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100% found this document useful (1 vote)
140 views57 pages

(Ebook PDF) Analysis and Design of Algorithms 3rd Ed. Edition by Amrinder Arora PDF Download

The document is an overview of the eBook 'Analysis and Design of Algorithms' by Amrinder Arora, detailing its contents, structure, and chapters. It includes links to download the book and other related eBooks on algorithm design and analysis. The book covers various algorithm techniques, data structures, and complexities, making it a valuable resource for computer science students and professionals.

Uploaded by

yzvnmtmfn7425
Copyright
© © All Rights Reserved
We take content rights seriously. If you suspect this is your content, claim it here.
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TH IR D
EDITION

•••••
zn w n17

T(n) == 2 T (~) + n Iogn

Dk-1( i,j)
Dk (i,j) = min D..., (i,k) + D... , (k,j) BY
AMRINDER
ARORA
THIRD EDITION

BY AMRINDER ARORA
The George Washington University

nella® ACADEMIC
PUBLISHING
Bassim Hamadeh, CEO and Publisher
Michael Simpson, Vice President of Acquisitions
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Jess Estrella, Senior Graphic Designer
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ISBN: 978-1-5165-1308-6 (pbk)/ 978-1-5165-1310-9 (he)/ 978-1-5165-1309-3 (br)

9'1 cogne11a· 1 ACADEMIC


~~ PUBLISHING
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS XII I
FOREWORD XV
PREFACE XVII

SECTION I: THE BASICS 1

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION AND BARE ESSENTIALS 3

1.1 What is an algorithm? 3


1.2 Practical Applications of Algorithms 5
What is meant by \'Analyzing
an Algorithm''? 6
1.4 Why Should We Analyze Algorithms? 6

1.5 How to Analyze a Given Algorithm (Program) 7


1.6 Pre-requisites 7
1.7 Pop Quiz for the Pre-Requisites 8
CHAPTER 2: ASYMPTOTIC ANALYSIS AND NOTATION 9
2.1 Big O Notation 10

2.2 Big Omega Notation 11

2.3 Small Oh (o) Notation 11

2.4 Small Omega (w) Notation 12

2.5 Theta Notation 12

2.6 Main Difference between Big O and Small o 12

2.7 Analogy with Comparison Functions


for Real Numbers 12
2.8 Exercises 13
CHAPTER 3: DATA STRUCTURES 15

3.1 Record 15
3.2 Linked List 16
3.3 Stack 16
3.4 Queue 17
3.5 Set 17
3.6 Map 18
3.7 Graph and Tree Data Structures 19
3.8 Heaps 22

3.9 Exercises 22

SECTION II: ALGORITHM DESIGN TECHNIQUES 25


CHAPTER 4: DIVIDE AND CONQUER 27

4.1 Solving Recurrence Relations 28


4.2 The Divide and Conquer Template 32
4.3 Binary Search 33
4.4 Merge Sort 33
4.5 Quicksort 34
4.6 Median Finding 36
4.7 Closest Pair of Points 39
4.8 Matrix Multiplication 41
4.9 Polynomial Multiplication and Fast Fourier Transform 42
4.10 Summary 46
4.11 Exercises 47
CHAPTER 5: GREEDY METHOD 51

5.1 Optimal Substructure 52


5.2 Sorting Using Greedy Method 52
5.3 Merging Sorted Lists 53
5.4 Knapsack Problem 54
5.5 Minimum Spanning Tree 57
5.6 A Word of Caution (Don't be greedy with greedy!) 60
5.7 Exercises 61
Historical Note 62
CHAPTER 6: DYNAMIC PROGRAMMING 63
6.1 Optimal Substructure 65
6.2 Overlapping Sub-problems 65
6.3 Dynamic Programming Template 66
Matrix Chain Multiplication 66
All Pairs Shortest Path (APSP) 70
6.6 Maximum Value Contiguous
Subsequence (MVCS) 72
6.7 Longest Increasing Subsequence (LIS) 74
6.8 Summary 76
6.9 Exercises 76
Historical Note 78
Extra Reading 78
CHAPTER 7: GRAPH TRAVERSAL TECHNIQUES 79

7.1 Classification of Edges 81


7.2 Depth First Search (DFS) 81
7.3 First Application of DFS: Connectivity 83
7.4 Second Application of DFS: Minimum
Spanning Trees in Uniformly Weighted Graphs

7.5 Third Application of DFS: Biconnectivity

7.6 Breadth First Search (BFS)

7.7 Exercises
CHAPTER 8: BRANCH AND BOUND 89
8.1 Example Problems 90
8.2 Branch and Bound Template 90
8.3 Applying B&B to 0/1 Knapsack Problem 91
8.4 Applying B&B to Job Assignment Problem 92
8.5 Exercises 93
Miscellaneous Notes 93

SECTION Ill: INTRINSIC HARDNESS OF PROBLEtv1S 95


CHAPTER 9: NP COMPLETENESS 97
9.1 Turing Machine Refresher 98
9.2 Equivalency of a \\Problem'' and a \\Language'' 98
9.3 Classes P and NP 99
9.4 NP-Completeness 101

9.5 Example NP-Complete Problems 103

9.6 NP-Complete vs. NP-Hard 108

9.7 Summary 109

9.8 Exercises 109

CHAPTER 10: SLAYING THE NP-HARDNESS DRAGON 111


10.1 Strategy 1: Solving Within a Context 112

10.2 Strategy 2: Finding an Algorithm


with a Lower Exponent 113

Strategy 3: Using an Approximation Algorithm 114


Summary 116

10.5 Exercises 117

CHAPTER 11: THEORY OF LOWER BOUNDS 119


11.1 Lower Bound on Sorting 120

11.2 Lower Bound on Searching 122

11.3 Finding Minimum, Maximum, and Median 122


An Adversary Argument for Finding Both
Minimum and Maximum Numbers in an Array 123

11.5 Matrix Multiplication 125

11.6 Lower Bounds on Graph Problems 125

11.7 Lower Bounds on Puzzles 126

11.8 Summary 126

11.9 Exercises 127

SECTION IV: CONCLUSIONS AND AUXILIARY


MATERIALS 129

CHAPTER 12: WRAPPING UP 131

12.1 Specialize, but Not Over Specialize


12.2 Suggested Projects

APPENDIX A: HOW DO WE LEARN? 135

APPENDIX 8: MORE GRAPH THEORY AREAS 137

Exercises 138

APPENDIX C: MINIMUM SPANNING TREE 141

APPENDIX D: TIME COMPLEXITY OF UN ION


FIND DATA STRUCTURE 143

APPENDIX E: FACILITY LOCATION PROBLEM 145

APPENDIX F: STRING MATCH ING 147

INDEX 149

WORKS CITED 151


"There's no secret about success.
Did you ever know a successful man who didn't tell you all about it?''
Kin Hubbard

"Eighty percent of success is showing up.''


Woody Allen
TABLE OF FIGURES
Figure 1: A visual comparison of n2 /2 and n(n-1)/2 + 3n + 7 curves.
The dropping of the lower level terms is the typical first step in
asymptotic analysis. 9
Figure 2: Closest pair of points -The points of interest from the
perspective of p1. 40
Figure 3: Equivalence of coefficient and point-value representations
for polynomials.. 43
Figure 4: Example graph for a biconnectivity problem. This graph
is not biconnected as deletion of node E makes the graph discon-
nected. 85
Figure 5: Reducing problem B to problem A. If such a reduction
exists, then we can conclude that problem A, is at least as hard as
problem B (assuming the reduction itself does not dominate the
algorithm for problem A). 103
Figure 6: Transforming an instance of CSAT problem into an
instance of clique problem. A vertex is created for each literal, and
each vertex is connected to all vertices in other clauses, except the
vertices that correspond to their negations. For example, the top
left vertex corresponding to first x1 is connected to all 6 vertices in
other clauses, except n(x1). 104
Figure 7: Reduction from Independent Set to Vertex Cover prob-
lem. Since Independent Set is known to be an NP-hard problem,
this proves that Vertex Cover is NP-hard problem also. 105
Figure 8: Construction of a TSP tour given a Spanning Tree: we can
construct a tour by following the vertices in sequence of their DFS
numbers. If triangle inequality holds, then the weight of the TSP
tour is at most twice the weight of the spanning tree. 115
Figure 9: A decision tree for the three-element input sequence {12,
5, 8J. 121
Figure 10: Adversary's strategy for maximizing the number of
comparisons for finding both maximum and minimum numbers.
Adversary thinks of numbers in terms of buckets 0, W, L, and X.
124
Figure B-1 139
his book would never have been possible if the universe had not
conspired in a very specific way. Starting with my own education,
I am forever indebted to my parents and my sister for believing in me and
providing the environment of learning. My advisor and now colleague
Hyeong-Ah Choi provided me the kind of training that makes endeavors
of this kind even remotely possible. In the recent years, my wife and
three bouncy kids-Roman, Jessica and Nayan-have exercised a lot of
patience in affording me the time to write and revise this book.
I would also like to thank the very patient staff at Cognella with
all the designs, redesigns, re-redesigns and ''proofs'' of so many

versions.
A very special thanks to David Balash, also of the George
Washington University, who guest authored the chapter 11 (Theory
of Lower Bounds). David was an excellent student and remains a
good friend. He is the owner and chief computer scientist of the IT
consulting company One Ten Logic and an active member of the
computer science community at the university.
Most importantly, I would like to thank countless students who
gave me the much needed feedback during the lectures and various
study sessions. You are the collaborators-front and center and this
book is ultimately dedicated to you all.

