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Developing Responsive Web Applications with AJAX and
jQuery 1st Edition Sandeep Kumar Patel Digital Instant
Download
Author(s): Sandeep Kumar Patel
ISBN(s): 9781782162209, 1783980362
Edition: 1
File Details: PDF, 5.72 MB
Year: 2014
Language: english
Developing Responsive
Web Applications with
AJAX and jQuery

Design and develop your very own responsive web

applications using Java, jQuery, and AJAX

Sandeep Kumar Patel

BIRMINGHAM - MUMBAI
Developing Responsive Web Applications with AJAX
and jQuery

Copyright © 2014 Packt Publishing

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval
system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, without the prior written
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Cover image by Abhishek Pandey ([email protected])

 Credits

Author Project Coordinator

Sandeep Kumar Patel Aaron S. Lazar

Reviewers Proofreaders
Fernando Doglio Simran Bhogal
Md. Zahid Hasan Paul Hindle
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 About the Author

Sandeep Kumar Patel is a senior web developer and the founder of

www.tutorialsavvy.com, a widely-read programming blog since 2012. He has
more than 4 years of experience in object-oriented JavaScript and JSON-based web
application development. He is GATE 2005 Information Technology (IT) qualified
and has a Master's degree from VIT University, Vellore. At present, he holds the
position of Web Developer in SAP Labs, India. You can find out more about him
from his LinkedIn profile (http://www.linkedin.com/in/techblogger).
He has received the DZone Most Valuable Blogger (MVB) award for technical
publications related to web technologies. His article can be viewed at
http://www.dzone.com/users/sandeepgiet. He has also received the Java
Code Geek (JCG) badge for a technical article published in JCG. His article can be
viewed at http://www.javacodegeeks.com/author/sandeep-kumar-patel/.
 About the Reviewers

Fernando Doglio has been working as a web developer for the past 10 years.
During that time, he fell in love with the Web and has had the opportunity of
working with most of the leading technologies such as PHP, Ruby on Rails,
MySQL, Node.js, AngularJS, AJAX, REST APIs, and others.

In his spare time, he likes to tinker and learn new things, which is why his
GitHub account keeps getting new repos every month. He's also a big open
source supporter and tries to win the support of new people with the help
of his site: http://www.lookingforpullrequests.com/. He can be contacted
on Twitter at @deleteman123.

When not programming, he can be seen spending time with his family.

Md. Zahid Hasan is a professional web developer. He got his BSc and MSc in
Information and Communication Engineering from University of Rajshahi (RU),
Rajshahi. Now, he is working as a Lecturer in the department of Computer Science
and Engineering at Green University of Bangladesh. He previously worked as a
Software Developer at SEleven IT Limited for 2 years in Bangladesh.

He has a wide range of technical skills, Internet knowledge, and experience across
the spectrum of online development in the service of building and improving online
properties for multiple clients. He enjoys creating site architecture and infrastructure,
backend development using open source tools such as Linux, Apache, MySQL,
and PHP (LAMP), and frontend development with CSS and HTML/XHTML.
Mohammad Amzad Hossain has 7 years of experience building large-scale
complex websites and web applications. He works as a Branch Manager in Sourcetop
Inc. where he leads an offshore team in Dhaka, Bangladesh. His day-to-day life
requires him to plan, analyze, guide, and provide solutions for complex requirements.
In his free time, he digs into recent trends in web development and follows hundreds
of RSS that help him to keep up in the fast-track world of development. He has a BSc
degree in Computer Science Engineering.

Jake Kronika, a software developer and UI architect with over 20 years of

experience, brings to bear extensive proficiency implementing both server-side and
user interface (UI) solutions including multiple responsive web applications to date.

He began his career early in life using online tools for static content and rapidly
progressed to building dynamic applications incorporating databases and server-side
scripting languages. He has been a Senior User Interface Software Engineer at ADP
Dealer Services in Seattle, WA, USA from 2011. Prior to this, he occupied numerous
senior-level positions in the UI space in Chicago, IL. He has also balanced considerable
freelance work under a sole proprietorship named Gridline Design & Development,
accessible at http://gridlined.com/, online since 1999.

Over the past several years, particularly as the HTML, CSS, and JavaScript portions
of websites have experienced rapid evolution, he has continually sought out and
digested new technological knowledge through reading, personal and client projects,
and other means. Some of his favorite current tools include Node.js and AngularJS,
Less/Sass, and Git VCS.

Prior to this book, he was a technical reviewer for the following Packt
Publishing titles:

• Django JavaScript Integration: AJAX and jQuery, Jonathan Hayward,

in January 2011
• jQuery UI 1.8: The User Interface Library for jQuery, Dan Wellman,
in August 2011
• jQuery Tools UI Library, Alex Libby, in February 2012
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Random documents with unrelated
content Scribd suggests to you:
 William Pitt & the Right
Honble Lord Melville
H.P.

