The document discusses different theories of the state, including the pluralist state theory. According to the pluralist theory, the state acts as a neutral mediator or referee between competing groups and individuals in society. The state represents the common good and public interest by protecting citizens from each other. The pluralist view stems from social contract theorists like Hobbes and Locke, who saw the state as arising from an agreement to establish a sovereign power to maintain order and protect individual rights like life, liberty, and property.
The document discusses different theories of the state, including the pluralist state theory. According to the pluralist theory, the state acts as a neutral mediator or referee between competing groups and individuals in society. The state represents the common good and public interest by protecting citizens from each other. The pluralist view stems from social contract theorists like Hobbes and Locke, who saw the state as arising from an agreement to establish a sovereign power to maintain order and protect individual rights like life, liberty, and property.
The document discusses different theories of the state, including the pluralist state theory. According to the pluralist theory, the state acts as a neutral mediator or referee between competing groups and individuals in society. The state represents the common good and public interest by protecting citizens from each other. The pluralist view stems from social contract theorists like Hobbes and Locke, who saw the state as arising from an agreement to establish a sovereign power to maintain order and protect individual rights like life, liberty, and property.
The document discusses different theories of the state, including the pluralist state theory. According to the pluralist theory, the state acts as a neutral mediator or referee between competing groups and individuals in society. The state represents the common good and public interest by protecting citizens from each other. The pluralist view stems from social contract theorists like Hobbes and Locke, who saw the state as arising from an agreement to establish a sovereign power to maintain order and protect individual rights like life, liberty, and property.
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Chapter Four: State, Government and Citizenship
4.1. Understanding state
4.1.1 MEANING OF STATE The term state‘ has been used to refer to a confusing range of things: a collection of institutions, a territorial unit, a philosophical idea, an instrument of coercion or oppression, and so on. This confusion stems, in part, from the fact that the state has been understood in four quite different ways: from an idealist perspective, a functionalist perspective, an organizational perspective and an international perspective. A. The idealist approach to the state : is most clearly reflected in the writings of Hegel. Hegel conceived of the state as an ethical community underpinned by mutual sympathy – ‗universal altruism‘. The drawback of idealism, however, is that it fosters an uncritical reverence for the state and, by defining the state in ethical terms, fails to distinguish clearly between institutions that are part of the state and those that are outside the state. B. Functionalist approaches to the state: The central function of the state is invariably seen as the maintenance of social order , the state being defined as that set of institutions that uphold order and deliver social stability. The weakness of the functionalist view of the state, however, is that it tends to associate any institution that maintains order (such as the family, mass media, trade unions and the church) with the state itself. C. The organizational view: defines the state as the apparatus of government in its broadest sense. The virtue of this definition is that it distinguishes clearly between the state and civil society. The state comprises the various institutions of government: the bureaucracy, the military, the police, the courts, and the social security system and so on; it can be identified with the entire ‗body politic‘. The organizational approach allows us to talk about ‗rolling forward‘ or ‗rolling back‘ the state, in the sense of expanding or contracting the responsibilities of the state, and enlarging or diminishing its institutional machinery. D. The international approach to the state: views state as an actor on the world stage; indeed, as the basic ‗unit‘ of international politics. This highlights the dualistic structure of the state; the fact that it has two faces, one looking outwards and the other looking inwards. Whereas the previous definitions are concerned with the state‘s inward-looking face, its relations with the individuals and groups that live within its borders, and its ability to maintain domestic order, the international view deals with the state‘s outward- looking face, its relations with other states and, therefore, its ability to provide protection against external attack. 