MUSEUM OF NEW MEXICO

OFFICE OF ARCHAEOLOGTCA.% STUDIES

BI0ARCIIAEOLOC;Y ON A BATTLEFIELD: T H E ABORTIVE CONFEDERATE CAMPAIGN IN NEW MFXICO

ARCHAEOLOGY NOTES 142

SANl'A FE
I994

NEW MEXICO

CONTENTS

Acknowledgrncnts . . . . . , . . ,. . . . . , .. , . . v Inception and Objectives of the Study . .. . .. .. .. . 1 Historical Background . . . . . . . . . . . , ,, , . . . . . .. . ,. 3 Origin of the New Mexico Campaign . . .. , . ,. , . . . 3 Battles of the Campaign . ., . . . . , , . . . . . . . . . . . 4 Physical Hardships . . , . . . . . .. . .. .. 5 Methodology . . . .. ... .,. ., , . . . . .., . . ., . - 9 Inventory and Coding Procedures . , . . . ., . , . . - . 9 Craniometry ~. ~. . . . * . . . , * . * . . . -10 Findings . , . . , . I . ~. . . . . , . . * . . . * . . . " . " . I . * . * . . .13 Demographic Data on the Glorieta Burials . . . . . . , . . . 15 Dental I'athology . . . . . ., , . . . ., . . . 19 Antemortem Osteopathology . . . . . , . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32 Perimortern Trauma . .. ,. . . , . . .. , . ,. . . . . .42 ., ..... . - . . . . . . . .4S Positive and Tentative Identifications Burial 1 A . . * . . * . * . . . * . " ,. * . . . . . * . . ,, - . . ? .-45 = . . ,, " . . . , , * . * . . , . . . * . ,48 Burial2E " . . *.. -.. ~, ~. . * , I . * . . - . - .49 Burial2S.. Burial 2B . . .. .. . . .. . ...... . . . . - . . .49 Burial 2 N . . . . " . . + . - . . " . ., . . . - .. * . -50 ,. . . ., I . * . . . . * . - .. . , .S4 B u r i a l 2 X . . " . . ~. ~. . Other Burials . . . ._ , . . . . , . . . . . . . . . . . .54 .. . . . . . . . .63 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . ._ . . I . . . * . . . * .. " , . ~. . . ~. I . * . .65
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Tables
1, Preservation of the Glorieta sample , . . .. . . . . . , . , . . . . 14 2. Projectiles associated with Glorieta burials . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . 15 3. Demographic data on the Glorieta sample . . .... . . , . . , 16 4. Comparison o f actual ages with osteologically dctcrrnined ages . . . 18 S . Incidence of alveolar absccssing by individual . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20 6. Toothsocketsshowing active or antemorternabsccssing in Glorieta sarnplc 21 7 . Incidence of dental caries in Glorieta sample ... , . . , . 22 8. Incidcncc of dental carics i n fully erupted, perlnanent tccth a n d severity of .... . . . ..,.. . . . . . . -23 carious lesions . . . , , 9. Individuals i n Glorieta sample with partially eruptcd, unerupted, or . . . . . . . . . . . . , , 24 congenitally absent teeth . . . . . . . . . . . . 28 10.Incidence of dental caries by tooth type i n Glorieta sample . . 11. Incidence of calculus in Glorieta sample , . , . . , , . ., . 29 12. Incidence of enamel hypoplasia in Glorieta sample . . - ,. . . . - 31
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13. Incidence of Schmorl's depressions in Glorieta sample . . 14. incidence of ectocranial porosis in Glorieta sample . . . 15. Antemortem osteopathology in Glorieta sarnple . . . 16. Perimortem trauma and cause of death in Glorieta sarnple .
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. ., 33 . . . . . . . . . 39 ., , 41 . , , , , . 43
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Figures
1" Map of battletield at Glorieta Pass, New Mexico . . . . . . ., . . - - . 6 2. Skull of Burial 2V . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . , . . . . . . 12 3. Gold filling on the occlusal surface of the right maxillary second molar of Burial2B < .* . " , . . * . . * . * . . . . . * , , , , <. * , .26 4, Two gold illlings on the rightmaxillarysecondmolar of Burial 2 X , . , . , 26 5 . Depressed area on the anterior border of the superior surface of the . , 36 centrum of a lumbar vertebra (between 1,1 and L4) of Burial 2P 6. Femur of Burial 2E showing a depression immediately anterior t o the lesser trochanter . ..,,... . .. . ... .,.. -37 7. Tibiae of Burial 2B showing bilateral depressions on the anterior surface below the unfused proximal epiphyses and near the attachment site o f the ligamentum patellae . , . .. . ... .. . , -37 8, Major John Samuel Shropshire, 5th Texas Regiment o f the Texas Mounted Volunteers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . , , , .. .. , -46 9. Burial l A , probably Major John Samuel Shropshire . . . . . . - . . - , 47 10. Gunshot cxit wound on the occipital of Burial 1A showing nnultiple ....,. , . . , .. , . . . 51 radiating fractures . 11 Left ilium of Burial 2E showing oval hole with radiating fractures 51 indicating the entry of a projcctile through the internal (visceral) aspect 12. Left i l i u m of Burial 2E showing the projectile exit wound on the external aspect . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52 13. The shattered pelvis of Private J. S. I,. Cotton (Burial 2s) . . . - 52 14. Skull of Burial 2l3, probably James Manus, the blacksmith of Company I, 4th Texas Regiment . . . ... ... . .,.... . , . , -53 15. Skull of Burial 2X, probably G. N. Taylor, bugler, Company H, 7th Texas Reginlent . . . . . . . . - . . , . ..,. ,, .53 16. Entry wound on the left frontal of Burial 2 Y . . . . . , , ., . . . 55 17. Exit wound on the right parietal and occipital of Burial 2Y . . . , . 55 18. Skull of burial 2CC, with a gunshot entry woundonthe. right frontal . . . 56 19. Exit wound on the right parietal of Burial 2CC . . . . . . . . 56 20. Gunshot wound to the pelvis of Burial 2R, also showing fracturing of the head and neck of the left femur . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Si' 21 - Keyhole entry wound of a projectile on left frontal of Burial 2G . . . . . 58 22. The cranium and fractured mandible of Burial 2 2 . . . , . . . . . . . . . . 58 23. Gunshot exit woundthrough the right innominate of Burial 2Q . . . . . 60
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The author is deeply grateful to Thomas A. Livesay, director, Museum of New Mexico, Santa PC,for the invitation to exanlinc the Glorieta skeletal series, and to the following members of the staff o f the Research Section, Laboratory of Anthropology, Museum of New Mexico, for their assistance and encouragement: David A . Phillips, Jr., director; Yvonne Oakes, staff archaeologist; Natasha Willia~nson;and Ann Noble. Richard Jantz, John Verano, and Steve Ousley assisted in data collection, and Verano also photographedselected bonc specitnens. Marilyn London performed osteometric rncasurements and calculated the staturc of individuals in the Glorieta sample, as well as providing information on preservation, completeness, and other characteristics of the analyzed dental on data enamel hypoplasia. Bcrtita skeletal scries. Kim 1,anphcar Compton integrated the background information and data, developed a plan and format for the report, and assisted in its prcparation. Without the f11ndsprovided through a grant from the Research Opportunities Fund, Smithsonian Institution, this study would not have been possible.

