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BLOGGING:Createyourown blog.
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SBN13:
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1727751130
③
BLOGGING:Createyourown blog.
ABOUTAUTHOR
GI
TESHSHARMA
HI
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FYOUWANTTOSAYSOMETHI
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④
GITESH SHARM A
CONTENTS
CREATEA BLOG 1
CREATECONTACTPAGE 5
CREATEANOTHER PAGE 19
GOOGLEADSENSE 33
⑤
Chapt
er1
HOW TO CREATEA BLOG OR WEBSI
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BLOGGING:Createyourown blog.
⑦
Chapt
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HOW TOCREATEAI
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HOW TO GET A TRAFFIC ON YOUR BLOG
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14
BLOGGING:Createyourown blog.
5
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Other documents randomly have
different content
equally human and even more mystical; visions of delicate and gracious
gardens, where youths and ladies and children and angels all mingle in the
midst of flowers and singing around the Queen of Heaven herself; efforts,
one might think, to create a paradise for the imagination, where one could
escape from the too numerous horrors of a none too accommodating world.
The more specifically devotional pictures are very numerous and generally
anonymous; painters then were craftsmen, members of guilds devoted to the
upbuilding of the highest standards of workmanship, and caring little for
their own personal fame. Picture exhibitions and competitions for prizes
and medals were also unknown, which made a difference. In all these works
is the same sweet humanism, the invariable personal appeal, and it is easy
to understand that a new art such as this must have been a wonderful boon
to a weary and disappointed generation.
The Teuton had at last found a field for the expression of that æsthetic
sense that was one of the inalienable possessions of man down to the
nineteenth century, and he made the very best of it, as he was to make the
best of the still newer art of music a few centuries later. The world wanted
this new art, and from Cologne it spread rapidly to the west into Flanders
and Brabant, and south to Franconia and Suabia. To the
SCHLOSS ELTZ
Luxembourg had long been Christian after a fashion; the first Bishop of
Trèves had been appointed by St. Peter himself, while the Emperor
Constantine, who had lived much in the city, fostered the new religion in
every way. Later, at the time of the era-making Pepin of Heristal, St.
Willibrord came from England on his great mission to the heathen of
Friesland, and while converting them, and much of Norway and Denmark
to boot, established here at Echternach a great monastery that was his
spiritual power-house, from which he drew the energy that sent him on his
endless journeys and cruises, by land and sea, for the winning of souls to
Christ. He did his work well, none better, and wherever he went
Christianity went with him, and a new civilisation, a new culture, that
remained for many centuries after he had been called to his high reward,
buried in his dear abbey at Echternach and enrolled in the Kalendar of
Saints.
It was a vast monastery and a magnificent one, but it is a monastery no
longer; for centuries it continued to pour out from its inexhaustible
Benedictine store, missionaries, prophets, priests, leaders and protectors of
the people; fostering education, agriculture, the arts; establishing order,
nursing a piety that found its reward in this world through the
consciousness of an ever-widening civilisation, and a greater reward in
heaven. Then the power and wealth grew too great for the equanimity of
princes, and it was robbed by one after another, oppressed by lay abbots in
commendam, its Benedictine monks driven out and secular canons intruded,
and finally pillaged by recreant bishops of the new dispensation of
humanism and enlightenment and by that concentration and apotheosis of
the same, Le Roi Soleil, and so handed over to the emissaries of the deluge
that followed him, the attractive exemplars of revolution, who swept the
place clean of books and pictures and statues and all the hoarded art of a
thousand years—yes, even of the poor ashes of the good saint himself—to
make place a half century later for the ashes and slag of blast-furnaces set
up within the ancient walls, and for the housing of soldiers and their
mounts.
Still, the work could not wholly be undone, Luxembourg was a Christian
state and so it remained, through fair days and foul, the fairest being
perhaps those when, united to Flanders and Brabant under the Emperor
Maximilian, it fell into the charge of that great lady and unofficial saint,
Margaret “of Malines,” whose story I have tried to tell elsewhere.
