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vii
Contents
Preface xi
Symbols and Abbreviations xv
1 Introduction 1
2 Mathematical Foundations 13
2.1 Matrix Algebra 13
2.2 Vector Algebra 20
2.3 Simultaneous Linear Equation Systems 22
2.4 Linear Dependence 26
2.5 Convex Sets and n-Dimensional Geometry 29
6 Duality Theory 95
6.1 The Symmetric Dual 95
6.2 Unsymmetric Duals 97
6.3 Duality Theorems 100
6.4 Constructing the Dual Solution 106
6.5 Dual Simplex Method 113
6.6 Computational Aspects of the Dual Simplex Method 114
6.7 Summary of the Dual Simplex Method 121
Preface
Introduction
This book deals with the application of linear programming to firm decision
making. In particular, an important resource allocation problem that often
arises in actual practice is when a set of inputs, some of which are limited in
supply over a particular production period, is to be utilized to produce, using
a given technology, a mix of products that will maximize total profit. While a
model such as this can be constructed in a variety of ways and under different
sets of assumptions, the discussion that follows shall be limited to the linear
case, i.e. we will consider the short-run static profit-maximizing behavior of
the multiproduct, multifactor competitive firm that employs a fixed-coefficients
technology under certainty (Dorfman 1951, 1953; Naylor 1966).
How may we interpret the assumptions underlying this profit maximiza-
tion model?
Linear Programming and Resource Allocation Modeling, First Edition. Michael J. Panik.
© 2019 John Wiley & Sons, Inc. Published 2019 by John Wiley & Sons, Inc.
2 1 Introduction
Why is this linear model for the firm important? It is intuitively clear that the
more sophisticated the type of capital equipment employed in a production proc-
ess, the more inflexible it is likely to be relative to the other factors of production
with which it is combined. That is, the machinery in question must be used in
fixed proportions with regard to certain other factors of production (Dorfman
1953, p. 143). For the type of process just described, no factor substitution is pos-
sible; a given output level can be produced by one and only one input combina-
tion, i.e. the inputs are perfectly complementary. For example, it is widely
recognized that certain types of chemical processes exhibit this characteristic
in that, to induce a particular type of chemical reaction, the input proportions
(coefficient) must be (approximately) fixed. Moreover, mechanical processes such
as those encountered in cotton textile manufacturing and machine-tool produc-
tion are characterized by the presence of this limitationality, i.e. in the latter case,
constant production times are logged on a fixed set of machines by a given num-
ber of operators working with specific grades of raw materials.
For example, suppose that a firm produces three types of precision tools
(denoted x1, x2, and x3) made from high-grade steel. Four separate production
operations are used: casting, grinding, sharpening, and polishing. The set of
input–output coefficients (expressed in minutes per unit of output), which
describe the firm’s technology (the firm’s stage one problem, as alluded to
1 Introduction 3
above, has been solved) is presented in Table 1.1. (Note that each of the three
columns represents a separate input activity or process.)
Additionally, capacity limitations exist with respect to each of the four pro-
duction operations in that upper limits on their availability are in force. That
is, per production run, the firm has at its disposal 5000 minutes of casting time,
3000 minutes of grinding time, 3700 minutes of sharpening time, and 2000 min-
utes of polishing time. Finally, the unit profit values for tools x1, x2, and x3 are
$22.50, $19.75, and $26.86, respectively. (Here these figures each depict unit
revenue less unit variable cost and are computed before deducting fixed costs.
Moreover, we are tacitly assuming that what is produced is sold.) Given this
information, it is easily shown that the optimization problem the firm must
solve (i.e. the stage-two problem mentioned above) will look like (1.1):
max f = 22 50x1 + 19 75x2 + 26 86x3 s t subject to
13x1 + 10x2 + 16x3 ≤ 5000
12x1 + 8x2 + 20x3 ≤ 3000
11
8x1 + 4x2 + 9x3 ≤ 3700
5x1 + 4x2 + 6x3 ≤ 2000
x1 , x2 ,x3 ≥ 0
How may we rationalize the structure of this problem? First, the objective func-
tion f represents total profit, which is the sum of the individual (gross) profit
contributions of the three products, i.e.
3
total profit = total profit from xj sales
j=1
3
= unit profit from xj sales number of units of xj sold
j=1
Tools
x1 x2 x3 Operations
13 10 16 Casting
12 8 20 Grinding
8 4 9 Sharpening
5 4 6 Polishing
4 1 Introduction
Next, if we consider the first structural constraint inequality (the others can be
interpreted in a similar fashion), we see that total casting time used per produc-
tion run cannot exceed the total amount available, i.e.