X111
ost people agree that algorithms is one of the most important
subjects in computer science, and almost all computer science
students learn algorithms. Also, many software companies ask algorith-
mic questions in their interviews.
I think one of the difficulties in learning algorithms is sorting out
the details. One example is an index starting from 0, requiring the
last number to be n-1 instead of n. Many students are buried in these
details, losing track of the big picture.
Another difficulty is choosing the right algorithm technique ...
especially given a real-life problem. Often, multiple algorithm
techniques need to be applied, and without seeing the big picture,
it's very hard to find a starting point. In fact, there are only a handful
algorithm techniques, as you will read in this book, that can solve
most real -life problems and interview questions.
Furthermore, algorithms are not exercised on a daily basis, even
in the technology industry, since we usually work on top of libraries
that hide algorithm details, and thus it is very easy to forget them.
When needed, going through a thick and \\thorough'' textbook for
algorithms is very painful and time consuming.
Amrinder's book balances algorithm details and the overall picture
very well. The book takes me right to the point, and the explanations

xv
XV I J ANALYS IS AND DESIGN OF ALGOR ITHMS

are concise yet complete. It is a we ll suited textbook fo r students, as we ll as a


reference book for software engineers in the industry.
Amrinder and I have collaborated on several research projects and articles.
It is impressive that he was always able to find the key point of problems and
conquer them, and from there expand it to cover entire research. This is we ll
reflected in the book as we ll, which makes reading through it as pleasant as
working with him.

Dr. Fanchun Jin


Staff Software Engineer at Google Inc.
e live in a speed world, in which the model of learning has
transformed from ''let me learn it all'' model to ''I will learn it as
needed'' model. Students no longer read voluminous books, and instead
rely on the lectures and course outline to get the overall picture, and
then get the specific answers they need from Wikipedia, Google, watch-
ing videos on YouTube, and visiting many question/answer and forums
websites. Thus, the books have lost their role of being the leading edge
and instead, have become the trailing edge wherein they compete with
these non-traditional sources. While there are many algorithms books
currently available, many of them were written prior to this complete
transformation of the learning model.
This book was written with a specific purpose in mind-a full
course in design and analysis of algorithms in no more than 150 easy
to read pages that can be read from cover to cover in less than 4 hours.
Keeping this strict limit was necessary to maintain the viability of this
book actually being read, as opposed to becoming a reference mate-
rial. Naturally, such a small limit on the number of pages forces us to
hand select some of the material. Towards the end, I felt the desire
to increase the page limit. Thankfully, in this edition at least, I have
resisted that temptation. I venture to guess that other books have
been written with a similar limit in mind, but over the coming edi-
tions, grow to include more ''essential'' material. You are well advised

XV II
XV III J ANALYS IS AND DESIGN OF A LGORITHMS

to grab this edition of the book before the author also falls to such temptation
in the coming editions.
This book is divided into 4 broad sections.

• Basics-Data structures, asymptotic notation, etc.


• Design Algorithmic design techniques
• Analysis-NP-completeness and proving inherent complexity of problems
• Summary-Conclusions and auxiliary material

In the ''Design'' section, we discuss the following algorithmic design techniques.

• Divide and Conquer


• Greedy Method
• Dynamic Programming
• Graph traversal methods
• Branch and bound

One of the key observations that I have made from teaching the graduate
course in algorithms class over multiple years is the rigor required by this class.
Many students come into this class with some aspect of their mathematical
background missing. Other students who have been working for a few years
find that some of the mathematical material seems ''vaguely familiar'' and
nothing else. Those essential mathematical topics are frequently mentioned in
the book-the students need to return to those topics often. Those topics will
ensure that while you can read this book in a few hours from end to end, you
will need to spend many more hours making the best of the material in your
capacity of a computer scientist.
The students are encouraged to use this book as an accompaniment to their
study sessions. Algorithms, in some respects even more than other topics, re-
quires a clarity of thought that can perhaps more easily be achieved by speak-
ing and explaining, than by listening and reading. Every time you are asked to
explain the topic of dynamic programming to someone, your knowledge and
understanding of the topic increases. [More of this is covered in Appendix A.]
The best way to read this book (and many other books) is to remember to
finesse the concepts presented in this book, and apply them in your everyday
work. Read the chapters in different frames of mind, at leisure and consider dif-
ferent variations of problems presented herein. Observe how minor variations
affect the complexity of those problems.
Another observation that I have made is that there is an almost direct cor-
relation between grades and number of classes attended. There is also a strong
correlation between grades and time spent on course, which manifests in form
PR EFACE J XIX

of emails, and other activities done by the student. There is an even stronger
correlation between grades, homework assignments and projects-not many
students finished with a top grade after losing easy points on assignments or
projects. Perhaps Woody Allen was referring to algorithms when he said that
80% of success is showing up.
-"
••

he coming 3 chapters cover the basics. We discuss what is


an algorithm, study and review the asymptotic notation
and data structures that are used repetitively in the rest of
the book. Many of the readers may be well versed with these
foundation elements. For this reasons, these chapters are very
brief. It is highly recommended that you read these chapters
regardless. You may be surprised by some concepts mentioned
therein. You can also refer to other books and background
materials, such as [1] [2] [3] [4] [5] [6] [7] [8] [9] and [10], etc.
CHAPTER l

1. 1 WHAT IS AN ALGORITHM?
n algorithm is generally defined in one of two following ways:

• A precise statement to solve a problem on a computer


• A sequence of definite instructions to do a certain job

Wikipedia says: \\(In mathematics, computing, and related sub-


jects) An algorithm is an effective method for solving a problem
using a finite sequence of instructions."
Algorithms have existed for a long time, with Euclid's algorithm
for finding the greatest common divisor having been described
back around 300 BC. Incidentally, it is still known as a fairly effective
algorithm, and is a standard first programming assignment. The
algorithm can be described in English, without using any mathemati-
cal notation as follows. You are given two numbers, and you need
to find the greatest common divisor of these two numbers. For
example, given 35 and 20, the greatest common divisor is 5, and
given 27 and 48, the greatest common divisor is 3. The algorithm
goes as follows: d ivide the larger number with the smaller number,
and obtain the remainder. If the remainder is zero, then the smaller

3
4 J ANALYS IS AND DESIGN OF A LGORIT HMS

number is the greatest common divisor. Otherwise, consider the remainder as


your new \\smaller'' number, the previous smaller number as your new larger
number, and go back to the divide step. [The unsaid part is that this will always
terminate and that eventually we will find that the remainder is zero.]
Describing even a simple algorithm in English can be tricky and prone to
errors in boundary conditions. Therefore, going forward we will be using a
standard mathematical notation to describe algorithms.
Let us use insertion sort as our next example. The goal of this algorithm is to
sort the given list of numbers in the increasing order. For example, given a list
[5, 8, 2, 1 OJ, the algorithm should produce the sorted list of [2, 5, 8, 1 OJ.
Insertion sort works by growing a sorted list, and by inserting a new number
in the list in every iteration (hence the name insertion sort). Consider the fol-
lowing pseudo-code for describing insertion sort.

II Given an array A of n numbers, sorts the array A


II Assumes array is base 0
Algorithm InsertionSort (A[l .. n]: double)
{
for j = 1 to n-1 {
key = A [ j]
i = j - 1
II A[j] is added in the sorted sequence A[l ..
j -1]
while ((i ~ 0) and (A[i] > key)) {
A[i + 1] = A[i]
i = i - 1
}
A[i+l] = key
}
}

From this pseudo-code, we can attempt to estimate the best case running
time, the worst case running time and the average case running time. We observe
that the for loop runs n-1 times, but the while loop can run a variable number of
times based on the actual values in the array. In the worst case scenario, it may run
i times, and in the best case, it may run Otimes.
For our third example, let us turn to the searching problem. We are given
a sorted list of numbers, and we are asked to find if a certain number exists in
the list or not. The commonly known Binary Search algorithm compares the
middle element of the array with the given number, and depending upon the
result, focuses on either the left half or the right half of the array.
IN TROD UCTION AND BARE ESSENTIA L S I 5

II Given a sorted array A, finds if the given


II value exists in A between indexes low and high
Algorithm BinarySearch(A, value, low, high)
{
if (high< low)
return -1 II not found
mid= (low+ high) I 2
if (A[mid] > value)
return BinarySearch(A, value, low, mid-1)
else if (A[mid] < value)
return BinarySearch(A, value, mid+l, high)
else
return mid II found
}

1. 2 PRACTICAL APPLICATIONS OF ALGORITHMS


Practical applications of algorithms are found quite abundantly and can be
very diverse. Here are some practical applications:

• Find relevant web pages for a given search term


• Analyze thousands of casual pictures taken by hundreds of different
cameras to track an individual
• Given millions of ''x knew y at time t1' statements and millions of stock
transactions, detect insider-trading
• Given a grocery list and the layout of a store, find the quickest way to
collect all items
• Given gas prices in a city and the places that you need to go, find a path
that minimizes your cost
• Given a person's song history and a large song database, find a song that
they may like hearing next.
• Given many recipes and ingredients, find the maximum number of dishes
you can make
• Given a candidate's answers to 10 questions, find the next 5 questions
that maximize your confidence in assessing their level
• Given thousands of image files, separate the ones taken at night from the
ones taken during the day
6 J ANALYS IS AND DES IGN O F A LGORITHMS

• Given a list of train stations and a map of tracks, create a schedule that
minimizes the sum of travel time across all users.

1.3 WHAT IS MEANT BY ''ANALYZING


AN ALGORITHM''?
Assuming a given algorithm is functionally correct, analyzing it typically
requires us to answer the following two questions:

(i) How long will the algorithm take to run, in best case, worst case and
average case?
(ii) How much memory will it require, in best case, worst case and aver-
age case?

