’s existence.
Contemporarily, foreign policy is more guided by
economic factors than political ones.
2. Middle-Range Objectives
Description Examples
These objectives are sought to be 1. Non-Political Cooperation - economic, cultural and social
achieved within a specific time period. cooperation.
After the expiration of the term, even if It is usually the keen desire of each state to establish,
they are attained, these objectives would strengthen and widen its economic ties with other states.
have lost their real value. The state has to diversify its trade and economy.
A state has to deal with multiple sources 2. Promotion of National Prestige – to develop an impressive
(more than one or two states) while image on the states abroad.
pursuing these objectives. In today’s world, prestige is increasingly measured by levels
Unlike core objectives, middle range of industrial development and scientific and technological
skills.
objectives drastically varies across states.
Industrialized countries can increase their international
This variation is due to the difference in prestige through a number of actions, including;
the level of economic and technological expansion of military capabilities,
progress, as well as the military
distribution of foreign aid, diplomatic ceremonies,
capability.
industrial and scientific exhibition, and
development of nuclear weapons & capacity to explore
outer space.
3. Long-Range Objectives
Description Examples
These are objectives aimed at restructuring the 1. Expanding communist ideology was the Long
international system in a state’s own liking. Range Objective of Communist Russia.
The difference between middle-range and long 2. Dissemination of capitalist economy and
range goals relates to different time elements and
democracy is one of the long range objectives of
difference in scope.
the US policy.
1) The long range goals have no time restrictions.
They are the ambitions which the states may
achieve in distant future and/or the states
never press them too much in the present.
2) In pressing for middle range goals, states make
particular demands against particular interest;
In pursuing long range goals, states
normally make universal demands.
The long range objectives are also indefinite, vague
and unpredictable;
i.e. nothing can be ascertained regarding the
outcome of their pursuit.
2.2.3. Foreign Policy Behavior: Patterns and Trends
Foreign policy behavior refers to the actions states take towards each other.
These actions usually are not as ends in themselves, but are tied in some way with larger purposes that
leaders hope to achieve in their dealings with other countries.
Arnold Wolfers suggested that all foreign policy behavior ultimately boils down to
three possible patterns:
1) Self-preservation (maintaining the status quo): The foreign policy patterns of the
United States can be categorized as self-preservation.
2) Self-extension (revising the status quo in one’s own favor): Newly emerging powers
such as China, India, Brazil, Germany and others are competing to restructure the
international institutions.
3) Self-abnegation (revising the status quo in someone else’s favor): reflects the
foreign policy trends that are being displayed in Less Developing Countries (LDC).
Such countries may succumb to challenges and compromise its long lasting national interest for
temporary and immediate benefits.
2.2.4. Foreign Policy Dimensions
• The dimensions include alignment, scope and modus operandi.
1) Alignment
• One can identify the alignment tendencies such as alliance, neutrality and non-alignment.
I. Alliances: are formal agreements to provide mutual military assistance; as such, they carry legal weight
and certain benefits as well as risks.
Allied countries can pool their military resources and provide a military protection to each other.
Yet an alliance state risks interference by allies in its domestic affairs, the possibility being dragged.
II. Neutrality: is a stance of formal non partisanship in world affairs.
By keeping a low profile, neutrals may avoid some of the problems associated with alliances.
However , if war occurs, there may be no one to provide a military protection for neutrals.
Switzerland has carried neutrality to an extreme case in refusing membership to UN till 2002.
III. Nonalignment: has been the foreign policy pattern of most developing state during cold war.
Most developing countries had a Non Alignment Movement (NAM) in which they called for a new
foreign policy path/choice to be followed disregarding both the West and East bloc politics and
alliances.
Although that was practically impossible, NAM had noble agenda that called for the South-south
cooperation.
Foreign Policy Dimensions… Cont’d
2. Scope
Some countries have extensive, far-reaching international contacts, while other countries have more limited
activities abroad.
With regards to the scope of activities, one can identify at least three patterns of foreign policy behaviors:
a) Global: Major Powers in international relations have historically been those that have defined their
interest in global terms, interacting regularly with countries in nearly every region of the world.
A country such as U.S.A has often defined its national interest in global terms.
b) Regional: Most countries in the world are essentially regional actors, interacting primarily with
neighboring states in the same geographical area except for contacts, frequently concerning economic
issues such as trade; with major actors like United States and China outside their region.