3
total casting time used = total casting time used by xj
j=1
3
= casting time used per unit of xj
j=1
number of units of xj produced ≤ 5000
Finally, the activity levels (product quantities) x1, x2, and x3 are nonnegative,
thus indicating that the production activities are nonreversible, i.e. the fixed
inputs cannot be created from the outputs.
To solve (1.1) we shall employ a specialized computational technique called the
simplex method. The details of the simplex routine, as well as its mathematical
foundations and embellishments, will be presented in Chapters 2–5. Putting com-
putational considerations aside for the time being, the types of information sets
that the firm obtains from an optimal solution to (1.1) can be characterized as
follows. The optimal product mix is determined (from this result management
can specify which product to produce in positive amounts and which ones to omit
from the production plan) as well as the optimal activity levels (which indicate
the exact number of units of each product produced). In addition, optimal
resource utilization information is also generated (the solution reveals the
amounts of the fixed or scarce resources employed in support of the optimal
activity levels) along with the excess (slack) capacity figures (if the total amount
available of some fixed resource is not fully utilized, the optimal solution indicates
the amount left idle). Finally, the optimal dollar value of total profit is revealed.
Associated with (1.1) (hereafter called the primal problem) is a symmetric
problem called its dual. While Chapter 6 presents duality theory in considerable
detail, let us simply note without further elaboration here that the dual problem
deals with the internal valuation (pricing) of the firm’s fixed or scarce resources.
These (nonmarket) prices or, as they are commonly called, shadow prices serve
to signal the firm when it would be beneficial, in terms of recouping forgone
profit (since the capacity limitations restrict the firm’s production and thus
profit opportunities) to acquire additional units of the fixed factors. Relative
to (1.1), the dual problem appears as
min g = 5000u1 + 3000u2 + 3700u3 + 2000u4 s t
13u1 + 12u2 + 8u3 + 5u4 ≥ 22 50
10u1 + 8u2 + 4u3 + 4u4 ≥ 19 75 12
16u1 + 20u2 + 9u3 + 6u4 ≥ 26 86
u1 ,u2 ,u3 ,u4 ≥ 0,
1 Introduction 5
where the dual variables u1, …, u4 are the shadow prices associated with the pri-
mal capacity constraints.
What is the interpretation of the form of this dual problem? First, the objec-
tive g depicts the total imputed (accounting) value of the firm’s fixed
resources, i.e.
total imputed value of all fixed resources
4
= total imputed value of the ith resource
i=1
4
= number of units of the ith resource available
i=1
shadow price of the ith resource
Clearly, the firm must make the value of this figure as small as possible. That is,
it must minimize forgone profit. Next, looking to the first structural constraint
inequality in (1.2) (the rationalization of the others follows suit), we see that the
total imputed value of all resources going into the production of a unit of x1
cannot fall short of the profit per unit of x1, i.e.
total imputed value of all resources per unit of x1
4
= imputed value of the ith resource per unit of x1
i=1
4
= number of units of the ith resource per unit of x1
i=1
shadow price of the ith resource ≥ 22 50
Finally, as is the case for any set of prices, the shadow prices u1, …, u4 are all
nonnegative.
As will become evident in Chapter 6, the dual problem does not have to be
solved explicitly; its optimal solution is obtained as a byproduct of the optimal
solution to the primal problem (and vice versa). What sort of information is pro-
vided by the optimal dual solution? The optimal (internal) valuation of the
firm’s fixed resources is exhibited (from this data the firm can discern which
resources are in excess supply and which ones are “scarce” in the sense that total
profit could possibly be increased if the supply of the latter were augmented)
along with the optimal shadow price configuration (each such price indicates
the increase in total profit resulting from a one unit increase in the associated
fixed input). Moreover, the optimal (imputed) value of inputs for each prod-
uct is provided (the solution indicates the imputed value of all fixed resources
entering into the production of a unit of each of the firm’s outputs) as well as the
optimal accounting loss figures (here, management is provided with informa-
tion pertaining to the amount by which the imputed value of all resources used
6 1 Introduction
to produce a unit of some product exceeds the unit profit level for the same).
Finally, the optimal imputed value of all fixed resources is determined. Inter-
estingly enough, this quantity equals the optimal dollar value of total profit
obtained from the primal problem, as it must at an optimal feasible solution
to the primal-dual pair of problems.
In the preceding model we made the assumption that the various production
activities were technologically independent. However, if we now assume that they
are technologically interdependent in that each product can be produced by
employing more than one process, then we may revise the firm’s objective to
one where a set of production quotas are to be fulfilled at minimum cost. By invok-
ing this assumption we may construct what is called a joint production model.