We may also want to know if there are some inputs on which the answer
varies considerably, and what the average case values would be if the input is
limited to certain range.
Depending upon the type of algorithm, analyzing an algorithm may have
many other meanings as well.

• If the algorithm is an approximation algorithm, analyzing an algorithm


requires us to find the approximation ratio.
• If the algorithm is an online algorithm, analysis involves finding the com -
petitive ratio.
• If the algorithm is a prediction algorithm, analysis involves many metrics
such as accuracy and precision.

1.4 WHY SHOULD WE ANALYZE ALGORITHMS?


For a given problem, there may be many algorithms that solve the problem
correctly. One algorithm may be more complicated than other, but the other
may be more readable and more eloquent. Similarly, one algorithm may be
very efficient on certain inputs, and very inefficient on some other inputs.
Having a mechanism to analyze the algorithm in terms of one standard nota-
tion allows us to compare many different algorithms.
Another very practical reason to analyze algorithms is to perform a priori
estimation of performance. Algorithms are packaged in form of software pro-
grams which run on a wide variety of devices (computers, mobile phones,
tablets, TVs, GPS receivers). Those software programs are marketed using a
INTRODUCTION AND BAR E ESS ENTIA L S I7

variety of eye catching advertisements and marketing buzzwords. Having


a mathematical analysis of the algorithms implemented by those software
programs allows us to understand their performance parameters.

1.5 HOW TO ANALYZE A GIVEN ALGORITHM


(PROGRAM)
To analyze a given algorithm, firstly we agree on a model of computation (the
computation model). A computation model that closely refiects today s ma- 1

chines is the Random-Access Machine (the RAM model). In this model, math
operations (addition, subtraction, division and multiplication) take one unit of
time, simple logic operations (comparison of two numbers) and also read and
write operations take one unit of time. Further, we can access any memory
location (including registers, etc.) in a unit time as well. We will be using this
computation model in the rest of the book.
Here are some simple observations that we can make in analyzing the time
complexity of given programs.

• When analyzing an if-then-else condition, consider the arm that takes


the longertime. However, in some cases, doing so repeatedly may yield a
result that is a significant over-approximation. Therefore, a more careful
analysis may be required in those situations.
• When considering a while loop (or equivalently, a for loop or repeat
loop), multiply the number of times the loop runs with the time complex-
ity of the function inside the loop.
• When considering nested loops, we need to multiply the number of
times each loop runs, with the time complexity of the function inside the
innermost loop.

1.6 PRE-REQUISITES
This book significantly depends on the reader having the appropriate Math
background. The following topics are assumed to be well understood. In case
a deeper explanation is required for these topics, excellent textbooks are
available for these topics, although going through these materials will take a
semester or so. So, if you find yourself lacking in these topics, you may want to
take a different class first, and then return to algorithms in a future semester.

• Sets and functions


8 I ANALYS IS AND DESIGN OF A LGORITHMS

• Logs and exponents


• Recurrence relations
• Mathematic series, such as arithmetic progression, geometric progres-
sion, arithmetic-geometric progression and their sums

1. 7 POP QUIZ FOR THE PRE-REQUISITES


The following questions can serve as a quick check of readiness to consume the
material in this book. You should be able to answer all of the questions in order
to extract the maximum advantage out of this book. {The material in this book
does not cover what may be needed to answer these questions.)

1. Consider A and Bare two sets, such that /A/= 50, and /A - Bf= 20, and
/Bf= 85. Find the value of /B -A/.
2. Given that log 17 = 0.3010 and log 103 = 0.4771, find the value of log 610.
3. Given that T[n) =T[n-1) + n2 can you find a closed-form expression
for T[n)?
4. What is the sum of the following series:

r ;_li 2i
5. What is the sum of the following series:

r ;_li22i
6. Which of the following two terms is larger:
~ ni 2 ~ n"2 i
£..J 1 or £..J 1
CHAPTER 2

symptotic analysis is a method of analyzing the performance of al-


gorithms when applied to very large inputs. The goal of asymptotic
analysis is to arrive at the asymptotic notation-a simple articulation of
the space or time performance of the algorithm, for example to say an
algorithm has 8(n) or 8(n 2) or 8(n log n) time complexity.
There are usually two aspects
of the asymptotic analysis- 6000

(i) take a given algorithm, given


in pseudo-code or another format sooo

and to arrive at a closed form


expression, and (ii) reduce the
closed form expression to a sim- 3000

pler format.
For example, consider an
algorithm that takes an array 1000

as an input, compares each


pair of elements, iterates the
array three times, and checks Figure 1: A visual comparison
of nA2/2 and n(n-1)/2 + 3n + 7
the last element seven times. curves. The dropping of the
In that case, the running time of lower level terms is the typical
this algorithm may be written nrst step in asymptotic analysis.

9
10 I ANALYS IS AN D DE SIGN OF A LGOR ITHMS

as n[n-1 )/2 + 3n + 7. This is the closed form expression that we may have arrived
at after a visual inspection of the algorithm.
In the second phase, we simplify this polynomial expression. As n becomes
larger, as we plot the performance of this algorithm, we observe that the final
two terms (3n and 7) do not affect the curve. In fact, drawing that curve against
the curve of much simpler expression n2/2, we can observe that the two curves
are nearly the same. This represents the first step in simplifying the closed form
expression-simply drop the ''lower level'' terms. The second step is a similar
simplification-simply drop the constant multiple of the highest-level term, for
example, using n2 instead of n2/2. This idea allows us to ignore some constant
time jumps in performance-for example, something that makes an algorithm
twice as fast.
Asymptotic notation is an important tool at our disposal to articulate and
communicate the running time and space usage of algorithms. An algorithm
may be complicated and its running time may depend upon the input. Even
on a given input, it may be difficult to specify exactly how long an algorithm
wil l take. The asymptotic notation allows us to specify those attributes in very
simple terms such as being able to say, ''Algorithm A has O(n) running time'',
something that we could easily tell someone over the phone· 1
The implicit purpose of the asymptotic notation is that it allows us to com-
pare algorithms in terms of their running time or space usage. Even though the
algorithms may have many idiosyncrasies, using asymptotic analysis, and after
we arrive at asymptotic notation, we can compare which algorithm performs
better as the input size grows.
The concise idea: Asymptotic analysis is the technique. Asymptotic nota-
tion is the output, which allows us to easily communicate the performance of
algorithms.

2.1 BIG O NOTATION


We define O(g(n)) to be the set of all functions f(n) such that there exist con-
stants n 0 and c such that O ~ f(n) ~ c g(n) for all n ~ n 0 . (Asymptotic analysis is
usually used for positive functions only, so we assume thatf(n):::: 0.)
Thus, by very definition, O(g(n)) is a set of functions. However, we abuse
this notion sometimes by sayingf(n) = O(g(n)) when we mean thatf(n) is in

1 We sometimes use the telephone conversation ana logy. In its simplistic form, the telephone
conversation includes questions and answers that we can ask each other over an old fash ioned
telephone line, without the benefit of any video, screen sharing, etc . It is an attempt to articulate
our concepts in simple terms, and ignore all details that can indeed be ignored.
Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
parliament, especially in such a juncture as the present was.” History, p. 147, 148.
The petition presented by the lesser barons, for liberty to sit and vote in the
parliament, has this remarkable clause in it; “otherwise we think that whatsomever
ordinances and statutes be made concerning us and our estate, we not being
required and suffered to reason and vote at the making thereof, that the same
should not oblige us to stand thereto.” Robertson’s History of Scotland, Append.
No. 4.

Liberal principles respecting civil government accompanied the progress of


the Reformation. Knox had the concurrence of English bishops in his doctrine
concerning the limited authority of kings, and the lawfulness of resisting them. See
above, Note BB, and vol. ii. Note U. And he had the express approbation of the
principal divines in the foreign churches. Historie, 363, 366. In the 17th century,
some of the French reformed divines, in their great loyalty to the Grand Monarque,
disclaimed our Reformer’s political sentiments, and represented them as
proceeding from the fervid and daring spirit of the Scottish nation, or adapted to
the peculiar constitution of their government. Riveti Castig. in Balzacum, cap. xiii.
§ 14: Oper. tom. iii. p. 539. Quotations from other French authors are given by
Bayle, Diet. Art. Knox, Note E. In the controversy occasioned by the execution of
Charles I., our Reformer’s name and principles were introduced. Milton appealed to
him, and quoted his writings, in defence of that deed. One of Milton’s opponents
told him that he could produce in his support only a single Scot, “whom his own
age could not suffer, and whom all the reformed, especially the French,
condemned in this point.” Regii Sanguinis Clamor ad Cœlum, p. 129. Hagæ‑Comit.
1625; written by Pierre du Moulin, the son. Milton, in his rejoinder, urges with
truth, that Knox had asserted, that his opinions were approved of by Calvin, and
other eminent divines of the reformed churches. Miltoni Defensio Secunda, p. 101.

Long before the controversy respecting the execution of Charles, Milton had
expressed himself in terms of high praise concerning our Reformer. Arguing
against the abuses committed by licensers of the press, he says, “Nay, which is
more lamentable, if the work of any deceased author, though never so famous in
his lifetime and even to this day, come to their hands for license to be printed or
reprinted, if there be found in his book one sentence of a venturous edge, uttered
in the height of zeal, (and who knows whether it might not be the dictate of a
divine spirit?) yet, not suiting with every low decrepit humour of their own, though
it were Knox himself, the reformer of a kingdom, that spake it, they will not pardon
him their dash: the sense of that great man shall to all posterity be lost for the
fearfulness, or the presumptuous rashness of a prefunctory licenser. And to what
an author this violence hath bin lately done, and in what book of greatest
consequence to be faithfully publisht, I could now instance, but shall forbear till a
more convenient season.” Prose Works, vol. i. p. 311. The tract from which this
quotation is made, was first published in 1644, the year in which David Buchanan’s
edition of Knox’s History appeared; and Milton evidently refers to that work.

