The Link Between Standardization and Economic Grow
The Link Between Standardization and Economic Grow
Bibliometric Analysis
Jussi Heikkilä, Timo Ali-Vehmas, Julius Rissanen
Abstract
We analyze the link between standardization and economic growth by
systematically reviewing leading economics journals, leading economic growth
researchers' articles, and economic growth-related books. We make the following
observations: 1) No article has analyzed the link between standardization and
economic growth in top5 economics journals between 1996 and 2018. 2) A
representative sample of the leading researchers of economic growth has
allocated little attention to the link between standardization and economic
growth. 3) Typically, economic growth textbooks do not contain "standards" or
"standardization" in their word indexes. These findings suggest that the
economic growth theory has neglected the role of standardization.
may lead to a lock-in to inferior technologies (David, 1985; Maze, 2017), empirical evidence
suggests that SDOs perform well in selecting important technologies (Rysman & Simcoe, 2008).
15 Kim et al.
(2017) find that standards are a driving force of technological convergence. Interestingly, it
seems that in the economics literature, the potential negative impacts of standards seem to be
sometimes more frequently cited than the benefits of standards. The anecdote of the QWERTY
keyboard as an inferior de facto standard is a very popular example used to illustrate how path-
dependence and standardization can lead to a lock-in to an inefficient equilibrium outcome
(David, 1985).
Our understanding of the impacts of standards has expanded over time. While David (1987)
identified three different purposes of the standards – (1) compatibility or interoperability, (2)
minimum quality or safety, and (3) variety reduction - Swann (2010) listed eight: (1) variety
reduction, (2) quality
as national, international, or global (Swann et al., 1996; Nadvi, 2008). The geographical
dimension affects particularly strongly the scale effects and, in the case of compatibility and
interoperability standards, the network effects of standardization. Researchers of economic
growth have allocated a significant amount of their attention to country comparisons and cross-
country knowledge spillovers. International trade promotes the efficient division of labor, fosters
the diffusion of ideas, and causes economic growth (Frankel & Romer, 1999). Empirical
evidence suggests that certain standards promote trade (Swann et al., 1996; Levinson, 2006;
Bernhofen et al., 2016). Standardization increases the size of the markets and promotes
economies of scale by enabling compatibility. When standards are national and differ across
countries, domestic companies may face entry barriers to foreign markets due to incompatible
standards. International standardization promotes, therefore, international competition, and
competition puts pressure on companies to innovate. Table 1 summarizes the economic impacts
of standards discussed in prior literature.
To summarize, standards are ubiquitous and their economic impact is mainly positive according
to
existing empirical studies. The extensive use, support, and development of standards that we
observe in practice signal that standards are welfare increasing and economic growth promoting.
The research question of this article is, thus, what is the role of technology standardization in
leading economics journals and particularly in economic growth theory? Do leading economic
growth researchers acknowledge the link between standardization and economic growth? Do
books on economic growth discuss standardization? In the next section, we provide a theoretical
framework for analyzing these questions.
3 ALL oCATI oN oF ATTENTI oN IN SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH AN d EdUCATI oN
Why do certain research topics receive significant attention while others receive negligible
attention
or no attention at all? Which factors determine the set of research trajectories that we observe,
and which factors determine the division of labor across scientists and the distribution of
attention over the (in)finite set of research topics? How does the famous “invisible hand”
generate, via a decentralized process, an equilibrium of supply and demand of scientific
knowledge and enable self-interested researchers to produce scientific knowledge that meets the
needs of society?
16 In this section, we
present a simple framework to analyze the allocation of attention among researchers.17 We
move from
general scientific progress to the specificities of economics.
3.1 General Framework
Science is a social institution, and researchers who produce scientific knowledge are, of course,
also human beings possessing human limitations, interests, and intrinsic and extrinsic motives18
(Goldman & Shaked, 1991; Leonard, 2002). The attention of scientists is a scarce resource and a
coordination device in the production of scientific knowledge and in the development of new
ideas (Klamer & van Dalen, 2001; Simcoe & Waguespack, 2011). Hence, the allocation or
distribution of attention is typically skewed (Klamer & van Dalen, 2001): Some pieces of
knowledge attract more cumulative attention than others. Researchers are necessarily boundedly
rational decision makers, as their time and capacity to review all the existing scientific literature
are limited. As a consequence,
attention is a set of research paradigms and trajectories that we observe. In other words, the
observed research outputs reveal researchers’ preferences and beliefs about what they have
considered important and worth researching.
20 These choices may have path-dependent consequences on the careers of
researchers (cf. Jensen, 2013).
Weitzman (1998) notes that several authors have argued that invention or discovery in any
sector takes place by combining ideas. Since science is cumulative by nature, there is a tendency
of path-dependence and lock-in on specific topics, theories, and/or methodological choices
(Akerlof, 2019). Researchers stand on the shoulders of giants and build their studies on prior
existing studies and research trajectories (Kuhn, 1962; Furman & Stern, 2006). Kuhn (1962)
highlighted the role of books in establishing research paradigms. He writes that “textbooks
expound the body of accepted theory, illustrate many or all of its successful applications, and
compare these applications with exemplary observations and experiments”, and that “from
textbooks each new scientific generation learns to practice its trade” (p.10). The content of
textbooks and existing research articles have an impact on the framing of certain topics. Figure 1
illustrates that researchers stand on the shoulders of giants and that the existing knowledge stock
defines the research topics and syllabi of courses based on prior research.