4.1.2. attributes/elements of state The classic definition of the state in international law is found in the Montevideo Convention on the Rights and Duties of the State (1933). According to Article 1 of the Montevideo Convention, the state has four features: a defined territory, permanent population, an effective government and sovereignty. Let us now discuss details of the above- mentioned attributes as follows: A. Population Since state is a human association, the first essential element that constitutes it is the people. How much people constitute state? No exact number can be given to such a question. There are states with a population of greater than 1 billion like that of China and India, and with a constituency of few thousand people like Vatican and San Marino. Should the population of a state be homogenous? It is good that population of a state is homogeneous, because it makes the task of national integration easy. But it is not a must, because most of the states have a population marked by diversity in respect of race, religion, language, culture, etc. B. Defined Territory There can be no state without a territory of its own. The territory of a state includes land, water, and airspace; it has maritime jurisdiction extending up to a distance of three miles, though some states contend for a distance of up to 20 miles. The territorial authority of a state also extends to ships on high seas under its flag as well as its embassies and legations/diplomat‘s residence in foreign lands. it should be noted that the size of a state‘s territory cannot be fixed. There are as large states as China and Russia and as small states of Fiji and Mauritius in respect of their territorial make-up. C. Government The government of a state should be so organized that it enforces law so as to maintain the conditions of peace and security. The form of government may be monarchical, aristocratic, oligarchic, democratic, or dictatorial and the like, It is the instrumentality through which the sovereign will of the state finds concrete expression. A state without government is inconceivable, for the state will and acts through the government. D. Sovereignty: It is the highest power of the state that distinguishes it from all other associations of human beings. Sovereignty, in its simplest sense, is the principle of absolute and unlimited power. It has two aspects - Internal and External. Internal Sovereignty implies that inside the state there can be no other authority that may claim equality with it. The state is the final source of all laws internally. On the other hand, External sovereignty implies that the state should be free from foreign control of any kind. It is universally accepted that a sovereign state is legally competent to issue any command that is binding on all citizens and their associations. E. Recognition In addition to the essential attributes of the state agreed in the 1933, the contemporary political theorists and the UN considered recognition as the fifth essential attribute of the state. It is to mean that for a state to be legal actor in the international stage; other actors (such as other states, international intergovernmental and non-governmental organizations… etc.) must recognize it as a state. Likewise, for a government of a state to be formally to act on its behalf, the government must be recognized as legitimate government of the state by other governments. 4.1.3. Rival Theories of state There are various rival theories of the state, each of which offers a different account of its origins, development and impact on society. Indeed, controversy about the nature of state power has increasingly dominated modern political analysis and goes to the heart of ideological and theoretical disagreements in the discipline. These relate to questions about whether, for example, the state is autonomous and independent of society, or whether it is essentially a product of society, a reflection of the broader distribution of power or resources. Moreover, does the state serve the common or collective good, or is it biased in favor of privileged groups or a dominant class? Andrew Heywood (2013) classified the rival theories of state into four: the pluralist state, the capitalist state, the leviathan state and the patriarchal state. A. The pluralist state The pluralist theory of the state has a very clear liberal lineage. It stems from the belief that the state acts as an mediator‘ or ‗referee‘ in society. This view has also dominated mainstream political analysis, accounting for a tendency, at least within Anglo-American thought, to discount the state and state organizations and focus instead on ‗government‘. The state can be ignored only because it is seen as an impartial arbiter or referee that can be bent to the will of the government of the day The origins of this view of the state can be traced back to the social-contract theories of thinkers such as Thomas Hobbes and John Locke. They argued that the state had arisen out of a voluntary agreement, or social contract, made by individuals who recognized that only the establishment of a sovereign power could safeguard them from the insecurity, disorder and brutality of the state of nature. Without a state, individuals abuse, exploit and enslave one another; with a state, order and civilized existence are guaranteed and liberty is protected. As Locke put it, where there is no law there is no freedom. In liberal theory, the state is thus seen as a neutral arbiter amongst the competing groups and individuals in society; it is an ‗umpire‘ or ‗referee‘ that is capable of protecting each citizen from the encroachments of fellow citizens. The neutrality of the state reflects the fact that the state acts in the interests of all citizens, and therefore represents the common good or public interest. In Hobbes‘ view, stability and order could be secured only through the establishment of an absolute and unlimited state, with power that could be neither challenged, nor questioned. Locke, on the other hand, developed a more typically liberal defense of the limited state. In his view, the purpose of the state is very specific: it is restricted to the defense of a set of natural‘ or God-given individual rights; namely, life, liberty and property. This