END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.


EDINBURGH:

PRINTED BY BALLANTYNE & COMPANY,

PAUL’S WORK, CANONGATE.


Footnotes.

1 ― See an account of this MS. in vol. ii. p. 367.


2 ― See Note A.
3 ― Nisbet’s Heraldry, p. 180. Crawfurd’s Renfrew, by Semple,
Part II, p. 30, 139. Account of Knox, prefixed to his Historie,
anno 1732, page ii. Keith’s Scottish Bishops, p. 177.
4 ― In times of persecution or war, when there was a risk of his
letters being intercepted, the Reformer was accustomed to
subscribe, “John Sinclair.” Under this signature at one of them,
in the collection of his letters in my possession, is the
following note: “Yis was his mother’s surname, wlk he wrait in
time of trubill.” MS. Letters, p. 346.
5 ― See Note A.
6 ― See Note B. Beza (Icones Virorum Illustrium, Ee. iij.
anno 1580) and Verheiden (Effigies et Elogia Præstant.
Theolog. p. 92. Hagæcomit. 1602) say that Knox was
educated at the university of St Andrews.
7 ― Boetii Vitæ Episcopor. Murthlac. et Aberdon. fol. xxix. coll.
cum fol. xxvi‒xxviii. Impress. anno 1522. This little work is of
great value, and contains almost the only authentic notices
which we possess, as to the state of learning in Scotland,
about the beginning of the sixteenth century. Mackenzie, the
copier of the fabulous Dempster, (who gives an account of
learned men who never existed, and of books that no man
ever saw or could see,) talks of almost every writer whom he
mentions, as finishing “the course of his studies in the Belles
Lettres and Philosophy,” in one of the Scots universities. These
are merely words of course. The Aristotelian rules concerning
rhetoric were taught by the professors of scholastic
philosophy; but it does not appear that stated lectures of this
kind were read, until the time of the Reformation, when they
were appointed to be regularly delivered in the colleges. First
Book of Discipline, p. 40, 42, edit. anno 1621.
8 ― In the twelfth century, there was a school at Abernethy and at
Roxburgh. Sir James Dalrymple’s Collections, p. 226, 255.
Other schools in that and the subsequent century are
mentioned in charters, apud Chalmers’s Caledonia, i. 76.
9 ― Caledonia, i. 768.
10 ― Boetii Vitæ, fol. xxx. Vaus was the author of “Rudimenta Artis
Grammaticæ per Jo. Vaus Scotvm Selecta—Edinbvrgi
Excudebat Robertus Lekpreuik, Anno Do. 1566.” 4to. This was
probably another edition of the work printed by Jod. Bad.
Ascensius, Paris, 1522.
11 ― Row’s History of the Kirk of Scotland, MS. p. 3, 4. Simson
taught at Perth between 1550 and 1560. At the establishment
of the Reformation, he became minister of Dunning and
Cargill, from which he was translated, in 1566, to Dunbar,
where he sustained the double office of minister of the parish,
and master of the grammar‑school. He was the author of the
Latin Rudiments, which continued to be taught in the schools
of Scotland until the time of Ruddiman, and were much
esteemed by that accomplished scholar. Row, ut supra. Keith’s
History, p. 534. Chalmers’s Life of Ruddiman, p. 21, 22, 63.
12 ― Life of John Erskine of Dun, p. 2, in Wodrow MSS. vol. i. Bibl.
Coll. Glas. This industrious collector had access to some of
Erskine’s papers, when employed in compiling his life.
Additional facts respecting the early state of Greek literature
in Scotland will be found in Note C.
13 ― “In the Hebrew toung, (says Knox, in his defence before the
bishop of Durham,) I confess myself ignorant, but have, as
God knaweth, fervent thirst to have sum entrance thairin.”
MS. Letters, p. 16.
14 ― Major had come to St Andrews in 1523. The Records of that
University shew that Buchanan was not of St Salvator’s
College, but of St Mary’s. It is probable that Major at that time
taught in this College; and it was not until 1533 that he
became provost, or principal, of St Salvator’s.
15 ― These sentiments are collected from his Commentaries on the
Third Book of the Master of Sentences, and from his
Exposition of Matthew’s Gospel; printed in Latin at Paris, the
former in 1517, and the latter in 1518.
16 ― See Note D.
17 ― Lord Hailes, having given an example of this, adds, “After this,
can Buchanan be censured for saying that he was ‘solo
cognomine Major?’” (Provincial Councils of the Scottish Clergy,
p. 11.) By the way, it was Major who first said this of himself.
It was the sight of these words, “Joannes, solo cognomine
Major,” in the dedicatory epistle to his writings, that drew from
Buchanan the satirical lines, which have been so often
appealed to by his enemies, as an infallible proof of the
badness of his heart. If fault there was in this, we may
certainly make the apology which his learned editor produces
for him in another case, “non tam hominis vitium, quam
poetæ.” Poets and wits cannot always spare their best friends.
18 ― Buchanan always mentions Knox in terms of high respect,
Oper. ed. Ruddiman. p. 313, 321, 366. And the Reformer, in
his Historie, has borne testimony to the virtues as well as
splendid talents of the Poet: “That notable man, Mr George
Bucquhanane—remanis alyve to this day, in the yeir of
God 1566 years, to the glory of God, to the gret honour of
this natioun, and to the comfort of thame that delyte in letters
and vertew. That singulare wark of David’s Psalmes, in Latin
meetre and poesie, besyd mony uther, can witness the rare
graices of God gevin to that man.” Historie, p. 24.
19 ― D. Buchanan’s Life of Knox. Mackenzie’s Lives, iii. 111.
Although I have followed the common accounts, I have great
doubts if Knox was made Master of Arts. It was usual to put
Mr before the names of those who had been laureated, but
I have never seen this title prefixed to his name in any old
record.
20 ― “In hac igitur Anthropotheologia egregie versatus Cnoxus,
eandem et magna autoritate docuit: visusque fuit magistro
suo (si qua in subtilitate felicitas,) in quibusdam felicior.”
Verheiden, Effigies et Elogia Præstant. Theolog. p. 92.
Hagæcomit. 1602. Bezæ Icones, Ee. iij. Melch. Adami Vitæ
Theolog. Exter. p. 137. Francofurti, 1618.
21 ― See Note E.
22 ― Bezæ Icones, Verheidenii Effigies, Melchior Adam; ut supra.
Spotswood’s History, p. 265. Lond. 1677.
23 ― During the minority of James V. the celebrated Gawin Douglas
was recommended by the Queen to the archbishopric of
St Andrews; but John Hepburn, prior of the regular canons,
opposed the nomination, and took the archiepiscopal palace
by storm. Douglas afterwards laid siege to the cathedral of
Dunkeld, and carried it, more by the thunder of his cannon,
than the dread of the excommunication which he threatened
to fulminate against his antagonist. Buch. Hist. xiii. 44.
Spotsw. 61. Life of Gawin Douglas, prefixed to his translation
of the Æneid; Ruddiman’s edition.
24 ― Sir David Lyndsay’s Works, by Chalmers, i. 344. ii. 237, 238.
Winzet, and Kennedy; apud Keith, App. 488, 504.
25 ― The Popes were accustomed to grant liberty to the
commendators to dispose of benefices which they held by this
tenure, to others who should succeed to them after their
death. Introduction to Scots Biography, in Wodrow MSS.
vol. ix. p. 171; Bibl. Coll. Glas. So late as anno 1534,
Clement VII. granted, in commendam, to his nephew
Hypolitus, Cardinal de Medici, ALL the benefices in the world,
secular and regular, dignities and parsonages, simple and with
cure, being vacant, for six months; with power to dispose of
all their fruits, and convert them to his own use. Father Paul’s
History of the Council of Trent, lib. 1, p. 251. Lond. 1620.
26 ― One exception occurs, and must not be omitted. When
George Wishart was preaching in Ayr, Dunbar, archbishop of
Glasgow, took possession of the pulpit, in order to exclude the
Reformer. Some of the more zealous hearers would have
dispossessed the bishop, but Wishart would not suffer them.
“The bishope preichit to his jackmen, and to some auld
boisses of the toun. The soum of all his sermone was, They
sey, we sould preiche: Quhy not? Better lait thryve nor nevir
thryve. Had us still for your bishope, and we sall provyde
better the nixt tyme.” Knox, Historie, p. 44.
27 ―
War not the preiching of the begging freiris,

Tint war the faith among the seculeiris.

Lyndsay, ut supra, i. 343, comp. ii. 101.

