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 Sample Final Exam #8
(Summer 2009; thanks to Victoria Kirst)

1. Array Mystery
Consider the following method:
public static void arrayMystery(int[] a) {
for (int i = 1; i < a.length - 1; i++) {
a[i] = a[i + 1] + a[i - 1];
}
}
Indicate in the right-hand column what values would be stored in the array after the method arrayMystery executes
if the integer array in the left-hand column is passed as a parameter to it.
Original Contents of Array Final Contents of Array
int[] a1 = {3, 7};
arrayMystery(a1); _____________________________

int[] a2 = {4, 7, 4, 2, 10, 9};

arrayMystery(a2); _____________________________

int[] a3 = {1, 5, 0, 0, 5, 0};

arrayMystery(a3); _____________________________

int[] a4 = {13, 0, -4, -2, 0, -1};

arrayMystery(a4); _____________________________

int[] a5 = {2, 4, 6, 8, 16};

arrayMystery(a5); _____________________________

1 of 8
2. Reference Semantics Mystery
(Missing; we didn't give this type of question that quarter.)

3. Inheritance Mystery
Assume that the following classes have been defined:

public class Denny extends John { public class Michelle extends John {
public void method1() { public void method1() {
System.out.print("denny 1 "); System.out.print("michelle 1 ");
} }
}
public String toString() {
return "denny " + super.toString(); public class John extends Cass {
} public void method2() {
} method1();
System.out.print("john 2 ");
public class Cass { }
public void method1() {
System.out.print("cass 1 "); public String toString() {
} return "john";
}
public void method2() { }
System.out.print("cass 2 ");
}

public String toString() {

return "cass";
}
}

Given the classes above, what output is produced by the following code?
Cass[] elements = {new Cass(), new Denny(), new John(), new Michelle()};
for (int i = 0; i < elements.length; i++) {
elements[i].method1();
System.out.println();
elements[i].method2();
System.out.println();
System.out.println(elements[i]);
System.out.println();
}

2 of 8
4. File Processing
Write a static method called runningSum that accepts as a parameter a Scanner holding a sequence of real numbers
and that outputs the running sum of the numbers followed by the maximum running sum. In other words, the nth
number that you report should be the sum of the first n numbers in the Scanner and the maximum that you report
should be the largest such value that you report. For example if the Scanner contains the following data:
3.25 4.5 -8.25 7.25 3.5 4.25 -6.5 5.25

your method should produce the following output:

running sum = 3.25 7.75 -0.5 6.75 10.25 14.5 8.0 13.25
max sum = 14.5
The first number reported is the same as the first number in the Scanner (3.25). The second number reported is the
sum of the first two numbers in the Scanner (3.25 + 4.5). The third number reported is the sum of the first three
numbers in the Scanner (3.25 + 4.5 + -8.25). And so on. The maximum of these values is 14.5, which is reported on
the second line of output. You may assume that there is at least one number to read.

3 of 8
5. File Processing
Write a static method named plusScores that accepts as a parameter a Scanner containing a series of lines that
represent student records. Each student record takes up two lines of input. The first line has the student's name and
the second line has a series of plus and minus characters. Below is a sample input:
Kane, Erica
--+-+
Chandler, Adam
++-+
Martin, Jake
+++++++
Dillon, Amanda
++-++-+-

The number of plus/minus characters will vary, but you may assume that at least one such character appears and that
no other characters appear on the second line of each pair. For each student you should produce a line of output with
the student's name followed by a colon followed by the percent of plus characters. For example, if the input above is
stored in a Scanner called input, the call of plusScores(input); should produce the following output:
Kane, Erica: 40.0% plus
Chandler, Adam: 75.0% plus
Martin, Jake: 100.0% plus
Dillon, Amanda: 62.5% plus

4 of 8
6. Array Programming
Write a method priceIsRight that accepts an array of integers bids and an integer price as parameters. The method
returns the element in the bids array that is closest in value to price without being larger than price. For example, if
bids stores the elements {200, 300, 250, 999, 40}, then priceIsRight(bids, 280) should return 250,
since 250 is the bid closest to 280 without going over 280. If all bids are larger than price, then your method should
return -1.
The following table shows some calls to your method and their expected results:
Arrays Returned Value
int[] a1 = {900, 885, 989, 1}; priceIsRight(a1, 880) returns 1
int[] a2 = {200}; priceIsRight(a2, 320) returns 200
int[] a3 = {500, 300, 241, 99, 501}; priceIsRight(a3, 50) returns -1
int[] a2 = {200}; priceIsRight(a2, 120) returns -1
You may assume there is at least 1 element in the array, and you may assume that the price and the values in bids will
all be greater than or equal to 1. Do not modify the contents of the array passed to your method as a parameter.

5 of 8
7. Array Programming
Write a static method named compress that accepts an array of integers a1 as a parameter and returns a new array
that contains only the unique values of a1. The values in the new array should be ordered in the same order they
originally appeared in. For example, if a1 stores the elements {10, 10, 9, 4, 10, 4, 9, 17}, then
compress(a1) should return a new array with elements {10, 9, 4, 17}.
The following table shows some calls to your method and their expected results:
Array Returned Value
int[] a1 = {5, 2, 5, 3, 2, 5}; compress(a1) returns {5, 2, 3}
int[] a2 = {-2, -12, 8, 8, 2, 12}; compress(a2) returns {-2, -12, 8, 2, 12}
int[] a3 = {4, 17, 0, 32, -3, 0, 0}; compress(a3) returns {4, 17, 0, 32, -3}
int[] a4 = {-2, -5, 0, 5, -92, -2, 0, 43}; compress(a4) returns {-2, -5, 0, 5, -92, 43}
int[] a5 = {1, 2, 3, 4, 5}; compress(a5) returns {1, 2, 3, 4, 5}
int[] a6 = {5, 5, 5, 5, 5, 5}; compress(a6) returns {5}
int[] a7 = {}; compress(a7) returns {}
Do not modify the contents of the array passed to your method as a parameter.

6 of 8
8. Critters
Write a class Caterpillar that extends the Critter class from our assignment, along with its movement behavior.
Caterpillars move in an increasing NESW square pattern: 1 move north, 1 move east, 1 move west, 1 move south,
then 2 moves north, 2 moves east, etc., the square pattern growing larger and larger indefinitely. If a Caterpillar
runs into a piece of food, the Caterpillar eats the food and immediately restarts the NESW pattern. The size of the
Caterpillar’s movement is also reset back to 1 move in each direction again, and the increasing square pattern
continues as before until another piece of food is encountered.
Here is a sample movement pattern of a Caterpillar:
• north 1 time, east 1 time, south 1 time, west 1 time
• north 2 times, east 2 times, south 2 times, west 2 times
• north 3 times, east 3 times, south 3 times, west 3 times
• (runs into food)
• north 1 time, east 1 time, south 1 time, west 1 time
• north 2 times, east 1 time
• (runs into food)
• north 1 time
• (runs into food)
• north 1 time, east 1 time, south 1 time, west 1 time
• north 2 times, east 2 times, south 2 times, west 2 times
• (etc.)
Write your complete Caterpillar class below. All other aspects of Caterpillar besides eating and movement
behavior use the default critter behavior. You may add anything needed to your class (fields, constructors, etc.) to
implement this behavior appropriately.