establishes a clear distinction between the responsibilities of the state (essentially, the maintenance of domestic order and the protection of property) and the responsibilities of individual citizens (usually seen as the realm of civil society). These ideas were developed in the twentieth century into the pluralist theory of the state. As a theory of the state, pluralism holds that the state is neutral, insofar as it is susceptible to the influence of various groups and interests, and all social classes. The state is not biased in favor of any particular interest or group, and it does not have an interest of its own that is separate from those of society. Modern pluralists, however, have often adopted a more critical view of the state, termed the neo-pluralist theory of the state. Theorists such as Robert Dahl and Charles Lindblom (1953) have come to accept that modern industrialized states are both more complex and less responsive to popular pressures than classical pluralism suggested. Neo-pluralists, for instance, have acknowledged that business enjoys a privileged position‘ in relation to government that other groups clearly cannot rival. Moreover, neo-pluralists have accepted that the state can, and does, forge its own sectional interests. In this way, a state elite, composed of senior civil servants, judges, police chiefs, military leaders and so on, may be seen to pursue either the bureaucratic interests of their sector of the state, or the interests of client groups B. The Capitalist State This view has usually been understood in terms of the classic formulation that the state is nothing but an instrument of class oppression: the state emerges out of, and in a sense reflects, the class system. the state was originated from the split of society into two classes with sharp and polarized/antagonistic economic interests: bourgeoisie/capitalist (they own the means of production and purchase the labor power of others) and proletariat(working class, sell their labor and do not own any means of production). Means of production includes instruments of labor(tools, factories, infrastructures etc. ) and subject of labor (natural resources and raw materials). In a general sense, Marx believed that the state is part of a superstructure‘ that is determined or conditioned by the economic base‘, which can be seen as the real foundation of social life. However, the precise relationship between the base and the superstructure, and in this case that between the state and the capitalist mode of production, is unclear. Two theories of the state can be identified in Marx‘s writings. the state is entirely dependent on its economically dominant class, which in capitalism is the bourgeoisie. Lenin thus described the state starkly as an instrument for the oppression of the exploited class. the state cannot be understood except in a context of unequal class power, and that the state arises out of, and reflects, capitalist society, by acting either as an instrument of oppression wielded by the dominant class, or, more subtly, as a mechanism through which class antagonisms are ameliorated. Nevertheless, Marx‘s attitude towards the state was not entirely negative. While the bourgeoisie want maximize profit, the proletariat want maximize their wages The rise of the state with its agent, the government established to make laws is directly reacted with the urgency of private property and the need to safeguard it. According to Marx, state in its function is a partisan political organization that stands for the interest of the rich against the poor and reflects the value of its dominant classes and that the government of a rich state, therefore, only acts to perpetuate the interests of these classes. The proponents of the Marxist theory believe that with the historical process of disappearance of private property and antagonistic social class, the state will wither away meaning that Since the state emerged out of the class system, once the class system had been abolished, the state, quite simply, loses its reason for existence. C. The Leviathan State The image of the state as a ‗leviathan is one associated in modern politics with the New Right. Such a view is rooted in early or classical liberalism and, in particular, a commitment to a radical form of individualism. The New Right, or at least its neoliberal wing, is distinguished by a strong antipathy towards state intervention in economic and social life, born out of the belief that the state is parasitic growth that threatens both individual liberty and economic security. In this view, the state, instead of being, as pluralists suggest, an impartial umpire or arbiter, is an overbearing ‗nanny‘, desperate to interfere or meddle in every aspect of human existence. The central feature of this view is that the state pursues interests that are separate from those of society (setting it apart from Marxism), and that those interests demand an unrelenting growth in the role or responsibilities of the state itself. New Right thinkers therefore argue that the twentieth century tendency towards state intervention reflected not popular pressure for economic and social security, or the need to stabilize capitalism by ameliorating class tensions but, rather, the internal dynamics of the state. While Marxists argue that the state reflects broader class and other social interests, the New Right portrays the state as an independent or autonomous entity that pursues its own interests. In this view, bureaucratic self-interest invariably supports big‘ government and state intervention, because this leads to an enlargement of the bureaucracy itself, which helps