For example, South Africa is a regional actor in Africa in general and in Southern Africa in Particular.
India can also be considered as the most important actor in South Asian region, so is China in entire
Asia.
c) Isolationism: Few countries have ever been totally cut off from the outside world, and in an age of
interdependence, isolationism becomes an increasingly less viable foreign policy orientation.
Some of the known global actors such as United States of America, China, and the ex-USSR all have
passed through period of relative isolationism and of mainly regional interests.
Foreign Policy Dimensions… Cont’d
3. Mode of Operation/ “Modus Opernadi’
Some countries often rely on multilateral institutions to address different issues.
Most developing countries used the multilateral approaches to address many issues of concern.
The multilateral forum would enhance collective barraging power of these countries vis-a-vis other
developed countries.
Establishing bilateral relations are often found to be costly.
Regardless of the power and capability question, countries may opt to use multilateral frameworks as
the best strategy.
For example, Germany and most of Scandinavian countries fall under this category.
Whereas countries that have strong economic and military muscles may opt to rely on unilateral
means of settling different issues.
They may choose to solve the problems by themselves.
They play the carrot and stick diplomacy to affect the outcomes of events.
The more unilateral a state is the more likely to initiate actions in international relations or to resist
initiatives taken by others.
2.2.3. Instruments of Foreign Policy
Instruments of FP refer to the means/mechanisms used by states in conducting relations with others.
It includes diplomacy, economic, military and psychological instruments.
1. Diplomacy
Diplomacy is the primary instrument of foreign policy.
Diplomacy means the promotion of national interest by peaceful means.
Diplomacy has probably existed for as long as civilization has.
Records of regular contact via envoys travelling between neighboring civilizations date back at least
2500 years.
Diplomacy can promote exchanges that enhance trade, culture, wealth and knowledge.
In the past diplomacy had been practiced in the bilateral relations of countries.
After WWI and formation of the League of Nations, the old style of diplomacy has been drastically reformed.
There arose multilateral diplomacy, public diplomacy, leader-to-leader (summitry diplomacy) in sharp
contrast to secret diplomacy and bilateral diplomacy.
Regardless of these reforms, bargaining remains to be the essence of diplomacy.
Diplomatic bargaining is used primarily to reach agreements, compromises, and settlements where
governments objectives conflict.
In the modern context, diplomacy is being conducted for the most part between states.
The Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations (1961) only refers states as
diplomatic actors.
Yet, the modern international system also involves powerful non-state actors like INGOs
and IGOs.
In general, states make considerable use “carrot and stick” approaches of diplomacy.
Threats and punishment represent the stick approach, and promise and reward represent
the carrot approach.
Rules of Effective Diplomacy
1) Be realistic
2) Be careful about what you say
3) Seek common ground
4) Understand the other side
5) Be patient
6) Leave avenues of retreat open
2. Economic Instruments
Economic instruments have unique feature of flexibility or maneuverability.
They can be used almost simultaneously to reward one state and punish another.
They are also capable of being used in both times of peace and war.
Holisti states that economic instruments are normally used for three purposes:
i. to achieve any foreign policy objective by exploiting need and dependence and offering economic
rewards, or threat, ending or imposing economic punishments;
ii. to increase a state’s capability or deprive a potential enemy’s capabilities ;and
iii. to create economic satellites (guaranteed markets and resources of supply) or help maintain
political obedience in satellites by creating a relationship of economic dependence.
At least two conditions must be fulfilled to make the exercise of economic influence effective:
a) the target of the influence or act must perceive that there is a genuine need for the reward or
for the avoidance of the punishment, and;
b) no alternative market or source of supply must be easily available to the target.
Economic Instruments … Cont’d
The main economic instruments are trade, foreign aid and economic sanctions.
A. Trade: is the most noticeable and the most widely used economic instrument.
It refers to the exchange of goods and services between foreign policy actors.
Trade has recently become increasingly multilateral with the creation of trade blocks like EU &
WTO.
B. Foreign Aid: refers to the voluntary and intentioned transfer of resources from one State (donor)
to another (recipient).
Foreign aid is often used for achieving political and economic objectives of the donors.