7 of 8
9. Classes and Objects
Suppose that you are provided with a pre-written class Date as // Each Date object stores a single
described at right. (The headings are shown, but not the method // month/day such as September 19.
bodies, to save space.) Assume that the fields, constructor, and // This class ignores leap years.
methods shown are already implemented. You may refer to them
or use them in solving this problem if necessary. public class Date {
private int month;
Write an instance method named subtractWeeks that will be private int day;
placed inside the Date class to become a part of each Date
object's behavior. The subtractWeeks method accepts an // Constructs a date with
integer as a parameter and shifts the date represented by the Date // the given month and day.
public Date(int m, int d)
object backward by that many weeks. A week is considered to be
exactly 7 days. You may assume the value passed is non- // Returns the date's day.
negative. Note that subtracting weeks might cause the date to public int getDay()
wrap into previous months or years.
// Returns the date's month.
For example, if the following Date is declared in client code: public int getMonth()
Date d = new Date(9, 19);
// Returns the number of days
The following calls to the subtractWeeks method would // in this date's month.
modify the Date object's state as indicated in the comments. public int daysInMonth()
Remember that Date objects do not store the year. The date
before January 1st is December 31st. Date objects also ignore // Modifies this date's state
// so that it has moved forward
leap years.
// in time by 1 day, wrapping
Date d = new Date(9, 19); // around into the next month
d.subtractWeeks(1); // d is now 9/12 // or year if necessary.
d.subtractWeeks(2); // d is now 8/29 // example: 9/19 -> 9/20
d.subtractWeeks(5); // d is now 7/25 // example: 9/30 -> 10/1
d.subtractWeeks(20); // d is now 3/7 // example: 12/31 -> 1/1
d.subtractWeeks(110); // d is now 1/26
public void nextDay()
// (2 years prior)

// your method would go here

8 of 8
Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
conciliate all parties by the culture of his mind, by his learning,
wisdom, piety, and gentleness. One man, if he appears at the right
moment, is sometimes sufficient to give a new direction to an entire
epoch, to a whole nation. ‘Ah, sire,’ said Barnabas Voré de la Fosse,
a learned and zealous French nobleman, who knew Germany well,
and had tasted of the Gospel, ‘if you knew Melancthon, his
uprightness, learning, and modesty! I am his disciple, and fear not
to tell it you. Of all those who in our days have the reputation of
learning, and who deserve it, he is the foremost.’[686]
These advances were not useless: Francis I. thought the priests very
arrogant and noisy. His despotism made him incline to the side of
the pope; but his love of letters, and his disgust at the monks,
attracted him the other way. Just now he thought it possible to
satisfy both these inclinations at once. Fully occupied with the effect
of the moment, and inattentive to consequences, he passed rapidly
from one extreme to another. At Marseilles he had thrown himself
into the arms of Clement VII., now he made up his mind to hold out
his hand to Melancthon. ‘Well!’ said the king, ‘since he differs so
much from our rebels, let him come: I shall be enchanted to hear
him.’ This gave great delight to the peacemakers. ‘God has seen the
affliction of his children and heard their cries,’ exclaimed Sturm.[687]
Francis I. ordered De la Fosse to proceed to Germany to urge
Melancthon in person.
A king of France inviting a reformer to come and explain his views
was something very new. The two principal obstacles which impeded
the Reformation seemed now to be removed. The first was the
character of the reformers in France, the exclusive firmness of their
doctrines, and the strictness of their morality. Melancthon, the mild,
the wise, the tolerant, the learned scholar, was to attempt the task.
The second obstacle was the fickleness and opposition of Francis I.;
but it was this prince who made the advances. There are hours of
grace in the history of the human race, and one of those hours
seemed to have arrived. ‘God, who rules the tempests,’ exclaimed
Sturm, ‘is showing us a harbor of refuge.’[688]
Efforts Of The The friends of the Gospel and of light set
Mediators. earnestly to work. It was necessary to
persuade Melancthon, the Elector, and the protestants of Germany,
which might be a task of some difficulty. But the mediators did not
shrink from before obstacles; they raised powerful batteries; they
stretched the strings of their bow, and made a great effort to carry
the fortress. Sturm, in particular, spared no exertions. The free
courses he was giving at the Royal College, his lectures on Cicero,
his logic, which, instead of preparing his disciples (among whom was
Peter Ramus) for barren disputes, developed and adorned their
minds—nothing could stop him. Sturm was not only an enlightened
man, a humanist, appreciating the Beautiful in the productions of
genius, but he had a deep feeling of the divine grandeur of the
Gospel. Men of letters in those times, especially in Italy, were often
negative in regard to the things of God, light in their conduct,
without moral force, and consequently incapable of exercising a
salutary influence over their contemporaries. Such was not Sturm:
and while those beaux-esprits, those wits were making a useless
display of their brilliant intelligence in drawing-rooms, that eminent
man exhibited a Christian faith and life: he busied himself in the
cultivation of all that is most exalted, and during his long career,
never ceased from enlightening his contemporaries.[689] ‘The future
of French protestantism is in your hands,’ he wrote to Bucer;
‘Melancthon’s answer and yours will decide whether the evangelicals
are to enjoy liberty, or undergo the most cruel persecutions. When I
see Francis I. meditating the revival of the Church, I recognize God,
who inclines the hearts of princes. I do not doubt his sincerity; I see
no hidden designs, no political motives; although a German by birth,
I do not share my fellow-countrymen’s suspicions about him. The
king, I am convinced, wishes to do all he can to reform the Church,
and to give liberty of conscience to the French.’[690] Such was, then,
the hope of the most generous spirits—such the aim of their labors.
Sturm, wishing to do everything in his power to give France that
liberty and reformation, wrote personally to Melancthon. He was the
man to be gained, and the professor set his heart upon gaining him.
‘How delighted I am at the thought that you will come to France!’ he
said. ‘The king talks much about you; he praises your integrity,
learning, and modesty; he ranks you above all the scholars of our
time, and has declared that he is your disciple.[691] I shed tears when
I think of the devouring flames that have consumed so many noble
lives; but when I learn that the king invites you to advise with him
as to the means of extinguishing those fires, then I feel that God is
turning his eyes with love upon the souls who are threatened with
unutterable calamities. What a strange thing! France appeals to you
at the very time when our cause is so fiercely attacked. The king,
who is of a good disposition at bottom, perceives so many defects in
the old cause, and such imprudence in those who adhere to the
truth, that he applies to you to find a remedy for these evils. O
Melancthon! to see your face will be our salvation. Come into the
midst of our violent tempests, and show us the haven. A refusal
from you would keep our brethren suspended above the flames.
Trouble yourself neither about emperors nor kings: those who invite
you are men who are fighting against death. But they are not alone:
the voice of Christ, nay, the voice of God himself calls you.’[692] The
letter is dated from Paris, 4th March, 1535.
The Holy Scriptures, which were read wherever the Reform had
penetrated, had revived in men’s hearts feelings of real unity and
Christian charity. Such cries of distress could not fail to touch the
protestants of Germany; Bucer, who had also been invited, made
preparations for his departure. ‘The French, Germans, Italians,
Spaniards, and other nations, who are they?’[693] he asked. ‘All our
brethren in Jesus Christ. It is not this nation or that nation only, but
all nations that the Father has given to the Son. I am ready,’ he
wrote to Melancthon; ‘prepare for your departure.’
Importance Of What could Melancthon do? that was the
France. great question. Many persons, even in
Germany, had hoped that France would put herself at the head of
the great revival of the Church. Had not her kings, and especially
Louis XII., often resisted Rome? Had not the university of Paris been
the rival of the Vatican? Was it not a Frenchman who, cross in hand,
had roused the West to march to the conquest of Jerusalem? Many
believed that if France were transformed, all Christendom would be
transformed with her. To a certain point, Melancthon had shared
these ideas, but he was less eager than Bucer. The outspoken
language of the placards had shocked him; but the burning piles
erected in Paris had afterwards revolted him; he feared that the
king’s plans were a mere trick, and his reform a phantom.
Nevertheless, after reflecting upon the matter, he concluded that the
conquest of such a mighty nation was a thing of supreme
importance. His adhesion to the regenerating movement then
accomplishing might decide its success, just as his hostility might
destroy it. He must do something more than open his arms to
France, he must go to meet her.
Melancthon understood the position and set to work. First, he wrote
to the Bishop of Paris, in order to gain him over to the proposed
union, by representing to him that the episcopal order ought to be
maintained. The German doctor did not doubt that even under that
form, the increasing consciousness of truth and justice, the living
force of the Gospel, which was seen opening and increasing
everywhere, would gain over to the Reformation the fellow-
countrymen of St. Bernard and St. Louis. ‘France is, so to speak, the
head of the Christian world,’ he wrote to the Bishop of Paris.[694] ‘The
example of the most eminent people may exercise a great influence
over others. If France is resolved to defend energetically the existing
vices of the Church, good men of all countries will see their fondest
desires vanish. But I have better hopes; the French nation
possesses, I know, a remarkable zeal for piety.[695] All men turn their
eyes to us; all conjure us, not only by their words, but by their tears,
to prevent sound learning from being stifled, and Christ’s glory from
being buried.’
On the same day, 9th of May, 1535, Melancthon wrote to Sturm: ‘I
will not suffer myself to be prevented either by domestic ties or the
fear of danger. There is no human grandeur which I can prefer to
the glory of Christ. Only one thought checks me: I doubt of my
ability to do any good; I fear it will be impossible to obtain from the
king what I consider necessary to the glory of the Lord and the
peace of France.[696] If you can dispel these apprehensions, I shall
hasten to France, and no prison shall affright me. We must seek only
for what is fitting for the Church and France. You know that
kingdom. Speak. If you think I should do well to undertake the
journey, I will start.’
Melancthon’s letter to the Bishop of Paris was not without effect.
That prelate had just been made a cardinal; but the new dignity in
nowise diminished his desire for the restoration of truth and unity in
the Church; on the contrary, it gave him more power to realize the
great project. The Reformation was approaching. Delighted with the
sentiments expressed to him by the master of Germany, he
communicated his letter to such as might feel an interest in it, and
among others, no doubt, to the king. ‘There is not one of our friends
here,’ he said, ‘to whom Melancthon’s mode of seeing things is not
agreeable. As for myself, it is pleasant far beyond what I can
express.’[697] It was the same with his brother William. While the new
cardinal especially desired a union with Melancthon in the hope of
obtaining a wise and pious reform, the councillor of Francis I.
desired, while leaving to the pope his spiritual authority, to make
France politically independent of Rome. The two brothers united in
entreating the king to send for Luther’s friend. De la Fosse joined
them, and all the friends of peace, in conjuring the king to give the
German doctor some proof of his good-will. ‘He will come if you
write to him,’ they said.
Letter Of The King. Francis I. made up his mind, and instead of
addressing the sovereign whose subject
Melancthon was, the proud king of France wrote to the plain doctor
of Wittemberg. This was not quite regular; had the monarch written
to the elector, such a step might have produced very beneficial
results; not so much because the susceptibility of the latter prince
would not have been wounded, as because the reasons which
Francis, with Du Bellay’s help, might have given him, would perhaps
have convinced a ruler so friendly to the Gospel and to peace as
John Frederick. It is sometimes useful to observe the rules of
diplomacy. This is the letter from the King of France to the learned
doctor, dated 23d of June, 1535.