to ensure job security, improve pay, open up promotion prospects and enhance the status of public officials. This image of self-seeking bureaucrats is plainly at odds with the pluralist notion of a state machine imbued with an ethic of public service and firmly subject to political control. D. The Patriarchal State Modern thinking about the state must, finally, take account of the implications of feminist theory. Moreover, feminists have usually not regarded the nature of state power as a central political issue, preferring instead to concentrate on the deeper structure of male power centered on institutions such as the family and the economic system. Some feminists, indeed, may question conventional definitions of the state, arguing, for instance, that the idea that the state exercises a monopoly of legitimate violence is compromised by the routine use of violence and intimidation in family and domestic life. Liberal feminists, who believe that sexual or gender equality can be brought about through incremental reform, have tended to accept an essentially pluralist view of the state. They recognize that, if women are denied legal and political equality, and especially the right to vote, the state is biased in favor of men. In this sense, liberal feminists believe that all groups (including women) have potentially equal access to state power, and that this can be used impartially to promote justice and the common good. Liberal feminists have therefore usually viewed the state in positive terms, seeing state intervention as a means of redressing gender inequality and enhancing the role of women. This can be seen in campaigns for equal-pay legislation, the legalization of abortion, the provision of child-care facilities, the extension of welfare benefits, and so on. Nevertheless, a more critical and negative view of the state has been developed by radical feminists, who argue that state power reflects a deeper structure of oppression in the form of patriarchy. There are a number of similarities between Marxist and radical feminist views of state power. Both groups, for example, deny that the state is an autonomous entity bent on the pursuit of its own interests Instead, the state is understood, and its biases are explained, by reference to a ‗deep structure‘ of power in society at large. Whereas Marxists place the state in an economic context, radical feminists place it in a context of gender inequality, and insist that it is essentially an institution of male power. In common with Marxism, distinctive instrumentalist and structuralist versions of this feminist position have been developed. The instrumentalist argument views the state as little more than an agent or ‗tool‘ used by men to defend their own interests and uphold the structures of patriarchy. This line of argument draws on the core feminist belief that patriarchy is rooted in the division of society into distinct public‘ and private‘ spheres of life, men dominating the former while women are confined to the later. Quite simply, in this view, the state is run by men, and for men. Whereas instrumentalist arguments focus on the personnel of the state, and particularly the state elite, structuralist arguments tend to emphasize the degree to which state institutions are embedded in a wider patriarchal system. Modern radical feminists have paid particular attention to the emergence of the welfare state, seeing it as the expression of a new kind of patriarchal power. state services (such as childcare institutions, nursery education and social work) and as employees, particularly in the so-called ‗caring‘ professions (such as nursing, social work and education). 4.1.4. The Role of the State there is profound disagreement about the exact role the state should play, and therefore about the proper balance between the state and civil society. Among the different state forms that have developed are the following: 1. Minimal states 2. Developmental states 3. Social-democratic states 4. Collectivized states 5. Totalitarian states 6. Religious states 1. Minimal States
The state is merely a protective body, its core function
being to provide a framework of peace and social order within which citizens can conduct their lives as they think best. This nevertheless leaves the minimal‘ or night watchman‘ state with three core functions. A. First and foremost, the state exists to maintain domestic order. B. Second, it ensures that contracts or voluntary agreements made between private citizens are enforced, and C. third it provides protection against external attack. The institutional apparatus of a minimal state is thus limited to a police force, a court system and a military of some kind. Economic, social, cultural, moral and other responsibilities belong to the individual, and are therefore firmly part of civil society. 