Based on the objective pursued by the use of the aid, foreign aid can be divided into different
categories.
a) Humanitarian Aid - to relieve human suffering during and after man-made or natural disasters,
without tackling the original causes of the vulnerability;
b) Development Aid - to contribute to the economic and social development of the recipient in the
long term without necessarily alleviating immediate suffering; and
c) Military Aid - dedicated to the strengthening of the military capabilities of the recipient.
C. Economic Sanctions: are a typically coercive measure intended by an actor (imposer) to cause
economic damage to another actor (target) and thus force it to pursue a certain course of action.
They may include tools like embargoes, boycotts, freezing of funds and assets and other trade or
economic restrictions and they may be bilateral or multilateral.
For instance, EU has imposed sanctions on Iran, Syria, Ivory Coast, Congo, Egypt, Tunisia, Libya, etc.
The specific economic techniques that can be used include; tariffs, quotas, boycotts, and embargos. Loans,
credits, and currency manipulation can be used for reward as well.
1) Tariff: The tariff structure can be used effectively as an inducement or punishment when a country stands
to gain or lose important markets for its products by its upward and down ward manipulation.
2) Quota: Under such arrangement, the supplier usually is allowed to sell only a certain amount in a given
time period.
3) Boycott: A trade boycott eliminates the import of either a specific commodity or the total range of export
products sold by the country against which the boycott is organized.
4) Embargo: A government that seeks to deprive another country of goods prohibits its own business men
from concluding its transactions with the country against which the embargo is organized.
5) Loans, Credits and Currency Manipulations: Rewards may include favorable tariff rates and quotas,
granting loans or extending credits. The manipulation of currency rates is also used to create more or less
favorable terms of trade between countries.
3. Military Instruments
• These involve the use of force, terrorist attack and military coercion in conducting FP objectives.
• Military instrument provides a background of assurance and stability for diplomacy.
• Because of its violent nature, it is often used as a last resort when, for instance, if diplomacy and other
mechanisms of achieving peaceful settlement of disputes failed.
• There are two types of military instruments based on whether or not military force is actually used:
1. Military Pressure: is defined as the threat of use of military force by an actor against another actor in
order to achieve certain foreign policy objectives without having to use actual military force.
It has proved efficient in reaching FP goals, avoiding more damaging conflict & maintaining peace.
However, its use entails high risks, such as escalating a conflict and ending up in actual warfare.
2. Warfare: intends to achieve FP objectives by coercion or the use of military force on other actors. War may
be divided into:
a) conventional (open warfare with the use of conventional weapons),
b) unconventional (covert warfare or with the use of non-conventional weapons, like nuclear,
biological/chemical), and
c) asymmetric (where the parties in conflict differ greatly in their military capabilities).
However, the use of war entails high risks, including
the possibility of a military defeat, and
the lack of public support for the war effort, ultimately leading to the demise of a government.
4. Psychological Instruments
Psychological instrument refers to the various attempts and means by which governments influence the
minds and emotions of people in other states.
The psychological instruments are used to appeal to people rather than to government.
One of the most used psychological instruments is propaganda.
Propaganda: is a systemic method of influencing the minds and emotions of the people for a specific
purpose.
It refers to the manipulation and distortion of information through TV, radio, film and other instruments
in order to achieve one's interest and defeat the interest of an opponent.
It is used to make favorable image of one-self and unfavorable image of others.
It is also used to persuade other to see things in one's way.
Basically, there are two types of propaganda; external and internal propaganda.
A. External propaganda is one which projects the countries’ image badly or favorably outside the country
and within the international realm.
B. Internal propaganda is done within a nation-state on issues that deal with domestic policy and
decisions.
2.3. Overview of Foreign Policy of
Ethiopia
2.3.1. Foreign Policy during Tewodros II (1855-1868)
Although the Ethiopian state traces its history back to more than 3000 years, modern Ethiopian state is understood to
emerge in the mid-19th c with the reign of Emperor Tewodros II.
He wanted to create and have control over a united Ethiopia, but only partially succeeded.
Yet ,Tewodros introduced the idea of modernity and modern army at the time.
Throughout his reign, he tried to develop a dynamic foreign policy that reached out beyond the Horn of Africa region.
He distinguished Christians and Muslims, i.e. he considered Christians as friends and Muslims as enemies.
He perceived the Turkish and Egyptians as the basic enemies and he wanted to have positive relationships with
Russia, France and Britain because these countries are Christians.
He sought the Western Christian world to recognize his country and help him to modernize his country.