With the wars of religion this peace and prosperity came to an end and
for two hundred years all the duchy was devastated by all the armies of
Europe, from those of Francis I to the obscene hordes of the French
Republic. It had never revolted against the Catholic religion nor against its
varied rulers, and its reward was a slow and savage extermination. Cities
were burned and their names forgotten; great abbeys and churches like
those of Orval and Clairefontaine were utterly extinguished; tall castles that
crowned every height of land were blown up with gunpowder; fields and
farms became waste land; and through starvation, massacre, and exile the
population was reduced to a tithe of its former numbers, and at last, by the
republic that came to bring liberty, taxed into an all-engulfing penury.
The era of enlightenment had not been wholly happy in its action on
Luxembourg, but it was free at last, and, in 1867, independent, as it
remained until that memorable day in August, 1914, the day of broken
treaties, when the little Grand Duchess backed her motor-car across the
bridge, closing it with a pathetic barrier in the vain protest of honour against
a force that did not recognise the meaning of the word or the existence of
the thing it signified.
Luxembourg to-day is not a place where one may go to revel in the
artistic memorials of a great past; the great past is there, and its memory is
still green, but even more than Brabant or Champagne has it borne the
grievous harrowing of endless wars and recrudescent barbarisms, not the
least destructive of these visitations being the nineteenth century in its
satisfying completeness, which saw many an abbey and old haunted castle
dismantled, reduced to road-metal, and carted away for the value inherent in
its raw material, or turned to inconceivably base uses from all of which
some pecuniary profit might be obtained. Once it was as rich in enormous
castles as any country in the world that happily has a mediæval past.
Bourscheid on its great hill, lordly and dominating still and a wilderness of
vast crags of masonry, in spite of all that man could do; Brandenbourg, rigid
and riven in its ring of mountains; Esch, split into towering and sundered
fragments on the raw cliffs overhanging the Sûre; Hollenfel, Clervaux,
spared by war to fall victim to the contemptuous neglect of owners who
preferred pseudo-Gothic villas with all modern conveniences; Beaufort,
with its noble proportions and its beauty of a later and more gracious
mediævalism; Vianden, most fascinating of all with its dizzy gables, and its
chapel still intact in spite of the wide ruin of its surroundings. And every
castle ruin is haunted to heart’s desire, crowded with attested ghosts whose
consistent habits and dependable visitations are a peculiar joy in a world
that until a twelvemonth ago could not believe in the impossible and
promptly discounted the improbable. Any peasant in Luxembourg knew
better, and not only the ruins but the whole duchy is honeycombed by the
midnight prowlings of an entire population of delectable phantoms, while
the stories and legends of their commerce in the past with lords and ladies
and knights and monks and bishops form a literature in themselves.
In spite of its losses, the land was one of infinite and unfamiliar charm; a
land of wide and high plateaus cut by many winding river courses, each a
possible journey of varying delights. Our and Sûre and Black Erenz; Alzette
and Clerf and White Erenz, with many others of minor flow, cut the duchy
in every direction, all at last finding the goal of their waters in the magical
Moselle, as it flows past old Roman Trèves on its devious way to the Rhine.
And it was a kind of little earthly paradise as well, for the fifty years of its
well-earned peace. A land of farms and gardens and pastures, of contented
little villages and river-bordered hamlets, and a kindly and devoted people.
Coal and iron have left little mark, though the efficient Baedeker (to whom
shall we go for guidance on our journeys in the long days to come?), in one
of his concise and unpremeditately dramatic paragraphs does say: “18½ M.
Weilerbach, for the iron-foundry of Weilerbach and the former summer-
house of the Abbots of Echternach, magnificently situated amidst wood”—
an antithesis of startling illumination. Protestantism passed it by, except for
purposes of plunder, and it has always been unanimously and
enthusiastically Catholic, with a record for public and private morality that
puts any and every other part of Europe to sudden shame.
What is to be its future when the great storm that is cleaning the soiled
world of its dust and ashes of false ideals and burnt-out superstitions
sweeps away into the hollows of a night that is only in its darkness the
promise of a new day? Who shall say? but any one can weave his vision,
and to some it already appears that, with the meting out of inadequate
earthly reward for irreparable bodily suffering, will come the lands to the
east as far as the Kyll, with to the south Saarbourg, and the far side of the
Moselle to the Hochwald, including ancient Trèves, no longer a forgotten
relic of an old imperialism but a greater and better and more potent Hague,
a central city of Europe and of peace, where, under the united guarantees of
all the states, is permanently sitting a great council of ambassadors for the
devising of measures of common interest, the adjustment of international
differences, the preservation of a righteous peace between nations, and with
authority to suppress any violation of treaties or any wilful aggression of
one state against another, by calling into the field against the offender all
the military and naval forces of all the other powers signatory to an
European Treaty of Permanent Peace and represented in the council of
ambassadors.