As far as a full description of this type of production program is concerned, let
us frame it in terms of the short-run static cost-minimizing behavior of a multi-
product, multifactor competitive firm that employs a fixed-coefficients technol-
ogy. How can we interpret the assumptions given in support of this model?
1) Perfect competition in the factor markets – the prices of the firm’s primary
and shadow inputs are given.
2) The firm employs a static model – all prices, the technology, and the output
quotas remain constant over the production period.
3) The firm operates under conditions of certainty – the model is deterministic
in that all prices and the technology behave in a completely systematic (non-
random) fashion.
4) All factors and products are perfectly divisible – fractional quantities of fac-
tors and products are admissible at an optimal feasible solution.
5) The character of the firm’s production activities, which now represent ways
of producing a set of outputs from the application of one unit of a primary
input, is determined by a set of technical decisions internal to the firm. These
output activities are:
a) independent in that no interaction effects exist among activities;
b) linear, i.e. the output/input ratios for each activity are constant along
with the input response to an increase in outputs (if the production of
all outputs in an activity increases by a fixed amount, then the input level
required by the process must increase by the same amount);
c) additive, e.g. if two activities are used simultaneously, the final quantities
of inputs and outputs will be the arithmetic sums of the quantities which
would result if these activities were operated separately. Moreover, the
total cost figure resulting from all output activities equals the sum of
the costs from each individual activity; and
d) finite – the number of output activities or processes available for use dur-
ing any production period is limited.
6) All structural relations exhibit direct proportionality – the objective func-
tion and all constraints are linear; unit cost and the fixed-output per unit of
1 Introduction 7
input values for each activity are directly proportional to the level of oper-
ation of the activity. (Thus marginal cost equals average cost.)
7) The firm’s objective is to minimize total cost subject to a set of structural
activities, fixed output quotas, and nonnegativity restrictions on the activity
levels. This objective is also accomplished in two stages, i.e. in stage one a
technical optimization problem is solved in that the firm chooses a set of out-
put activities which yield the maximum amounts of the various outputs per
unit of the primary factors. Second, the firm solves the indicated constrained
minimization problem.
8) The short-run prevails in that the firm’s minimum output requirements are
fixed in quantity.
For the type of output activities just described, no output substitution is possi-
ble; producing more of one output and less of another is not technologically
feasible, i.e. the outputs are perfectly complementary or limitational in that
they must all change together.
As an example of the type of model just described, let us assume that a firm
employs three grades of the primary input labor (denoted x1, x2, and x3) to pro-
duce four separate products: chairs, benches, tables, and stools. The set of out-
put–input coefficients (expressed in units of output per man-hour) which
describe the firm’s technology appears in Table 1.2. (Here each of the three col-
umns depicts a separate output activity.) Additionally, output quotas exist with
respect to each of the four products in that lower limits on the number of units
produced must not be violated, i.e. per production run, the firm must produce at
least eight chairs, four benches, two tables, and eight stools. Finally, the unit cost
coefficients for the labor grades x1, x2, and x3 are $8.50, $9.75, and $9.08, respec-
tively. (Each of these latter figures depicts unit primary resource cost plus unit
Grades of Labor
x1 x2 x3 Outputs
1 1 1
Chairs
16 14 18
1 1 1
Benches
4 4 6
1 1 1
Tables
20 25 30
1 1 1
Stools
4 3 6
Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
one Mirza Abú Tálib Khán, an Amildár or revenue collector, after
living two years in London, wrote an “apology” for, or rather a
vindication of, his countrywomen which is still worth reading and
quoting.[343] Nations are but superficial judges of one another: where
customs differ they often remark only the salient distinctive points
which, when examined, prove to be of minor importance. Europeans
seeing and hearing that women in the East are “cloistered” as the
Grecian matron was wont ἔνδον μένειν and οἰκουρεῖν; that wives
may not walk out with their husbands and cannot accompany them
to “balls and parties”; moreover, that they are always liable, like the
ancient Hebrew, to the mortification of the “sister-wife,” have most
ignorantly determined that they are mere serviles and that their lives
are not worth living. Indeed, a learned lady, Miss Martineau, once
visiting a Harem went into ectasies of pity and sorrow because the
poor things knew nothing of—say trigonometry and the use of the
globes. Sonnini thought otherwise, and my experience, like that of
all old dwellers in the East, is directly opposed to this conclusion.