The emperor attempted to establish his diplomatic relations to fight his immediate enemies claiming Christianity as
instrument of foreign policy.
He appealed specifically to Britain, France, and Russia as fellow Christian nations to assist him in whatever ways
possible in his fight against the Turks, Egyptians, and Islam.
Regardless of his ambitions, Tewodros was not successful because Britain and France were not ready to help him.
Consequently Tewodros took desperate measures by taking hostage of several British missionaries including the consul
which was responded with the British Military Expedition.
Tewodros’s Troops were easily defeated and the King did not surrender but tragically committed suicide.
2.3.2. Foreign Policy during Yohannes IV (1872-1889)
Yohannes IV succeeded Tewodros II.
Like his predecessor, Yohannes considered Islam as a threat to the territorial integrity of the polity.
Indeed Egypt tried to put a serious security threat in its continued attempt to invade the country under
many pretexts, yet its motive was to control the source of Blue Nile.
These, however, were not successful as Egypt faced subsequent defeat both in 1875 and 1876 at the Battle
of Gundet and Gura respectively (Keller).
In addition to Muslim threat, the emperor saw European expansionism as greater threat to the survival of
the country.
In fact his calculation of threat has turned out to be real as Italy got a foot hold at the port of Massawa in
1885.
This colonial ambition of Italy was reflected by the Foreign Minister speech “The Red Sea is the key to the
Mediterranean” implicating the strategic importance of Ethiopia.
However, the emperor died fighting with the “Mahadists”.
The Sudanese resistance groups against British rule happened to invade Western Ethiopia because of their
presumption that Yohannes IV was collaborating with the British.
2.3.3. Foreign Policy during Menelik II (1889-1913)
Following the death of Yohannes, Menlik II of Showa has assumed to the throne.
Menelik was the King of Shoa region before his coronation as the Kings of Kings of Ethiopia.
He had expanded his sphere of influence towards the far South and East incorporating new areas and
communities peacefully or otherwise.
According to many Ethiopian historians, the southward expansionism policy of the King was mainly
targeted to have access to Sea Port, Zeila.
Minelik was aware of the strategic importance of outlet to the sea for the country as he felt that the
country’s access to the sea in the North had fallen under Italy’s influence since the mid 1890s.
Before the death of Yohannes Italy had good diplomatic relation with Menelik with the objective of
weakening its immediate enemy in the North, Yohannes.
Menilik comfortably exploited the opportunity to consolidate his power, perhaps to deter Yohannes and
bolster its expansionist policy to the south.
Menelik’s relation with Italy had disappointed Yohannes as witnessed by the absence of Menelik from
participation in the war against Mahadists.
Foreign Relations and Diplomacy of Emperor Menelik II … Cont’d
Following the death of Yohannes, however, Italy continued to be the main challenge in the North.
Moreover the King saw the other colonial powers surrounding all four corners of the country as the
scramble of Africa was heightened.
Italy expanded towards the hinterland of Ethiopia from its first hold of Bogess, later named Eritrea, and
Missawa port crossing Tekeze river.
Menelik was cautiously following such colonial expansionism of Italy.
The emperor followed double track diplomacy to contain or reverse Italy’s expansion and maintain the
territorial integrity of his country.
On the one hand, he entered many treaties and agreements to solve the challenge amicably.
One of the remarkable treaties was the ‘Wuchalle’ friendship and peace treaty where the parties agreed to
avoid war and solve the problem peacefully.
On the other hand the emperor was preparing himself by accumulating military ammunitions to defend the
aggression from any side of colonial powers, British, French and of course Italy.
Foreign Relations and Diplomacy of Emperor Menelik II … Cont’d
However, the emperor’s diplomatic endeavor with Italy failed to result in peace due to Italy’s
misinterpretation of the controversial article 17 of the ‘Wuchalle’ treaty.
The treaty did contain different meanings and interpretations in the respective languages of the parties.
According to the Italian version, Ethiopia failed under the protectorate of the former which then led to the
abrogation of the ‘Wuchale’ treaty by Ethiopia in 1893.
As a result, Italy prepared for war and started its systematic penetration of the country from the north.
Menelik was prepared to reverse this aggression raising his traditional Army till only 1896.
In 1896, the emperor declared nation-wide war against Italy in defense of the territorial integrity and
sovereignty of the century old nation.
After a severe battle, Menelik and his people managed to defeat the colonial power.