Or perhaps Trèves, with surrounding territory within a five-mile radius,
might be erected into an international city of council, surrounded by
Luxembourg, Belgium, which may be extended to the Moselle and eastward
half-way to the Rhine, France, the new frontiers of which would be the old
eastern borders of Alsace and Lorraine, and a restored Palatinate limited to
the north and east by the Rhine and the Moselle. Central in this circle of
guarding states, with all Europe for added defence against any possible
recrudescence of local egoism in any place, Trèves might again become a
great city of refuge and of Christian righteousness, with noble buildings on
its circle of surrounding hills, a centre of religion and education and mercy,
guardian of the peace of Europe, a living and glorious symbol of the world
enlightenment that came through the clean purging of a war greater than all
former wars because the need was greater.
XVI
EX TENEBRIS LUX
I HAVE tried to give some idea of the contributions of the lands and the
peoples in the western theatre of the war in certain of the fields of art; to
note the development of culture, the direction of human happenings, the
bearing of great men and women who were leaders in Europe, through an
abbreviation of historical records, to justify the giving to the region between
the Seine and the Rhine, the Alps and the sea, the name of “Heart of
Europe.” Such a survey of such a territory must, of necessity, be superficial
and incomplete, for too many and wonderful things happened there to be
recorded in a volume of limited extent. Chiefly, I have spoken of what
could be, and is being, destroyed, but there is much else that is not subject
to annihilation at the hands of furious men, the contributions to music, to
letters, to the slow-growing spiritual deposit in society through philosophy,
theology, and religion.
In music alone the Heart of Europe has done more, and at different
times, than any similar area. While the troubadours of the twelfth century
came into existence in the sunny lands of Languedoc, it was in Aquitaine,
Champagne, and Flanders that the trouvères developed the norm of the
troubadours “into something rich and strange,” and under the Countess
Marie of Champagne created that beautiful and potent fiction of “courteous
love,” which had issue in so many exquisite phases of human character and
made possible a great school of romantic poets. They, under the leadership
of Chretien de Troyes, made for the Countess Marie, out of the rude
elements that had come from England and Wales through Brittany, the great
poems and romances of King Arthur and his knights. The greatest of the
trouvères was Adam de la Hâle and he was born in Arras in the year 1240.
Long before him, however, Gottfried of Strasbourg, a contemporary of
Chretien de Troyes, had made of the tale of Lancelot and Guinevere one of
the deathless poems of the world, as Wolfram von Essenbach of Bavaria
was to create its great counterpart from the story of Parsifal.
Very slowly in the meantime music had been working out its wonderful
growth from the classical models of SS. Ambrose and Gregory intermingled
with the instinctive folk-music of the south, and in the fourteenth century
the leadership fell full into the hands of Flanders, where monks and laymen
set themselves to the congenial task of building up a new and richer music
on polyphonic lines. Brother Hairouet, who was at work about 1420;
Binchois, born near Mons and died in 1460; Dufay, born in Hainault and
trained in the cathedral at Cambrai, were all, together with the English
Dunstable, potent leaders in the great work, laying well the foundations on
which a few centuries later was to be erected the vast and magnificent
superstructure of Bach and his successors. In the second period, that of the
close of the fifteenth century, Antwerp became the centre, Jean de
Okeghem, of Termonde, the leader in the intellectualising of music and the
establishing it on methodical lines, while in the third period, of the end of
the fifteenth and the beginning of the following century, Josquin des Pres
led the course back toward a purer beauty, though through modes that were
increasingly clever in their elaborate virtuosity. After this the lead passed
across the Rhine, with memorable results a century later, when the great
cycle, from Bach to Brahms, rounded itself into a perfect ring.
The era-making movements in religion all began outside our territorial
limits at Monte Cassino, Cluny, Clairveaux, but it was through St. Benedict
of Aniane that Charlemagne at Aix-la-Chapelle effected his regeneration of
the Church and his initiation of a new Christian education and culture; St.