I have noted (Night cmlxii.) that Mohammed, in the fifth year of his
reign,[344] after his ill-advised and scandalous marriage[345] with his
foster-daughter Zaynab, established the Hijáb or veiling of women. It
was probably an exaggeration of local usage: a modified separation
of the sexes, which extended and still extends even to the Badawi,
must long have been customary in Arabian cities, and its object was
to deliver the sexes from temptation, as the Koran says (xxxii. 32),
“purer will this (practice) be for your hearts and their hearts.”[346]
The women, who delight in restrictions which tend to their honour,
accepted it willingly and still affect it; they do not desire a liberty or
rather a licence which they have learned to regard as inconsistent
with their time-honoured notions of feminine decorum and delicacy,
and they would think very meanly of a husband who permitted them
to be exposed, like hetairæ, to the public gaze.[347] As Zubayr Pasha,
exiled to Gibraltar for another’s treason, said to my friend, Colonel
Buckle, after visiting quarters evidently laid out by a jealous
husband, “We Arabs think that when a man has a precious jewel, ’tis
wiser to lock it up in a box than to leave it about for anyone to take.”
The Eastern adopts the instinctive, the Western prefers the rational
method. The former jealously guards his treasure, surrounds it with
all precautions, fends off from it all risks and if the treasure go
astray, kills it. The latter, after placing it en evidence upon an
eminence in ball dress with back and bosom bared to the gaze of
society, a bundle of charms exposed to every possible seduction,
allows it to take its own way, and if it be misled, he kills or tries to
kill the misleader. It is a fiery trial; and the few who safely pass
through it may claim a higher standpoint in the moral world than
those who have never been sorely tried. But the crucial question is
whether Christian Europe has done wisely in offering such
temptations.
The second and main objection to Moslem custom is the marriage-
system which begins with a girl being wedded to a man whom she
knows only by hearsay. This was the habit of our forbears not many
generations ago, and it still prevails amongst noble houses in
Southern Europe, where a lengthened study of it leaves me doubtful
whether the “love-marriage,” as it is called, or wedlock with an utter
stranger, evidently the two extremes, is likely to prove the happier.
The “sister-wife” is or would be a sore trial to monogamic races like
those of Northern Europe, where Caia, all but the equal of Caius in
most points mental and physical and superior in some, not
unfrequently proves herself the “man of the family,” the “only man in
the boat.” But in the East, where the sex is far more delicate, where
a girl is brought up in polygamy, where religious reasons separate
her from her husband, during pregnancy and lactation, for three
successive years; and where often enough like the Mormon damsel
she would hesitate to “nigger it with a one-wife-man,” the case
assumes a very different aspect and the load, if burden it be, falls
comparatively light. Lastly, the “patriarchal household” is mostly
confined to the grandee and the richard, whilst Holy Law and public
opinion, neither of which can openly be disregarded, assign
command of the household to the equal or first wife and jealously
guard the rights and privileges of the others.
Mirza Abu Talib “the Persian Prince”[348] offers six reasons why “the
liberty of the Asiatic women appears less than that of the
Europeans,” ending with,
I’ll fondly place on either eye
The man that can to this reply.
He then lays down eight points in which the Moslem wife has greatly
the advantage over her Christian sisterhood; and we may take his
first as a specimen. Custom, not contrary to law, invests the
Mohammedan mother with despotic government of the homestead,
slaves, servants and children, especially the latter: she alone directs
their early education, their choice of faith, their marriage and their
establishment in life; and in case of divorce she takes the daughters,
the sons going to the sire. She has also liberty to leave her home,
not only for one or two nights, but for a week or a fortnight, without
consulting her husband; and whilst she visits a strange household,
the master and all males above fifteen are forbidden the Harem. But
the main point in favour of the Moslem wife is her being a “legal
sharer”: inheritance is secured to her by Koranic law; she must be
dowered by the bridegroom to legalise marriage and all she gains is
secured to her; whereas in England a “Married Woman’s Property
Act” was completed only in 1882 after many centuries of the
grossest abuses.