Notes: Authors’ illustration.Systematic reviews and bibliometric analyses can reveal research
gaps or under-researched topics.
Romer (1990) describes ideas as recipes that can be combined, and Weitzman (1998) formalized
an idea-based growth model by “introducing a production function for new knowledge that
depends on new recombinations of old knowledge” (see also Olsson, 2000, 2005). Research gaps
can be understood as combinations of ideas that have not yet been investigated in the existing
literature. Researchers have not even considered these idea combinations, or they have
considered them but have instead allocated their limited attention to different, more promising
topics or combinations of ideas.Figure 1. Allocation of attention or division of cognitive labor of
researchers
International Journal of Standardization Research
Volume 19 • Issue 1
93.2 Economics Framework
Which factors determine the set of research trajectories that we observe in the field of
economics?
How do researchers choose their research topics in the field of economics? Which research
articles
are accepted by editors to be published in leading economics journals? The sociology of
economics
research that focuses on these types of questions has a long tradition (e.g., Samuelson, 1962;
Stigler
& Friedman, 1975; Colander, 1989; Coupé, 2004; Hamermesh, 2018).
Empirical evidence indicates that publications and citations matter for labor market outcomes
and
for the salaries of economists (Coupé, 2004; Hamermesh, 2018). Therefore, economists as
economic agents may focus on topics that fit well into the orthodox views of the research
community and are therefore easier to publish in journals (cf. Brock & Durlauf, 1999; Akerlof,
2019; Heckman & Moktan, 2019). There can be a conflict between societal preferences and the
individual preferences of economics researchers in the allocation of researchers’ attention (i.e.,
allocative inefficiency). Even if the society might benefit from increased useful knowledge in
one topic, economics researchers might still choose to focus on another topic.
Moreover, it has been documented that most novel and innovative ideas may face harsh
resistance
before they are accepted (Gans & Shephard, 1994), and there exists evidence of bias against
novelty in science (Wang et al., 2017; Akerlof, 2019). For instance, W. Brian Arthur’s seminal
article (1989) was published only after multiple rejections by leading economics journals over a
six-year period (Gans & Shephard, 1994). Sometimes, important new ideas are only discovered
years after they are published.
21
Hodgson and Rothman (1999), among others, have documented the dominance of a few U.S.
institutions in published journal articles and journals’ editorial boards. They raise the concern
that such “institutional and geographical concentration of editors and authors may be unhealthy
for innovative research in economics.” Similarly, Coupé (2003) reports that U.S. universities and
American economists dominated in the production of economics literature during 1990-2000,
although the extent of their dominance did decrease over this period. Drèze and Estevan (2007,
see Table 11) provide further evidence of this U.S.-oriented concentration by reporting that
authors based in U.S. institutions dominate publishing in top economics journals. According to
Frey and Eichenberger (1993), American economists tend to specialize in theory but neglect
local institutions, whereas European economists are theoretically broad and institutionally
specialized. Institutional differences between U.S. and Europe can play a role in the context of
standardization research.
Presumably, researchers who focus on the theory of economic growth are no different from
other researchers. Also, they build their new ideas and theories by combining ideas generated by
past economic growth theory researchers. In the context of economic growth theory (and
economics more generally), recipients of the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economics, Robert Solow
and Paul Romer, among others, could be described as “giants” upon whose shoulders current and
future growth theorists stand. The high number of forward citations received by their research
articles is a clear indication of this (see Table 4).
As the curricula of economics courses themselves comprise an institution that directs the
attention
of economics students, it is important to analyze their content. A conscious or unconscious
choice to leave some important topics, such as the economic impact of standards, out of
economics curricula is likely to have certain outcomes. Students probably less often write their
theses about those topics that are not discussed in their courses. The process is endogenous and
incremental: Economics students become experts mainly in the fields in which they receive their
education.
To our knowledge, there are no bibliometric analyses on how economists have allocated their
attention to standardization and particularly on the role of standardization in the context of
economic growth. Narayanan and Chen (2012) summarized the primary research streams and
key arguments of technology standards research but did not focus on the perspectives of
economics literature. They concluded that “the greatest opportunity lies in integrative works that
will take us one step closer to a comprehensive view of technology standards.” Choi et al. (2011)
documented, using a bibliometric
in the sense discussed in this article (i.e., standards development). Articles by Adserà and Ray
(1998) and Sákovics and Steiner (2012) are captured by the keyword search because they cite
Farrell and Saloner’s (1985) article, which has the word “standardization” in its title, instead of
actually analyzing the association between standardization and economic growth. Similarly,
Acemoglu (2007) cites Farrell and Saloner (1985) but mentions “standardization” also on page
1378 in a footnote: “I assume that the research firm can only choose one technology, which
might be, for example, because of the necessity of standardization across firms.” Also, Jovanovic
and Rousseau (2014) does not focus on standards
development, although they write on page 864, “Our distinction between extensive investment in
new projects and intensive investment in continuing projects is related to one made by
Acemoglu, Gancia, and Zilibotti 2012 between innovation and standardization costs.” Acemoglu
and Restrepo (2018)
have a labor economics perspective on standardization, as they focus on “standardization of
tasks” instead of product standardization and standards development. Finally, Acemoglu et al.
(2018) is captured because it refers to Acemoglu et al. (2012), which has the word
“standardization” in its title.
To summarize, we did not find one single article published in top5 economics journals that
analyses the link between standardization and economic growth. It is worth noting that in the
context