28 ― Lord Hailes’s Notes on Ancient Scottish Poems, p. 249, 250,


297, 309. We need not appeal to the testimony of the
reformers, nor to satirical poems published at that time, in
proof of the extreme profligacy of the popish clergy. The truth
is registered in the Acts of Parliament, and in the decrees of
their own councils, (Wilkins, Concil. tom. iv. p. 46‒60. Keith’s
Hist. pref. xiv. and p. 14,) in the records of legitimation, (Lord
Hailes, ut supra, p. 249, 250,) and in the confessions of their
own writers. (Kennedy and Winzet, apud Keith, append.
202, 205‒7. Lesley, Hist. 232. Father Alexander Baillie’s True
Information of the Unhallowed Offspring, &c., of our Scottish
Calvinian Gospel, p. 15, 16; Wirtzburg, anno 1628.)
29 ― In consequence of a very powerful confederacy against the
religious knight, called Templars, and upon charges of the
most flagitious crimes, that order was suppressed by a
general council, anno 1312; but their possessions were
conferred upon another order of sacred knights. The plenitude
of papal power was stretched to the very utmost, in this dread
attempt: “Quanquam (says his holiness in the bull) de jure
non possumus, tamen ad plenitudinem potestatis dictum
ordinem reprobamus.” Walsingham, Histor. Angl. p. 99. When
the Gilbertine monks retired from Scotland, because the air of
the country did not agree with them, their revenues were,
upon their resignation, transferred to the monastery of
Paisley. Keith’s Scottish Bishops, p. 266.
30 ― See Note F.
31 ― Fox, p. 1153, printed anno 1596. Chalmers’s Lyndsay, ii. 62,
63, 64. Lord Hailes, Provincial Councils of the Scottish Clergy,
p. 30. Sir Ralph Sadler’s testimony to the clergy, as the only
men of learning about the court of James V., may seem to
contradict what I have asserted. But Sadler speaks of their
talents for political management, and in the same letters gives
a proof of their ignorance in other respects. The clergy, at that
time, made law their principal study, and endeavoured to
qualify themselves for offices of state. This, however, engaged
their whole attention, and they were grossly ignorant in their
own profession. Sadler’s State Papers, i. 47, 48; Edin. 1809.
Knox, Historie, p. 18.

Andrew Forman, bishop of Murray, and papal legate for


Scotland, being obliged to say grace, at an entertainment
which he gave to the pope and cardinals in Rome, blundered
so in his latinity, that his holiness and their eminences lost
their gravity, which so disconcerted the bishop, that he
concluded the blessing by giving all the false carles to the
devil, in nomine patris, filii, et sancti spiritus; to which the
company, not understanding his Scoto‑Latin, said Amen. “The
holy bishop,” says Pitscottie, “was not a good scholar, and had
not good Latin.” History, p. 106.

32 ― Wilkins, Concilia, tom. iv. 72. Lord Hailes’s Provincial Councils


of the Scottish Clergy, p. 36.
33 ― Luther often mentioned to his familiar acquaintances the
advantage which he derived from a visit to Rome in 1510, and
used to say that he would not exchange that journey for
1000 florins; so much did it contribute to open his eyes to the
corruptions of the Romish court, and to weaken his
prejudices. Melchior. Adami, Vitæ Germ. Theol. p. 104.
Erasmus had a sensation of the same kind, although weaker.
John Rough, one of the Scottish Reformers, felt in a similar
way, after visiting Rome. Fox, p. 1841.
34 ― Notwithstanding laws repeatedly made to restrain persons
from going to Rome, to obtain benefices, the practice was
greatly on the increase about the time of the Reformation.

It is schort tyme sen ony benefice

Was sped in Rome, except great bishoprics;

But now, for ane unworthy vickarage,

A priest will rin to Rome in Pilgrimage.

Ane cavill quhilk was never at the scule


Will rin to Rome, and keep ane bischopis mule:

And syne cum hame with mony a colorit crack,

With ane burdin of beneficis on his back.

Chalmers’s Lyndsay, ii. 60.

35 ― Knox, 14‒16. Spotswood, 64, 69. Keith, append. 205. Dalyell’s


Cursory Remarks, prefixed to Scottish Poems of the Sixteenth
Century, i. 16‒18. Chalmers’s Lyndsay, i. 211.
36 ― See Note G.
37 ― Knox, Historie, p. 14.
38 ― Dalyell’s Cursory Remarks, ut supra, i. 28.
39 ―
Patriots have toil’d, and in their country’s cause

Bled nobly; and their deeds, as they deserve,

Receive proud recompense.――――――――

But fairer wreaths are due, though never paid,

To those who, posted at the shrine of truth,

Have fallen in her defence.――――――――

Yet few remember them.――――――――

――――――――With their names

No bard embalms and sanctifies his song:

And history, so warm on meaner themes,

Is cold on this. She execrates, indeed,

The tyranny that doom’d them to the fire,

But gives the glorious sufferers little praise.

Cowper Task, Book V.


In the margin, Cowper names Hume as chargeable with the
injustice which he so feelingly upbraids. While it is painful to
think that other historians, since Hume, have exposed
themselves to the same censure, it is pleasing to reflect, that
Cowper is not the only poet who has “sanctified,” and, I trust,
“embalmed his song,” with the praises of these patriots. The
reader will easily perceive that I refer to the author of The
Sabbath.

40 ― His father, Sir Patrick Hamilton of Kincavil, was son of Lord


Hamilton, who married a sister of King James III. His mother
was a daughter of John Duke of Albany, brother to the same
monarch. Pinkerton’s Hist. of Scotland, ii. 45, 46, 289.
41 ― There was an act of parliament, as early as 17th July, 1525,
prohibiting ships from bringing any books of Luther or his
disciples into Scotland, which had always “bene clene of all sic
filth and vice.” Act. Parl. Scot., vol. ii. p. 295. This renders it
highly probable, that such books had already been introduced
into this country.
42 ― F. Lamberti Avenionensis Comment. in Apocalypsin, præfat.
anno 1528.
43 ― Lambert, ut supra. Bezæ Icones, Ffj. Fox, 888. Knox, 4‒6.
Lindsay of Pitscottie’s History of Scotland, p. 133‒5;
Edin. 1728. This last author gives a very interesting account
of Hamilton’s trial, but he is wrong as to the year of his
martyrdom.
44 ― Pinkerton.
45 ― Cald. MS. i. 69.
46 ― In 1546, Winram having spoken to the bishops in favour of
George Wishart, cardinal Beatoun upbraided him, saying,
“Well, sir, and you, we know what a man you are, seven years
ago.” Pitscottie, 189.
47 ― See Note H.
48 ― See Note I.
49 ― Wodrow’s MSS. in Bibl. Coll. Glas. vol. i. p. 2. Calderwood’s
MS. Hist. of the Church of Scotland, vol. i. p. 35. Knox,
Historie, p. 22.
50 ― See Note K.
51 ― Cald. MS. i. 103, 119. Sadler, i. 47. Knox, 21, 24.
52 ― Sadler, i. 94. Knox, 27, 28. Pitscottie, 164. Keith, 22. Sir James
Melvil’s Memoirs, 2‒4. Lond. 1683. Knox says, that the roll
contained “mo than ane hundreth landit men, besides utheris
of meener degre, amongis quhome was the lord Hamiltoun,
then second persoun of the realme.” Sadler says, “eighteen
score noblemen and gentlemen, all well minded to God’s
word, which then they durst not avow;” among whom were
the earl of Arran, the earl of Cassils, and the earl Marishal.
Pitscottie says, “seventeen score;” but he includes in his
account, not only “earls, lords, barons, gentlemen,” but also
“honest burgesses and craftsmen.”
53 ― The progress of opinion in Scotland, and the jealous measures
adopted for checking it, may be traced in the variations
introduced into the Act of Parliament, 17th July, 1525, “For
eschewing of Heresy,” as these are marked in the original
record. The act, as originally drawn, in prohibiting the
rehearsing of, or disputing about, the heresies of Luther or his
disciples, has this exception: “gif” (i.e. unless) “it be to the
confusioun thairof;” but this being thought too loose, the
following clause is added on the margin, “and that be clerkis
in the sculis alenarlie.” According to the tenour of the act
when passed in 1525, “na maner of persoun, strangear, that
happenis to arrive with thare schip within ony part of this
realme, bring with thame any bukis or workis of the said
Luther his discipulis or servandis, disputis or rehersis his
heresies, &c., under the pane of escheting of thare schipis and
guidis, and putting of thaire personis in presoun.” But in 1527,
the chancellor and lords of council added this clause: “and all
uther the kingis liegis assistaris to sic opunyeons be punist in
semeible wise, and the effect of the said act to straik upon
thaim.”—From this it appears, that, in 1525, protestant books
and opinions were circulated by strangers only, who came into
Scotland for the purpose of trade; but that, in 1527, it was
found necessary to extend the penalties of the act to natives
of the kingdom. Both these additions were embodied in the
act, as renewed 12th June, 1535. Acta Parliamentorum
Scotiæ, vol. ii. p. 295, 341, 342, published by the authority of
his Majesty’s commissioners on the public records of the
kingdom. This highly valuable and accurate work will
afterwards be referred to under the title of Act. Parl. Scot.
54 ― Bezæ Icones, Ee. iij.
55 ― Act. Parl. Scot. ii. 415, 425. Sadler’s Letters, i. 83. Crawfurd’s
Officers of State, 77, 438. Keith, 36, 37.
56 ― Knox, 34.
57 ― Ibid. 33, 34.
58 ― Life of Knox, prefixed to his History of the Reformation,
anno 1644.
59 ― Cald. MS. i. 118. Calderwood says that he was provincial of
the order of Dominicans, or Blackfriars, in Scotland. But a late
author informs us, that the chartulary of the Blackfriars’
monastery at Perth mentions John Grierson as having been
provincial from the year 1525, to the time of the Reformation.
Scott’s History of the Reformers, p. 96.
60 ― See Note L.
61 ― Chalmers’s Caledonia, ii. 526. comp. Knox. Historie, 67.
62 ― In his progress through the kingdom with the governor, he
instigated him “to hang (at Perth) four honest men, for eating
of a goose on Friday; and drowned a young woman, because
she refused to pray to our lady in her birth.” Pitscottie, 188.
Knox says, that the woman, “having an soucking babe upon
hir briest, was drounit.” Historie, 40. Petrie’s History of the
Church of Scotland, part ii. p. 182. He had planned the
destruction of the principal gentlemen of Fife, as appeared
from documents found after his death. Knox, 63, 64.
63 ― Sadler’s State Papers, i. 264, 265. comp. p. 128. Sir John
Borthwick (who fled to England in the year 1540) ridicules the
Scottish clergy for making it an article of accusation against
him, that he had approved of “all those heresies, commonly
called the heresies of England;” “Because,” says he, “what
religion at that time was used in England, the like the whole
realm of Scotland did embrace; in this point only the
Englishmen differed from the Scottes, that they had cast off
the yoke of Antichrist, the other not. Idols were worshipped of
both nations; the prophanating of the supper and baptisme
was like unto them both.—Truly, it is most false that I had
subscribed unto such kinde of heresies.” Fox, 1149, 1150.
64 ― Knox, Historie, p. 67.
65 ― Ibid.
66 ― Act. Parl. Scot. ii. 471, 477‒9. Keith, 50, 51. Knox, 66, 67.
Buchanan, i. 296.
67 ― This is done in a book, entitled, “The Image of both Churches,
Hierusalem and Babell, Unitie and Confusion, Obedience and
Sedition, by P. D. M.” (supposed to be Sir Tobie Matthews,)
p. 139, 140, Torney, 1623. In p. 136, the author says, “Yet
there is one aduise of Knox which is to be recorded with
admiration, ‘It wear good, that rewards wear publicklie
appointed by the peopl for such as kill tyrants, as well as for
those that kill wolfs.’” In proof of this he refers to Knox’s
Historie, p. 372. The reader, who chooses to give himself the
trouble, will probably search in vain (as I have done) for such
a sentiment, either in that or in any other part of the History.
68 ― “Quorum se societate, non multo post, implicaret Joannes
Knoxus, Calvinistarum minister, qui se evangelicæ perfectionis
cumulum assecutum non arbitrabatur nisi in cardinalis ac
sacerdotis sanguine ac cæde triumphasset.” Leslæus de rebus
gestis Scotorum, lib. x. The bishop should have recollected,
that the violence of his popish brethren drove “the Calvinistic
minister” to this “pinnacle of evangelical perfection.”
69 ― Principal Baillie’s Historical Vindication of the government of
the church of Scotland, p. 42. A. 1646. Cald. MS. ad an. 1590.
70 ― Historie, 86.
71 ― See Note M.
72 ― Spotswood says, that “seven‑score persons entered into the
castle the day after the slaughter” of the cardinal. History,
p. 84.
73 ― The coarseness of the age, and the strong temptation which
he was under to gratify a voluptuous prince, will not excuse
the gross indelicacies of Lindsay; and still less will the desire
of preserving the ancient dialect of Scotland, and of gratifying
an antiquarian passion, apologise for giving to the modern
public a complete edition of his works, accompanied with a
glossary and explanatory notes.
74 ― Heroes ex omni Historia Scotica lectissimi: Auctore Johan.
Jonstono Abredonense Scoto, p. 27, 28. Lugduni
Batavorum, 1603. 4to. Chalmers’s Life of Lindsay, Works,
vol. i.
75 ― Cald. MS. i. 119.
76 ― Lord Hailes, Catalogue of the Lords of Session, p. 2. Act. Parl.
Scot. ii. 353.
77 ― Act. Parl. Scot. ii. 409. Sadler’s State Papers, i. 83. Knox, 35.
78 ― Fox, p. 1840. He was born A.D. 1510.
79 ― Fox, p. 1840. Knox, Historie, p. 33, 36, 67.
80 ― Knox, Historie, p. 68.
81 ― Whittingham, dean of Durham, was ordained in the English
church at Geneva, of which Knox was pastor; and Travers, the
opponent of Hooker, was ordained by a presbytery at
Antwerp. Attempts were made by some highflyers to
invalidate their orders, and induce them to submit to
re‑ordination; but they did not succeed. Strype’s Annals, vol.
ii. 520‒4.