Lastly, Moslems and Easterns in general study and intelligently study
the art and mystery of satisfying the physical woman. In my
Foreword I have noticed among barbarians the system of “making
men”[349] that is, of teaching lads first arrived at puberty the nice
conduct of the instrumentum paratum plantandis civibus; a branch
of the knowledge-tree which our modern education grossly neglects,
thereby entailing untold miseries upon individuals, families and
generations. The mock virtue, the most immodest modesty of
England and of the United States in the xixth century, pronounces the
subject foul and fulsome: “Society” sickens at all details; and hence
it is said abroad that the English have the finest women in Europe
and least know how to use them. Throughout the East such studies
are aided by a long series of volumes, many of them written by
learned physiologists, by men of social standing and by religious
dignitaries high in office. The Egyptians especially delight in
aphrodisiac literature treating, as the Turks say, de la partie au-
dessous de la taille; and from fifteen hundred to two thousand
copies of a new work, usually lithographed in cheap form, readily sell
off. The pudibund Lane makes allusion to and quotes (A. N. i. 216)
one of the most outspoken, a 4to of 464 pages, called the Halbat al-
Kumayt or “Race-Course of the Bay Horse,” a poetical and horsey
term for grape-wine. Attributed by D’Herbelot to the Kazi Shams al-
Din Mohammed, it is wholly upon the subject of wassail and women
till the last few pages, when his reverence exclaims:—“This much, O
reader, I have recounted, the better thou mayst know what to
avoid;” and so forth, ending with condemning all he had praised.[350]
Even the divine and historian Jalál al-Dín al-Siyuti is credited with
having written, though the authorship is much disputed, a work
entitled, “Kitáb al-Ízáh fi ’ilm al-Nikáh” = The Book of Exposition in
the Science of Coition: my copy, a lithograph of 33 pages, undated,
but evidently Cairene, begins with exclaiming “Alhamdolillah—Laud
to the Lord who adorned the virginal bosom with breasts and who
made the thighs of women anvils for the spear-handles of men!” To
the same amiable theologian are also ascribed the “Kitáb Nawázir al-
Ayk fi al-Nayk” = Green Splendours of the Copse in Copulation, an
abstract of the Kitáb al-Wisháh fí fawáid al-Nikáh = Book of the Zone
on Coitionboon. Of the abundance of pornographic literature we may
judge from a list of the following seven works given in the second
page of the “Kitáb Rujú’a al-Shaykh ila Sabáh fi ’l-Kuwwat al-Báh”[351]
= Book of Age-rejuvenescence in the power of Concupiscence: it is
the work of Ahmad bin Sulayman, surnamed Ibn Kamál Pasha.
1. Kitáb al-Báh by Al-Nahli.
2. Kitáb al-’Ars wa al-’Aráis (Book of the Bridal and the Brides) by Al-Jáhiz.
3. Kitáb al-Kiyán (Maiden’s Book) by Ibn Hájib al-Nu’mán.
4. Kitáb al-Ízáh fí asrár al-Nikáh (Book of the Exposition on the Mysteries of
married Fruition).
5. Kitáb Jámi’ al-Lizzah (The Compendium of Pleasure) by Ibn Samsamáni.
6. Kitáb Barján (Yarján?) wa Janáhib (??)[352]
7. Kitáb al-Munákahah wa al-Mufátahah fí Asnáf al-Jimá’ wa Álátih (Book of Carnal
Copulation and the Initiation into the modes of Coition and its Instrumentation),
by Aziz al-Din al-Masíhí.[353]
To these I may add the Lizzat al-Nisá (Pleasures of Women), a text-
book in Arabic, Persian and Hindostani: it is a translation and a very
poor attempt, omitting much from, and adding naught to, the
famous Sanskrit work Ananga-Ranga (Stage of the Bodiless One i.e.
Cupido) or Hindu Art of Love (Ars Amoris Indica).[354] I have copies
of it in Sanskrit and Maráthi, Guzrati and Hindostani: the latter is an
unpaged 8vo of p. 66, including eight pages of most grotesque
illustrations showing the various Ásan (the Figuræ Veneris or
positions of copulation), which seem to be the triumphs of
contortionists. These pamphlets lithographed in Bombay are broad
cast over the land.[355]
It must not be supposed that such literature is purely and simply
aphrodisiacal. The learned Sprenger, a physician as well as an
Arabist, says (Al-Mas’údi p. 384) of a tractate by the celebrated
Rhazes in the Leyden Library “The number of curious observations,
the correct and practical ideas and the novelty of the notions of
Eastern nations on these subjects, which are contained in this book,
render it one of the most important productions of the medical
literature of the Arabs.” I can conscientiously recommend to the
Anthropologist a study of the “Kutub al-Báh.”
C.—Pornography.
D.—Pederasty.
The only physical cause for the practice which suggests itself to me
and that must be owned to be purely conjectural, is that within the
Sotadic Zone there is a blending of the masculine and feminine
temperaments, a crasis which elsewhere occurs only sporadically.
Hence the male féminisme whereby the man becomes patiens as
well as agens, and the woman a tribade, a votary of mascula
Sappho,[364] Queen of Frictrices or Rubbers.[365] Prof. Mantegazza
claims to have discovered the cause of this pathological love, this
perversion of the erotic sense, one of the marvellous list of amorous
vagaries which deserve, not prosecution but the pitiful care of the
physician and the study of the psychologist. According to him the
nerves of the rectum and the genitalia, in all cases closely
connected, are abnormally so in the pathic who obtains, by
intromission, the venereal orgasm which is usually sought through
the sexual organs. So amongst women there are tribads who can
procure no pleasure except by foreign objects introduced a
posteriori. Hence his threefold distribution of sodomy; (1) Peripheric
or anatomical, caused by an unusual distribution of the nerves and
their hyperæsthesia; (2) Luxurious, when love a tergo is preferred
on account of the narrowness of the passage; and (3) the Psychical.