2. Developmental States A developmental state is one that intervenes in economic life with the specific purpose of promoting industrial growth and economic development. This does not amount to an attempt to replace the market with a ‗socialist‘ system of planning and control but, rather, to an attempt to construct a partnership between the state and major economic interests, often underpinned by conservative and nationalist priorities. The classic example of a developmental state is Japan At the end of WWII, Japan focused on making the economy self- sufficient and advancement of technology in order to catching up with the West In the pre–WW II years, this ambition meant building a strong army and becoming an industrial power. Since its disastrous defeat in World War II, however, Japan has abandoned militarism and has focused on becoming a powerful industrial and technological nation the national economic policy involves state assistance, regulation, and protection of specific industrial sectors in order to increase their international competitiveness 3. Social Democratic (Welfare) States Whereas developmental states practice interventionism in order to stimulate economic progress, social- democratic states intervene with a view to bringing about broader social restructuring, usually in accordance with principles such as fairness, equality and social justice. In countries such as Austria and Sweden, state intervention has been guided by both developmental and social democratic priorities. Nevertheless, developmentalism and social democracy do not always go hand-in-hand. As Marquand (1988) pointed out, although the UK state was significantly extended in the period immediately after World War II along social-democratic lines, it failed to evolve into a developmental state. The key to understanding the social-democratic state is that there is a shift from a ‗negative‘ view of the state, which sees it as little more than a necessary evil, to a positive view of the state, in which it is seen as a means of enlarging liberty and promoting justice. The social-democratic state is thus the ideal of both modern liberals and democratic socialists. Rather than merely laying down the conditions of orderly existence, the social-democratic state is an active participant; helping to rectify the imbalances and injustices of a market economy. It therefore tends to focus less upon the generation of wealth and more upon what is seen as the equitable or just distribution of wealth. In practice, this boils down to an attempt to eradicate poverty and reduce social inequality. The twin features of a social democratic state are therefore Keynesianism and social welfare. The aim of Keynesian economic policies is to manage‘ or regulate‘ capitalism with a view to promoting growth and maintaining full employment The adoption of welfare policies has led to the emergence of so called welfare states‘, whose responsibilities have extended to the promotion of social well-being amongst their citizens. In this sense, the social-democratic state is an enabling state‘, dedicated to the principle of individual empowerment. 4. Collectivized States While developmental and social-democratic states intervene in economic life with a view to guiding or supporting a largely private economy, collectivized states bring the entirety of economic life under state control. The best examples of such states were in orthodox communist countries such as the USSR and throughout Eastern Europe. These sought to abolish private enterprise altogether, and set up centrally planned economies administered by a network of economic ministries and planning committees. The justification for state collectivization stems from a fundamental socialist preference for common ownership over private property. 5. Totalitarian States
The most extreme and extensive form of interventionism is
found in totalitarian states. The essence of totalitarianism is the construction of an all- embracing state, the influence of which penetrates every aspect of human existence. The state brings not only the economy, but also education, culture, religion, family life and so on under direct state control. The best examples of totalitarian states are Hitler‘s Germany and Stalin‘s USSR, although modern regimes such as Saddam Hussein‘s Iraq arguably have similar characteristics. The central pillars of such regimes are a comprehensive process of surveillance and terroristic policing, and a pervasive system of ideological manipulation and control. In this sense, totalitarian states effectively extinguish civil society and abolish the private sphere of life altogether. This is a goal that only fascists, who wish to dissolve individual identity within the social whole, are prepared openly to endorse. 6. Religious state the religious state, developed after 1980s , have the tendency within religious fundamentalism to reject the public/private divide and to view religion as the basis of politics. regards political realm as inherently corrupt, fundamentalist movements have typically looked to seize control of the state and to use it as an instrument of moral and spiritual regeneration. This was evident, for instance, in the process of ‗Islamization‘ introduced in Pakistan after 1978, the establishment of an ‗Islamic state‘ in Iran as a result of the 1979 revolution 4.2. Understanding Government
4.2.1. Meaning of Government
government is the most essential component and administrative wing of the state Refers to some particular set of institutions and organs that make laws (the legislative body), implements public policies (executive body) and law interpreting body (the judiciary body). As such, a government is a group of people within the state who have the ultimate authority to act on behalf of the state Refers to the institutional processes through which collective and usually binding laws and decisions are made through its various branches of organs Any form of government, to be stable and effective, must possess two essential attributes: authority and legitimacy. A. Authority: In politics, the word authority implies the ability to compel obedience. It can simply be defined as legitimate power. While power is the ability to influence the behavior of others, authority is the right to do so. Authority is therefore, based on an acknowledged duty to obey rather than on any form of coercion or manipulation. Thus, authority is the legitimacy, justification and right to exercise that power. B. Legitimacy: The term legitimacy broadly means rightfulness. legitimacy is the popular acceptance of a governing regime as an authority. Legitimacy is considered as a basic condition to rule; without at least a minimal amount of legitimacy, a government will deadlock or collapse. The concept legitimacy differs from legality in the sense that the term legality does not necessarily guarantee that a government is respected or that its citizens acknowledge a duty of obedience. 4.2.2Major Function of Government