Witness
Home Popham
The reading of these remarkable documents of such great
historical interest, especially at this time when submarine navigation
has been developed to the point of complete success, kindles many
lively reflections.
The question is whether Fulton acted as a man of honor in
abandoning the country for which he had volunteered to fight and
where he had received such signal and loyal service from its citizens.
Was he justified in transferring his support to another nation at war
with France and thus help destroy the growing power of France for
which country he had professed so much affection? This question
has been debated by Fulton’s biographers, although apparently none
of them knew exactly what it was that Fulton had done for the
British Government. They were all under the impression that his
work consisted chiefly in the demonstration of the efficacy of
torpedoes, carcasses or bombs as Fulton vicariously called them, or
mines as we would speak of them today. Cadwallader D. Colden
gives several pages of his book to developing, with some labor, an
excuse for Fulton. Dickinson finds some justification in the fact that
Fulton had been only partially reimbursed by the French Government
for his work, but more particularly in that the development of
Napoleon’s ambitions was repugnant to Fulton’s ideas of
republicanism. The last is without question the correct and only view
to take.
A radical republican, hating blindly all forms of autocracy, he had
remained in France believing that in France he would see the full
flowering of his principles. He offered his inventions to the French
Government, not for pecuniary gain, because his proposals show
that he was willing to abide by their decision as to the monetary
value to be determined only after he had achieved success, but
because he thought that the French revolution was a real movement
toward perfect liberty. To this end he offered not only his device, but
also himself. He was anxious to be enrolled in the fighting force of
France and go forth in his little boat to do battle against mighty
England. When, therefore, he was refused by Bonaparte and his
sincere offers scorned with absolutely unjustified insult, we can
imagine his revulsion of sentiment and forgive any bitterness of
feeling. In a moment his idol was shattered. He realized that those
in control of the French Government were not actuated by a broad
conception of world freedom, but solely by personal ambition and
thirst for power. He makes this position quite clear in a letter to Lord
Melville quoted by Colden as follows, though, before publishing, the
latter must have edited the orthography: “In writing this letter, I feel
no enmity to the people of France, or any other people; on the
contrary, I wish their happiness; for my principle is, that every nation
profits by the prosperity of its neighbours, provided the governments
of its neighbours be humane and just. What is here said, is directed
against the tyrannic principles of Bonaparte, a man who has set
himself above all law; he is, therefore in that state which Lord
Somers compares to that of a wild beast unrestrained by any rule,
and he should be hunted down as the enemy of mankind. This,
however, is the business of Frenchmen. With regard to the nations of
Europe, they can only hold him in governable limits, by fencing him
round with bayonets.”
France, his dearly beloved France, was no more liberal under the
upstart clique of the consulate than was England under the régime
of her long established autocracy. This is the only explanation of how
and why Fulton abandoned his allegiance to France, went to England
and there worked to strengthen the British navy that it might the
more easily smash the growing power of the French fleet with which
he had once so ardently desired to serve. He had been cruelly
stabbed by the hands of his friends in the most tender spot in his
heart. This cruelty that served to clear his vision he could not
forgive, much less forget.
 Fulton had undoubtedly been unfairly and even cruelly treated by
the French authorities. His cherished ideas into which he had thrown
his whole soul had been rejected without fair or reasonable
examination. His pride had been deeply wounded. But Fulton was
magnanimous enough to have overlooked this treatment had France
herself remained true to his conception of her own ideals. It was not
that Fulton abandoned France, but that France deserted Fulton.
From his arrival in 1797, he thought that he saw in France a great
exponent of a new world liberty, with freedom of trade, freedom of
men, freedom of the seas, and above all an enduring world-wide
peace. In his enthusiasm he believed that such ideals, in which he
firmly believed, were not only practically realizable, but that France
was about to make them the guiding principles of every nation. It
was for that reason that he so warmly espoused her cause.
In 1797, soon after his arrival in Paris, he wrote to his friend Lord
Stanhope his views based on what he fancied to be the actuating
theory of the French revolution:

My Lord

Hoping every month to Return to England, together with the difficulty of

transmitting Letters to London, has hitherto prevented my Writing to you Since my
arrival In Paris. But at present I have troubeled you with a very Long Letter, the
object of Which I will here explain,—Since my arrival In Paris I have been Very
active In my Canal pursuits, And on this Subject I have Created a Revolution In
the mind of all the french engeneers I have met with, who are now descidedly In
favour of the Small System of Canals—Which are now Contemplated on an
emmense Scale of extension which you will See explained in my Letter—It is
Contemplated to Raise the Whole Revenue by a Single toll on Canals which System
will Infinately Simplify the operations of Government, tend directly to Set trade
free and annihilate a Mass of Political absurdities which have hitherto disturbed the
peace of Nations—all of Which you will find explained in the annexed Letter, Which
Letter will Shew you how much Frenchmen are turning their mind to the true
fountain of Riches—viz home Improvement and Systems of Industry. With the true
philosophic Ideas which the entertain of Foreign Possessions and Restricted trade
—And I Can assure you that I find In them the most Resolute determination to
establish the principles which you will find explained And Which to me appears of
the Very first Importance to Lasting peace—and the Wellfare of all Nations—It is
therefore of much Importance that English Men Should know the truth of these
principles and Learn their true Interest by Giving up as the french mean to do, and
will Compel others to do the System of foreign Possessions and Restricted trade
they should also understand that Frenchmen are Realy thinking Like philosophers
Which I hope my Letter will prove.

By 1801, when his offer of his talents and personal service were
spurned, Napoleon was already leading France far afield from the
altruistic but impossible programme of 1797. In 1802, Napoleon had
made himself consul for life. In the spring of 1804, he was
proclaimed Emperor of the French and the beautiful dream that had
entranced Fulton for more than ten years had faded into
nothingness, as dreams usually do. He saw that in the aristocracy of
England he could find a truer democracy than in the demagogic
leaders of France. Fulton was but human. His warm heart, artistic
temperament and impetuous nature now asserted themselves and
drove him back to the country whence his forebears had come, and
away from the people whose governing powers had wounded his
pride and had failed him in his ideals.
The “Descriptions” given above were written just prior to August
10th, 1806, and recite the course of events from the autumn of
1803. At the time they were signed, Fulton was arranging to return
to America, and actually sailed about ten weeks later. His
negotiations with the Government had not been satisfactory in that
his devices had not been accepted and he had not received in
money what he felt was due. The contract shows that Fulton,
profiting perhaps by his French experiences not to put trust in
princes, foresaw this contingency and provided against it in the
Fourth article, that should any circumstance arise to prevent carrying
the plan into execution commissioners should be appointed to
determine whether the stipulated compensation had been earned.
The “Descriptions” were prepared for submission to the arbitrators
and were actually read to them, as is shown by a note attached to a
copy of the manuscript reading as follows:
 These papers I read to Sir Charles Blagden, Capt. Hamilton, the Rev. Dr.
Cartwright and Alexander Davison, Esq., on the 18th of August 1806 these
gentlemen being named Arbitrators to settle my Claims on Government under a
contract which I made with Mr. Pitt and Lord Melville—the two last named acting
for me.