But this is evidently superficial: the question is what causes this
neuropathy, this abnormal distribution and condition of the nerves.
[366]
Julius Firmicus relates that “The Assyrians and part of the Africans”
(along the Mediterranean seaboard?) “hold Air to be the chief
element and adore its fanciful figure (imaginata figura), consecrated
under the name of Juno or the Virgin Venus. * * * Their companies
of priests cannot duly serve her unless they effeminate their faces,
smooth their skins and disgrace their masculine sex by feminine
ornaments. You may see men in their very temples amid general
groans enduring miserable dalliance and becoming passives like
women (viros muliebria pati) and they expose, with boasting and
ostentation, the pollution of the impure and immodest body.” Here
we find the religious significance of eunuchry. It was practised as a
religious rite by the Tympanotribas or Gallus,[388] the castrated votary
of Rhea or Bona Mater, in Phrygia called Cybele, self-mutilated but
not in memory of Atys; and by a host of other creeds: even
Christianity, as sundry texts show,[389] could not altogether cast out
the old possession. Here too we have an explanation of Sotadic love
in its second stage, when it became, like cannibalism, a matter of
superstition. Assuming a nature-implanted tendency, we see that like
human sacrifice it was held to be the most acceptable offering to the
God-goddess in the Orgia or sacred ceremonies, a something set
apart for peculiar worship. Hence in Rome as in Egypt the temples of
Isis (Inachidos limina, Isiacæ sacraria Lunæ) were centres of
sodomy and the religious practice was adopted by the grand priestly
castes from Mesopotamia to Mexico and Peru.
We find the earliest written notices of the Vice in the mythical
destruction of the Pentapolis (Gen. xix.), Sodom, Gomorrah (=
’Ámirah, the cultivated country), Adama, Zeboïm and Zoar or Bela.
The legend has been amply embroidered by the Rabbis who make
the Sodomites do everything à l’envers: e.g. if a man were wounded
he was fined for bloodshed and was compelled to fee the offender;
and if one cut off the ear of a neighbour’s ass he was condemned to
keep the animal till the ear grew again. The Jewish doctors declare
the people to have been a race of sharpers with rogues for
magistrates, and thus they justify the judgment which they read
literally. But the traveller cannot accept it. I have carefully examined
the lands at the North and at the South of that most beautiful lake,
the so-called Dead Sea, whose tranquil loveliness, backed by the
grand plateau of Moab, is an object of admiration to all save patients
suffering from the strange disease “Holy Land on the Brain.”[390] But I
found no traces of craters in the neighbourhood, no signs of
vulcanism, no remains of “meteoric stones”: the asphalt which
named the water is a mineralised vegetable washed out of the
limestones, and the sulphur and salt are brought down by the
Jordan into a lake without issue. I must therefore look upon the
history as a myth which may have served a double purpose. The first
would be to deter the Jew from the Malthusian practices of his
pagan predecessors, upon whom obloquy was thus cast, so far
resembling the scandalous and absurd legend which explained the
names of the children of Lot by Pheiné and Thamma as “Moab” (Mu-
ab) the water or semen of the father, and “Ammon” as mother’s son,
that is, bastard. The fable would also account for the abnormal
fissure containing the lower Jordan and the Dead Sea, which the late
Sir R. I. Murchison used wrong-headedly to call a “Volcano of
Depression”: this geological feature, that cuts off the river-basin
from its natural outlet the Gulf of Eloth (Akabah), must date from
myriads of years before there were “Cities of the Plains.” But the
main object of the ancient lawgiver, Osarsiph, Moses or the
Moseidæ, was doubtless to discountenance a perversion prejudicial
to the increase of population. And he speaks with no uncertain
voice, Whoso lieth with a beast shall surely be put to death (Exod.
xxii. 19): If a man lie with mankind as he lieth with a woman, both
of them have committed an abomination: they shall surely be put to
death; their blood shall be upon them (Levit. xx. 13; where v.v. 15–
16 threaten with death man and woman who lie with beasts). Again,
There shall be no whore of the daughters of Israel nor a sodomite of
the sons of Israel (Deut. xxii. 5).