This happened at the bloody Battle of Adwa where Ethiopian forces made a record of history by defeating a
powerful European colonial power.
Foreign Relations and Diplomacy of Emperor Menelik II … Cont’d
The significance of the Adowa victory is loud and clear as many European powers recognized Ethiopia as
an independent African state on similar footing with the Europeans.
Indeed Britain, France, Russia and the vanquished Italy came to Menelik’s Palace to arrange formal
exchange of Ambassadors.
Moreover, these powers signed formal boundary treaties with the emperor.
In fact the present boundary of Ethiopia vis -a-vis its neighbors had been defined at least on paper.
With the exception of Sudan and of course present day Eritrea (being ex-colony of Italy) the boundary of
the country with French Somaliland-Djibouti, Kenya (former British colony), and present Somalia (Italian
Somaliland and British Somaliland) had been defined on paper, yet were not demarcated.
As the boundary issue was not settled, there have been disputes and counter claims with the neighboring
countries especially with Sudan, Somalia and Eritrea.
Of course Somalia claims huge portion of the territory inside Ethiopia.
What so ever the case may be, Ethiopia’s foreign policy of the forth coming rulers has significantly been
informed by the notion of territorial integrity of the country.
And the issue of outlet to the sea remained the burning question determining its policy and role in the
region.
2.3.4. Foreign Policy during Emperor Haile Selassie I (1916-
1974)
Menelik II died in 1913, it was not until 1930 that the next strong emperor, Haileselassie I, assumed the throne.
He was dedicated to the creation of a stronger, centralized and bureaucratic empire with unquestioned respect by the
international community.
This was clear as early as 1923, when as Regent to the Crown, Teferi Mekonen, facilitated Ethiopia’s entry to the League
of Nations.
Ethiopia’s membership in the League of Nations was clearly instigated by the ever present danger of invasion by
Italians.
When the Italian Fascists finally invade Ethiopia between 1936 and 1941, the Emperor fled to London and established a
government in exile.
From there he journeyed to Geneva, Switzerland, to make a plea before the League of Nations for aid in defense to the
country.
Although the League of Nations’ charter stipulated that all members were committed to protect the sovereignty of
member states, through what was known as the collective security system, the League ultimately failed to take any
substantive measure against Italy and the plea of the King was ignored.
Apparently viewing the League of Nations’ in action, the King continued to believe in the ultimate value of effective
diplomacy.
Foreign Policy during Emperor Haile Selassie I …Cont’d
His diplomatic skills and Britain’s own strategic necessities in the area enabled him to elicit the aid of the British in
securing the liberation of Ethiopia.
He also recognized Ethiopia’s need for a powerful external patron until he could restore the independence of his
country.
In the immediate post-war period, Ethiopia was extremely dependent on British military, economic and technical aid.
At the same time, the Emperor feared that Britain might either declare Ethiopia a protectorate or use the claim that the
whole of Italian East Africa; Eritrea, Ethiopia and Somalia, as an occupied enemy territory and thus could be partitioned
for the administrative convenience.
Haile Sellasie’s fear moved him to seek alternative relationships that would allow him to loosen Ethiopia’s tie with
Britain.
This was a period when all the Allied powers were jockeying for leverage in the reordered international political
system.
France wanted to return to the pre war status quo; Russia wanted to block Britain from claiming too much of the
African spoils; the British wanted to solidify its presence in the Horn; and the United States wanted to establish a new
presence in the region.
As an emerging power, U.S was willing to heed emperors plead to strengthen diplomatic relations.
Through diplomacy, Haile Selassie was able to regain complete administrative control over the territory he claimed and
more by 1954.
Foreign Policy during Emperor Haile Selassie I …Cont’d
In 1952 a U.N. resolution had made possible a federation between Ethiopia and the former Italian colony of Eritrea.
Eritrea was to have regional autonomy within the federation, but Haile Selassie was not content with only
administrative control.
He was not satisfied until he secured the endorsement of both the Eritrean and Ethiopian Assemblies in 1962, which
allowed him to incorporate Eritrea fully in to the Empire, making it a province of Ethiopia instead of a trustee-ship.
These maneuvers took place against the backdrop of the emperor’s loosening ties with Britain and establishing new
patronage links with United States.
British Military Aid was withdrawn in 1952, and the King moved quickly to firm up relations with the United States.