INCEPTION AND OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY

In July 1989, Thomas A . Livesay, director, Museum of New Mexico, Santa Fe, invited Douglas W. Owsley, curator, Smithsonian Institution, to examine the skeletal remains that had been discovered two years earlier some 20 miles east of Santa Fc at the site of the March 1862 Battle of Glorieta Pass. The bones were found on privately owned for the foundation of a house.Whenthe landthatwasbeingclearedandtrenched landowner notified the Museum of New Mcxico, the Research Section of the Museum's Laboratory of Anthropology immcdiatcly undertook the excavation of what proved to be a mass grave and one adjacent burial site. A study of the human rcrnains and related artifacts followed. The skeletons, whichreprescntcd 3 1 individuals, were transferred temporarily totheMaxwellMuseumof Anthropology, University of Ncw Mcxico, Albuquerque, for initial analysis, then returned t o the Museum of New Mexico in August 1989. There, in November 1989, Owsley and his colleagues conducted a detailed osteological and dental examination whilc plans for reburial of the remains were being developed.
As a result of the field and laboratory studies and related archival. rcsearch, the Museu~nof NewMexicoopened a specialcxhibition on March 28, 1991, the129th anniversary of theBattle of Glorieta Pass. Titled "Thc CivilWar i n the West: The Confedcrate Campaign in New Mexico, 1862," the cxhihition presented artifacts from the battlefield and informationabout three of the Confederate soldiers who hadbcen positively identified through both osteological examination and artifacts associatcd with these burials. Exhibition curator Charles Bennett sunmarized the significance of the action at Gloricta Pass as follows: "Just as the 1863 Battleof Gettysburg stopped the Confederate thrust into the Federal states, the Battleof Glorieta turned the tide of Confederate intentions in the West" (Mitchell 1991).

Paradoxically, the Confcdcrates initially regarded the battle as a victory, for the Federal troops left the field and evacuated Santa Fe, and the Confederate commander, LA. Col. William R. Scurry, became governor pro tern of the New Mexico Territory. Scurry describcd Gloricta as "thc hardestcontested fight it has ever been my lot to witness" (Alherts 1984:XS)and statcd, "The battle o f Glorietta [sic]--where . you your a field chosen by stcadily drove before you a foe o f twice nurnbers--over themselves, and deemed impregnable, will take its place upon the roll of your country's triumphs, and serve to excite your children t o imitate the bravc dccds o f their fathers" (Albcrts 1984:90). However, while the battle was i n progress, a detachment of Federal cavalry discovered thc canyon in which the Confederate supply train containing reserve ammunition, rncdicinc, baggage, food, and forage was hidden and destroyed it. A long and arduous rctrcat by half-starved, ill-clad, exhausted troops was inevitable. Through this study, thcir comrades who remained behind in that mass gravc on the battlefield have of what the participants suffcred during this poorly conceived, revealed much the lives of inadcquately supplied, ineptly conducted canlpaign--one that wasted
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mseasorled volunteer twenties.

troops composed 11.1ost1y teenagers of and

Inen i n their early

on this study were Richard L. Jantz, Department of Working Owsley with Anthropology, University of Tennessee, Knoxville; Steve Ousley, a graduate student of Jantzs at the University of Tennessee; and John Verano, a postdoctoral research fellow in the Smithsonians Department of Anthropology. The osteological examinationand recording of data took place November 5-1 1, 1989, at the Museum of New Mexico in Santa Fe. Jantz: Verano, and Ousley assisted in the skeletal inventory and collection of data. Jantz and Ousley were primarily concernedwiththe collection and analysis of cranial osteometrk data, and Verano recorded data and photographed selected examples of oskopathology.
Thc research team was assisted in arrangements for and thc conduct of their study by the following members of the Research Section, Laboratory of Anthropology: David A . Phillips, Jr., director; YvonneOakes,staff archeologist; Natasha Williamson; and Ann Noble.
The objectives of the investigation were to record data o n age, sex, race, and other physical characteristics; antemortem hone and dental pathology; and perimortem trauma and possible cause of death. Through comparison. of such data with those contained in military records and descriptive materialfrom diaries and other archival be identified. In sources? it was hoped that at lcastsome of the individuals could addition, data from this Civil War sample were conlpared with the findings of a similar study of burials associated with the siege of Fort Erie in the War of 1812 (Pfeiffer and Williamson 1991). The physicaldemands and deprivations of thatcampaignwere in many respects comparable to those experienced by the Confederate troops who participated in the New Mexico Campaign, and the size and characteristics of the two sarnplcs were similar. In addition, the data were incorporated into a compllterized data base for use in further comparative studies of skeletal series from other historic eras and sites. One such study, a possible follow-on tothis one, might cornpare dcmographic characteristics and osteopathology of the Glorieta sample withtwo other Civil War skcletal series: one from the siege of Port Hudson, near Baton Rouge, Louisiana, and one (representing the Irish Brigade) from Antietam, near Sharpsburg, Maryland.

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

Orkin of the New Mexico Campaign

In 1841, shortly after the beginning of the Civil War, Colonel Henry H. Sibley presented to President Jefferson Davis an ambitious plan that would have brought the Confederacy necdcd supplies and natural resources, had it succeeded, and perhaps even access to Pacific ports i n southern California. Sibley proposed to raise a volunteer force in Texas that would supply its own mounts and fircarrns and live off the land during an invasion of the New Mexico Territory (which included Arizona). He convinced Davis that he could easily dcfmt the Union forces and gain control of major trade routes and the supply center at Fort Union. Afterward, Sibley also expected to ~noveon to Colorado, with its rich ore deposits andrnines, then to Utah, where he thought the Mormons would support the Confederate cause, and eventually to Southern California, thus extending the Confederate domain to the Pacific. 'The, plan was impractical, but it would cost little and might yield great benefits, so Davis made Sibley a brigadier general i n June 1861 and sent h i m to Texas t o recruit and command Confederate forces operating o n the upper Rio Grande (Sifakis 1988). Even if the barren land the invaders would traverse had been able to support an army, and the Hispanics hadbeen sympathetic to the Confederate cause, or Colorado, Utah, and California disloyal t o the IJnion, Sibley was not the one to lead such an undertaking. He had a poor record i n the Mexican War. He "suffered from an excessive fondness fur thc bottle which to a large extent dcnicd the Confederacy the full advantages of his West Point (1838) training" (Sifakis 1988:258). And he was indecisive and generally absent when his troops were engaged in battle, resulting in loss of their respect and suspicion General E. R. S. Canby, who of cowardice (Alberts 1984). In contrast, Mqjor comtnandcd the Department of New Mexico and lcd the Union forces thcrc, was an astute, able, and hurnane leader, concerned for his own troops and for his prisoners of war (Alberts 1984).

Sibley was enthusiastically received in Texas and soon recruited his brigade. His total force. when combined with troopscomnlancled by LieutenantColonelJohn R. Raylor at Fort Bliss, numberedabout 3,200 men (Hall 1978). Sibley's recruits were cquipped with whatthey brought fromhomeand clothing and arms confiscated frorrl former Union posts vacated when Texas seceded from the IJnion. They trained for a few months near San Antonio, then set out from there in October 1861 on a 63O-mile rnarch to Fort Blisson the border near El Paso. From there, they continued some 300 miles further to Fort Thorn, 70 rniles south o f the Federal stronghold at Fort Craig. Some 500 men who had contracted smallpox, pneumonia, and other illnesses proceeded no further than Fort Thorn (Shropshire 1990:77).