The old commentators on the Sodom-myth are most unsatisfactory
e.g. Parkhurst, s.v. Kadesh. “From hence we may observe the
peculiar propriety of this punishment of Sodom and of the
neighbouring cities. By their sodomitical impurities they meant to
acknowledge the Heavens as the cause of fruitfulness independently
upon, and in opposition to Jehovah[391]; therefore Jehovah, by
raining upon them not genial showers but brimstone from heaven,
not only destroyed the inhabitants, but also changed all that country,
which was before as the garden of God, into brimstone and salt that
is not sown nor beareth, neither any grass groweth therein.” It must
be owned that to this Pentapolis was dealt very hard measure for
religiously and diligently practising a popular rite which a host of
cities even in the present day, as Naples and Shiraz, to mention no
others, affect for simple luxury and affect with impunity. The myth
may probably reduce itself to very small proportions, a few Fellah
villages destroyed by a storm, like that which drove Brennus from
Delphi.
The Hebrews entering Syria found it religionised by Assyria and
Babylonia, whence Accadian Ishtar had passed west and had
become Ashtoreth, Ashtaroth or Ashirah,[392] the Anaitis of Armenia,
the Phœnician Astarte and the Greek Aphrodite, the great Moon-
goddess,[393] who is queen of Heaven and Love. In another phase
she was Venus Mylitta = the Procreatrix, in Chaldaic Mauludatá and
in Arabic Moawallidah, she who bringeth forth. She was worshipped
by men habited as women and vice versâ; for which reason in the
Torah (Deut. xx. 5) the sexes are forbidden to change dress. The
male prostitutes were called Kadesh the holy, the women being
Kadeshah, and doubtless gave themselves up to great excesses.
Eusebius (De bit. Const. iii. c. 55) describes a school of impurity at
Aphac, where women and “men who were not men” practised all
manner of abominations in honour of the Demon (Venus). Here the
Phrygian symbolism of Kybele and Attis (Atys) had become the
Syrian Ba’al Tammuz and Astarte, and the Grecian Dionæa and
Adonis, the anthropomorphic forms of the two greater lights. The
site, Apheca, now Wady al-Afik on the route from Bayrut to the
Cedars, is a glen of wild and wondrous beauty, fitting frame-work for
the loves of goddess and demigod: and the ruins of the temple
destroyed by Constantine contrast with Nature’s work, the glorious
fountain, splendidior vitro, which feeds the River Ibrahim and still at
times Adonis runs purple to the sea.[394]
The Phœnicians spread this androgynic worship over Greece. We
find the consecrated servants and votaries of Corinthian Aphrodite
called Hierodouli (Strabo viii. 6), who aided the ten thousand
courtesans in gracing the Venus-temple: from this excessive luxury
arose the proverb popularised by Horace. One of the head-quarters
of the cult was Cyprus where, as Servius relates (Ad Æn. ii. 632),
stood the simulacre of a bearded Aphrodite with feminine body and
costume, sceptered and mitred like a man. The sexes when
worshipping it exchanged habits and here the virginity was offered in
sacrifice: Herodotus (i. c. 199) describes this defloration at Babylon
but sees only the shameful part of the custom which was a mere
consecration of a tribal rite. Everywhere girls before marriage belong
either to the father or to the clan and thus the maiden paid the debt
due to the public before becoming private property as a wife. The
same usage prevailed in ancient Armenia and in parts of Ethiopia;
and Herodotus tells us that a practice very much like the Babylonian
“is found also in certain parts of the Island of Cyprus:” it is noticed
by Justin (xviii. c. 5) and probably it explains the “Succoth Benoth”
or Damsels’ booths which the Babylonians transplanted to the cities
of Samaria.[395] The Jews seem very successfully to have copied the
abominations of their pagan neighbours, even in the matter of the
“dog.”[396] In the reign of wicked Rehoboam (B.C. 975) “There were
also sodomites in the land and they did according to all the
abominations of the nations which the Lord cast out before the
children of Israel” (1 Kings xiv. 20). The scandal was abated by
zealous King Asa (B.C. 958) whose grandmother[397] was high-
priestess of Priapus (princeps in sacris Priapi): he “took away the
sodomites out of the land” (1 Kings xv. 12). Yet the prophets were
loud in their complaints, especially the so-called Isaiah (B.C. 760),
“except the Lord of Hosts had left to us a very small remnant, we
should have been as Sodom” (i. 9); and strong measures were
required from good King Josiah (B.C. 641) who amongst other
things, “brake down the houses of the sodomites that were by the
house of the Lord, where the women wove hangings for the grove”
(2 Kings xxiii. 7). The bordels of boys (pueris alienis adhæseverunt)
appear to have been near the Temple.
Syria has not forgotten her old “praxis.” At Damascus I found some
noteworthy cases amongst the religious of the great Amawi Mosque.