Bruno, of Cologne, sometime head of the cathedral school of Reims, was
the founder of the Order of Carthusians; St. Chrodegang, Archbishop of
Metz, brought into existence the Canons Regular of St. Augustine, who
introduced into cathedral chapters the order and discipline of monasticism;
St. Norbert, of Xanten, created the Order of Prémontré, one of the most
beneficent and beautiful of the religious brotherhoods of the Middle Ages,
while the “Imitation of Christ,” the most purely spiritual and devotional
work of the time, was the product of Thomas à Kempis, an obscure monk of
the Netherlands. In the development of Christian mysticism the Rhine
valley stands pre-eminent, though the greatest of all those of this school of
combined thought and vision was Hugh of St. Victor, of the monastery of
Augustinian Canons in Paris, on the banks of the Seine, where now is the
Jardin des Plantes, The ancient tradition is that he was born near Ypres,
though recent researches seem to indicate that he may have been a son of
the Count of Blankenburg in Saxony. In any case, he was the great
expositor of sacramental religion and philosophy as Charlemagne’s
Radbertus Paschasus was the great defender of the true doctrine of
Transubstantiation. If, indeed, Hugh of St. Victor was a product of Flanders,
then the credit goes there of having given birth to one of the noblest and
most penetrating minds the world has known, one that ranks with that
greatest pure intellect of all time, St. Thomas Aquinas.
Whether one accepts the mysticism of the Rhine or not does not matter;
it was a potent element in the flowering of Christian piety and the
development of Catholic theology, and Elizabeth of Schönau, Hildegarde of
Bingen, Mary of Ognies, Liutgard of Tongres, Mechtilde of Magdebourg,
are all names that connote a poignancy of spiritual experience that proves
both the personal exaltation of the time and the quality of the blood that had
issue in character such as theirs. This mystical vision of the holy women of
the Rhine is simply an extreme intensification of the same vision that was
given in lesser measure and in different ways to all the creative artists,
philosophers, and theologians of the Middle Ages, from Othloh of the
eleventh to St. Bonaventure of the thirteenth century, and it had a great part
in determining and fixing the artistic manifestation of this amazing time.
Both as a result and an influence it is vastly important and not to be
ignored. Out of it came much of that marvellous symbolism of the mass and
the cathedral so explicitly set forth by the monk Durandus and Vincent of
Beauvais, and for its good offices here alone the world owes it a deep and
lasting gratitude.
One is tempted to go on through other fields where the harvest is
plenteous, but an end must be made, and it is here. There remains the
question of the issue of it all—whether out of this latest devastation that so
adequately follows those of the nineteenth century, of the French
Revolution, of Protestantism and the wars of religion, of the Hundred
Years’ War with England, any compensation may come for the progressive
(and as yet unfinished) destruction of the art records of a great past. If we
consider alone the wide ruin in Flanders and Brabant, in Artois and Picardy
and Champagne, there seems no possible compensation for what we
ourselves knew and now have lost for ever. Nevertheless, the law of the
universe is death that life may come; and out of this present death that is so
immeasurably more wide-spread and inclusive than any known before, even
when the Huns or the Moslems were on their deadly march across Europe,
there should come a proportionately fuller life, a “life more abundant,” than
that which is now in dissolution. If this is so, if we can look across the
plains of death and immeasurable destruction to the dimly seen peaks of the
mountain frontiers of a new Land of Promise, then we can see Louvain and
Liége, Ypres and Arras, Laon and Soissons and Reims pass in the crash and
the dim smoke of obliteration, content with their tragic destiny, even as we
can see poured out as a new oblation the ten millions of lives, the tears of an
hundred millions of those who follow down into the Valley of the Shadow
of Death.
Is it all a vain oblation? There is the crucial question and the answer is
left with us. This is no war of economic and industrial rivalry, of jealous
dynasties, of opposed political theories; it is not the inevitable result of a
malignant diplomacy from Frederick the Great and Metternich to Disraeli
and the German Kaiser; it is not even the last act in a drama ushered in by
Machiavelli and brought to its denouement at Pottsdam. All these and
myriad other strands have gone to the weaving of the poisoned shirt of
Nessus, but they all are blind agents, tools of a dominant and supreme
destiny by which are brought about the events that are only the way of
working of an unescapable fate. The war is a culminating catastrophe, but it
is as well the greatest mercy ever extended to men, for it may be made the
means of a great purging, the atonement for the later sins of the world, the
redemption from a wilful blindness and folly that are not consonant with the
will of God.