Battles of thc Campaign

Although the Confederates reached Fort Thorn in December, Sibley's troops did not advance furthcr toward Fort Craig until February 1862. This long delay gave General Canby amplc time to strengthen his fortifications, acquire additional troop support, and lay in supplies. Canby's troops at and near Fort Craig numbered about 3,800 (Alberts 1984). A direct attack on the fort was not feasible, andCanbyignored Confederate attempts to draw h i m out onto the open plain, where the Confederates camped in alternating snow and sand storms. Alberts (1984137)describes the situation as follows: The Confederate leaders were faced with a dilemrtla. In thcir front lay an apparently impregnable fort with a resolute garrison reinforced by large Mesilla. Valley-Fort numbcrs of volunteer soldiers. . Behind lay the Bliss region, already stripped of provisions. With only a ten-day supply of food remaining, some decisive movc was obviously needed. Gcncral Sibley being stricken by an unidentified illness as well as by indecision, Colonel Green decided . . [to]bypass Fort Craig to the east . . then return t o the river near Valverde, six miles north of the fort. . . With his lines of supply thus threatened, Canbywouldhave little choice but to leave Fort Craig and fight the Texans on ground chosen by themselves.
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On Ikbruary 21, the Battle of Valverde, the first and largest of' the five battles o i the New Mexico Campaign, took place. Losses were approximately even: 36 Confederates were killed, 150 were wounded, of whom 43 later died, and one was missing; the Union reported 68 killed, 160 wounded, of whom 17 subsequently died, and 35 missing (Alberts 1984:49). The Confederates also lost many of their pack animals and horsesand nnules thatthetroops rode on the march, but not in battlc (they were infantry). The Union forces did not abandon Fort Craig as a result of the battle, and the Confederates, short of supplies, pushed on to Albuqucrquc, slowly and mostly on foot. As Private "Abe" Hanna (1990:67) reported in his notes: "28th Friday we marched 10 miles it being the first traveling we had done, on foot there was considerablc growling among the Boys. The Federal troops evacuated Albuquerque after destroying supplies. Therefore, although the Confederates occupied the city early in March, they were soon on the road There, the Union forces did had as they in again, moving north to Santa Fe. Albuqucrquc, burning supplies, leaving the city, and moving further north to thcir main military and trade center at Fort Union. On March 26, two weeks after the occupation of Santa Fe, Confederate Major Charles L. Pyron led his battalion and four additional companies along the Santa Fe Trail, onwhich Federal forces from Fort Union under Colonel John P. Slough and Major John M. Chivington were advancing. Pyron's advance guard was surprised and captured, following which the opposing troops clashed in the Battlc of Apache Canyon. Pyron was repeatedly outflanked, then nearly surrounded, but 4

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winds. They typically camped in the open with little or no shelter and frequently in areas where there was no wood to build a fire. Water was a problem throughout most of their scveral months in New Mexico, as was food. Their diet consisted mainly of a little dried beef and, occasionally, some mutton or beans, but more oftenonlybread and c o f f e (when there was water enough to makc coffee). Even early in the campaign, when detouring around Fort Craig, and before so many of the animals hac1 been killed at the subsequent Rattle of Valverde, the physical demands on the men were extreme. Almost a mile in length, the ravine is composed of apparently bottomless sand. The climb wasvery difficult. . . For wheeled vehicles .) . the route . was almost impossible. Many thin-tired artillery pieces and the heavily laden wagons sank up to their hubs. Drivers double- and tripledtcatncd their stuck vehicles. Troopers dismounted to heave on wheels and wagon beds, and together men and anirnals strugglcd through the day and llntll well after [lark. (Alberts 19&4:38--39)
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As they continued further i n t o New Mexico in the midst of winter, conditions became steadily worse, as the following excepts show:

I had my horse killed i n the Battle o f Valverde and I am now a foot and I now feel the pleasure of soldiering i n New Mexico more plainly than I have ever done before notwithstar~ding. . . the climate & the hardships of a march of a Thousand miles over mountains such as is seen i n no other country than that along the road from San Antonio to Fort Craig without wood or water & but little grass and being i n the cleacl of winter and worse than all the horrors that is witnessed on the Battlefield. (Hanna 1990:66)

1st day of March was a cloudy day with cold wind and some snow. We camps at 9 marched 15 miles over a sandy mountainous road. R ~ ~ c h e d oclock . , . and n o wood . . and as usualno provision. Thc wind now increased and turned colder and LIS being on out the level . . our situation not pleasant was very one. . We are now entirely out of everything i n the way of provisions and yet thirty rniles to Albuquerque. (Hanna 1990:68)
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A few miles further 011 we crossed a tremendous canion, SO0 feet deep, and here the artillery had to be drawn up the hill again by the men. Late i n the evening we finished this crossing with cannon, wagons, and all, and then began by a long gradual ascent to gain the sumrnit of a pass i n a range, of high mountains that run across the course we must take. About sundown, the advance reached the summit of this pass and still the water was six miles off. (Alberts 1984:lll)

Tn light of what these troops had been experiencing for nearly six months prior tu the Battle of Glorieta Pass, it was likely that wen so small a sample as the 31 who died and were buried on the battleficld would show some after-cffects. Thus, in addition t o noting osteological evidence of perimartern trauma that could have resulted in death, the investigators were also alert to indications of antemortem strcss.

METHODOLOGY

Inventorv and Coding Procedures

h c h skeleton had been assigned a designation consisting of a number and one or rnore letters. Docurncntation developedby the archaeologists and physicalanthropologists the burials provided information onthe who had excavatedandpreviouslyexamined locationand completeness of each of 30 skeletons in the mass grave and 1 buried separately, as well as on associated artifacts. In thc mass grave, in which skeletons had been buried three-deep, head to toe, their arms folded (Gullctt 1988), some commingling was inevitable; thus, extra bones or teeth were associated with some burials, and other skeletons lacked various skeletal elements. Further sorting and reassignment wcrc necessary. For cxarnple, the left foot of Burial 2R showed no unusual characteristics, but the right foot exhibitcd several discrepancies: ( I ) right metatarsals 2-5 werc shorter and their shafts narrower than those of the left foot; (2) the overalllength of theright calcaneus and height of thepostcrior tubercle werc substantially less than those of the left calcaneus; and (3) the right cuboid that articulates with the calcaneus was smaller than the lcft cuboid. Detailed examination revealed that thcposterior subtalar facets of the left and right calcaneidiffered in shape and size. In addition, a fragmentary leftsecond cuneiform of a size consistent with that of' [he right foot was present, as well as a left second cuneiform that articulated correctly with, and was apparently part of, the larger 2K butto left foot. It was evidentthatthe smaller rightfootbelongednottoBurial another of the skeletons (Owsley and Mann 1989). 'Thc physical anthropological study began with an inventory of the bones of each of the 31 burials. The inventory form providcs a record of the presence or absence of skeletal elements and whether those present arc partial or co~npletc. The inventory yields a precisc bone element baseline count and nukes possible the analysis of bone pathology in relation to, for example, age, sex, side, specific joints, or frequency of occurrence within and bet,ween samples (see Owslcy et al. 1990).
In addition t o the osteological inventory, thcrc i s a dental inventory on which to indicate the presence or absence of maxillary and Inandjbular teeth, as follows: prcscnt (tooth only) or present i n socket, anternortem or posttnortern loss (socket only), antcmortern loss withbone resorption, partiallyerupted or unerupted, or congenitally absent. Sockets are examined for any evidence ofabscessing, either anternortcm or active atthe time of death. Dental caries are scoredforlocation onan affected tooth (e.g., occlusal surface) and severity (ranging frompit or slight fissure to complete crown destruction and root involvement). The presence and degree of calculus deposits and the location and degree of wear are also indicated. Any unusual characteristics such as extra cusps or particular patterns of wear (c.g., pipe facet) are noted, as are the location and number of hypoplastic lines when present. These depressed lines o r rowsofpitscan