The words “two last” refer, of course, to Dr. Cartwright and Mr.
Davison. The “Descriptions,” therefore, give Fulton’s case as he saw
it, and consequently are of intense interest and historical
importance.
His vision for the United States that the population would increase
from 5,500,000, as it then was, to 120,000,000 has already been
almost realized, sooner, of course, than he expected, but the
absence of colonies and lack of desire for them have hardly met an
equally successful prophetic fate. Certainly he never foresaw Porto
Rico, Panama, Samoa, Hawaii, Guam, the Philippines and other
outlying possessions.
What a delightful picture Fulton unconsciously presents of the
skillful and diplomatic way in which the British Ministry handled him
from the beginning to the end! When the emissary, known only as
“Mr. Smith,” stated to Fulton that the Government wished to use the
submarine against the French fleet, Fulton pointed out that it was
not the part of wisdom so to do, that the British with their
superiority in sea power had more to lose than to gain by developing
such a weapon. In so doing, he but anticipated Earl St. Vincent who,
bluff old sea-dog like so many of his profession to whom innovations
in naval warfare were anathema, exclaimed that “Pitt was the
greatest fool that ever existed to encourage a mode of war which
they who commanded the seas did not want, and which, if
successful, would deprive them of it.”
“Mr. Smith” was very clever and was not put off by any such
argument. He saw clearly that whether England needed the device
or not, they must have control of the man who possessed the secret.
He evidently felt sure of Fulton’s sentiments because he told him
quite frankly that they wished him “out of France and in England.”
 On the financial side, Fulton appears to have had a proper
estimate of himself and the value of his devices. The sum of £10,000
as a retainer would be no mean figure today, but owing to the
difference in purchasing power it was comparatively a vastly greater
figure in 1803. This retainer was in addition to his main fee or price
for selling the explanation of his devices which he put at £100,000.
The “Descriptions” read that he said “require” that sum. He first
wrote “demand,” which word he erased, but not sufficiently to
obliterate it, and then wrote “require.”
The rating of the value of his devices as being equivalent to a
ship-of-the-line, or battle ship as a capital ship is now called, is
certainly ingenious and not unreasonable. If his devices had any
value at all they would increase the effective power of the fleet by
much more than the addition of one first-class vessel.
But Fulton was dealing with men far abler than he in fixing values
and making contracts. The negotiations were not broken off by
abruptly refusing to pay the sums asked. That would have been a
blunder that one selected for such a delicate mission would not be
guilty of committing. The British representative apparently did not
even suggest that the retainer was exorbitant, but only that it was
“contrary to established rules” to pay in advance. Then, before
giving an obligation to pay a sum commensurate with the value of
the devices, the reasonable and unanswerable preliminary condition
of an experimental demonstration was made a prerequisite.
The British diplomats unlike the French had avoided giving any
offense to his amour propre. Though they refused to grant his
financial requests, they succeeded in getting him to go to England,
which was their main purpose. Not until they had him safe in
London, did they take up the question of a contract. The original
demand of £100,000 was reduced to £40,000. The retainer
disappeared entirely except as it was represented by such portion of
the £800 with which “Mr. Smith” was furnished in the first instance
to pay his own and Fulton’s expenses. In lieu of the reductions,
there appears in the contract an agreement to pay a salary of £200
a month. How deliciously clever! To one in the straightened
circumstances in which Fulton always had been and still was, for
even now any surplus of income of which he might have been
possessed, but of which there is no evidence, was swallowed up by
his steamboat experiments, this monthly payment must have been
of inestimable importance. It guaranteed him comfort and at last a
substantial excess for his other work, because his submarine
disbursements were to be met entirely by the government up to a
maximum limit of £7,000. On the other hand, the Government held
secure the man, who as an enemy they feared, and who as such
was a constant source of worry. This result was obtained at a cost
that was to them a trifling figure.
Fulton appears to have concluded that his claim for £100,000 was
perhaps too high because he voluntarily accepted the sum of
£40,000 mentioned in the contract. Of this latter amount, he made
to the arbitrators the ingenious suggestion that they pay him one-
half in cash and the other half in an annuity based on his life, the
annuity to be forfeit should the secret of his inventions in submarine
warfare be divulged by him or his friends. It is regretted that Fulton
did not disclose the names of his friends who were jointly interested
with him, as they were probably the same who had financed his
French experiments.
Fulton’s receipts on his own account amounted on balance to
£13,391 .. 16 .. 10, leaving due as he claimed £1608 .. 3 .. 2,
exclusive of any payment in part or whole of the £40,000. As it was,
he did not do badly for two years’ work. In addition the Government
furnished £11,353 .. 3 .. 2 to repay his expenditures.
 Chapter VII
EXPERIENCE IN ENGLAND

Attack on fleet at Boulogne. Torpedoing of Dorothea (1805). Effect of

Trafalgar on Fulton’s work. Copies of “Drawings and Descriptions.” Intent
of government not to proceed with the submarine. Correspondence with
Lord Hawkesbury and Mr. Pitt (1804). Commission of investigation
appointed. Decision adverse to a submarine. Nevertheless Pitt signs
contract.