The government of any state as a minimum duties
perform the following duties. A. Self-preservation as their first and primary purpose and function, governments are responsible to prevail order, predictability, internal security, and external defense B. Distribution and Regulation of Resources C. Supervision and Resolution of Conflict D. Protection of political and social rights E. Provision of goods and services F. Protection of Property G. Implementations of Moral Conditions: Some governments‘ attempts to improve the moral conditions of their citizens that is why, in all countries, laws and institutions are designed to shape citizens character in accordance with some standard of morality 4.3. Understanding Citizenship 4.3.1. Defining Citizenship One has to clearly understand the concept of citizen to better understand citizenship citizen refers to the person who is a legal member of a particular State and one who enjoys certain privileges and is expected discharge obligations citizenship simply denotes to the network of relationships between the State and the citizen. As such, citizenship refers to the rules regulating the legal/formal relations between the State and the individual with respect to the acquisition and loss of a given country‘s nationality. Generally, the concept of citizenship varies from society to society, depending on the place, the historical moment and political organization. Although differences may exist, there are common elements such as rights, duties, belonging, identity and participation one can find in definitions of the term. i) Citizenship as a Status of Rights: The mere fact of being a citizen makes the person a creditor of a series of rights. Marshall (1998), distinguishes three types of rights: civil rights, political rights and social rights. ii) Membership and Identity: Citizenship is associated with membership of a political community, which implies integration into that community with a specific identity that is common to all members who belongs to it. The criteria for membership have been linked to shared territory, common culture, ethnic characteristics, history, etc. iii) Participation: Participation occupies a key position in citizenship. Nonetheless, individuals differ in what approaches they find important some citizens actively participate while others do not. iv) Inclusion and Exclusion: All individuals living in a particular state do not necessary mean that all are citizens. For instance, there are non-citizens visiting, working and living in Ethiopia branded as foreigners/aliens. There are some political and economic rights that are reserved to and duties to be discharged by citizens only. For instance, an Ethiopian citizen has the right to get access to land, vote and to be elected and get Ethiopian passport. Likewise, defending the constitution as well as Ethiopia territory from foreign aggressors are solely the duty of Ethiopian citizens. 4.3.2. Ways of Acquiring and Loosing Citizenship
4.3.2.1. Ways of Acquiring Citizenship
i) Citizenship from birth/of Origin: There are two ways of obtaining citizenship by birth A. Jus soli(law of the soil): . people whose birth takes place within territorial limits of a state acquire the nationality of that state. The United Kingdom, the United State and many states of Latin America follow the principle of jus soli. Children are citizens of the nation in which they are born, no matter what the parents’ nationalities are However, jus soli could not apply to children born from diplomats and refugees live in a host State. Children born from diplomats in a host State where jus soli is allowed do not have the right to claim citizenship status of the host country because of two special principles (international diplomatic immunities): extraterritoriality and inviolability principles. B. Jus sanguinis( law of the blood; by dissent) According to this principle, children take their parents nationality regardless of where they are born . For example, a child born to Ethiopian parents in France is a citizen of Ethiopia. Germany, France, and Ethiopia confer nationality on the basis of this principle Note that many states recognize the principle of jus soli as well as the principle of jus sanguins ii. Citizenship by Naturalization. This is a process of acquiring citizenship when one fulfills certain political, social economic and other preconditions The common sub-principles of acquiring citizenship through naturalization are the following. Political case (secession, merger and subjugation), marriage, adoption, restoration etc. Let us now discuss the remaining ways of acquiring citizenship vis-à-vis to Ethiopia The Modes of Acquiring Ethiopian Citizenship Before the 1930, there wasn‘t officially inscribed legal document that deals with citizenship. But in 1930 Ethiopia adopted a legal document named as ―Ethiopian Nationality Law Recently, this nationality law has replaced by another legal document called ―Ethiopian Nationality Proclamation NO. 378/2003‖ which was adopted in 2003 by the House of People‘s Representatives. This proclamation is enacted in accordance to article 6 and 33 of the 1995 FDRE constitution and affirmed that a person can acquire Ethiopian citizenship either by birth or naturalization. Now, let‘s discuss the modes of acquiring Ethiopian citizenship included in the 2003 nationality proclamation. 