occur if an individual experiences episodes of severe nutritional or disease stress during

enarrlcl deposition (i.e. , before seven years of age). Because the developmental sequence of all permanent teeth is known, measuring thc distance of the center of a hypoplastic line from thc ccmcntoenamel junction can indicatc the, approximate age when the stress occurred (Goodman and Armelagos 1985). A helios dial needle-tipped caliper is used, and distance is measured to 0.1 mm. After completion of the bone and dental inventories, the bones of the Glorieta sample were carefully examined for evidence of disease and trauma. The scoring of pathological changes resulting from infection is based on bone cell response--bone loss, bone increase, or resorption plus addition. These modifications are further ra.ted for severity, extent, condition (whether active, healing, or healed), and location. Codes for degenerative joint disease yield data on the presence and degree of hypertrophic bone formation, porosity, and eburnation. The severity of such conditions canvaryon one joint surface, as well as from one joint surface to another. Traumatic injuries also require a dctailcd coding format. In regard to fracture of the frontal, occipital, parietals, and temporals, the coding system permits indication of shape, presence of radiating fractures, severity, size, number of separatc fractures per bone, and state (e.g. , whether any remodeling has occurred), Fracttlrcs of the zygomatic bones, rnaxillae, and mandible are coded only for presence and state. The location and nature of fractures are further documented by drawings on standardized cranial diagrams. The procedure for recording and depicting lesions in postcranial boncs is rnuchthe same, The result for each skeleton in a sample is a detailed numerical record for computer storage and xnanipdation, supplemented by anatomical drawings and descriptive notes dealing with anomalies and special obscrvations. Selected bones displaying disease or trauma are x-rayed. The study teart1 also photographed examples of osteological and dental pathology. In addition, a few hone specimens were loancd for more detailed study attheSmithsonian Institution. For example, the posterior surfaces ofthe patellae of Burial 2P displayed dccp circular defects resembling cyst pockets. Owsley borrowed thcse for radiographic analysis and further detailed examination. He subsequently and 1990) in the American Journal o f published a letter report (Owsley Mann Roentpmlogy, "'Bilateral Dorsal Defect of the Patella" (a condition found in only about 1 percent of contemporary clinical populations, with even an lower frequency in archaeologic samples).

Cranionletrv

'Besides the devcloprnentof osteological and dental inventories and data on trauma and disease, craniometric data were recorded for entry into the forensic data bank maintained at the University of Tennessee. Collection of these datamade possible a comparison of the Glorieta sample with Arne,rican Indian and Hispanic samples and with 10

another Caucasian sample, a l l of which were drawr, from the forensic data hank. The wcrc spreading and sliding calipers. and instruments used i n obtaining? the rrleasurcmcnts the, principal measurements recorded were the following: naso-dacrya1 subtense, zygomaxillary subtense, bregma-lambda subtense: stephanic subtense, nasion radius. zygoorbitale radius, lambda radius, frontomalare radius, zygomaxillare radius. naslon rdius, glabello-occipital length, foramen magnim length, rnalar Icnglh infcrior. rnalar kngth maximum, basion-nasion length, nasio-occipital length, bregma-lambda chord, rnaxirnurn frontal breadth, bizygomatic breadth, bimaxillary breadth, biauricuiar breadth, and interorbital breadth (see Key 1983 on the definition and use of these measurements). Of thcsc, four--naso-dacryon subtense, basion-nasion length, nasmn radius. and zygoorbitale radius--proved the most useful i n distinguishing the Glorieta sample and another Chucasian sarnplc from Amerindian and Hispanic sarnples.

'The Glorieta sample consisted o f 30 skeletons from a mass grave and 1 from a grave adjacent to but s o u t h ~ ~oft the large burial site. The condition of the bones varied s from excellent to very poor, and most were in fair to poor condition. Breakage, fragmentation, exfoliation o f cortical bone, and warping were characteristic of many of the skeletons. Much of the damage observed was pstmortern, some havingoccurred at the time of excavation, but in rnany skeletons there was also clear evidence of perirnorte~ntraurna.

Degree of completeness of theskeletons varicd as greatly as condition o f thc bones. Thirteen of them werefairly to nearly complete, but many elements of the remaining 18 were missing or severely damaged. Burial 2T, for cxample, was incomplete and displayed extensive postmortem darnage, with the skull fragmentary, all long bones incomplete, articular surfaces of the long bones missing or damaged, the vertebral column pulverized, and only a few fragrnents of' thc pelvic girdle present. In contrast, virtually all bones of Burial 2V were present, including the hyoid and the ossicles of the ear (malleus, incus, and stapes); the skull was undamaged (Fig. 2), and the long bones, scapulae, and innominates displayed slight only damage. Table 1 summarizes the information on the condition and completcncssof the 3 1 skelctons of the Glorieta sample. Nearlyallthc burials hadboth maxillaryandmandibular teeth present, and in most instances, the sockets were also present.Burial I A wasan exception; there wcrc no teeth present, and the maxillae and rnandihle wcrc missing. Only the rxxmdibular tecth and sockets of !&rials 2E, 2K, and 2M were present. Stains were apparent on bones o f tcn of'the burials (2C, 25, 2 K , 2L, 2 M , ZN, 213, 2T, 2X, and 2EE). Most of' the stains were green as a result of contact with brass or copper artifacts, and most were located o n bones o f the arm (radii, ulnae, and ht~rncri). The left hand of Burial 2 l X was stained greenish black, thc luft foot o f Burial 2C displayed reddish stains, and the lef't clavicle of Burial 2J was yellow. Buttons; bits of fabric; picccs of leather, metal, and wood; and a number of othcr artifacts (e.g,, spurs, writing materials) were associatcd with the burials. Thc archaeologists of the Museum of New Mexico studied these and displayed many of ther-n in the 1991 exhibition dealing with the Battle o f Glorieta Pass. The artifacts of principal interest to the physical anthropologists were thc projectiles associated with many o f the burials. In some cases there was osteological evidence of perimortcm traurnatic injury, butin others one o r more projectiles associated with a skeletonprovidedtheonly indication that death might have resultcd from wounds inflicted by small arnx (e.g. Mini6 balls, Colt bullets) or artillery fire (e.g., canister shot). Table 2 presents the data o n projectiles and thcir locatio11 in relation to specific burials.
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Burial
1A
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2A
28

1D
?E
21

2K 2L 20 7F
"

ZQ

2R
2,T

2U

2v
2AA

7,RR

Tkrnographic Data on the Glorieta Burials

Records o f Confederate soldiers participating in the New Mexico Campaign show that 35 were killed ai Gloricta Pass and possibly buried on the battlefield. Two officers and some of those who were mortally wounded and died latcr were buried in SanCi Fe and elsewhere. Data on the agc and sex of most of thcsc individuals a p p a r in enlistment records and other archival sources. The team of anthropologists based their assessments o f the age, sex, and race o f thc 31 skeletons that were recovered on osteological and
15

20-24

35-39

M
M

M M M
M

2529

2s
~

18-22
. _

ZSZl

27-33
"
~

ZV

18-21
"

35-45

W
W W W W
W W

M
I

"

17-20 26-32

M M M M M
M

22-2s
17-19

"

17-21 " -

25-32
17-19
23-28

"

dental analyses, later cornparing their findings with those derived from archival sources i n an effort to establish idcntity. Table 3 sLlmmarizes the resdts of the osteological cxarnination.