Two years had passed since the execution of the contract, during
which time Fulton remained actively at work for the Government. He
made an attack on the French fleet at Boulogne by means of his
bombs but without success. He explained the cause, and probably
correctly, but nevertheless he was charged with failure. Then he
repeated the experiment with altered details in the mechanism and
blew up a brig called the “Dorothea” on October 15, 1805, in the
presence of Pitt and other officials. Success was again in sight, but
only to vanish as quickly as it appeared.
Six days after the destruction of the “Dorothea” came the great
event that made secure England’s control of the sea. On October
21st, Nelson destroyed the combined French and Spanish fleets in
the decisive battle of Trafalgar. After that England had no need of
submarines, torpedoes or Fulton. Her ships of oak were absolutely
supreme, and she saw the force of Lord St. Vincent’s criticism.
The parallel between 1805 and 1922 is close. Then as now, and
for similar reasons, England was, and is, opposed to the use of
submarines in warfare.
 Mention was made above that the “Descriptions” he left in
England had been copied. Fulton did this with nearly all his
important papers, and the copies were in manuscript, not letter
press tissues. In this case the copy is in the possession of Edward C.
Cammann, Esq., a great grandson, and bears several dates. To the
main recital are added 41 pages of the same size paper, of which 12
pages contain material entitled “London August the 16th, 1806.
Notes on observations of the Arbitrators, Particularly of Capt.
Hamilton and Sir Charles Blagden in answer to objections stated by
them.” The balance are taken up by letters to Lord Grenville dated
September the 3rd, and “Further considerations on the
instantaneous and clockwork bombs.”
Before leaving England he also copied the drawings. These copies
are on thin paper and are obviously tracings of the original
“Drawings” that are on bristol board. In the course of time the
tracings have become separated from the manuscript copy and are
now the property of the New Jersey Historical Society at Newark, N.
J. The latter plates are signed and dated 1806, whereas the originals
bear date 1804. In the eleventh clause of the contract Fulton stated
that he had “deposited the drawing and plans of his submarine
scheme of attack in the hands of a confidential friend with the view
to their being delivered to the American Government in case of his
death.” As it is unlikely that Fulton made two sets of carefully
prepared drawings in 1804, the evidence is presumptive that the
plans above referred to are the ones that have recently been found
in England and that form the basis of this book. The American
Consul at the time, especially as he was a man of character and
responsibility, would be the natural depositary for papers of semi-
official character. Of the original drawings, numbers 1, 6, 8, 10 and
11 are unfortunately missing. Through the courtesy of the Historical
Society their copies have been used to make good the deficiency.
By the spring of 1806, Fulton had no misapprehensions as to the
intent of the British Government. It was quite clear to him, as his
letters show, that the authorities had decided not to use his devices
for either submarine or torpedoes. It is also likely that he had
received an intimation that his salary would be discontinued.
Professional recognition was to be denied him, and unless he was
also willing to forego hope for substantial pecuniary recompense he
must have recourse to the arbitration clause of his contract.
Whether the necessity for such action came as a surprise to
Fulton, one thing is clear from his letters. In spite of a liberal
contract, carrying a generous salary and full allowance for his
disbursements, Fulton had not been happy from the very first. He
was impatient at every delay and intolerant of every suggestion. He
would not, or could not, understand that the progress of government
affairs is always slow, and that no government official, no matter
how exalted his rank, could make decision promptly without
reference to his professional advisors. The similar errors in judgment
that he committed in France he repeated in England.
His letters, of which he wrote many, are from the very first
couched in terms that it must be confessed are impatient, dictatorial
and fault-finding, and never in that diplomatic and conciliatory form
that has always been considered proper when addressing high
government officials. This is particularly true when one remembers
that he was corresponding with men holding office under George III,
a period when those directing government did not hesitate to
arrogate to themselves full autocratic powers and to regard all who
were not in their own class as far removed inferiors. From others
than their associates they were not inclined to accept dictation or
brook carping criticism. That the several ministers with whom Fulton
dealt tolerated the tone of his communications and overlooked his
demands and complaints, is most striking testimony of the high
regard in which they held his devices. Just so long as France was in
a position to threaten their power on the ocean they intended to
keep and hold Fulton safe.
Although on May 23rd he had submitted his proposals to “Mr.
Hammond,” nevertheless immediately afterward, and before his
proposals could be examined, he decided to go over Lord
Hawkesbury’s head and seek a conference direct with the prime
minister. On June 6th, he wrote the following letter in which it will be
noticed he explained the connection between his right and assumed
names:

Robert Fulton known by the name of Francis Author of Submarine Navigation to

Mr. Pitt.
Sir What I have to say on this subject and its prompt effects I hope you will find
interesting, it possibly may be of the utmost importance in Seconding your Views if
Soon adopted; it is at least of some moment that you feel a conviction what I
propose to demonstrate are facts and that your mind trace over the political
consequences I beg 20 minuets conversation with you as soon as possible.
I have the honor to be your most
Obedient R Francis

Storeys gate coffee house June the 6th 1804

Before Pitt had reasonable opportunity to arrange for an interview,

or Lord Hawkesbury to name a commission of investigation, Fulton
wrote “Mr. Hammond” a tart letter of complaint just one month after
he had arrived in London:

Storeys Gate coffeehouse June the 22d 1804

Mr. Hammond
Sir

The first day I had the pleasure of Seeing you I promised you candor, and
Should time make me more known to your government they will find frankness
one of the leading lines of my character, Now I candidly declare that having been
here 5 weeks in some degree like a prisoner, and at present as much in the dark
as on the day of my arrival such a state of Suspence begins to grow extremely
unpleasant
The flattering and I believe candid promises of the late ministry induced me to
come to this country and as yet I do not repent it but I beg to be informed if the
present ministry mean to act up to the spirit of Lord Hawkesburies letter to me or
what do they desire of me?
On my part I came here to acquire wealth by communicating a new System to
government which I do not hesitate to Say is to them more than one thousand
times the value of any sum I may receive, I have pointed out the most Simple and
honorable mode of determining whether this ascertion is fact, by means of a
committee of scientific men, and now I beg to know will government agree to
such decision and when Shall the discussion commence? or do they wish to
decline all research into this business you will have the goodness to give me their
ultimatum when I shall have the honor to see you on tuesday
Believe me impressed with the highest
respect for you your most obedient

Robt Francis

As a matter of fact, in spite of Fulton’s impatience the government

acted with commendable, if not extraordinary, celerity. A commission
was named and it reported before June 27th, because on that date
Fulton addressed to “Mr. Hammond” a review of their findings. The
commission was composed of Sir Joseph Banks, President of the
Royal Academy, the Hon. H. Cavendish, a well-known chemist, Sir
Home Popham, Major Congreve, an inventor of projectiles, and Mr.
John Rennie, one of England’s leading engineers. Dickenson thinks
that possibly the first two were suggested by Fulton. The subjoined
letter to “Mr. Hammond” seems to contradict this, because in it he
complains that they “passed judgment” (adversely) “without even
desiring to have the details of operation.” Had two of the five
members been representing Fulton it is almost certain that they
would have insisted on his being invited to be present to explain his
device. As it was, all they had were certain proposals made by a “Mr.
Francis.”