In the year 1582, archbishop Grindal, by a formal deed,


declared the validity of the orders of Mr John Morrison, who
had been ordained by the synod of Lothian, “according to the
_laudable_ form and rite of the reformed church of Scotland,”
says the instrument, “per generalem synodum sive
congregationem illius comitatus, juxta laudabilem ecclesiæ
Scotiæ Reformatæ formam et ritum, ad sacros ordines et
sacrosanctum ministerium per manuum impositionem
admissus et ordinatus.—Nos igitur formam ordinationis et
præfectionis tuæ hujusmodi, modo præmisso factam,
quantum in nos est, et de jure possumus, approbantes et
ratificantes,” &c. Strype’s Life of Grindal. Append. Book ii.
Numb. xvii. p. 101.

It has been objected, that archbishop Grindal was at this time


under sequestration, and that the license was granted, not by
him, but by Dr Aubrey, as vicar general. To this it is sufficient
to reply, that Mr Strype is of opinion that the sequestration
was taken off from the time that the writs and instruments
run in the name of Aubrey alone, without any mention of
Clark, (Life of Grindal, p. 271;) that, even during the period of
the sequestration, “all licenses to preach, &c. were granted by
these two civilians, with a deference to the archbishop, and
consultation with him in what they did,” (Ibid. p. 240;) and
that the license in question bears, that it was granted “with
the consent and express command of the most reverend
father in Christ, the lord Edmund, by the divine providence,
archbishop of Canterbury, to us signified;”—“de consensu et
expresso mandato reverendiss. in Christo patris domini
Edmundi, &c. nobis significato.” Ibid. p. 271. Append. p. 101.