1) Acquisition by Descent: the 1930 Ethiopian nationality law asserted that ―any person born in Ethiopia or abroad, whose father or mother is Ethiopian, is an Ethiopian subject. In its Article 6(1), the 1995 FDRE constitution stated that ―any person of either sex shall be an Ethiopian national where both or either parent is Ethiopian. In line with this, Article 3 of the 2003 nationality proclamation ascribed two principles under the acquisition of Ethiopian citizenship by decent. First, any person shall be an Ethiopian national by descent where both or either of his/her parent is Ethiopian; second, an infant who is found abandoned in Ethiopia shall, unless proved to have a foreign nationality, be deemed to have been born to an Ethiopian parent and shall acquire Ethiopian nationality. 2) Acquisition by Law (Naturalization): Article 6(2) of the 1995 FDRE constitution also avers that aliens can get Ethiopian citizenship. Under naturalization, there are various ways of acquiring Ethiopian citizenship in accordance with of the amended Ethiopian nationality proclamation of 2003 recognized by the provisions of Articles 5 to 12 of the 2003 nationality proclamation. These are: A. Grant on Application (registration): happens when an alien requests a host state to be granted citizenship status of the country in question upon fulfilling certain preconditions which include applicant‘s age, length of residence in the host country, criminal conviction, income and moral character. But the criteria vary from country to country. For instance, according to Article 5 of the 2003 Ethiopian nationality proclamation, an applicant shall get Ethiopian nationality if, and only if, he/she: A. reach the age of majority, 18 years; B. lived in Ethiopia for a total of at least four years; C. has sufficient and lawful source of income (economically self- reliant); D. is able to communicate in any of the indigenous languages spoken in Ethiopia; E. has a good character; F. has not recorded criminal conviction; G. has been released from his/her previous nationality H. takes the oath of allegiance : I-----, solemnly affirm that I will be a loyal national of the federal democratic republic of Ethiopia and be faithful to its constitution. B. Cases of Marriage: an alien who is married to an Ethiopian citizen have the possibility of acquiring Ethiopian citizenship. Yet, there are certain preconditions set in Article 6 of the proclamation in which the marriage and the alien married to an Ethiopian citizen must fulfill just to allow the foreigner acquire Ethiopian nationality by law. A. One, the marriage shall be concluded in accordance with the laws of Ethiopia or the State where the marriage is contracted; B. second, the marriage shall lapse at least for two years; C. third, the alien married to an Ethiopian citizen have to live in Ethiopian for at least one year preceding the submission of the application; and D. fourth, the alien have to reach the age of majority, be a morally good person, and lastly take the oath of allegiance stated under Article 12 of the proclamation C. Cases of Adoption (Legitimating): this process whereby an illegitimate child get citizenship status of his/her caretaker‘s nationality. In this case, Article 7 of the nationality proclamation asserts that a child adopted by and grown under the caretaker of Ethiopian citizen has the right to acquire Ethiopian citizenship. But, the child could get Ethiopian citizenship if the adopted child has not attained the age of majority; lives in Ethiopia together with his/her adopting parent; and has been released from his/her previous nationality or the possibility of obtaining such a release upon the acquisition of Ethiopian nationality or that he/she is a stateless person. However, where one of his/her adopting parents is a foreigner, in writing, such a parent has to express his/her agreement that his/her adopted child gain Ethiopian nationality. Dual Citizenship
Dual citizenship is the condition of being a citizen of two states
Of course, a person may acquire more than two States which is called multiple citizenship. Duality/multiplicity arises because of the clash among the Jus Soli, Jus Sanguini and naturalization. For example, a baby born to a French family visiting the United States would acquire U.S. citizenship by Jus Soli and French citizenship by Jus Sanguinis. A child born from a mother and father of two different countries could acquire dual citizenship through decent. Besides, on the one hand, a State may allow its naturalized citizens to keep their original citizenship, an on the other, a State may refuse its citizen to revoke his/her citizenship for various reasons which are cause for dual/multiple citizenship. People who declared that they no longer were citizens of such a country and became naturalized in another still would be claimed as citizens by the original nation Today just under half of all African countries still prohibit dual citizenship on paper—though in many cases the rules are not enforced, so that a citizen can acquire another citizenship without facing adverse consequences in practice. Ethiopia prohibits its citizens to have dual citizenship. Article 20(1) of the 2003 nationality proclamation assert that ―any Ethiopian who voluntarily acquires another nationality shall be deemed to have voluntarily renounced his Ethiopian nationality. However, a person who retains another country‘s