Storeys Gate coffeehouse June the 27th 1804

Mr. Hammond
Sir

I have examined the 5 Articles of the commission they seem to admit the
possibility of making a Submarine Vessel but they conceive it impossible to use it
to Advantage, hence recommend that it Should not be adopted,
It possibly may be good policy in government not to adopt the whole of my
system, it merits however their serious consideration whether they cannot draw
great advantage from using part of it without risque to themselves, But that the
whole of it is practicable and even in general cases easy executed can be proved,
hence I am somewhat surprised that 5 Gentlemen of science Should pass
Judgement on a work which rises out of the progress of improving Arts, without
even desiring to have the details of Combination or operation, without having
evidence of what has been done; and Judging from thence what maybe done,
thereby leaving government as much uninformed of the truth and probable
consequences of Submarine navigation as though I had never arrived; this is not
the interest of Government your interest is to know the whole truth that you may
see, clearly what maybe hoped or calculated upon from this discovery, I shall be
happy to have an interview with Mr. Congreve, Mr. Cavendish and Sir home
popham, but I can say little more to those gentlemen than endavour to convince
them that the true Interest of Government, is to go into a thorough examination in
order to arrive at truth; which examination I will put on the most liberal and
honorable terms, you will have the goodness to desire a meeting as soon as
possible
I have the honor to be yours
with respect
Robert Francis

The suggestion to have a conference with Major Congreve, Mr.

Cavendish and Sir Home Popham was referred to Mr. Pitt and was
objected to by him, as is shown by a memorandum among Fulton’s
papers:

June the 28th 1804

Saw Mr. Hammond this morning at 1 who informed me Mr. Pitt wished me to see
the whole of the commission least it should offend Sir Joseph Banks & Mr. Rennie,
Agreed

If Fulton was impatient he was also indefatigable. However much

one must condemn his lack of tact, one cannot help admiring his
persistence. He wrote not only to “Mr. Hammond,” but also to Sir
Home Popham. In spite of the fault-finding tone of Fulton’s letters,
he and Sir Home Popham apparently remained friendly to the very
end. As will have been noticed, it was the latter who witnessed the
contract and perhaps was instrumental in arranging for its execution.
When Fulton found that the commission would not come together
again, he wrote to Sir Home a long letter under date of June the
30th. The letter is too long to quote fully but the following extracts
will show its general nature:

To Sir Home Popham

Sir

Were the Gentlemen who reported on my proposals to meet again I Should

have addressed them as a commission. As that may not be the case I shall be
happy to have some conversation with you on the subject of submarine
navigation ........................
If Gentlemen were Actuated by what the conceived Patriotism in rejecting every
investigation of this Subject in order to keep it in oblivion as much as possible I
conceive the measure not effectual, what has been proved And is Supported with
Energy, cannot be consealed but by the consent of the Author; but perhaps this
was not the motive, for deciding without evidence ........................
Now Sir permit me to make some observations on the real patriotism connected
with this business.
If what I Say of submarine navigation and attack be true, if fleets can be
destroyed by this means without any human foresight preventing it; is it not
important that Government should Know how and by what means, if on
investigation you should found it all false and visionary would not the infirmation
be pleasing to government and cost nothing? If true is not the wise policy to take
amicable measures to prevent it doing any injury to this country. Suppose the
decision of the commitee should necessitate me to seek fortune else where by
disclosing my system it might fineally appear that such a decision was the most
unpatriotic act a citizen could commit, Sir I give you my honor I have come here
with the most friendly disposition towards the government. And I have not one
sinister feeling the interest of this nation is not to adopt the submarine vessel they
government aught to know what it is and its probable
consequences ........................

When he speaks of the most friendly disposition towards the

government, it is interesting and perhaps amusing to recall that in
1798 he wrote to Barras, then the guiding spirit of the Directorate,
urging the destruction of British ships of war, saying: “Le commerce
énorme de l’Angleterre, ainsi que son Gouvernement monstreux,
dépend de sa marine militaire.” Times had changed!
 To “Mr. Hammond” he wrote begging the latter to persuade “Mr.
Pitt to name one person in whome he has full confidence, to treat or
arrange with me.”
Fulton perhaps felt that the action of the commission was not
intended to be final and therefore it was for him to suggest other
ways for passing on his devices. If so, he was justified by the fact
that in spite of the adverse report of the commission of which Mr.
Pitt must have been informed, the latter accorded Fulton an
interview on July 20th at which Sir Home Popham, who had just
voted against the submarine, was present. An account of this
interview Fulton committed to paper.

20th of July 1804

Breakfasted with Mr. Pitt at his country house Near Putny common, Sir Home
Popham only present Lord Melville expected but did not arrive, after my being
Introduced Mr. Pitt demanded of Sir Home if he and Mr. Francis had agree’d on
terms Sir Home replied in the affirmative and told Mr. Pitt his perusal and
Signature were only wanting. He then read and Signed the papers, delivering
them to Sir Home, with orders to call on Lord Melville for his signature.
At Breakfast some general principles of Submarine navigation and mode of
attack explained, which appeared to give pleasure; and make a Strong impression.
When Sir Home Popham went into an ajoining Room, Mr. Pitt, remarked that this is
an extreordinary invention which seemed to go to the distruction of all fleets; I
replied that It was invented With that View, And as I had no design to desceive
him or the government I did not hesitate to give it as my opinion that this
invention would lead to the total annihilation of the existing System of Marine war,
But in its present state of perfectionment Said Mr. Pitt those who command the
seas will be benefited by it while the minor maritime powers can draw no
advantag from what is Now known, Answer, true unless plunging or submarine
Vessels were introduced into practice; that it probably would be some years before
any nation could bring to perfection such a Vessel, that it is not the interest of the
British government to use such Vessels that consequently there was not at present
much danger to be apprehended from that part of my System; at all events there
would be, time to fit future politics to future circumstances, if at present the
french preperations can be destroyed by Submarine attack, it will convince
Bonapart and the whole world that frenchmen never can make a descent on
England for any future fleet prepared by them may be burnt in like manner
manner—
 Little more passed it was agree’d to make the Submarine attack on Boulogne as
soon as the engines could be prepared, returned to town with an appointment to
meet at the same place on the following Week,