82 ― Ninian Winzet, apud Keith’s History, App. p. 212, 213. Burne’s


Disputation, p. 128. Parise, 1581.
83 ― In the former editions, I had spoken of Annand as probably a
friar, who, according to the custom of the times, had assumed
the honorary title of dean. But I have since ascertained, that
he was a person of great note in the university. It appears
from the Records, that he was principal of St Leonard’s
College in 1544, and continued to hold that office during
several years subsequent to that period.
84 ― The doctrine which the preacher delivered at this time was
afterwards put into “ornate meeter,” by one of his hearers,
Sir David Lindsay, who, in his “Monarchie,” finished in 1553,
has given a particular account of the rise and corruptions of
popery, under the name of the “fifth spiritual and papal
monarchie.” Chalmers’s Lindsay, iii. 86‒116.
85 ― “Sum said, utheris hued the branches of papistry, bot he
straiketh at the rute, to destroye the whole. Utheris said, gif
the doctors and magistri nostri defend not now the pope and
his authoritie, which in their owin presence is so manifestlie
impugnit, the devill have my part of him and his lawes bothe.
Utheris said, Mr George Wischeart spak never so planelie, and
yet he was brunt; even so will he be in the end. Utheris said,
the tyrannie of the cardinal maid not his cause the better,
neither yet the suffering of Godis servand maid his cause the
wors.—And thairfoir we wald counsail yow and thame to
provyde better defences than fyre and sword; for it may be
that allis ye shall be disappointed: men now have uther eyes
than they had then. This answer gave the laird of Nydrie.”
Knox, Historie, p. 70.
86 ― Knox, Historie, p. 70‒74. “Alexander Arbuckylle” was made
Bachelor of Arts, Nov. 3, 1525. Act. Fac. Art.
87 ― Knox, Historie, 74, 75.
88 ― Buchanan, Hist. lib. xv. Oper. tom. i. 293, 294. Pitscottie, 189,
folio edit.
89 ― Buchan. Oper. i. 296. Pitscottie, 191. Knox, 76.
90 ― Rough continued to preach in England until the death of
Edward VI. when he retired to Norden in Friesland. There he
was obliged to support himself and his wife (whom he had
married in England) by knitting caps, stockings, &c. Having
come over to London in the course of his trade, he heard of a
congregation of protestants which met secretly in that city, to
whom he joined himself, and was elected their pastor. A few
weeks after this, the conventicle was discovered by the
treachery of one of their own number, and Rough was carried
before bishop Bonner, by whose orders he was committed to
the flames, on the 22d of December 1557. An account of his
examination, and two of his letters breathing the true spirit of
a martyr, may be seen in Fox, p. 1840‒1842.
91 ― Balnaves’s Confession, Epist. Dedic. Archibald Hamilton says
that he was condemned to work at the oar;—“impellendis
longarum navium remis, cum reliquis adjudicatur.” Dialogus de
Confusione Calvinianæ Sectæ, p. 64, b.
92 ― Knox, Historie, p. 83.
93 ― MS. Letters, p. 53.
94 ― One of his most bitter adversaries has borne an involuntary
but honourable testimony to his magnanimity at this time.
“Ubi longo maris tædio, et laboris molestia extenuatum
quidem, et subactum corpus fuit; sed animi elatio eum
subinde rerum magnarum spe extimulans, nihilo magis tunc
quam prius quiescere potuit.”—Hamiltonii Dialogus, p. 64, b.
95 ― Knox, Historie, p. 74.
96 ― Psalm xlii.
97 ― See Note N.
98 ― Knox, Historie, p. 74. This Treatise appears to have been lost.
99 ― MS. Letters, p. 40.
100 ― The manuscript, there is reason to think, was conveyed to
Scotland about that time, but it fell aside, and was long
considered as lost. After the death of Knox, it was discovered
by his servant, Richard Bannatyne, in the house of Ormiston,
and was printed, anno 1584, by Thomas Vaultrollier, in 12mo,
with the title of “Confession of Faith, &c. by Henry Balnaves of
Hallhill, one of the Lords of Council and Session of
Scotland.”—David Buchanan, in his edition of Knox’s History,
anno 1644, among his other alterations and interpolations,
makes Knox to say that this work was published at the time
he wrote his History; which may be numbered among the
anachronisms in that edition, which, for some time,
discredited the authenticity of the History, and led many to
deny that Knox was its author. But in the genuine editions,
Knox expresses the very reverse. “In the presoun, he
(Balnaves) wrait a maist profitabill treatise of justificatioun,
and of the warkis and conversatioun of a justifyed man: ‘but
how it was suppressit we knaw not.’” Historie, p. 83, Edin.
anno 1732. See also p. 181, of the first edition, in 8vo, printed
at London by Vaultrollier in the year 1586.
101 ― I have not adhered to the orthography of the printed work,
which is evidently different from what it must have been in
the MS.
102 ― It is “perfection” in the printed copy, which is evidently a
mistake.
103 ― i.e. beyond.
104 ― Rouen, not Roanne, is the place meant.
105 ― i.e. genius or knowledge.
106 ― See Note O.
107 ― This is the man whom a high‑church historian has
represented as holding the principles of the ancient Zealots or
Siccarii, and teaching that any person who met a papist might
kill him! Collier, Eccles. Hist. ii. 545.
108 ― Knox, Historie, p. 84, 85.
109 ― In one of his letters, preserved by Calderwood, Knox says,
that he was nineteen months in the French galleys. Cald. MS.
vol. i. 256. In the printed Calderwood, the period of his
confinement is limited to nine months, a mistake which has
been copied by several writers. It is proper that the reader of
that book should be aware, that it is an abridgement of a
larger work, still in manuscript; and though there is reason to
believe that it was drawn up by Calderwood himself, yet,
having been printed after his death, and in a foreign country,
it is often incorrect. Knox, in a conference with Mary of
Scotland, told the queen that he was five years resident in
England (Historie, p. 289). Now, as he came to England
immediately after he obtained his liberty, and left it (as we
shall afterwards see) in the end of January or beginning of
February, 1554, this accords exactly with the date of his
liberation, which is given above from Calderwood’s MS.
110 ― This is mentioned in a MS. in my possession; but little credit
can be given to it, as it is written in a modern hand, and no
authority is produced.
111 ― Petrie’s Church History, part ii. p. 184.
112 ― Hamiltonii Dialog. p. 64.
113 ― Peter Martyr, in a letter, dated Oxford, 1st July, 1650, laments
the paucity of useful preachers in England, “Doleo plus quam
dici possit, tanta ubique in Anglia verbi Dei penuria laborari; et
eos qui oves Christi doctrina pascere tenentur, cum usque eo
remisse agant, ut officium facere prorsus recusant, nescio quo
fletu, quibusve lachrymis deplorari possit. Verum confido fore
ut meliora simus visuri.” Martyri Epist. apud Loc. Commun.
p. 760. Genevæ, 1624.
114 ― Burnet’s Hist. of the Reformation, II. 24. The suppression of
the chantries, in the reign of Edward VI. was attended with
similar effects. Strype’s Memorials of the Reformation, ii. 446.
115 ― I omitted mentioning in the proper place, that the biographer
of Sir David Lindsay has stated, from the minutes of the
English council, that Knox was in the pay of England as early
as the year 1547. Chalmers’s Lindsay, i. 32. I cannot suppose
that the learned author would confound the salary which Knox
received during his residence in England, with a pension
allotted to him when he was in his native country. But, on the
other hand, I think it very unlikely that he should have been
known to the English court before he entered the castle of
St Andrews, and am inclined to suppose that any pension
which he received from them did not commence until that
period at soonest. Mr Chalmers’s language conveys the idea,
that he was pensioned by England before he went to the
castle.
116 ― Strype’s Memor. of the Reform. iii. 235. Knox, Hist. 85, 289.
117 ― Knox, Historie, p. 289.
118 ― Sir Thomas More, in one of his letters to Erasmus, gives the
following character of Tonstal: “Ut nemo est omnibus bonis
literis instructior, nemo vita moribusque severior, ita nemo est
usquam in convictu jucundior.”
119 ― Besides the great council which managed the affairs of the
kingdom under the protector, a number of the
privy‑councillors who belonged to that part of the country,
composed a subordinate board, called “the council of the
north.” The members here referred to probably belonged to
this council, and not to the town council of Newcastle. If I am
right in this conjecture, Knox might owe to them, and not to
the bishop, the liberty of this public defence.
120 ― See Note P.
121 ― The compiler of the account of Knox, prefixed to the edition of
his History printed in 1732, says, that the MS. containing the
defence, bears that it “quite silenced” the bishop and his
doctors. But that writer does not appear to have ever seen
the MS., which contains nothing of the kind. The fact,
however, is attested by the bishop of Ossory, who had good
opportunities of knowing the truth, and who is accurate in his
account of other circumstances relative to it. His words are,
“Et 4 die Aprilis ejusdem anni [1550] aperiens in concione
opinionem, ejus idolatrias et horrendas blasphemias, tam
solidis argumentis, abominationem esse probabat, ut, cum
omnibus sciolis, Saturnius ille somniator [Dunelmensis]
refragare non possit.” Baleus, De Script. Scot. et Hibern.
Art. Knoxus.
122 ― John Harle or Harley, was afterwards made bishop of
Hereford, May 26, 1553. Strype’s Cranmer, p. 301. A late
writer has confounded this Englishman with William Harlowe,
who was minister of St Cuthbert’s church, near Edinburgh.
Scott’s History of the Reformers in Scotland, p. 242.
123 ― King Edward’s Journal, apud Burnet, ii. Records, p. 42.
124 ― Memorials of the Reformation, ii. 297. Memor. of Cranmer,
p. 292. Burnet, iii. 212. Records, 420, 422.
125 ― Burnet, ii. 171.
126 ― Strype’s Memor. of Reform. ut supra. Life of Grindal, p. 7.
Mr Strype says, that the number of chaplains was afterwards
reduced to four, Bradford and Knox being dropped from the
list. But both of these preached in their turn before the court,
in the year 1553. And in the council‑book a warrant is
granted, October 27, 1552, to four gentlemen, to pay to Knox,
“his majesty’s preacher in the north, forty pounds, as his
majesty’s reward.” Strype’s Cranmer, 292. This salary he
retained until the death of Edward; for, in a letter written by
him at the time he left England, he says: “Ather the queen’s
majestie, or sum thesaurer, will be 40 pounds rycher by me,
sae meikle lack I of the dutie of my patentis; but that littil
trublis me.” MS. Letters, p. 286.
127 ― See Note Q.
128 ― Fox, p. 1326. Strype questions the truth of Weston’s
statement, and says that Knox “was hardly come into England
(at least any farther than Newcastle) at this time.” Annals,
iii. 117. But we have already seen that he arrived in England
as early as the beginning of 1549.
129 ― “October 2, (1552,) a letter was directed to Mess. Harley, Bill,
Horn, Grindal, Pern, and Knox, to consider certain articles
exhibited to the king’s majesty, to be subscribed by all such as
shall be admitted to be preachers or ministers in any part of
the realm; and to make report of their opinions touching the
same.” Council‑book, apud Strype’s Cranmer, p. 273. Their
report was returned before the 20th of November, ibid.
p. 301. Burnet says, the order was given Oct. 20. History,
iii. 212. The articles agreed to at this time were forty‑two.
In 1562, they were reduced to thirty‑nine, their present
number.
130 ― See the pedigree of the family of Bowes among the original
papers at the end of the work.
131 ― From this appellation in the MS. letters, I concluded that Knox
was married to Miss Bowes before he left Berwick, until I met
with one of his printed works, to which a letter from him to
Mrs Bowes is added. On the margin of this, opposite to a
place in which he had called her mother, is this note: “I had
maid faithful promise, before witnes, to Mariorie Bowes her
daughter, so as she took me for sone, I hartly embrased her
as my mother.” Knox’s Answer to Tyrie the Jesuit. F. ij.
132 ― MS. Letters, p. 265, 276.
133 ― Ibid, passim.
134 ― They wrote a letter in commendation of him, Dec. 9, 1552, to
Lord Wharton, deputy warden of the Borders. During the
following year, when he was employed in Buckinghamshire, in
order to secure greater acceptance and respect to him in that
county, the council wrote in his favour to lords Russel and
Windsor, to the justices of the peace, and to several other
gentlemen. Strype’s Cranmer, p. 292.
135 ― Strype’s Memor. of the Reformation, ii. 533.
136 ―
Bishop Burnet, and Mr Strype, (Memor. of Reform, ii. 299,)
who have recorded this fact, conjectured that the patentee
was a relation of our Reformer. That he was his brother, is
evident from Knox’s letters, which mention his being in
England about this time. In a letter written in 1553, he says:
“My brother, Williame Knox, is presentlie with me. What ye
wald haif frome Scotland, let me knaw this Monunday at
nicht; for hie must depart on Tyisday.” MS. Letters, p. 271.
Perhaps the same person is referred to in the following extract
from another letter: “My brother hath communicat his haill
hart with me, and I persave the mychtie operation of God.
And sa let us be establissit in his infinit gudnes and maist sure
promissis.” Ib. p. 266.

William Knox afterwards became a preacher, and was minister


of Cockpen, in Mid‑Lothian, after the establishment of the
Reformation in Scotland. No fewer than fourteen ministers of
the church of Scotland are numbered among his descendants.
Genealogical Account of the Knoxes, apud Scott’s History of
the Reformers in Scotland, p. 152.