‘Francis, by the grace of God King of the French, to our dear

Philip Melancthon, greeting:
‘I have long since been informed by William du Bellay, my
chamberlain and councillor, of the zeal with which you are
endeavoring to appease the dissensions to which the Christian
doctrine has given rise. I now learn from the letter which you
have written to him, and from Voré de la Fosse, that you are
much inclined to come to us, to confer with some of our most
distinguished doctors on the means of restoring in the Church
that divine harmony which is the first of all my desires.[698] Come
then, either in an official character, or in your own name; you
will be very acceptable to me, and you will learn, in either case,
the interest I feel in the glory of your Germany and the peace of
the universe.’

These declarations from the King of France forwarded the

enterprise; before taking such a step, he must have been very clear
in his intentions. We may well ask, however, if the letter was sincere.
In history, as in nature, there are striking contrasts. While these
things were passing in the upper regions of society, scenes were
occurring in the lower regions which ran counter to those fine
projects of princes and scholars. The Swiss divines maintained that
the whole affair was a comedy in which the king and his ministers
played the chief parts. That may be questionable, but the interlude
was a blood-stained tragedy. In the very month when Francis I.
wrote to Melancthon, a poor husbandman of La Bresse, John
Cornon, was arrested while at work in the fields, and taken to
Macon. The judges, who expected to see an idiot appear before
them, were astonished when they heard that poor peasant proving
to them, in his simple patois, the truth of his faith, and displaying an
extensive knowledge of Holy Scripture. As the pious husbandman
remained unshaken in his attachment to the all-sufficient grace of
Jesus Christ, he was condemned to death, dragged on a hurdle to
the place of execution, and there burnt alive.[699]
In the following month of July, Dennis Brion, a humble barber of
Sancerre, near Paris, and a reputed heretic, was taken in his shop.
He had often expounded the Scriptures, not only to those who
visited him, but also to a number of persons who assembled to hear
him. Nothing annoyed the priests so much as these meetings, where
simple Christians, speaking in succession, bore testimony to the light
and consolation they had found in the Bible. Brion was condemned,
as the husbandman of La Bresse had been, and his death was made
a great show. It was the time of the grands jours at Angers; and
there he was burnt alive, in the midst of an immense concourse of
people from every quarter.[700] It is probable that those executions
were not the result of any new orders, but a mere sequel to the
cruelties of the 21st of January, the influence of which had only then
reached the provinces.
These two executions, however, made the necessity of laboring to
restore peace and unity still more keenly felt. Those engaged in the
task saw but one means: to admit on one side the evangelical
doctrine, and on the other the episcopal form with a bishop primus
inter pares. Western Christendom would thus have a protestant body
with a Roman dress. The Church of the Reformation (it was said)
holds to doctrine before all things, and the Church of Rome to its
government; let us unite the two elements. The Wittemberg doctors
hoped that the substance would prevail over the form; the Roman
doctors that the form would prevail over the substance; but many on
both sides honestly believed that the proposed combination would
succeed and be perpetual.
Du Bellay Goes To At the same time as De la Fosse started for
Rome. Wittemberg, the new cardinal, Du Bellay,
departed for Rome: two French embassies were to be
simultaneously in the two rival cities. The ostensible object of the
cardinal’s journey was not the great matter which the king had at
heart, but to thank the pope for the dignity conferred upon him; still
it was the intention and the charge of the Bishop of Paris to do all in
his power to induce the catholic Church to come to an understanding
with the protestants. Before quitting France, he wrote to
Melancthon: ‘There is nothing I desire more earnestly than to put an
end to the divisions which are shaking the Church of Christ. My dear
Melancthon, do all you can to bring about this happy pacification.[701]
If you come here, you will have all good men with you, and
especially the king, who is not only in name, but in reality, most
Christian. When you have conferred with him thoroughly, which will
be soon, I trust, there is nothing that we may not hope for. God
grant that at Rome, whither I am going with all speed, I may obtain,
in behalf of the work I meditate, all the success that I desire.’[702]
The cardinal’s journey was of great importance. The party to which
he belonged, which desired one sole Catholic Church, in which
evangelical doctrines and Romish forms should be skilfully combined,
was acquiring favor in the metropolis of catholicism. The new pope
raised to the cardinalate Contarini and several other prelates who
were known for their evangelical sentiments and the purity of their
lives. He left them entire liberty; he permitted them to contradict
him in the consistory, and even encouraged them to do so. The hope
of a reform grew greater day by day in Italy.[703] It thus happened
that Cardinal du Bellay found himself in a very favorable atmosphere
at Rome: he would be backed by the influence of France, and to a
certain point by the imperial influence also, for no one desired more
strongly than Charles V. an arrangement between catholics and
protestants. The Bishop of Paris, an enlightened and skilful
diplomatist and pious man, had a noble appearance, and displayed
in every act the mark of a great soul.[704] He thus won men’s hearts,
and might, in concert with Melancthon, be the chosen instrument to
establish the so much desired unity in the Church.
Du Bellay To While he was on his way to confer with the
Melancthon. pope and cardinals, others were canvassing
Melancthon and the protestants. De la Fosse left for Wittemberg,
bearing the king’s letter, and William du Bellay, an intelligent
statesman, who was determined to spare no pains to bring the great
scheme to a successful issue, wrote to the German doctor, explaining
motives and removing objections. In his eyes the cause in question
was the greatest of all: it was the cause of religion and of France.
‘Let us beware,’ wrote the councillor of Francis I. to Melancthon, ‘let
us beware of irritating the king, whose favor you will confess is
necessary to us. If, after he has written to you with his own hand,
after you have almost given your consent, after he has sent you a
deputation, in whose company you could make the journey without
danger,—if you finally refuse to come to France, I much fear that the
monarch will not look upon it with a favorable eye. It is necessary
both to France and religion that you comply with the king’s request.
[705]
Fear not the influence of the wicked, who cannot endure to be
deprived of anything in order that the glory of Jesus Christ should be
increased.[706] The king is skilful, prudent, yielding, and allows
himself to be convinced by sound reasons. If you have an interview
with him, if you talk with him, if you set your motives before him,
you will inflame him with an admirable zeal for your cause.[707] Do
not think you will have to dissemble or give way.... No; the king will
praise your courage in such serious matters more than he would
praise your weakness. I therefore exhort and conjure you in Christ’s
name not to miss the opportunity of doing the noblest of all the
works which it is possible to perform among men.’
As we read these important letters, these touching solicitations, and
the firm opinions of the councillor of Francis I., we are tempted to
inquire what is their date. Is it in reality only five months after the
strappadoes? One circumstance explains the startling contrast.
France might say: ‘I feel two natures in me.’ Which of them shall
prevail? That is the question. Will it be the intelligence, frankness,
love of liberty, and presentiment of the moral responsibility of man,
which are often found in the French people; or the incredulity,
superstition, sensuality, cruelty, and despotism, of which Catherine
de Medicis, her husband, and her sons were the types? Shall we see
a people, eager for liberty, submitting in religious things to the yoke
of a Church which never allows any independence to individual
thought? Strange to say, the solution of this important question
seemed to depend upon a reformer. Should Melancthon come to
France, he would, in the opinion of the Du Bellays and the best
intellects of the age, inaugurate with God’s help in that illustrious
country the reign of the Gospel and liberty, and put an end to the
usurpations of Rome.
If the great enterprise at which some of the greatest and most
powerful personages were then working succeeded, if the tendency
of Catherine and her sons (continued unfortunately by the
Bourbons) were overcome, France was saved. It was a solemn
opportunity. Never, perhaps, had that great nation been nearer the
most important transformation.
In addition to the appeals of Du Bellay, no means were spared to
persuade Germany. Sturm wrote another letter to the Wittemberg
doctor, telling him that the king was not very far from sharing the
religious ideas of the protestants, and that, if his views were laid
clearly and fearlessly before him, the reformer would find that the
sovereign agreed with him on many important points. And more
than this, Claude Baduel, who, after studying at Wittemberg, was in
succession professor at Paris, rector at Nismes, and pastor at
Geneva, was intrusted by the Queen of Navarre with a mission to
Melancthon. Francis I., wishing to pass from words to deeds,
published an amnesty on the 16th July, 1535, in which he declared
that ‘the anger of our Lord being appeased, persons accused or
suspected should not be molested, that all prisoners should be set at
liberty, their confiscated goods restored, and the fugitives permitted
to re-enter the kingdom, provided they lived as good catholic
Christians.’[708]
As Francis I. did not wish to alarm the court of Rome, and desired to
prevent it from interfering and seeking to disturb and thwart his
plans, he called Cardinal du Bellay to him a short time before his
departure, and said: ‘You will give the Holy Father to understand
that I am sending your brother to the protestants of Germany to get
what he can from them; at the very least to prevail on them to
acknowledge the power of the pope as head of the Church universal.
With regard to faith, religion, ceremonies, institutions, and doctrines,
he will preserve such as it will be proper to preserve,—at least, what
may reasonably be tolerated, while waiting the decision of the
council.... Matters being thus arranged, our Holy Father will then be
able earnestly and joyfully to summon a council to meet at Rome,
and his authority will remain sure and flourishing; for, if the enemies
of the Holy See once draw in their horns in Germany, they will do
the same in France, Italy, England, Scotland, and Denmark.’[709]
The opinions of Francis I. come out clearly in these instructions. The
only thing he cared about was the preservation of the pope’s
temporal power. As for religion, ceremonies, and doctrines, he would
try to come to an understanding,—he would get what he could; but
the protestants must pull in their horns,—must renounce their
independent bearing. The king declared himself satisfied, provided
the people of Europe continued to walk beneath the Caudine forks of
Romish power.
Conference With It was not long before the king showed
The Reformers. what were his real intentions, and towards
what kind of reconciliation a council would have to labor, if one
should ever be assembled, which was very doubtful. On the 20th
July, the Bishop of Senlis, his confessor, requested the Sorbonne to
nominate ten or twelve of its theologians to confer with the
reformers. If a bombshell had fallen in the midst of the Faculty, it
could not have caused greater alarm. ‘What an unprecedented
proposal!’ exclaimed the doctors; ‘is it a jest or an insult?’ For two
days they remained in deliberation. ‘We will nominate deputies,’ said
the assembly, ‘but for the purpose of remonstrating with the king.’
‘Sire,’ boldly said these delegates, ‘your proposal is quite useless and
supremely dangerous. Useless, for the heretics will hear of nothing
but Holy Scripture; dangerous, for the catholics, who are weak in
faith, may be perverted by the objections of the heretic.... Let the
Germans communicate to us the articles on which they have need of
instruction, we will give it them willingly; but there can be no
discussion with heretics. If we meet them, it can only be as their
judges. It is a divine and a human law to cut off the corrupted
members from the body. If such is the duty of the State against
assassins, much more is it their duty against schismatics who
destroy souls by their rebellion.’[710]
These different movements did not take place in secret; they were
talked about all over the city, and far beyond it. Enlightened minds
were much amused by the fear which the doctors of the Sorbonne
had of speaking. There was no lack of remarks on that subject. ‘We
must not chatter and babble overmuch about the Gospel; but it is
absurd that, when anybody inquires into our faith, we should say
nothing in defence of it. Let us discourse about the mysteries of God
peaceably and mildly: to be silent is a supineness and cowardice
worthy of the sneers of unbelievers.’[711] When Marot the poet heard
of the answer of the Sorbonne, he said:—

Je ne dis pas que Mélancthon

Ne déclare au roi son advis;
Mais de disputer vis-à-vis ...
Nos maîtres n’y veulent entendre.