From the above it will be seen that Fulton and Sir Home had come
to an agreement between June 30, the date of Fulton’s letter, and
July 20.
While at work on his submarine he did not permit his political
ardor to cool. He has left a copy of a letter about 2600 words in
length written “to the right Honorable Lord Viscount Melville,” dated
London, Jany the 20th, 1805, giving his “Observations on
Bonaparte’s pacific Communications.” This long letter is in the
flamboyant style that Fulton used when writing on political topics.
After dilating upon economies that would flow from peace and how
such savings from war disbursements might be turned to
establishing canals, iron works, manufactures and improving
agriculture, he speaks of Napoleon:

Humanity would commend the Man, who turned his talents to such usefull
works provided he should use the fruits of it humainly, but it is a question whether,
Bonaparte would do So, his insatiable ambition and extravagant Ideas, do not
warrent so much confidence in him, Raised from nothing by military talents and a
combination of extriordinary events, he is intoxicated with success, adulation has
become his daily food as necessary to his happiness as high seasoning to a
vitiated appetite, his mind is perpetually working on schemes, which he thinks will
give great Eclat, he seeks to be ranked by the future historian above Ceasar and
Charlemagne, his principle is that future ages, never take into consideration the
miseries which accompany war, they only listen to the brilliant actions of the
Chief....
 Chapter VIII
NEGOTIATIONS WITH CABINET

Fulton begins to have doubts of accomplishment (1805).

Correspondence with Mr. Pitt and Lord Castlereagh reciting his contract,
rights and claims. Pitt dies (Jan., 1806) and Fulton begins anew with Lord
Grenville and Lord Howick.

By midsummer of 1805, Fulton was not making the progress that

he had expected, and again we find him writing letters that could
not have been helpful in advancing his cause.

Sackville Street Piccadilly No 13

July the 18th 1805

To the Right Honorable William Pitt

Sir

I have waited till you were releeved from the fateague of attending Parliament
before I would urge you on my particular business, on which I have written to
Lord Barham twice without an answer, which with other circumstances have led
me to believe that government do not intend to prosecute my system of attack
Whatever may be their decision it is interesting for me to know it As I have other
and previous engagements of much magnitude which call for my attention, and do
not warrant my loosing time; hence I hope you will have the goodness to mention
an hour when I may have the honor to wait on you that a plan of Acting may be
arranged or the business as relates to me put into such a train as to be speedily
and finally setteled
I have made the machines and exhibited to Sir Home Popham all that I know of
them; the mode of using them and their effects, and if it is thought proper to use
them; it can be done as well without my aid as with it As to the submarine Vessel
my opinion ever has been that it would not be good policy in this government to
introduce it into practice, consequently you will not want me to construct one, But
I have all the drawings to Shew that everything which has been said of it is
practicable and which drawings according to contract, are to be delivered to such
persons as you may think proper to name
Under these circumstances I wish to sail for America about the first of
September, I Shall therefore hope that you will have the goodness, to appoint an
early hour when I may have the honor to wait on you
I have the honor to be your most
Obedient Robt Francis

Before the year was finished the tone of his letters became more
bitter. He was no longer giving the government advice upon how
they were to treat Bonaparte, but was deeply engaged in fighting for
what he considered his own rights. The stilted style gave place to a
more simple and direct form, in which he made no attempt to
disguise his irritation as is shown by two letters written to Lord
Castlereagh:

London
Ibbotsons hotel Vere Street Oxford Road
December 13th 1805

Lord Viscount Castlereagh

My Lord

I have the honor to send you reflections without disguise with what I conceive a
fair and honorable proposal for a final settlement with government you will have
the goodness to consider them and let me have the honor of your decision as
soon as possible
With all respects I have the honor
to be your Lordships most Obedient