137 ― MS. Letters, p. 193. Knox’s Admonition to the Professors of


the Truth in England, p. 61, apud History, Edin. 1644, 4to.
138 ― The earl of Warwick, now created duke of Northumberland,
was appointed warden‑general of the northern marches in
Oct. 1551. But being occupied in securing his interest at
court, he got himself excused from going north until
June 1552. Strype’s Memor. of the Reformation, ii. 282, 339.
139 ― MS. Letters, p. 112, 173. Admonition, p. 51, apud History,
Edinburgh, 1644. Knox considered that the papists had a
secret hand in fomenting those dissensions which led to the
condemnation and death of the protector. Nor were his
suspicions ill‑founded. See Strype’s Memor. of the Reform.
ii. 306‒7.
140 ― The duke’s letter was dated Nov. 23, 1552. Haynes, State
Papers, p. 136. Brand’s History of Newcastle, p. 304.
Redpath’s Border History, p. 577.
141 ― A great number of his letters in the MS. are superscribed “To
his sister.” It appears from internal evidence, that this was a
daughter of Mrs Bowes; and, although I cannot be positive,
I am inclined to think that she was the young lady whom he
married. One letter has this superscription, “To Mariorie
Bowes, who was his first wife.” In it he addresses her by the
name of Sister, and at the close, says, “I think this be the first
letter that ever I wrait to you.” MS. Letters, p. 335. But there
is no date by which to compare it with other letters.
142 ― Henry Nevyl, earl of Westmoreland, was, by the interest of
the duke of Northumberland, admitted a member of the privy
council in 1552. He was also a member of the council for the
north, and lord lieutenant of the bishopric of Durham. His
private character was indifferent. Strype’s Memor. of the
Reformation, ii. 401, 457‒9.
143 ― MS. Letters, p. 267‒9.
144 ― MS. Letters, p. 112. Melchior Adam, Vitæ Theolog. Ext.
p. 137.
145 ― The letter last quoted. MS. Letters, p. 273‒4, compared with
p. 268.
146 ― MS. Letters, p. 276.
147 ― MS. Letters, p. 260‒1.
148 ― Ibid. p. 262.
149 ― Strype’s Cranmer, p. 292.
150 ― The account of his examination before the council is taken
from a letter of Knox, the substance of which has been
inserted by Calderwood, in his MS. History, and by Strype, in
his Memorials of the Reformation, vol. ii. p. 400.
151 ― Luther having rejected with disdain the great offers by which
Alexander, the papal legate, attempted to gain him over to the
court of Rome, “He is a ferocious brute,” exclaimed the legate,
equally confounded and disappointed, “whom nothing can
soften, and who regards riches and honours as mere dirt;
otherwise the pope would long ago have loaded him with
favours.”—Beausobre’s History of the Reformation, i. 395, 6.
Macaulay’s Translation.
152 ― Bezæ Icones, Ee iij. See also Verheideni Effigies, p. 92, 93.
Melch. Adam. p. 137.
153 ― MS. Letters, p. 73. The passage will afterwards be quoted.
154 ― History of Newcastle, p. 304. Surtees’s Durham, vol. i. p. lxx.
155 ― The churches of Geneva and Scotland did not agree in all
points. Though holidays were abolished in Geneva at the
commencement of the Reformation, the observance of a
number of them was very soon restored, and has always
continued in that church; but this practice was wholly rejected
by the church of Scotland, from the very first establishment of
the Reformation, and its introduction has always been
vigorously resisted by her. Other things in which they differed
might easily be mentioned.
156 ― Knox, Historie, p. 72‒74, and this Life, p. 63, 64.
157 ― Cald. MS. i. 250. During the reign of Edward, and even the
first years of that of his sister Elizabeth, absolute conformity
to the liturgy was not pressed upon ministers. Strype’s Annals,
i. 419, 432. Burnet, iii. 305, 311. Hutchinson’s Antiq. of
Durham, i. 453. Archbishop Parker, in the beginning of
Elizabeth’s reign, administered the elements to the
communicants standing, in the cathedral church of
Canterbury. Her majesty’s commissioners appointed the
communion to be received in the same posture in Coventry;
and the practice was continued in that town as late, at least,
as the year 1608. Certain demands propounded unto Richard,
archbishop of Canterbury, p. 45, anno 1605. Removal of
Imputations laid upon the ministers of Devon and Cornwall,
p. 51, anno 1606. Dispute upon the question of Kneeling,
p. 131, anno 1608.
158 ― This statement of his sentiments is drawn from his Brief
Exhortation to England for the speedy embracing of Christ’s
gospel, printed at Geneva, anno 1559, and at the end of his
History, Edinburgh, 1644, 4to; and from his letters to
Mrs Locke, dated 6th April, and 15th October, 1559, in Cald.
MS. i. p. 380, 491.
159 ― See Note R.
160 ― See Note S.
161 ― “We had,” says he in his Letter to the Faithful in London,
Newcastle, and Berwick, “ane king of sa godlie disposition
towardis vertew, and the treuth of God, that nane frome the
beginning passit him, and (to my knawledge) none of his
yeiris did ever mache him in that behalf; gif hie myght haif
bene lord of his awn will.” MS. Letters, p. 119. He has passed
a fuller encomium on this prince, in his Historie, p. 89.
162 ― See Note T.
163 ― MS. Letters, p. 175‒177, and Admonition, p. 52, 54, apud
History, Edin. 1644, 4to.
164 ― One of his letters to Mrs Bowes is dated London, 22d June,
1553. MS. Letters, p. 249. And from other letters it appears
that he was there in the following month.
165 ― We have already seen (p. 101‒103) that this was not his sole
reason for refusing preferment in the English church.
166 ― MS. Letters, p. 73, 74, also p. 250.
167 ― In his “Letter to the Faithful in London,” &c. he puts them in
mind of the premonitions which he had given on different
occasions, and, among others, of “what was spoken in
Londone in ma places nor ane, when fyreis of joy and ryatous
banketting wer at the proclamation of Marie your quene.” MS.
Letters, 112, 113.
168 ― One of his letters is dated Carlisle, 26th July, 1553. MS.
Letters, p. 270.
169 ― See Note U.
170 ― Fox, 718, 748‒9, 751‒766. Knox, Admonition, p. 67, appendix
to History, Edin. 1644, 4to.
171 ― MS. Letters, p. 289, 291.
172 ― His wife.
173 ― MS. Letters, p. 290, 291.
174 ― Ibid. p. 196.
175 ― MS. Letters, p. 293, 294.
176 ― Ibid. p. 265.
177 ― MS. Letters, p. 265.
178 ― MS. Letters, p. 284.
179 ― MS. Letters, p. 318. Archibald Hamilton has trumped up a
ridiculous story, respecting Knox’s flight from England. He
says, that by teaching the unlawfulness of female
government, he had excited a dangerous rebellion against
queen Mary. But the queen, having marched against the
rebels, defeated them with great slaughter; upon which Knox,
stained with their blood, fled to Geneva, carrying along with
him a rich noblewoman! Dialog. de Confus. Calv. Sect. p. 65.
180 ― MS. Letters, p. 70, 71, 107, 108.
181 ― MS. Letters, p. 308, 309.
182 ― MS. Letters, p. 165‒167. Admonition, p. 46‒48.
183 ― If.
184 ― Sun.
185 ― Much more.
186 ― Wit.
187 ― Hope.
188 ― Letter to the Faithful in London, &c. in MS. Letters, p. 149‒
151, 156.
189 ― His Exposition of the sixth Psalm concludes with these words:
“Upon the very point of my journey, the last of February,
1553.” MS. Letters, p. 109. The reader will recollect, that in
our reformer’s time, they did not begin the year until the 25th
of March; so that “February 1553,” according to the old
reckoning, is “February 1554,” according to the modern.
190 ― His Letter to the Faithful in London, &c. concludes thus:
—“From ane sore trubillit hart, upon my departure from Diep,
1553, whither God knaweth. In God is my trust through Jesus
Chryst his sone; and thairfor I feir not the tyrannie of man,
nether yet what the devill can invent against me. Rejoice, ye
faithfull; for in joy shall we meit, wher deth may not dissever
us.” MS. Letters, p. 157, 158.
191 ― In a letter, dated Dieppe, May 10, 1554, he says, “My awin
estait is this: since the 28 of Januar,” counting from the time
he came to France, “I have travellit throughout all the
congregations of Helvetia, and has reasonit with all the
pastoris and many other excellentlie learnit men, upon sic
matters as now I cannot comit to wrytting.” MS. Letters,
p. 318.
192 ― MS. Letters, p. 313‒315.
193 ― Ibid. p. 311.
194 ― MS. Letters, p. 106.
195 ― Ibid. p. 319.
196 ― Ibid. p. 310.
197 ― Strype’s Cranmer, p. 413. Calvini Epist. et Respons. p. 179,
245, 248, Hanov. 1597.
198 ― One of his letters to Mrs Bowes, is dated “At Diep the 20 of
July, 1554, after I had visited Geneva and uther partis, and
returned to Diep to learn the estait of Ingland and Scotland.”
MS. Letters, p. 255, 256. This is the letter which was
published by Knox, along with his answer to Tyrie, in 1572,
after the death of Mrs Bowes.
199 ― In the letter mentioned in last note, he refers his
mother‑in‑law to “a general letter written,” says he, “be me in
greit anguiss of hart, to the congregationis of whome I heir
say a greit part, under pretence that thai may keip faith
secreitt in the hart, and yet do as idolaters do, beginnis now
to fall before that idoll. But O, alas! blindit and desavit ar thai;
as they sall knaw in the Lordis visitatioun, whilk, sa assuredlie
as our God liveth, sall shortlie apprehend thai backstarteris
amangis the middis of idolateris.” MS. Letters, p. 252. On the
margin of the printed copy is his note: “Frequent letters
written by Johne Knox to decline from idolatrie.”
200 ― MS. Letters, p. 251‒253.
201 ― Collier, Eccles. History, ii. 441.
202 ― MS. Letters, p. 322. Davidson’s Brief Commendatioun of
Uprichtnes; reprinted in the Supplement.
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