The politicians were not silent. The prospect of an agreement with

the protestants deeply moved the chiefs of the Roman party, who
resolved to do all in their power to oppose the attempt.
Montmorency, the grand master, the Cardinal de Tournon, the Bishop
of Soissons, de Chateaubriand, and others exerted all their influence
to prevent Melancthon from coming to France, Cardinal du Bellay
from succeeding at Rome, and catholics and protestants from
shaking hands together under the auspices of Francis I.
This fanatical party, which was to make common cause with the
Jesuits, already forestalled them in cunning. ‘One morning,’, say
Roman-catholic historians,[712] ‘Cardinal de Tournon appeared at the
king’s levée, reading a book magnificently bound.’ ‘Cardinal, what a
handsome book you have there!’ said the king. ‘Sire,’ replied De
Tournon, ‘it is the work of an illustrious martyr, Saint Irenæus, who
presided over the Church of Lyons in the second century. I was
reading the passage which says that John the Evangelist, being
about to enter some public baths, and learning that the heretic
Cerinthus was inside, hastily retired, exclaiming: “Let us fly, my
children, lest we be swallowed up with the enemies of the Lord.”
That is what the apostles thought of heretics; and yet you, Sire, the
eldest son of the Church, intend inviting to your court the most
celebrated disciple of that arch-heretic Luther.’ De Tournon added
that an alliance with the Lutherans would not only cause Milan to be
lost to France, but would throw all the catholic powers into the arms
of the emperor.[713] Francis I., though persisting in his scheme, saw
that he could not force those to speak who had made up their minds
to be silent; and wishing to give De Tournon some little satisfaction
he let the Faculty know that he would not ask them to confer with
the reformers. The king intended to hear both parties; he sought to
place himself between the two stormy seas, like a quiet channel,
which communicates with both oceans, and in which it was possible
to manœuvre undisturbed by tempests.
Is A Mixed Congress The refusal of the Sorbonne, at that time
Possible? more papistical than the pope himself, does
not imply that a conference between protestant and catholic
theologians was impossible; for six years later such a conference
really did take place at Ratisbon, and nearly succeeded. A
committee, half protestant, half Romanist, in which Melancthon and
Bucer sat, and in which the pious Cardinal Contarini took part as
papal legate, admitted the evangelical faith in all essential points,
and declared in particular that man is justified not by his own merits,
but by faith alone in the merits of Christ, pointing out, however, as
the protestants had always done, that the faith which justifies must
work by love. That meeting of Ratisbon came to nothing: it could
come to nothing. A gleam of light shone forth, but a breath from
Rome extinguished the torch, and Contarini submitted in silence. The
conference, however, remains in history as a solemn homage, paid
by the most believing members of the Roman-catholic Church to the
Christian doctrines of the Reformation.[714]
 CHAPTER XVII.
WILL THE ATTEMPT TO ESTABLISH UNITY AND
TRUTH SUCCEED?
(August to November 1535.)