There is a stern propriety in the centring around the Cathedral of Reims
of the first phase of the great conflict, and in its slow and implacable
demolition. Long ago Heinrich Heine, the poet of the German people,
though not himself a German, saw clearly the coming ruin and wrote as
follows:
Christianity—and this is its highest merit—has in some degree softened, but it
could not destroy, the brutal German joy of battle. When once the taming talisman, the
Cross, breaks in two, the savagery of the old fighters, the senseless Berserker fury of
which the northern poets sing and say so much, will gush up anew. That talisman is
decayed, and the day will come when it will piteously collapse. Then the old stone gods
will rise from the silent ruins, and rub the dust of a thousand years from their eyes.
Thor, with his giant’s hammer, will at last spring up, and shatter to bits the Gothic
cathedrals.
Better than any other, he has declared the nature of this war that arose a
century after his death. Thor, the impersonation of conscienceless and
unmitigated force, shatters in pieces the Gothic cathedrals because he and
they are antitheses and they cannot exist in the same world. Like Barbarossa
sitting stonily in his dim cave under ground, century after century, while his
beard grows through the rocky table before him, waiting for the call that
will send him forth into the world again, primitive force and primitive craft
have sullenly awaited the day when the Christian dispensation passes and
they issue again into the light. In the fulness of time their day arrives and
their first task is to destroy the symbol of their ended bondage. With the
name of Christ on their lips and the boast of Christian civilisation in their
mouths, the nations and the peoples forsake Christianity until only the
nomenclature remains and the memorials of its power and glory.
Reims falls, but that which built Reims fell long ago, while the devious
undermining and the blind sapping began even while the last cubits were
being added to its stature, and since then has been only a steady progression
in strength and assurance of its antitheses—of materialism, intellectualism,
secularism, industrialism, opportunism, efficiency; founded on the coal and
iron of the Scar of Europe and on the sinister and ingratiating philosophy
that came out of a re-entrant paganism, thrived under the fertilisation of an
evolutionary empiricism, flowered in a Nietzsche, a Treitschke, and a
Bernhardi. And always it presented itself in a gracious guise; intellectual
emancipation, humanitarianism, social service, democratic liberty,
evolution, parliamentary government, progress, direct approach of each soul
to God. It all sounded fine and high and noble, and on the 30th day of July,
1914, there could have been hardly a thousand men in the world, apart from
those in the secret, who would not have said—there were not a thousand in
Europe who did not believe—that man in his regular progress from lower
ever to higher things had achieved a plane where the wars and savagery and
lies of the past were no longer possible.
And in one week from that fateful 30th of July the cloud castle had
dissolved in a rain of blood. Could conviction have come to the world in
any other way? Would the diseased body have reacted to a gentle
prophylactic, could the Surgeon have spared His knife? Since the knife is
used, the answer admits of no dispute, but will it be enough? This is the
question that is asked on every battle-field of a world at war; the lesson is
set for the learning—will the nations learn? In so far as they have diverged
from what Reims stood for; from Leo IX and Gregory VII and Innocent III;
from Edward I and Ferdinand III and Louis IX; from Eleanor of Guienne
and Blanche of Castile and Margaret of Malines; from St. Bernard, St.
Norbert, and St. Anselm; from Albertus Magnus and Hugh of St. Victor and
St. Thomas Aquinas, just so far have they to return, bringing with them not
empty hands but all the great good winnowed from the harvest of grain and
chaff they have reaped in those years of spiritual and material and national
disorder that began when the dizzy fabric of mediævalism trembled to its
base at the exile at Avignon and “piteously collapsed” between the nailing
at Wittenberg and the sansculotte throning of the “Goddess of Reason” in
the desecrated cathedral of Notre Dame. There is good grain in plenty, but it
is sowed along with the chaff and the tares, and now for the last harvesting
the grain has germinated only to dwindle and die, for the tares have sprung
up and choked it and the red garnering is of tares alone.