As anticipated, the 31 individuals comprising the Glorieta skeletal series werc male, and 26 of them were white. In five instances, the bones needed to determine race were not present, so although it was likely, based on archival sources, that these individuals were white, they are not so designated in Table 3. Assessments of age for each individual were based on dental development, degree of closure of cranial sutures, stage of epiphyseal union of long bones, the presence of ostenarthritis or other types of bone pathology, and other osteological observations. The actual agcs of 34 of the men buried on the battleticld at Gloricta arc known. Their ages ranged from 17 to 42, with a median age of 22, and a mean age of 23. The results of the osteological analysis are consistent with these data. The age range is 17 to more than 40, and the m e a n and median ages are in the 20-24 category.
Table 4 presents a comparison of thc estimated ages of the Glorieta sample based on osteological analysis, the actual ages of Confederates killed at Glorieta (whether buried on the battlefield o r elsewhere), and the actual ages of those killed at Valverde, the first and largest of the New Mcxico Carnpaign battles. The age range for those killed at Valverdc for whom archival data on age wcrc available (51) was 17-41 years, with a nlean age of 25 and a median age of 23. For the 47 who died (either imrnediately or later in Santa Fe) as a result of action at Glorieta and for whom data on age were available, the range was 17-44 years, with a mean age of 22.6 and a median age of 22. The osteological data on the skeletal remains recovered from the battlefield at Glorieta are consistent with these tindings. However, as Table 4 shows, the estimated ages of nmrly half (45 percent) of the Glorieta d a d who were buried o n the hattlefield are in the mid to late teens, whereas the data from enlistment records indicate that most of those who died as a result of wounds at Glorieta, as well as at Valvcrdc, wcrc in their early 20s. Few of the Confedcrate soldiers who participated in the Ncw Mcxico Campaign wcrc more than 30 ymrs of age, and most of these were officers, some of whom had fought in the Mexican War.

The osteological age assessments are generally in agreement withthe trends apparent in the data o n actual agcs compiled from the National Archives and other sources, although there is a discrepancy in the 15-19- and 20-24-year-old categories. The estimated ages of 14 individuals werc 1519 years, whereas the records show that only ten of the individuals killed in action were in this age category. Thus, if the written SoLlrces arc accurate, the ages of four individuals werc underestimated.
Age determinations, as previously noted, were based o n current standards derived

from osteological indicators such as epiphyseal closure in long bones and dental development. Skeletal maturation i n contemporary whites probably proceeds at a faster pace than was characteristic of the nineteenth-century population because of differences

Tablc 4. Comparison of actual ages with osteologically determined ages

Skeletons of U.S. soldiers who died at the siege o f Fort Erie in the War of 1812 wcrc thc subjcct of a detailed study (Pfeiffer and Williamson 1991). Actual data on age were not available for the sample of 33, but based on osteological and dental analysis, the agc range for these soldiers was 15-17 though 40+. The mean age was 25, and the rncrlian fell i n the 22-24 age category. 'Yhc author notcs that the estimates for the Fort Eric sample wcre consistent with the average agcs (24.7 and 25.4 years) of two other companies for whom War of 1812 records wcre available (Pfeiffer 1991). Thus, in both the Confederate Campaign in New Mexico and at least some of the U.S. engagements of the War of 1812, the men were quite young, often teenagers. Pfeiffer (1991) notes in regard t o the War of 1812 that although recruitment uf males younger than 14 years was illegal; she found one burial i n the Fort Erie sample that might. have been as young as 12, though an age of as much as 14 was possible. The Trotter and Glcscr (1952, 1458) formulae for estimation of' stature based on long hone rncasurernents were the basis of the data compiled by M. London (Table 3). In three instances (Burials 2Q, 2T, and 2Z), n o long bone was sufficiently intact to pcrmit a reliable measurement for estimating stature. Most estimates were based on the left or right femur, whichever wasbest preserved; however, when undamaged femora were not available, the left or right tibiawas used (Burials 21, 2L, 2 M , 2N, 2P, and 2L)U). Heights ranged from 5'4" to 6' 1 and the average I n a n and median was 5'9". In the Fort Erie sample from the War of 1812 (Saunders 199l ) , height ranged from 5'4" t o 6'3": with a mean of5'9". Nearly one--thirdof that sample was greater than S ' l l t ftall,
'I,

Saundcrs (1991) compared these findingswith data on another War of 1812 salnple, Civil War recruits of the 186Os, and rnodern forcrlsic samples. The m e a n stature of the Fort Eric sample exceeded that of the cornparable War of 1812 regiment and that of the Civil War recruits, being closer t o , though slightly less than, the mean height of the twenticthcentury forensic sample (5'10"). The author concluded that the Fort Erie sample was biased by likely selection for taller individuals. In terms of stature, the Glorieta sample is similar to the Fort Erie sample. The craniometric data collected by the University of 'Tennessee anthropologists for addition to thc forensic data bank permitted cornparison of the Glorieta skeletons with Amerindian and Hispanic samples and another Caucasian sample. Tests of significance of between-group variations and discriminate function analyses were performed (data on file, Department of Anthropology, IJniversityof Tennessee, Knoxville). The results indicated that the Glorieta soldiers and the other Caucasian sample, when compared to the Amerindian sarnple, had a longer, narrower vault, longer foramen magnum, a more from the orbit, a narrower palate, and a pronounced forehead, lessnasalprojection srnaller minimum cranial breadth. The Glorieta sample, in contrast to the other Caucasian sample, had a significantly smaller nasal width than the Amerindian sample. Comparison of the Glorieta and another Caucasian sanlplc withan Hispanic sample showed fewer significant differences between the Gloricta soldiers and the Hispanics than between the other Caucasian sample andthe Hispanics. However, naso-dacryon subtense, basionnasion length, nasion radius, and zygoorbitale radius revealed consistent and significant differences between (1) the A~r~erindian the Hispanic samples and (2) boththe and Glorieta and Caucasian samples. The analysis rcvtxled n o basis for identifying any of the Glorieta crania as Indian; however, a discriminate function analysis of crania of individual soldiers did suggest that Burial 2R might be Hispanic.

Of the 31 skeletons in the Gloricta sarnple, all but one werc accorllpanied by teeth; Burial 1A lackcd the mandible, maxillae, and all teeth and is not included in the tabulations that follow. The tooth sockets of 19 (63.3 percent) of the 30 individuals for whom dental datawere available showed no evidence of alveolar abscessing. The number of abscesses i n the other 11 ranged from one to seven. ?'able 5 presents the data on the number and types of alveolar abscessing in these individuals. T t indicates that at the time of death 9 of the 1 1 were experiencing activc alveolar abscessing, most with periapical perforation of the cortex and bone destruction. Nineof the 1 1 also had experienced antcrnortem tooth loss as a result of abscessing, and i n most instances the loss occurrcd long enough prior to death for alveolar bone resorption to have occurred.