Since the early 1940s, the United States had coveted a base in Eritrea where it could set up a radio tracking station.
Haile Selasie viewed the use of such an installation by the United States as having more benefits than costs; that is, he
would reap the benefit of being closely allied with the most powerful military power in the world, while being paid rent
in the form of military aid that could be used to strengthen the state’s military capacity.
Two agreements were concluded in 1953 to formulize this new relationship.
As a result, the United States guaranteed Ethiopia’s security, which added greatly to the confidence with which the
emperor could approach the task of political consolidation.
Foreign Policy during Emperor Haile Selassie I …Cont’d
In addition to the military aid Ethiopia received from the United States over the next 23 years, its armed
forces also benefited from the presence of a Military Assistance Advisory Group, which was established in
1954.
This group provided training for the Ethiopian forces.
By 1975, the total U.S. military assistance to Ethiopia amounted to almost $ 280 million.
In addition, between 1953 and 1976, 3978 Ethiopian soldiers were trained in the United States.
The military aid was decisive for the Emperor to ensure his survival at home and maintain the territorial
integrity of the country.
He effectively used military action against those riots and rebellions both in rural and urban places.
Even though preferred not to become involved in the domestic politics, on occasions it provided the
emperor with the means to put down internal upheavals and riots.
On more consistent basis, the United States contributed to the expansion of Ethiopian military as a hedge a
against the Somalia threats.
It also provided counterinsurgency training and on the ground advisors to help to suppress Eritrean
Nationalism.
Foreign Policy during Emperor Haile Selassie I …Cont’d
Ethiopia also played significant role in Africa in fighting for African independence and to end colonialism
and apartheid.
In the United Nations, Ethiopia played its part in raising agendas and pressing for resolutions against
colonialism in collaboration with some countries that supported the cause. India was strong partner in that
regard.
In this manner, the emperor can be considered as one of the founding fathers of African Unification.
The establishment of the organization of African Unity in the capital of Ethiopia witnessed the prominent
role of the emperor in African affairs as well.
There was a time when the emperor resolved the perennial conflict in Sudan through His Good Offices.
Ethiopia also played a significant role in maintaining international peace and security by commit ting its
troops for peacekeeping operations in Korea in 1951 and the Congo in 1961.
Foreign Policy during Emperor Haile Selassie I …Cont’d
Of course the emperor’s strategic alliance with outside powers helped him to stay on power for decades.
In this regard British military aid and assistance helped him to restore and consolidate his power again by
eliminating his potential rivals at home.
Directly or indirectly he distanced potential rivals first with help from the British and later on with the help
of USA military and technical assistance.
There had been so many peasant revolts which the emperor had to deal with his modern military forces
trained and assisted by US aid.
Over all he managed to consolidate his power at home and stayed on power over four decades.
The emperor secured the territorial integrity of the country and also secured port through Eritrea, yet the
abrogation of the UN imposed federation arrangement of Eritrea remained one of a foreign policy challenge
to the military regime who came to power through coup de’tat. So was the question of Ogaden.
2.3.5. Foreign Policy during the Military Government (1974 - 1991)
The military regime that took control of state power in 1974 adopted a foreign policy largely oriented to
socialist ideology.
The primary objectives of the foreign policy were survival of the regime and maintaining the territorial
integrity of the country.
Apart from these, restructuring the society along socialist lines was also considered as the foundation for
the foreign policy motives at home.
The major strategy to achieve the stated objectives heavily focused on building the military capability of the
country.
And force had been employed as the best strategy to silence dissent at home and deter the perceived
external enemies of the country.
Since socialism was the guiding philosophy of the country, friendship and alliance with socialist countries of
the world was considered as a viable strategy for realizing socialism at home and perhaps in the world.
However, since the regime did not have the necessary economic and military capabilities to achieve its
objectives, the country was very much dependent on economic and military aid on the others.
In this regard, the country was heavily dependent on military aid on the Soviet Union which prevented it
from securing any kind of military and technical assistance from the US and other European countries.
Foreign Policy during the Military Government (1974 - 1991)…Cont’d
The regime was condemned by the west for its human rights record, especially its treatment of former
government officials.
This resulted in declining Ethio-US relations marking its lowest point with the closure of the US military base and
operation of military assistance within 72 hours (Keller).
Following such problems, internal and external enemies began to take action to hasten the demise of the regime.
Internally Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) launched military attack on the Ethiopian Army.