Individuality And Was the union desired by so many eminent

Community. men to be for good or for evil? On this
question different opinions may be, and have been, entertained.
Certain minds like to isolate themselves, and look with mistrust and
disdain upon human associations. It is true that man exists first as
an individual, and that before all things he must be himself; but he
does not exist alone: he is a member of a body, and this forms the
second part of his existence. Human life is both a monologue and a
dialogue. Before the era of Christianity, these two essential modes of
being had but an imperfect existence: on the one hand, social
institutions absorbed the individual, and on the other, each nation
was encamped apart. Christianity aggrandized individuality by calling
men to unite with God, and at the same time it proclaimed the great
unity of the human race, and undertook to make into one family all
the families of the earth, by giving the same heavenly Father to all.
It imparts a fresh intensity to individuality by teaching man that a
single soul is in God’s eyes of more value than the whole universe;
but this, far from doing society an injury, becomes the source of
great prosperity to it. The more an individual is developed in a
Christian sense, the more useful a member he becomes of the
nation and of the human race. Individuality and community are the
two poles of life; and it is necessary to maintain both, in order that
humanity may fulfil its mission in revolving ages. The mischief lies in
giving an unjust pre-eminence to either of the two elements. Romish
unity, which encroaches upon individuality, is an obstacle to real
Christian civilization; while an extreme individuality, which isolates
man, is full of peril both to society and to the individual himself. It
would therefore be unreasonable to condemn or to approve
absolutely the eminent men who in 1535 endeavored to restore
unity to the Church. The question is to know whether, by
reconstructing catholicity, they intended or not to sacrifice individual
liberty. If they desired a real Christian union, their work was good; if,
on the contrary, they aimed at restoring unity with a hierarchical
object, with a despotic spirit, their work was bad.
There was another question on which men were not more agreed.
Would the great undertaking succeed? France continued to ask for
Melancthon; would Germany reply to her advances? We must briefly
glance at the events which had taken place in the empire since the
agreement between the catholics and protestants concluded, as we
have seen, in July, 1532.[715] These events may help us to solve the
question.
It had been stipulated in the religious peace that all Germans should
show to one another a sincere and Christian friendship. In the treaty
of Cadan (29th June, 1534), Ferdinand, who had been recognized as
King of the Romans, had undertaken, both for himself and for
Charles V., to protect the protestants against the proceedings of the
imperial court. Somewhat later, the city of Münster, in Westphalia,
had become the theatre of the extravagances of fanaticism. John
Bockhold, a tailor of Leyden, setting himself up for a prophet, had
made himself master of the city, and been proclaimed king of Zion.
He had also established a community of goods, and attempted, like
other sectarians, to restore polygamy. He used to parade the city,
wearing a golden crown; to sit in judgment in the market-place, and
would often cut off the head of a condemned person. A pulpit was
erected at the side of the throne, and after the sermon the whole
congregation would sometimes begin to dance. The Landgrave,
Philip of Hesse, one of the leaders of the protestant cause, marched
against these madmen, took Münster on the 24th June, 1535, and
put an end to the pretended kingdom of Zion.[716] These
extravagances did not injure the protestant cause, which was not
confounded with a brutal communism, reeking with cruelty and
debauchery; besides, it was the protestants, and not the catholics,
who had put them down. But from that hour, the evangelicals felt
more strongly than ever the necessity of resisting the sectarian
spirit: this they had done at Wittemberg as early as 1522. At last it
appeared clearer every day that the free and Christian general
council, which they had so often demanded, would be granted them.
All the events, which we have indicated, seemed to have prepared
protestant Germany to accept the proposals of France.
An Important Voré de la Fosse, bearing letters from
Mission. Francis I., William du Bellay, and other
friends of the union, was going to Germany to try and bring it to a
successful issue. De la Fosse was not such a distinguished
ambassador as those who figured at London and at Rome, and the
power to which he was accredited was a professor in a petty town of
Saxony. But Germany called this professor her ‘master,’ and De la
Fosse considered his mission a more important one than any that
had been confided to dukes and cardinals. Christendom was
weakened by being severed into two parts; he was going to re-
establish unity, and revive and purify the old member by the life of
the new one. The Christian Church thus strengthened would be
made capable of the greatest conquests. On the success of the steps
that were about to be taken depended, in the opinion of De la Fosse
and his friends, the destiny of the world.
The envoy of Francis I. arrived at Wittemberg on the 4th of August,
1535, and immediately paid Melancthon a visit, at which he
delivered the letters intrusted to him, and warmly explained the
motives which ought to induce the reformer to proceed to France.
De la Fosse’s candor, his love for the Gospel, and his zeal gained the
heart of Luther’s friend. By degrees a sincere friendship grew up
between them; and when Melancthon afterwards wanted to justify
himself in the eyes of the French, he appealed to the testimony of
the ‘very good and very excellent Voré.’[717] But if the messenger
pleased him, the message filled his heart with trouble: the perusal of
the letters from the king, Du Bellay, and Sturm brought the doubts
of this man of peace to a climax. He saw powerful reasons for going
to France and equally powerful reasons for staying in Germany. To
use the expression of a reformer, there were two batteries firing
upon him by turns from opposite quarters, now driving him to the
right, now to the left. What would Charles V. say, if a German should
go to the court of his great adversary? Besides, what was to be
expected from the Sorbonne, the clergy, and the court? Contempt....
He would not go. On the other hand, Melancthon had before him a
letter from the king, pressing him to come to Paris. An influential
nation might be gained to the Gospel, and carry all the West along
with it. When the Lord calls, must we allow ourselves to be stopped
by fear?... He hesitated no longer: he would depart. Voré de la Fosse
was delighted. But erelong other thoughts sprang up to torment the
doctor’s imagination. What was there not to be feared from a prince
who had sworn, standing before the stake at which he was burning
his subjects, that to stop heresy he would, if necessary, cut off his
own arm and cast it into the fire?... In that terrible day of the
strappadoes, a deep gulf had opened in the midst of the church.
Was it his business to throw himself, Curtius-like, into the abyss, in
order that the gulf should close over him?... Melancthon would
willingly leave to the young Roman the glory of devoting himself to
the infernal gods.
De la Fosse visited the illustrious professor daily, and employed
every means to induce him to cross the Rhine.[718] ‘We will do
whatever you desire,’ he said. ‘Do you wish for royal letters to secure
to you full liberty of going to France and returning? You shall have
them. Do you ask for hostages as guarantees for your return? You
shall have them also. Do you want an armed guard of honor to
escort you and bring you back? It shall be given you.[719] We will
spare nothing. On your interview with the king depends not only the
fate of France, but (so to speak) of the whole world.[720] Hearken to
the friends of the Gospel who dwell in Paris. Threatening waves