19

2
1
1

The totalnumber oftooth sockets available for analysis i n this sample of 30 indlviduals was 833. O f these, only 39 (4.7 percent) displayed evidence of alveolar abscessing. Among the 39, 15 (38.5 percent) were exarrlples ofperiapical abscessing with perforation of the cortex by a draining sinus, 13 (33.3 percent) represented anternortern tooth loss with bone resorption, six (15.4 pcrccnt) showed recent antemorteltl tooth loss (with the socket still present and in the process a f remodeling), and five (12.8 percent) represented periodontal abscessing with alveolar crest destruction. Molars wcrc the teeth most frequently affected, accounting for 29 (74.4 percent) o f the 39 instances o f abscessing.Eight (20.5 percent:) of theabscessed teeth were prenlolars, and two were incisors. Table 6 presents the data on abscessing by type of affected tooth. It shows that more mandibular than maxillary teeth had abscessed, and that first and second molars were the most frequently affected.
'1'0 Sllmmarizc,inthisskeletal series, the total number of teeth lost or in the process of destruction as a result of alveolar abscessing was less than 5 percent; however, rnore than one-third (36.7 percent) of the individuals had abscessed teeth at the time of death or had lost tecth antemortem. Two of these individuals accounted for almost onethird (30.8 percent) of the instances of abscessing. In the War of 1812 sample (Sledzik and Moore-Jansen 1991a, 1991b), of 681 sockets available for examination, 1.9 percent w e a l d periapical abscessing, and 2.1 percentperiodontal abscessing at the time of death: 7.9 percent showed that antemortem tooth loss had occurred as a result of

20

absccssing. The incidence of abscessing was sorncwhat lower in the tilorieta t h a n t h e Fort Erie sample, but the percentages in both were low.

'I'ahle 6 . Tooth sockets showing active or anternortern abscessing in Glorieta

sample
Socket
Nurnbcr Ahsczssed Socket Nutnbcr

Tutal

Percent

I,eft Maxilla
1 st Incisor
2nd Incisor Cnninc 2nd Incisor Caninc
1 1

2.6

I
2 1 st Molar
2nd Molar

2.6 5.1

2
3
2

2.8
1x.0

7 2

5.1

-~

5.1

2nd Incisor
I

I
1

2
3

5.1

7.7

6
2nd Molar

8
3
4

20.5

3
3rd Molar

7.7
10.2

3rd Molar

2
23 ( 5 9 % )

39

Only four (13.3 percent) of the 30 individuals in the Gloricta sample had no carious teeth. The number of carious teeth pcr individual for the other 26 ranged from 1 to IS, as Table 7 indicates. Not surprisingly, some of those with the greatest number of carious teeth also had lost OJ were about to losc teeth as a rcsult of alveolar absccssing. They generally displayed the most advanced stages o f caries in one or nlore of their tccth, with virtually complete crown dcstruction, pulp exposure, and root involvement. For example, Burial 2X, who had 15 carious tccth, had also lost four teeth from abscessing, and 2H, who had 13 carious teeth, had four active periapical abscesses at the time of death and had lost one tooth anternort-tcm.

21

17 I
X
9 10

I 2 (6.7) I
1 (3.3) 1 (3.3) 2 (6.7)
" l " .

-.
".

2 (6.7)

11 12

0 0

15

1 (3.3)

Table 8 shows the incidence of dental caries in relation t o the number of teeth present for each individual in the Glorieta sample and indictes the severity of the lesions, that is, whether carious lesions were (1) beginning or involved less than half a crown surface, or (2) had destroyed from half to all of one or more crown surfaces. The table includes only fully erupted permanent teeth. As Table 9 shows, 16 of the 30 individuals in the Glorieta sample had unerupted, partially erupted, or congenitally absent teeth. In one instance (Burial 2FF/GG), the right mandibular canine was congenitallyabsent, and the deciduous canine had been retained. The deciduous tooth is not included in t h e total number of teeth present i n Table 8. The number of individuals (1 1) with unerupted and partially erupted third molars (Table 9) is consistent with the large number of individuals in this sample who were in thcir mid to late teens.

22

of carious lcsiorls
"

nuriai

Number Teeth - P1~c:scrll

Number (%) with Caries

2A

29
30 29

I (3.4)
10 (33 3 )
10 (34.5)

2B

2c
2D

4
5
2

31

5 (16.1)

?E
2G 2H
21

12
26

2 (16.7)
6 (23. I )
13 (43.3)
2 (6.3)
3 (10.3) 0

30
32.
I _

10

"

21
2K 2L

29
16
"

30
12

2 (6.7)

"

1
2

2M

2N
2 (1
2P 2Y

26
28
2.7

2 (16.7)
1 (3.H) 5 (17.9)
0

'

"

311

6 (18.8)
9 (3 I .(I)
5 (16.7)
4 -~5

2R
2s

20
30

"

"

2 "

25
32

5 (20.0)

2u

2 (6.3)
4 (12.5) 15 (60.0)

2v
2x
2Y

32

25
28

5 (17.9)
8 (29.6)
7 (25.0)

22
2AA 2BB

27
28

5
4

I I

30

3 (10.0) 9 (34.6)

2cr
21)D

26
2x
"

2 (7.1)
0

2EE
2FI:/FG

78
29
81h

0
142 (17.4)
102

rota1

L mnx. 3rd molar

R Inax. 3rd molar

R mand. 3rd molar

2cc

As Table X shows, less than one-fifth (17.4 percent) of the X16 teeth present in the Glorieta sample displayed carious lesions. Most (72 percent) of the 142 carious teeth

had either slight fissures or lesions that involved less than half of a crown surface. Four individuals had no carious teeth. In eight more, the incidence of dental caries in the teeth prcsent was 10 percent or less. In contrast, i n seven individuals dental caries were present in from 20 percent to 60 percent of their tceth, A few individuals were experiencing n w l y total destruction of several teeth and active abscessing at the time of dcath
24

The dental inventory form provides for the evaluation of dcpsits of calculus as follows: none, flecks, moderate, coalesced, heavy, and threc-dimensional. As Table 11 shows, there were calculus deposits on at least some of the teeth of all the individuals in the sample, although these were often n o more than flecks. 'I'hree-fifths (59.5 percent) of the798teeththatcouldbe examined for calculus displayed deposits; however, in more than half (5S.S Ixrcent) of the 475 teeth with calculus, the dcpsits were only slight ( i . e , tlccks). About one-third (35.6 percent) had moderate or coalesced deposits. Of the 28 teeth displaying heavy or three-dimensional deposits, 20 (71.4 percent) were mandibular. Incisors represented more than half (15; 53.6 percent) of the most severely affected teeth, and all these incisors were mandibular. Nine were molars, eight of these maxillary; three were premolars (two rnandibularand one maxillary); and one was a mandibular canine. The teeth in the Glorieta sample were examined nlacroscopically for evidence of cnarnel hypoplasia. Episodes of nutritional or disease stress during enarnel deposition can bernanifested as continuous depressed lines or rowsofpits on the labial or buccal surfaces of teeth. In many instances carious destruction or extremely hcavy deposits of calculus prevented assessment of enamel hypoplasia in this sample; however, of the 30 individuals who were reprcscnted by teeth, 17 (56.7 percent) displayed enamel hypoplasia. In theWar of 1812 sample, SlcdzikandMoore-Jansen (1991a) observed enarnel hypoplasia in the teeth of only cmc individual. His incisors and canines displayed pronounced lines (sec illustrations in Pfciffer and Williarnson 1991 :231 , 245). Table 12 presents the data on enamel hypoplasia for 17 individuals i n the Glorieta sample, showing which teeth were affected and the number of hypoplastic lines these teeth displayed. The rnandibularsecond molars o f one of theindividuals in the sample (2T) showed hypocalcification, a condition, like enamel hypoplasia, related to diet or illness that interrupts dental calcification. In this instance, hypocalcification had I c d to a ring of carious lesions across the buccal surface of the rnandibular second rnolars. The data on dental pathology for the Glorieta sample indicate that only about a third (36.7 percent) of the individuals had experienced alveolar abscessing and that molars werethe teeth most often lost or in theprocess of destruction as a resultof abscessing. Only four individuals were free of dental caries, with the number of carious teeth for the remaining 26 ranging from 1 to 15. Of 816 teeth available for examination, nearly one-fifth (17.4 percent) displayed carious lesions (a slightly lower percentage than that foundby Sledzik and Moorc-Jansen 11991h] i n ; Civil War sample of sorncwhat I older average age). The incidence of caries was roughly equal for maxillary (52 percent) and mandibular (48 percent) teeth, and molars were the teeth most frequently affected 27