Robt Francis—

London December the 13th 1805

Lord Viscount Castlereagh

My Lord
 At various times I have been necessitated to say much on the importance of
forming the Submarine mode of warfare into a regular and permanent System, As
there is now full proof of the powerful effects of the carcasses, and the great
execution which maybe done with them, a well organized mode of acting should
be adopted,
System in this business is the true and best Interest of government, I must also
beg leave to state that in System, I have a great and important Interest, for
without it there is little hope of my acquiring the emolument from my invention
which I have a right to expect,
When I discovered this mode of destroying ships of war, I considered it as the
basis of an ample fortune, And every experiment I have made has confirmed me
in my opinion of its immense importance, and my high interest In it, Therefore
while I frankly give you my opinion on what I conceive the best interest of
government I must be excused if I begin to insist on what I conceive my personal
rights.
Lord Melville with whome I contracted was Very friendly to my enterprise and I
have now no doubt would have wrought it into a form to produce the greatest
possible effect, Since his leaving the Admiralty I have waited from month to
month, hoping Lord Barham would follow Lord Melvilles measures, but I have
reason to believe he disapproves of the whole plan or is indifferent to it which is
the same thing in effect, however as to my private Interest and the situation In
which I Stand In this country I consider that of little consequence, though it may
be of some importance to the nation,
My contract states a certain reward for every Vessel of an enemy which shall be
destroyed by my engines in 14 years and His Majesty’s Dockyards and Arsenals are
to furnish me the necessary means of applying the carcasses to the destruction of
the enemy hence if they do not give me reasonable and efficient means,
government do not fulfill their part of the contract, the enemy cannot be attacked
nor destroyed however good and simple the engines may be, and my time is
consumed to no purpose;
As a Neutral in this country I cannot have a command so as to direct my own
enterprise, nor do I desire it nor have I a right to press my plans and opinions on
the Admiralty, but I have a right to convert the result of my studies to my own
emolument And having demonstrated their certain effects to the conviction of
every reflecting mind I cannot undertake to contend with opinions or prejudices
nor wait the indeterminate time which maybe necessary to produce a conviction of
their utility to this country, I must therefore in justice to myself and in conformity
to all my engagements with this government beg leave to state my final
resolution, The Submarine mode of warfare must be organized so as to render it
effecient, or I must abandon it and direct my attention to other pursuits equally
Interesting to me, The principles on which I came to this country were changed
from the first week of my arrival I came by the invitation of Lord Hawkesbury to
satisfy ministers as to the truth of whether I had or had not invented a destructive
engine which might be wielded, either for or against the fleets of this country, and
on proving that the engine has powers superior to the methods at present in
practice, I was to receive an adequate reward, leaving government to use or bury
the invention in oblivion as they might think proper,
After what has been done I hope that the power of the carcasses, and the
certain annihilation which must be the consequence of their right application will
not be doubted, arrangement and ordinary courage are only wanting to produce
the most brilliant success, and were it prosecuted according to the terms of my
contract, I should acquire an immense fortune, the destruction of 30 Ships of the
enemies line would entitle me to half their Value or more than a Million Sterling,
hence were the System pursued to the annihilation of the enemies fleets, and it
should be practised to their annihilation or abandoned such would be my reward,
but I have no such Ambitious Views, tranquility and a much less sum will content
me
I have now directed the construction of a store of engines, shewn their
incalculable effects and the simple mode of using them, arrangement time and
perseverance are only necessary to destroy every Ship of the Enemy, but as in this
part of the business I can be of no use I do not at present see that I can be of any
further material service In this system of warfare,
I therefore propose as the most equitable arrangement between his Majesty’s
Ministers and me to revert to the principles which brought me to this country and
finally settle with them,
Before I came to this country Ministers were desirous of knowing whether my
invention was of a kind to be feared this has been proved in the affermetive, they
have possessed themselves of it, may use it as they think proper and Averted all
danger which might be apprehended this consideration alone is suffecient to
justify ministers in granting me the terms which I shall propose and which being
small compared, with the prospect of emolument before me will be infinately
better terms for the nation than my existing contract
My Lord in making this statement I beg you to be assured that I am nowise
discontented, with what has passed nor with the time lost. It has been caused by
the natural Suit of Idea and demonstration necessary to open the mind to a new
subject. And although I feel a high sense of my independence of the immense and
incalculable consequences of my discovery, of the right which I have to dispose of
it as I think proper and convert it to my own emolument or Ambition. In doing
which I might change the whole politics of this country and even Europe* yet on a
fair and honorable arrangement with this government there is nothing to be feared
from me, I am perfectly satisfied with the conduct of Lord Melville, Mr. Pitt and
your Lordship but Seeing that you have prejudices to combat and many difficulties
to encounter, feeling also that I can be of no further use, and having other and
previous engagements which I must In honor fulfill I wish a final and equitable
settlement and on this business I beg to have the honor of seeing your Lordship
and Mr. Pitt as soon as possible,
I have the honor to be your
Lordships most Obedient

Robt. Francis

*This will appear strong and extraordinary assertion for a simple individual, but
if necessary I will prove such to be the natural consequence of the invention if
prosecuted to the extent of its powers with the means which I possess. I alude to
the Submarine boat or Vessel.

The following are the terms I propose the Sum and Conditions are Similar to those
Specified in my letters sent by the agent of government from paris to Lord
Hawkesbury
 Terms
That for leaving France and coming to England I Should receeive ten thousand
pounds
That for clearly demonstrating that Ships of war can be destroyed by my
engines with more ease and less risque than by any method now in practice I
demanded the Value of one first rate line of battle Ship or one hundred thousand
pounds
With this demand the following Ideas were associated, First that I Should not
exersise or be the cause of exersising this invention against the fleets of great
Britain, Second that by not Shewing the Mechanism of the Submarine boat and
adopting only a part of my plan, this government might draw advantage from it.
Government can now Judge whether it is important that I should never be the
means of using this invention against the British marine whether it is their interest
to grant these my original terms and whether this proposal is extravagant
considering the demonstrations I have made and the power I possess to render
my invention Infinately more productive. In this proposal as it Stands I See that
Ministers Will have one difficulty which is a Security that I Shall not be induced to
use this invention against the british fleets after having receeived the sum
Specified, there is but one way to give such security that is to put it in my power
and make it my interest to remain tranquil or occupy myself in other pursuits
equally honorable and important to my country for this purpose I propose to
receive Sixty thousand pounds and my present Salary of two thousand four
hundred pounds per annum for life, the Annuity to be forfeited if I break the treaty
—I have already receeved ten thousand to be considered part of the above Sum.
My Lord I conceive this proposition fair you have the Interest of England to
consider I have my own. I love tranquility and science in my chamber. As a man of
honor my principle Is to fulfill my part of all my engagements before writing this
letter I have well considered the subject on all its bearings and made up my mind
to the general principles here proposed.
And I assure you that great as this demand may appear to be I am not much
interested in its success, for by agreeing to let my invention lie dormant I feel that
I abandon a Subject in which there is the most Philosophic and honorable fame
and perhaps the interest of my country which is dearer to me than all
considerations of wealth. However I hope America And England will so well
understand their Mutual Interest, that it will not be necessary for me to introduce
my Invention into practice for our own defence And I have no desire to use it to
the Advantage of any other Nation.
 I am Sir & & &
R Fulton

Fulton was not content to submit his demands to Lord Castlereagh

only, but as on other occasions he went over the head of his
correspondent and appealed to higher authority. In this case he
forwarded a copy of the letter with some additional thoughts to the
Prime Minister, Mr. Pitt:

London Jany 6th 1806

Mr. Pitt
Sir

That you may have an opportunity before you come to Town, to Judge of what I
conceive my rights And the governments Interest, I have taken the liberty to send
you a Copy of my letter to Lord Castlereagh, you will no doubt at the first thought
consider my demand great, but there is one reflection which Usually accompanies
all negotiations, whether between Nations or Individuals, that is the power which
each possess to support certain claims. Now in this business I will not disguise
that I feel the power which I possess which is no less than to be the means if I
think proper of giving to the world a System which must from necessity sweep all
military marines from the ocean, by giving to the weaker maritime powers
Advantages over the stronger which the Strong cannot prevent, this power I felt
before and when I came to this country but I did not think right to insist upon it
nor could I expect ministers to believe it till I had given them sufficient
demonstration. This is a power which is not possessed by even Bonapart. It is
concentered in me and two friends who are governed by my success in this
country.
Hence on Such power I have a right to set what price I think proper, but I hope
I am not of a disposition to abuse the advantages which the Arts have given me
either by unreasonable demands or any illiberal act. In my present terms I have
not raised the Sum first proposal to Lord Hawkesbury; And It must be observed, I
did not come here so much with a View to do you any material good as to Shew
that I had the power and might in the exersise of my plan to acquire fortune, do
you an Infinate Injury, which Ministers if they thought proper might prevent by an
arrangement with me,—
I did however Zealously attempt to be of Service, I have proved that Infinate
good or Injury may be done. I have written to Lord Barham two letters without
receiving any Answer. I can easy conceive he has not had time to consider the
position in which I Stand nor my Invention in all its consequences and might not
think An Answer of any importance, However it is time that he Should See it in all
its consequences and Judge of the propriety of a fair and honorable arrangement
with me,
Although Sir you will be overwhelmed with business on your coming to Town yet
I hope you will not let this escape your memory
I have the honor to be your most
Obedient and Very humble servant

Robert Francis

The Right Honbl

William Pitt Bath

The letter to Lord Castlereagh is in the best form of any of Fulton’s

communications to the government in spite of the thinly veiled
suggestion of a threat in the closing lines, but Lord Castlereagh must
have been amused to learn that the foreign inventor, then without
fame or position, was “perfectly satisfied with the conduct of Lord
Melville, Mr. Pitt and your Lordship.” He, whose conduct was
approved and from whose decision Fulton practically appealed in
advance without time being given to render it, was a most important
character in British politics at that time.
Lord Castlereagh lived between 1769 and 1822. He was the son of
the Earl of Londonderry, and as his father was still living during the
period under consideration, the son was known by the courtesy title
of Viscount Castlereagh. Instrumental in securing the union with
Ireland he forfeited the King’s support by urging emancipation for
Roman Catholics, and to such an extent that the resignation of the
Pitt government was forced. Castlereagh accepted a position in the
new cabinet and on Pitt’s return to power in May, 1804, continued in
office, and in 1805 became Secretary for War. It was to that official,
therefore, that Fulton wrote the above letters.
On the 23rd of January, 1806, Pitt died and was succeeded in
office by Lord Grenville. This necessitated new approaches by
Fulton. Charles Grey became First Lord of the Admiralty in the
ministry then formed. His father, Sir Charles Grey of Howick, had
served as a British General in America during the revolution and was
raised to the peerage as Lord Grey of Howick in 1801. In April, 1806,
he was created Earl Grey, when his son adopted the courtesy title of
Lord Howick. Fulton’s letters, therefore, to Mr. Gray (misspelled for
Grey) and to Lord Howick are to the same person.
During February, Fulton recommenced his efforts for a settlement
by writing Mr. Grey. At the same time he enclosed copies of letters
previously sent to Mr. Pitt, assuming that Mr. Grey, being new to the
office, it was necessary to acquaint him with what had gone before.

Ibbotsons Hotel Vere Street Oxford

Road Feby 22d 1806

Mr. Gray
Sir

In my letters to Mr. Pitt the copies of which I had the honor to present you there
are some Assertions on the powers of submarine attack which men in general will
be inclined to doubt, few men will believe that any plan can be carried to Such
perfection as totally to annihilate the present system of Military marines and
maritime war. And I presume most men in my Situation would endavour to conseal
this part of the Business from every member of a Government the consequence of
which depends on her marine.
But as I have been invited to this country to give Ministers full information on
the nature and powers of submarine Attack, I have been disposed from the first
candidly to explain every principle and mode of practice which Occured to me on
the subject, And then leave Ministers to Judge for themselves Whether fleets can
be destroyed by my means, and how much of my System they may practice with
safety, or what part of it conseal from public knowledge I therefore conceive it the
most prudent and prompt measure, first to go into a full and Satisfactory
examination of the principles of Submarine navigation and attack, their
practicability and consequences and from such investigation judge of what this
nation has to hope or fear from the System; and on what ground I found my
Claims; such a mode of proceeding will place this Subject clear before the mind. I
therefore Advise that you will have the goodness to Invite such of your friends as
you conceived best acquainted with Mathematical and Physical Subjects. I will
meet them and explain the whole Machinery and mode of operating and from their
decision ministers can Judge how to Act. This I conceive necessary for every
reason, first to Obtain a clear knowledge of facts; Second to Judge of the policy of
practicing my System; and third whether My deamnds are reasonable; and which
demand, I presume must be setteled by the privy council council—
To go into the investigation it is not Necessary to have Many persons. 3 or 4 will
be Suffecient for the less number who become acquainted with the Mechanism of
the submarine Vessel, the less it will be talked of or become publicly known.
I hope Sir you will form such a committee as soon as possible and when formed
favor me with a line,—
I have the honor to be your
Most Obedient and Very
humble servant

Robt Fulton

P. S. Would not Lord Sidmouth, Lord St. Vincent, Mr. Windham and Yourself
Suffice for the investigation?
The Right Honorable
Charles Gray
First Lord of the Admiralty
&&&

The duties of new office probably occupied Mr. Grey’s time to the
exclusion of coming to a settlement with Fulton. At any rate the
latter writes again:

March the 17th 1806

Mr. Gray
Sir

After the Various changes of Ministers and Measures which have kept me in this
country for near two years and the time fast approaching when I must Absolutely
sail for America you will excuse me for Urging that my arrangements with this
government may be finally Setteled. In the copies of my letters to Mr. Pitt which I
had the honor to present you my Ideas of the powers and Consequences of
Submarine navigation and Attack are fully explained and without disguise the
question therefore between government and me appears to be Simply this: have I
proved Sufficient to merit the 40,000 mentioned in the contract? If there be Still
doubts on this point it is Stipulated to be setteled by arbitration this is Justice
founded on the contract, but added to this: Is it not the Interest of government to
finally settle with me and then use my mode of attack as they think proper? I beg
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