surround us, they say by my mouth; furious tempests assail us; but
the moment you come, we shall find ourselves, as it were,
miraculously transported into the safest of havens.[721] If, on the
contrary, you despise the king’s invitation, all hope is lost for us. The
fires now slumbering will instantly shoot forth their flames, and there
will be a cruel return of the most frightful tortures.[722] It is not only
Sturm, Du Bellay, and other friends like them who invite you, but all
the pious Christians of France. They are silent, no doubt—those
whom the cruellest of punishments have laid among the dead, and
even those who, immured in dungeons, are separated from us by
doors of iron; but, if their voices cannot reach you, listen at least to
one mighty voice, the voice of God himself, the voice of Jesus
Christ.’[723]
Melancthon A Man When Melancthon heard this appeal, he
Of God. was agitated and overpowered.[724] What an
immense task! These Frenchmen are placing the world on his
shoulders! Can such a poor Atlas as he is bear it? How must he
decide? What must he do? In a short time his perplexity was again
increased. The French gentleman had hardly left the room when his
wife, Catherine daughter of the Burgomaster of Wittemberg, her
relations, her young children, and some of his best friends
surrounded him and entreated him not to leave them. They were
convinced that, if Melancthon once set foot in that city ‘which killeth
the prophets,’ they would never see him again. They described the
traps laid for him; they reminded him that no safe-conduct had been
given him; they shed tears, they clung to him, and yet he did not
give way.
Melancthon was a man of God, and prayed his heavenly Father to
show him the road he ought to take; he thoroughly weighed the
arguments for and against his going. ‘The thought of myself and of
mine,’ he said, ‘the remoteness of the place to which I am invited,
and fear of the dangers that await me ought not to stop me.[725]
Nothing should be more sacred to me than the glory of the Son of
God, the deliverance of so many pious men, and the peace of the
Church troubled by such great tempests. Upon that all my thoughts
ought to be concentred; but this is what disturbs me: I fear to act
imprudently in a matter of such great importance, and to make the
disease still more incurable through my precipitancy. Will not the
French, while giving way on some trivial points which they must
necessarily renounce, retain the most important articles in which
falsehood and impiety are especially found?[726] Alas! such patchwork
would produce more harm than good.’
There was much truth in these fears; but De la Fosse, returning to
his friend, sought to banish his apprehensions, and assured him that
the disposition of Francis I. was excellent at bottom. ‘Yes,’ replied
Luther’s friend, ‘but is he in a position to act upon it?’[727] He
expected nothing from a conference with fanatical doctors. Besides,
the Sorbonne refused all discussion. ‘The king,’ he said, ‘is not the
Church. A council alone has power to reform it; and therefore the
prince ought to set his heart upon hastening its convocation. All
other means of succoring afflicted Christendom are useless and
dangerous.’
De la Fosse turned Melancthon’s objection against him. ‘At least we
must prepare the way for the council,’ he said; ‘and it is just on that
account that the King of France wishes to converse with you.’ Then,
desiring to strike home, the envoy of Francis I. continued: ‘The king
never had anything more at heart than to heal the wounds of the
Church: he has never shown so much care, anxiety, and zeal.[728] If
you comply with his wishes, you will be received with more joy in
France than any stranger before you. Will you withhold from the
afflicted Church the hand that can save her? Let nothing in the
world, I conjure you, turn you aside from so pure and sacred an
enterprise.’[729] De la Fosse was agitated. The idea of returning to
Paris without Melancthon—that is to say, without the salvation he
expected—was insupportable. ‘Depart,’ he exclaimed, ‘if you do not
come to France!... I shall never return there.’[730]
Melancthon’s Melancthon was touched by these
Character. supplications. He thought he heard (as they
had told him) the voice of God himself. ‘Well, then,’ he said, ‘I will
go. My friends in France have entertained great expectations and
apply to me to fulfil them: I will not disappoint their hopes.’
Melancthon was resolved to maintain the essential truths of
Christianity, and hoped to see them accepted by the catholic world.
Francis I. and his friends had not rejected Luther’s fundamental
article,—justification solely by faith in the merits of Christ, by a living
faith, which produces holiness and works. According to the most
eminent and most Christian orator of the Roman Church, Melancthon
combined learning, gentleness, and elegance of style, with singular
moderation, so that he was regarded as the only man fitted to
succeed in literature to the reputation of Erasmus.[731] But he was
more than that: his convictions were not to be shaken; he knew
where he was, and, far from seeking all his life for his religion—as
Bossuet asserts—he had found it and admirably explained it in his
Theological Commonplaces.[732] Still he constantly said to his friends:
‘We must contend only for what is great and necessary.’[733]
Melancthon, who was full of meekness, was always ready to do what
might be agreeable to others. Sincere, open, and exceedingly fond
of children, he liked to play with them and tell them little tales. But
with all this amiability he had a horror of ambiguous language,
especially in matters of faith; and although a man of extreme
gentleness, he felt strongly, his anguish could be very bitter, and
when his soul was stirred, he would break out with sudden
impetuosity, which, however, he would soon repress. His error, in the
present case, was in believing that the pope could be received
without receiving his doctrines: every true Roman-catholic could
have told him that this was impossible. At all events De la Fosse had
decided him. For the triumph of unity and truth, this simple-hearted
bashful man was resolved to brave the dangers of France and the
bitter reproaches of Germany. ‘I will go,’ he said to the envoy of
Francis I. It was the language of a Christian ready to sacrifice
himself. In history we sometimes meet with characters who enlarge
our ideas of moral greatness: Melancthon was one of them.
But would his prince allow him to go? The prejudices of Germany
against France, besides numerous political and religious
considerations, might influence the elector. These were difficulties
that might cause the enterprise to fail. Still the noble-minded
professor resolved to do all in his power to overcome them. The
university had just removed from Wittemberg to Jena on account of
the plague. Melancthon, quitting Thuringia, directed his course
hastily towards the banks of the Elbe, and arriving at Torgau, where
the court was staying, at the old castle outside the city, was
admitted on Sunday, the 15th of August, after divine service to
present his respects to the elector.
John Frederick was attended by many of his councillors and
courtiers, and notwithstanding the esteem he felt for Melancthon, an
air of dissatisfaction and reserve was visible in his face. The elector
was offended because the King of France, instead of applying to
him, had written direct to one of his subjects; but graver motives
caused him to regard the Wittemberg doctor’s project with
displeasure.
Letter To The It was no slight thing for Melancthon, who
Elector. was naturally timid and bashful, to ask his
sovereign for anything likely to displease him. Without alluding to
the letter he had received from Francis I., which he thought it wiser
not to mention, he said: ‘Your Electoral Grace is aware that eighteen
Christians have been burnt in Paris, and many others thrown into
prison or compelled to fly. The brother of the Bishop of Paris has
endeavored to soften the king, and has written to me that that
prince has put an end to the executions, and desires to come to an
understanding with us in regard to religious matters. Du Bellay