citizenship or voluntary renounces his Ethiopian nationality may not be allowed to release his/her Ethiopian citizenship if he/she hasn‘t discharged his/her outstanding national obligations and/or has been acquitted or served the penalty for the crime he/she accused of or convicted (see Article 19(4) of the 2003 Ethiopian nationality proclamation). Therefore, under this condition which is called indelible allegiance, the person would remain dual/multiple citizen, an Ethiopian and the country he/she acquires citizenship through law (see also Article 20(4) of the 2003 nationality proclamation). D. Citizenship by Special Cases: as it is labeled in Article 8, an alien who has made an outstanding contribution in the interest of Ethiopia may be conferred with Ethiopian nationality by law without undergoing the pre-conditions stated in Article 5 (sub- articles 2 and 3) of the 2003 Ethiopian nationality proclamation. That is, he/she is not required to live in Ethiopia for a total of four years and may lack the ability to communicate in any of the languages spoken in Ethiopia. E. Re-Admission to Ethiopian Nationality (Reintegration/Restoration): this is a process by which a person acquires his/her lost citizenship. According to the 2003 Ethiopian nationality proclamation, a person who has lost Ethiopian citizenship status may get it back upon fulfilling certain requirements ,which include: A. application to the Security, Immigration and Refugee Affairs Authority for re-admission. B. he/she has returned and domiciled in Ethiopia and C. renounces his foreign nationality • Examining and Deciding upon an Application to acquire Ethiopian Citizenship • An application to obtain Ethiopian nationality by law shall be accompanied with relevant documents and shall be submitted to the Security, Immigration and Refugee Affairs Authority (Article 10 of the proclamation). Then, the application shall be examined by the Nationality Affairs Committee (Article 11 and 23 of the proclamation), a committee comprises five members, namely; (i) a representative of the Security, Immigration and Refugee Affairs Authority (chairperson); (ii) a representative of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (member); (iii) a representative of the Ministry of Justice (member); (iv) a representative of the Federal Police Commission (member); and (v) a representative of the Authority (member and secretary). The Committee has to submit its recommendation to the Security, Immigration and Refugee Affairs Authority. If the committee‘s recommendation got approval of the Authority, the applicant shall take the oath of allegiance (see 4.3.2.2.Ways of Loosing Citizenship
Person may lose the nationality of a state in
many ways. They are presented as follows: A. Release: some countries give their citizens the right to ask to be released from their nationality. Release occurs only when an application is made to that effect and if it has been accepted by the country concerned B. By Deprivation: when one commits serious crimes against state(treason) For instance, collaborating with enemy in times of war, providing secret government information to enemy or foreign country, participating in economic, diplomatic and other intelligence activities C. Lapse/expiration is another way of losing citizenship which is not applicable to Ethiopia. Lapse is a mode whereby a person loses his/her citizenship because of his/her permanent residence or long term residence abroad beyond the number of years permitted by the country in question. For example, if an Indian citizen stays outside his/her country continuously for more than seven years, he/she automatically loses his/her Indian nationality by the principle of lapse. D. Renunciation is the voluntary way of losing citizenship. Loss of citizenship is voluntary only if it is intended and initiated by the individual concerned. An Ethiopian national has the full right to renounce his/her Ethiopian nationality if he/she wishes according to Article 33(3) of the FDRE constitution and Article 19 of the 2003 Ethiopian nationality proclamations. However, the person who has renounced a country‘s nationality may not be actually released from that status until he/she has discharged his/her obligations towards that particular State or accused of a crime. This situation is called indelible allegiance. According to Article 19(4) of the 2003 Nationality Proclamation, an Ethiopian who has declared to renounce Ethiopian nationality may not be released until: (i) the citizen has discharged his/her outstanding national obligations or until he/she has served the penalty for the crime he/she has accused of or convicted. E. Substitution: citizenship may be lost when the original citizenship is substituted by another state, where it is acquired through naturalization. On the other side, this may also take place when a particular territory is annexed by another state; the inhabitants‘ citizenship within the annexed territory will be replaced by the citizenship of the subjugator. Statelessness Statelessness is the condition of having citizenship of any country and with no government from which to ask protection. According to the international law, stateless person is a person who is not considered as a national by any state under the operation of its law. Statelessness almost always results when state failure leads people to flee – be it due to invasion and conquest by another state, civil war, famine, or an oppressive regime – from their home country. Individuals could also become stateless persons because of deprivation and when renouncing their citizenship without gaining nationality in another State