Table 10. Incidence of dental caries by tooth type in Glorieta sample

Tooth Type

Maxillae
Number Present
102 54 104 52

Number ( 5 )
Carious

Mandible liumber Present

111 57

No. (56)
0 213

Total Teeth Present

Total Kurnber ( 5 ) Carious

12 (5.6)

Incisor
Canine

12 (1 1.8)

5 (9.2)
12 (11.5) 16 (32.0) 21 (40.4)

1 (1.8)
0

Ill
218
104
106
'

6 (5.4)
12 (5.5)
43 (41.3)

Premolar
1st Molar

i14
54
54 34 424

27 (50.0)
28 (51.8) 2 (35.3)
68 (16.0)

2nd Molar

52
30 3 92

49 (45.2)

3rd Molar
Total

8 (26.7)

64
8 16.

20 (31.2)
142 (17.4)

74 (18.9)

li

TabIe 11. Incidence of calculus in Glorieta sample

Burial

Type of Calculus Deposit

22

2BB

2cc
2DD 2EE
2FFiGG

Total

- The total number of teeth present differs for some individuals from the total shown in Table 8 bemuse in some cases the crown surface
had heen dssttoyed by dental caries.

of a tooth

Numhcr T c d h with Hypoplasia 6

14

2
4

10

(7S.9 percent o f thc 142 carious teeth ~ t i - c rnoiars). The teeth of all h e indivicluals i n thc sample displayed deposits of calculus: howcver, for most, these deposits were only tlecks. Of the 28 teeth displaying heavy o r three-dirncnsiorlaldeposits, three-fourths (7 1.4 percent) werc rnandibular, and 15 of these wcre incisors. The teeth of slightly more than half theindividuals i n the Glorieta samplcshowed that these mcn had experienced a period of disease or nutritional strcss during the period of enamel deposition,
Anternortem Osteopatholow

As Owsley et al. (19131) point o u t i n their report on osteopathology i n the Fort Eric sample from the War of 1812, a skeletal series from a battlcfield offers an

opportunity to study the effects of field conditions and physical stress--defined as acute or chronic excessivc biornechanical strain on the body--in a specially selected subset of the general population. in such a sample, age, sex, and other physical characteristics are relatively consistent as a rcsult of induction procedures. As this kind of sample is rare in bioarchaeological research, the GlorietaPassskeletal series rcpresents a valuable resource that will contribute to the development of a diverse osteological data base and pave the way for future comparative studies. In addition, on a more subjective level, detcrrnination of the physiological effects of the New Mexico Campaign on its participants enhances our perception of a little-known episode in U . S * history and helps t o rnake it come alive.
Archival sources indicate that thc soldiers who fought at Glorieta had endured many months of often extreme physical exertion, hauling heavy equipment through deep sand and LIPsteepinclines in mountainous terrain. ihus it wasnot surprising t o find ostenlogieal evidence of biomechanical strcss amongthose whe diedat Glorieta. The incidence of Schrnorls depressions was one such indication. Herniation and displacernent of intervertebral disc tissue can cause the forrnation of cartilaginous nodes. When these vertebral bodies, end-plate lesions called Schmorls nodes intrude into adjacent dcpressions result. Schmorls depressions arc common in the elderly as a result o f degenerative discdisease (Mann andMurphy 1990); in younger individuals they can resultfrom trauma, such as a fall fromsubstantial height, heavy lifting, and extreme physical exertion. Schmorl and Junghanns (1971: 175) wrote: Fatigue darnage, similar produced in disc tissue when the demand to fatigue fractures in the bone, can be surpassed functional the ability. Schmorls depressions arc most usual in areas of grcatest biomechanical strain, specifically the lower thoracic and upper lumbar vertebrae (Owsley et a1.. 1991:206).

Table 13 presents data on the incidence o f Schrnorl~ depressions in 26 individuals

o f the Cilorieta sample. For four Burials @X, 2Y, 2BB, and 2FF/GG), no thoracic o r lumbar vertebrae were present, so it was not possible to make an assessment. In Burial

20,the seven thoracic and lumbar vertebrae that were present wcre only partial, a l l
32

Table 13. J~ciderlce Schrnorl's dcprcssior~si n Clorieta sample of

Lunhr

Total
4 -

I T7-Tl0
Ll
I

6 0

TIO-T12 II
1

LLL3

6
0

One lumbar (?)

I I G

2
0

7
L1 -L5

21

l o
T6,T8

2.J

12
lo "-to

- 2K
2L

24
2K 2s

2T 1'2, T6, T8, T10-TI1

Four thuracic ('!)

lacking the vertebral body; thus, deterrninatmn o f the presence or absence of Schrnorls depressions was n o t feasible. Thirteen ( S O percent) of theremaining 26 individuals displayed vertebral end-plate lesions. Owsley ut a l . (1991;) found cviciencc o f Schmorls depressions in 48 percent ( 1 3 of 27 individuals) of the Fort Erie sample, noting that The number of individuals and numbers of affected vertcbrac seem quite remarkable. . . . This high incidence is particularly dramatic when examined on a per individual basis. Six individuals have five or more affected vertebrae. One soldier had pronounced Schmorls depressions in 1 1 vertebrae while another had nine (Owsleyet al. 1991:207). In the Glorieta sample, thcre also was one individual who had 11 affected vertebrae; Schmorls depressions were present in six vertebrae, of each of three other individuals. The total numberof thoracic vertebrae present for the Glorieta sample was 210, with 32 (15.2 percent) displaying Schrnorls depressions; 104 lumbaf vertebrae wcrc present, of which 20 (19.2 percent) showed evidence of Schmorls. Both of thesernilitarysamples had experienced exceptionally physically demanding schedules and activities; it was not surprising that half of them suffered herniation and displacement of vertebral disc tissue. Thcre was also other related osteological evidence of physiological stress. Vertebral wedging is a descriptive term that indicates the loss of centrum height along the ventral margin (that is, a wedge-shaped vertebral body). Ankylosis refers to the bonyfusion or bridging of two or more contiguous vertebrae, usuallyalong the anterior or lateral margins of the centra. Such pathology can result from the bone loss accompanying old age, from infection, or from physical stress and trauma such as a fall (Mann and Murphy 1990). Compression fractures and loss o f vertebral centrum height most frequently result from collapse of the superior end plate. As the intervertebral disc protnldes into the end plates, the bodies collapse.
Six individuals in the Glorieta sample (23.1 percent of those for whom vertebrae were present) displayed vertebral wedging/fusion or compression fractures:

1. Bur~al28.Thoracic vertebrae 9 and 10 were fused laterally and posteriorly at the intervertebral joints. Ligaments along the lateral borders of the vertebral bodies in the area of the costal pits were ossified, and the intervertebral disc was flattened, bringing the bodies of the two vertebrae into direct contact. The superior and inferior surfaces of the centra appeared normal. One of the higher thoracic vertebra also showed wedging, possibly the result of a compression fracture. 2. Burial 2E. The bodies of thoracic vertebrae 1 1 and 12 showed slight anterior
wedging.