Men would think, as they follow the scarlet annals of war, that the lesson
was sufficiently clear even for pacificists to read as they run, but is it so?
France reads and learns, gloriously regenerate, blotting out the memory of
old folly with her blood of sacrifice, turning again as her first King Clovis
was adjured by St. Remi of Reims, destroying what she worshipped a year
ago, worshipping what then, and for two centuries before, she had
destroyed. Again France shows the way, traversing it with bleeding feet and
with many tears; Russia is learning it, though she had less to unlearn;
Belgium must have learned it through her blind martyrdom; but how of the
others? Is England learning, and Italy; will Germany learn, and Austria; will
America learn, standing aloof from the smoking altar of sacrifice; will the
Church learn, there in trembling isolation while again Peter listens for the
crowing of the cock? If not, if when silence comes down on a decimated, an
exhausted, a bankrupt world, the old ways are sought again and men go on
as before, then the myriad lives and the dreary rain of tears are indeed a
vain oblation, and all will be to do over again. God sets no lesson that need
not be learned, and unless out of it all comes an old heaven and a new earth,
then the lesson is set again, as time after time it was set for imperial Rome,
until a century of war and pestilence and famine broke down her insolent
pride and made from the ruins of her vainglory a foundation for a new
civilisation in the strength of the Christianity she had denied.
And if the lesson is learned by all tongues and all peoples, as we must
believe will be, then the horror of human loss, the bitterness of Ypres and
Louvain and Reims will receive its compensation, for out of death will
come life and no man will have died in vain, no work of art will have
perished without a return in kind. To lose Reims and regain after long years
the impulse and the power to build after the same fashion would be more
than ample compensation. We have tried for many centuries and have
failed; no man has built anything approaching it for seven hundred years,
nor has any one matched the statue of Our Lady at Paris, or the “Worship of
the Lamb” at Ghent, or the glass of Chartres, or the tapestries of Arras, or
the metal work of Dinant and Tournai. There was something lacking, some
once indwelling spirit had been taken away, and though we tried to reassure
ourselves by our boasting in far-away lines of accomplishment—
parliamentary government, manhood suffrage, clever mechanical devices,
deductive science, mastery of earth forces hitherto unknown, industrialism,
high finance, favourable balance of trade, evolutionary philosophy, public-
school systems, vocational training, or what-not; though we even made the
effort to exalt the Pantheon and Fifth Avenue to rivalry with Amiens, the
Sieges Allee into an emulation of the statues of Reims, the Salon and
Luxembourg and Royal Academy above the primitives of Flanders—it was
all unconvincing to ourselves and in the end we came to say that, after all, it
did not matter anyway, art was, “in the ultimate analysis,” only a
dispensable amenity of life, which could go on very well without it. Then
came the revelation of 1914 and we saw our foolishness, realising at last
that, “amenity” or no, art did indicate the existence in a society of
something without which it was bound to decay to the point of extinction;
and as the monuments we had despised because they exceeded our own
powers of achievement were one by one taken from us, we saw architecture
and painting and sculpture and all the other arts in a new light and offered
our reverence, too late, to what we had lost for ever.
Whatever the issue of the war, the world can never be the same, but a
very different place; and amongst the differences will be a new realisation
of the nature and function of art. All the follies of the last fifty years—
didacticism, Bavarian illustration, realism, “new art,” impressionism,
“cubism,” boulevardesque and neo-Gothic and revived Roman architecture
—all the petty and insincere and premeditated fashions must go, and in their
place come a new sincerity, a new sense of self-consecration.
The real things of life are coming into view through the revealing fires of
the battle-field, and the new experiences of men confronted at last by
everlasting truths. With the destruction of each work of old art comes a new
duty that demands all that is best and strongest and most sincere in every
man—the duty of making good the loss, in kind; the duty of building a new
civilisation and a new culture on the old foundations now revealed through
the burning away of the useless cumbrances of futile superstructures; the
duty of making a Cathedral of Reims possible again, not through self-
conscious and competent premeditation but because at last men have come
to their senses, regained their old standard of comparative values, and so
can no more fail to build in the spirit of Reims and in reverence for the
eternal truths it enshrined and set forth than could those who built it seven
centuries ago in the sweat of their brows, the joy of their hearts, and the
high devotion of their souls.
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