invites me to mount my horse and go to France.[734] If I refuse, I
appear to despise the invitation or to be afraid. For this reason I am
ready in God’s name to go to Paris, as a private individual, if your
Highness permits. It is right that we should teach great potentates
and foreign nations the importance and beauty of our evangelical
cause. It is right that they should learn what our doctrine is and not
confound us with fanatics, as our enemies endeavor to do. I do not
deceive myself as to my personal unimportance and incapacity; but I
also know, that if I do not go to Paris, I shall appear to be ashamed
of our cause, and to distrust the words of the King of France, and
the good men who are endeavoring to put an end to the persecution
will be exposed to the displeasure of the master. I know the weight
of the task imposed upon me ... it overwhelms me ... but I will do
my duty all the same, and with that intent I conjure your Grace to
grant me two or three months’ leave of absence.’
Melancthon, according to custom, handed in a written petition.[735]
John Frederick was content to answer coldly that he would make his
pleasure known through the members of his council.
The ice was broken. France and Germany were face to face in that
castle on the banks of the Elbe. The opposition immediately showed
itself. The audience given to Melancthon set all the court in motion.
The Germanic spirit prevailed there more than the evangelical spirit,
and the knowledge that Germans could be found who were willing to
hold out their hands to Francis I. irritated the courtiers. They met in
secret conference, looked coldly upon Melancthon, and addressed
him rudely. Gifted with the tenderest feelings, the noble-hearted
man was deeply wounded. ‘Alas!’ he wrote to Jonas, ‘the court is full
of mysteries, or rather of hatreds!... I will tell you all about it when I
see you.’[736]
He awaited with anxiety the official communication from the elector.
The next day, 16th of August, he was informed that John Frederick’s
councillors had a communication to make to him on the part of their
master. If the interview with the Elector had been cold, this was icy.
Chancellor Bruck—better known as Pontanus, according to the
fashion of latinizing names—had been intrusted with this mission.
Bruck, who at the famous diet of Augsburg had presented the
Evangelical Confession to Charles V. in the presence of all the princes
of Germany, was an excellent man, more decided than Melancthon,
and in some respects more enlightened; he saw that it was
dangerous to accept the pope, if they desired to reject his doctrines.
He received the doctor with a severe look, and said to him in a harsh
tone: ‘His Highness informs you that the business you have
submitted to him is of such importance, that you ought not to have
engaged yourself in it without his consent. As your intentions were
good, he will overlook it; but as to permitting you to make a hasty
and perilous journey to France, all sorts of reasons are against it.
Not only his Highness cannot expose your safety; but as he is on the
point of discussing with the emperor several questions which
concern religion, he fears that if he sent a deputy to Paris, his
Imperial Majesty, and the other princes of Germany, would imagine
that he was charged with negotiations opposed to the declarations
we have made to them. That journey might be the cause of
divisions, quarrels, and irreparable evils.[737] You are consequently
desired to excuse yourself to the King of France in the best way you
can, and the elector promises you he will write to him on the
subject.’
Melancthon’s Melancthon withdrew in sorrow. What a
Sorrow. position was his! His conscience bade him
go to Paris, and his prince forbade him. Do what he would, he must
fail in one of his most important duties. If he departs in defiance of
the elector’s prohibition, he will not only offend his prince, but set
Germany against himself, and sacrifice the circle of activity which
God has given him. If he remains, all hope is lost of bringing France
to the light of the Gospel. Hesitating and heart-broken, he went first
to Wittemberg, desiring to confer with Luther, and did not conceal
from his friend the deep indignation with which he was filled.[738] He
was called to raise the standard of the Gospel in an illustrious
kingdom, and the elector opposed it on account of certain diplomatic
negotiations. He declared to Luther that he would not renounce the
important mission, and he was fortified in this opinion by the
sentiments which that reformer entertained. The two friends could
speak of nothing but France, the king, and Du Bellay. ‘As you have
consulted me,’ said Luther, ‘I declare that I should see you depart
with pleasure.’[739] He also made a communication to Melancthon
which gave the latter some hope.
Having been informed of the audience of the 15th, the reformer had
just written to the elector. The cries of his brethren in France,
delivered to the flames, moved Luther at Wittemberg, as they moved
Calvin at Basle. The French reformer addressed an admirable letter
to Francis I., and the German reformer endeavored to send
Melancthon to him. The two men were thus unsuspectingly ‘conjoint
together in opinion and desires.’ ‘I entreat your Grace,’ wrote Luther
to John Frederick, in the most pressing manner, ‘to authorize Master
Philip to go to France. I am moved by the tearful prayers made to
him by pious men, hardly rescued from the stake, entreating him to
go and confer with the king, and thus put an end to the murders
and burnings. If this consolation be refused them, their enemies,
thirsting for blood,[740] will begin to slay and burn with redoubled
fury.... Francis I. had written Melancthon an exceedingly kind letter,
and envoys have come to solicit him on his behalf.... For the love of
God, grant him three months’ leave. Who can tell what God means
to do? His thoughts are always higher and better than ours. I should
be greatly distressed if so many pious souls, who invite Melancthon
with cries of pain, and reckon upon him, should be disappointed and
conceive untoward prejudices against us. May God lead your Grace
by his Holy Spirit!’
Such was Luther’s affection for his brethren in France. He did more
than write. The reformer was not in good health just then; he
complained of losing his strength, and of being so decrepit that he
was compelled to remain idle half the day.[741] Notwithstanding this,
he made the journey from Wittemberg to Torgau, where he had an
interview with the prince.[742] Perhaps this journey was anterior to
Melancthon’s.
German Prejudices. The simultaneous efforts of these two great
reformers ought to have produced a
favorable effect upon a prince like the elector. John Frederick, who
had succeeded his father John in August, 1532, was true and high-
minded, a good husband and a good prince. A disciple of Spalatin
and the friend of Luther, he venerated the Word of God, and was full
of zeal for the cause of the Reformation. Less phlegmatic than his
father, he united judgment and prudence with an enterprising spirit.
Such qualities must have led him to favor Melancthon’s journey to
France. But he was susceptible and rather obstinate; so that if a
project, not originating with him, but with another, displeased him in
any way, the probability of its success was not great. And hence
Luther’s letter did not make a great impression upon him: it merely
increased the excitement. The prejudices of Germany rendered
Melancthon’s journey less popular every day; at the court of Torgau,
in Saxony, and in the other protestant countries, it was regarded as
madness. ‘We at Augsburg,’ wrote Sailer, the deputy of that city,
‘know the King of France well: he cares very little, as everybody
knows, about religion, and even morality. He is playing the hypocrite
with the pope, and cajoling the Germans, thinking only how he can
disappoint the expectations he raises in them. His sole thought is to
crush the emperor.’[743] Some even of the best disposed were full of
horrible apprehensions, and fancied that they saw an immense pile
constructing on which to burn the master of Germany. Passions were
roused; a violent tempest stirred men’s minds; the most gloomy