3. nurial 21,. One of the lower thoracic vertebrae displayed slight wedging.
4. Burial 2P. One of the lumbar vertebrae (between L1 and L4) had a depressed area on the anterior border of the superior surface of the centrum, approximately 1 .S by 2,0 cm, with remodeling apparent, especially along the borders. Disc herniationand

34

opposed t o 11e;lled) at the time of death. The orbits of two individuals (Burials 2 U and 2BB) suggested cribra orbitalia. I n thc War of 1812 sample, ncarly one-fourth o f thc individuals displayed ectacranial porosity, b u t there were no instances o f cribra orbitalia.

Table 14. Ir~cider~ce cctocranial porosis in the Glorieta sample of

211'

2C'

fronhl, parictals, and occipital

mild rnild

widespread

2x
72

frontnl, parict:+ls, and occipital

"

2BB'

As indicated i n the cIiscussion o f ostcophytosis, on^: individual(Burial 2s) had suffered a fractured ulna well bcforc death (healing had occurred). There was one other example of antemortern fracture in this sample. Burial 2C displayed a healcd, depresscd fracture on the frontal bone above the right orbit. The lesion was blunt oval in shape and nwasurcd 11 by 6 mm. Several individuals in the Glorieta sample showed various types of minor osteological anomalies. On each femur of Burial 2E there was a depression irnrnediatcly anterior to thc lesser trochanter (Fig. 6), as well as bilateral depressions on the anterior surface of the tibiae helow the unfused epiphyses and n u r the attachment site of the ligamentum patella (Fig. 7). This individual was in his mid-teens, one of thc youngest near attachment sites in young in the sample. Such cortical cfepressions muscle individuals suggcst physical stress. The first element of the sacrum of this S a m individual had an incompletely fuscd neural arch, probably a congenital defect, and the first cervical vertebra had double faccts.

In Burial 2H, the fifth l u n ~ b a r vcrtcbra displayed separation of the posterior arch from the vcrtebral body. The cause of' this condition (spondylolysis) is unclear. Although

39

SUIIIC mtxrct1crs consicler it congcrlital. o [ h m tvAievc that s h w s is a m a j o r f;ictor---that separation o f the neural arch represent-s a str-css or fatigue fracture ( M a n n and Murphy 1990)..

A benign turnor---abutton oslecma--w;ls prcscrlt UKI the lcft parietal o f Burial 2M..

The second cervical vertebra of Burial 2X had double articular facets and the vertebral arch was incompletely fused. (Thc fusion defect was too slight to be classified as spina bifida, that is, split or cleft arch.) Table 15 ~ ~ ~ n ~ r n a r i z various typeso f anternortern bone pathologyencountered the e s i n thc 31 Glorieta skeletons. As the table shows, no evidencc of anternortern osteopathology was observed in eight (25.8 percent) of the individuals comprising the Glorieta skeletal series. Four of thcsc individuals were in thcir late teens; the other four wcrc in their late twenties. Older individuals tcnded to display osteophytosis, particularly osteophytic lipping on thoracic and lumbar vertebra. Ncarly two-thirds (61.5 percent) of the 26 individuals for whom thoracic and lumbar vertcbrae were present displaycd either Schmorl's depressions or ankylosis/compression fractures, a likely result of the physical demands of the campaign. Nine individuals (29.0 pcrcent ofthe 3 1) displayed ectocranial deficiencies that porosis, possibly resulting from the malnutritionanddietarymineral characterized the campaign from its inception. Only two individuals showcd evidence o f periostitis. With the exception of the incidence o f periostitis--much lowcr in the Glorieta than i n the Fort Eric sample--the antemortern typeso f osteopathology observed i n the two groups and the percentages affected were sirnilar.

spondylolysis, LS

I 2'

Ectocranial porosis

41

Thc 3 1 inclividuals buried on the battlcticld a t Glorieta Pass obviously died as a result of traumatic injuries received during the hard-fought, five-hour action that took place there. In many instances, however, the skeletons of these men did not reveal thc injury that had caused death. In some cases, projectiles associated with a skeleton were the only indication of the likely cause of death. Fourttecn (45.2 percent) of the skeletons revealed clear evidence o f penetrating woundsand fractures consistent with injuries inflicted by a projectile, and four others (12.9 percent) showed damage that could have resultedfrom either a penetrating wound or postmortem darnage. Only the projectiles fbund in association with eight (25.8 percent) of the burials suggested the possible cause o f death because there was no osteological evidence of pcrirnortern trauma. In five (16.1 percent) instances, there was no osteological evidence of trauma, nor were projectiles present. Table 16 summarizes thc cvidencc (osteological or associated projectile) of perirnortem trauma in the Glorieta sample. It also includcs a subjective assessment, based only on the osteological examination and the presence location and of associated that injury was the cause of death. (The projectiles, of the likelihood perirnortern assessment is conservative; in several instances, for example, Burials 1 A , 2G, 2R, 2Y, and 2 A A , survival would have been impossible, even with immediate, expert medical care.)

N o evidence 01 penetrating wound; rnandihulnr fracture resulting from blunt form trauma; Mini6 ball ncar right arm

1'ossit)lc

10); no projectile associated with hurial

No ustcological evidence of trauma; bullet and canister hall

found with burial

Possible

/I

2E

Penctrating wound, Icft ilium; cntry through abdominal aspcct; Mini6 ball near ischial tuberosity

Highly probablc

42

Dcath t i o r n Traurna
Unknown

Highly probable

Probablc

Unknown
POSSitllC

Pussible

Highly probable

posslhle . .-

Possible Possihle

43

Evidence of Perimnrkrn Trauma

" "

Radiating fractures, parietals, occipital, and frontal, and jagged fracture of Icft mandihle; force originating low on left sidc (temporal region); hullet near feet
Likely projectile wound, entry through right eye and exit through occipihl, no bevelling or radiating fractures visiblc, Mini6 ball bctwccn fcmon

Probable

Entry wound on frontal, exit through right pariehl, pstcrolatcral to parietal foramen; radiating fractures on frontal, parictals, tcrnporals, sphenoid, and occipital; n o pro-jzctile
" -

Highly probable

No ostcological evidence of trauma; no associated projectile

Possiblc projcctilc wound, entry on anterior left parietal, exit posterior parirtaVuccipita1 arm; radiating fracturc pattern; no projectile

No ostcological cvidcnce of trauma:

110

associated projectile
"

44