Many external actors were involved in sponsoring the rebel group, including; Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Sudan, Somalia
and later USA itself.
Moreover, Somalia’s invasion of the Ethiopian region of Ogaden was one of the serious external challenges of the
Ethiopian Government at the time.
The government did not have enough capacity to calm the Eritrean Rebels and the Somali irredentist invasion.
However, the regime managed to reverse the Somali aggression with the help of the new powerful patron, USSR.
The involvement of USSR in the region only heightened the superpower rivalry between the USA and USSR during
the cold war era (Schwab).
Foreign Policy during the Military Government (1974 - 1991)…Cont’d
The corner stone of Ethiopia’s foreign policy at the time was maintaining continuing friendship with the
Soviet Union and other socialist countries.
Apart from the Dergue’s near total dependence on the leaders in Moscow and their Warsaw Pact allies for
military and logistical support during the war with Somalia and in the Eritrean conflict, several others
factors have facilitated the consolidation of this new special relationship.
These include: the immediate and unhesitant recognition of Mengistu’s government by the Soviet Union;
the quick and generous support they offered when the military regime needed assistance and guidance to
address problems inherited from the past and related to the new socio-economic and political order.
Indicative of the magnitude of its foreign relations, the Dergue has signed numerous economic, social,
political, trade, cultural, educational, consular, and administrative agreements and protocols with almost all
socialist countries.
The Soviet Union and its allies were thus able to exert immense influence in both domestic and foreign
affairs of Ethiopia.
Experts from the German Democratic Republic assisted the military regime in its struggle against domestic
guerilla movements and external opponents, and in training cadres for the completely reorganized security
services, later consolidated in to a full-fledged ministry with the biggest budget in the country.
Foreign Policy during the Military Government (1974 - 1991)…Cont’d
The Dergue had sent hundreds of Ethiopians for training to the Soviet Union, Eastern Europe and Cuba
while employing many of their administrators and technicians.
Apart from socialism, Ethiopia’s strategic locations and other questions, such as; Eritrea, Somalia, and the
issue of the Nile, had also shaped the foreign policy orientation and behavior of military government.
Ethiopia being located in the Horn of Africa is at the cross roads to the oil rich middle East region and
Indian Ocean. As a result of this the U.S.S.R was keen to have stronghold over the area, replacing the United
States.
U.S.S.R came at the right time when the Dergue called for military aid to reverse the aggression from
Somalia in the East and quell the Eritrean nationalists in the north part of the country.
It should be noted that U.S.S.R was used to be a friend of Somalia, yet all of a sudden, it made a swift change
of policy when it came to Ethiopian side; while the U.S.A piped in to Somalia.
That was a time of cold war whereby the two super powers, U.S.S.R and U.S.A were pitting each other to
have a sphere of influence in the region.
Ethiopia shares the Nile and its longest border with Sudan, yet the relation between the two had been
strained for decades. Sudan was one of the host countries for Ethiopian opposition forces.
In turn Ethiopia had been supporting the dissent groups in southern Sudan, including the Sudan’s People’s
Liberation Army/SPLA
Foreign Policy during the Military Government (1974 - 1991)…Cont’d
Amare argues that Ethiopia’s foreign policy towards Sudan was based in part on the mistrust of the Arab Northerners as
well.
Similarly Amare contends that, “Ethiopia’s relation with any third state in the Nile Valley have been shaped as much by
Egypt’s attitude and action as regards to Somalia, Eritrea and the Sudan and by its close association with Arab and
Muslim States”.
With regard to Africa’s broader issues of decolonization and anti-Apartheid struggle, Ethiopia played significant role.
The regime had extended its military and technical support to Freedom fighters in Angola and Rhodesia.
The regime had also showed its solidarity to Palestine’s cause by condemning Israel and sought political allegiance with
the Arab world, however the negative perception that most Arab countries have towards Ethiopia remained unchanged.
Finally, the regime collapsed following the end of cold war unable to survive in the absence of military aid from the
socialist blocs, USSR, Cuba.
In general the adoption of socialism and its subsequent impact on the foreign policy of the country could be considered
as a departure from its predecessors; however the policy objective of the country remained unchanged.
The country’s policy towards its neighbors, the region, and the Arab world remained unchanged.
Such continuity of in the era of dynamic world teaches us the determining role of geography in the making and
implementation of foreign policy of Ethiopia.