opinions arrived at Torgau every day from all quarters. Others did
not look upon the matter so tragically, but employed the weapons of
ridicule. German susceptibility was wounded because Francis I. had
not selected some great personage for this mission. They looked
down upon Barnabas Voré called De la Fosse: ‘A fine ambassador!’
they said; ‘all the pawnbrokers in France would not advance twenty
crowns upon his head.’—‘Even the Jews,’ said another, ‘would not
have such a Barnabas, if they could buy him for a penny.’[744]
Before long the people grew tired of jests and suppositions, and
circulated extraordinary stories. Many prophesied that Melancthon
would be assassinated, even before he had crossed the Rhine. It
was reported that the papists had killed the real ambassador on the
road, that they had substituted De la Fosse for him, and given him
forged letters with a view to influence Melancthon, for whom they
had prepared an ambuscade. ‘If he departs, he is a dead man.’[745]
Albert of Mayence, the ecclesiastical elector, in particular gave
umbrage to the protestants. When these rumors reached Luther, he
said: ‘In this I clearly recognize that bishop and his colleagues; of all
the devil’s instruments, they are the worst; my fears for Philip
increase. Alas! the world belongs to Satan, and Satan to the world.’
Then, remembering an anecdote, he continued: ‘The Archbishop of
Mayence, after reading Melancthon’s commentary on the Epistle to
the Romans, exclaimed: “The man is possessed!” and throwing the
volume on the ground, trampled upon it.’ If the prince, through
whose states Melancthon would probably have to pass, treated the
book thus, what would he do to the author? Luther was shaken. In
1527, George Winckler, the pious pastor of Halle, having been
summoned before this very Archbishop Albert, had been murdered
by some horsemen as he was returning by the road Melancthon
must take. The great reformer began to change his mind.
The elector, perceiving this, put more solid arguments before him: ‘I
fear,’ he said, ‘that if Melancthon goes to France, he will concede to
the papists far more than what you, doctor, and the other
theologians would grant, and hence there would arise a disunion
between you and him that would scandalize Christians and injure the
Gospel. Those who invite him are more the disciples of Erasmus than
of the Bible. Melancthon will infallibly incur the greatest danger at
Paris—danger both to body and soul. I would rather see God take
him to himself than permit him to go to France. That is my firm
resolve.’[746]
These communications seriously affected Luther: the elector
attacked him on his weakest side. The reformer venerated
Melancthon, but he knew to what sacrifices his desire for union had
more than once been on the point of leading him. If Melancthon was
the champion of unity, Luther was the champion of truth: to guard
the whole truth with a holy jealousy was his principle. The
Reformation, he thought, must triumph by fidelity to the Word of
God, and not by the negotiations of kings. Recovering from his first
impressions, he said to Melancthon: ‘I begin to suspect these
ambassadors.’[747] From that moment he never uttered a word in
favor of the journey. Still the dangers of the protestants of France
were never out of his thoughts. ‘Must we abandon our brethren?’ he
asked himself perpetually. A luminous idea occurred to him: Suppose
the evangelicals were to leave France, and come to Germany in
search of liberty.[748] He engaged to receive them well. Luther
anticipated the Refuge by a century and a half.
Harsh Letter To By degrees the elector gained ground, and
Melancthon. the extraordinary adventure proposed to
Melancthon became more doubtful every day. From the first the
prince had had the politicians and courtiers with him; then the men
of letters and citizens, alarmed by the sinister reports, had gone over
to his side; and now Luther himself was convinced. Melancthon
remained almost alone. His sympathetic heart longed to remove the
sword hanging over the heads of the French evangelicals, and it
seemed as if nothing could stop him. John Frederick endeavored to
convince him. Beyond a doubt, the French reformation, driven at this
moment by contrary winds, must reach the haven; but the task must
be left to its own crew. Every ship must have its own pilot. John
Frederick, therefore, wrote a severe letter to Melancthon, and the
tender-hearted divine had to drink the cup to the dregs. ‘You
declared that you were ready to undertake a journey to France,’ said
the elector, ‘without consulting us. You should, however, have
thought of your duty to us, whom God has established as your
superior. We were greatly displeased to see that you had gone so far
in the matter. You know the relations existing between the King of
France and the emperor, and you are not ignorant that we are
obliged to respect them. We desire that foreign nations should be
brought to the Gospel; but must we go to them to effect their
conversion?[749] The undertaking is of great extent, and the success
very doubtful. The letters we receive from France are well calculated
to make us despair of seeing the evangelical seed bear fruit there.
Do you desire to disturb the public peace of the German nation, and
while we have a right to expect that you will second us, do you
presume on the contrary to vex us and thwart our plans?’
This was too much. Melancthon stopped; the arrow, aimed by the
elector, had pierced his heart. His decision was soon made: ‘Because
of these words,’ he said ‘I will not go.’ He afterwards underlined the
passage, and wrote in the margin the words we have just quoted.
[750]
The elector had been still more severe, when he dictated the
despatch. ‘Go,’ were his words, ‘go and do as you please; engage in
this adventure. But we leave all the responsibility with you. Consider
it well.’ He suppressed this paragraph at the chancellor’s desire.[751]
Melancthon’s simple and tender heart was crushed by his sovereign’s
dissatisfaction. Surmounting his natural shyness, he had determined
to brave danger, in the hope of seeing the Reformation triumph, and
now disgrace was his only reward. The courtiers maintained that he
and the other theologians were obstinate and almost imbecile, and
would do much better to be content with their schools and leave the
government of the Church to others. Melancthon lightened his grief
by sharing it with his friends; he wrote to Camerarius, to Sturm, and
even to William du Bellay. The great hellenist, who had lived much
among the ancient republics of Greece, imagined that Europe was
already overrun by the evils under which those states had perished.
‘I have never known a more cruel prince,’ he said to them: ‘with
what harshness he treats me![752] He not only does not permit me to
depart, but he insults me besides. My fault is in being less obstinate
than others. I confess that peace is so precious in my eyes that it
ought not to be broken except for matters really great and
necessary. Oh! if the elector did but know those who take advantage
of this proposed journey to sow discord! It is not the learned who do
it, but the ignorant and the fools. They call me deserter and
runaway.... O my friend, we live under the régime of the democracy,
that is to say, under the tyranny of the unlearned,[753] of people who
quarrel about old wives’ stories, and think of nothing but gratifying
their passions. How great is the hatred with which they are inflamed
against me!... They slander me and say that I am betraying my
prince.’ Theramenes was condemned to drink hemlock because he
had substituted an aristocracy or government of the worthiest for a
democracy, and governed the state with wisdom. ‘I do not deceive
myself,’ he exclaimed; ‘the fate of Theramenes awaits me.’[754]
Melancthon was not the only sufferer; his faithful friend, Luther, did
not fail him. Although he was now opposed to the French journey,
John Frederick’s letter disturbed him seriously; it appeared to him
that great changes were necessary, and a stormy future loomed
before him. ‘My heart is sad,’ he wrote to Jonas, ‘for I know that
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