The issue of Nile River, boundary issues, the strategic location of the country, unique culture (Christianity) amid the
Islam religion and Arab culture had cumulative effect in shaping the foreign policy the country.
2.3.6. The Foreign Policy of Ethiopia in the Post 1991
With EPRDF’s ascent to power the country adopted a new foreign policy orientation and objectives.
In the post 1991 period, Ethiopia’s foreign policy is driven primarily by the quest to ensure national interest and
security.
As such, one of the goals of the foreign policy is to ensure the survival of the multi- national state.
National interest of the country is understood in terms of realizing the real interest of the people mainly democracy and
development.
It refers to the primary interest of the people to live freely from poverty, disease and ignorance.
In this regard, foreign policy has been considered as an instrument to solve the domestic problems of the country,
including; lack of good governance, instability and lack of economic development.
If the equality and democratic rights of nations, nationalities, peoples and individuals are not realized, then conflicts
can happen leading to instability and eventual disintegration.
These are also considered as factors that damage national image and pride.
These domestic problems were identified as the main challenges to ensuring the survival and national interest of the
people.
The foreign policy of Ethiopia has been designed to create favorable external environment to achieve rapid economic
development and build up democratic system.
So democracy and development are the foreign policy visions of the country.
The Foreign Policy of Ethiopia in the Post 1991…Cont’d
The primary strategy in realization of these goals is to put the focus on domestic issues first.
Addressing domestic political and economic problems requires forging national consensus about the problems and exit
strategies from the problem.
Especially in the age of globalization emphasizing on external issues such as; seeking financial aid, loans or technical
issues would subject the country to dependency and vulnerability.
That will limit not only the diplomatic leverage of the country but also will neglect the crux of the matter at home, viz.,
the issue of democratization and good governance and issues of development would not be addressed.
This strategy is called an “inside-out” approach. If we solve our domestic problems the country would not be vulnerable
and its peace and survival can be ensured.
Even its outside enemies can be effectively deterred only after the country builds up strong economic capability and
build up a democratic system which would in turn minimize the risk of disintegration at home as well.
The inside out approach would then help to reduce the countries vulnerability to threat.
It is often true that countries may tempt to pose a threat thinking that Ethiopia could easily succumb to them due to its
internal problems.
Our internal problems then would invite the outside enemies to come in and exploit that opportunities.
The Foreign Policy of Ethiopia in the Post 1991…Cont’d
At diplomatic level, economic diplomacy is adopted to strengthen the domestic efforts in fighting poverty and
backwardness and address the issues of development.
Economic diplomacy involves attracting foreign investments, seeking markets for Ethiopian exportable commodities,
seeking aid and confessional loans too. Economic diplomacy has also been considered as viable strategy under the age
of globalization.
It helps to exploit the opportunities that globalization offers, such as free trade, investment and technological transfers.
Ethiopia would be beneficiary out of the free trade regimes and practices if sound economic policy is put in place at
home.
Economic diplomacy can help the country to cope up with the challenges of globalization, but only if we create self
reliant and sustainable development.
Aid and technical assistance can help us building up our capacity at home temporarily, though these are not long lasting.
The Security and Foreign Policy of the country also indicated that Ethiopia would adopt a kind of East-look policy.
Ethiopia appreciates the East Asian countries economic successes and development paths.
The country would like to learn from such successful countries such as Singapore, Malaysian and Indonesia.
The Foreign Policy of Ethiopia in the Post 1991…Cont’d
The other foreign policy strategy is building up the military capability of the country. Peaceful dialogues and
negotiations will be employed to peacefully coexist with others.
Diplomatic solutions can always be taken prior attention when dealing even disputes.
But above all building up military capability would have a deterrence effect. Countries may no venture to pose a threat
on the country if the military capability of the country is scale up and modernized.
Looking at the patterns of the country’s foreign policies over the years, there have been changes and continuities in the
foreign policy goals and tactics adopted by different governments of Ethiopia.
Though strategies may sometimes differ the primary foreign policy objective of all the three regimes remained the
maintenance of the territorial integrity and independence of the country.
To this end the three regimes used a combination of both military force and diplomacy to address both internal and
external challenges depending on the circumstances.
In this manner, while the imperial and the military regime’s foreign policy strategy is largely an approach the current
regime followed “in-side out” approach.
END OF CHAPTER TWO