As for the Druses we have Burckhardt’s authority (Travels in Syria,
etc., p. 202) “unnatural propensities are very common amongst
them.”
The Sotadic Zone covers the whole of Asia Minor and Mesopotamia
now occupied by the “unspeakable Turk,” a race of born pederasts;
and in the former region we first notice a peculiarity of the feminine
figure, the mammæ inclinatæ, jacentes et pannosæ, which prevails
over all this part of the belt. Whilst the women to the North and
South have, with local exceptions, the mammæ stantes of the
European virgin,[398] those of Turkey, Persia, Afghanistan and
Kashmir lose all the fine curves of the bosom, sometimes even
before the first child; and after it the hemispheres take the form of
bags. This cannot result from climate only; the women of Marathá-
land, inhabiting a damper and hotter region than Kashmir, are noted
for fine firm breasts even after parturition. Le Vice of course prevails
more in the cities and towns of Asiatic Turkey than in the villages;
yet even these are infected; while the nomad Turcomans contrast
badly in this point with the Gypsies, those Badawin of India. The
Kurd population is of Iranian origin, which means that the evil is
deeply rooted: I have noted in The Nights that the great and
glorious Saladin was a habitual pederast. The Armenians, as their
national character is, will prostitute themselves for gain but prefer
women to boys: Georgia supplied Turkey with catamites whilst
Circassia sent concubines. In Mesopotamia the barbarous invader
has almost obliterated the ancient civilisation which is ante-dated
only by the Nilotic: the mysteries of old Babylon nowhere survive
save in certain obscure tribes like the Mandæans, the Devil-
worshippers and the Alí-iláhi. Entering Persia we find the reverse of
Armenia; and, despite Herodotus, I believe that Iran borrowed her
pathologic love from the peoples of the Tigris-Euphrates Valley and
not from the then insignificant Greeks. But whatever may be its
origin, the corruption is now bred in the bone. It begins in boyhood
and many Persians account for it by paternal severity. Youths arrived
at puberty find none of the facilities with which Europe supplies
fornication. Onanism[399] is to a certain extent discouraged by
circumcision, and meddling with the father’s slave-girls and
concubines would be risking cruel punishment if not death. Hence
they use each other by turns, a “puerile practice” known as Alish-
Takish, the Lat. facere vicibus or mutuum facere. Temperament,
media, and atavism recommend the custom to the general; and
after marrying and begetting heirs, Paterfamilias returns to the
Ganymede. Hence all the odes of Hafiz are addressed to youths, as
proved by such Arabic exclamations as ’Afáka ’llah = Allah assain
thee (masculine)[400]: the object is often fanciful but it would be held
coarse and immodest to address an imaginary girl.[401] An illustration
of the penchant is told at Shiraz concerning a certain Mujtahid, the
head of the Shi’ah creed, corresponding with a prince-archbishop in
Europe. A friend once said to him, “There is a question I would fain
address to your Eminence but I lack the daring to do so.” “Ask and
fear not,” replied the Divine. “It is this, O Mujtahid! Figure thee in a
garden of roses and hyacinths with the evening breeze waving the
cypress-heads, a fair youth of twenty sitting by thy side and the
assurance of perfect privacy. What, prithee, would be the result?”
The holy man bowed the chin of doubt upon the collar of
meditation; and, too honest to lie, presently whispered, “Allah
defend me from such temptation of Satan!” Yet even in Persia men
have not been wanting who have done their utmost to uproot the
Vice: in the same Shiraz they speak of a father who, finding his son
in flagrant delict, put him to death like Brutus or Lynch of Galway.
Such isolated cases, however, can effect nothing. Chardin tells us
that houses of male prostitution were common in Persia whilst those
of women were unknown: the same is the case in the present day
and the boys are prepared with extreme care by diet, baths,
depilation, unguents and a host of artists in cosmetics.[402] Le Vice is
looked upon at most as a peccadillo and its mention crops up in
every jest-book. When the Isfahan man mocked Shaykh Sa’adi by
comparing the bald pates of Shirazian elders to the bottom of a lotá,
a brass cup with a wide-necked opening used in the Hammam, the
witty poet turned its aperture upwards and thereto likened the well-
abused podex of an Isfahani youth. Another favourite piece of
Shirazian “chaff” is to declare that when an Isfahan father would set
up his son in business he provides him with a pound of rice,
meaning that he can sell the result as compost for the kitchen-
garden, and with the price buy another meal: hence the saying
Khakh-i-pái káhú = the soil at the lettuce-root. The Isfahanis retort
with the name of a station or halting-place between the two cities
where, under pretence of making travellers stow away their riding-
gear, many a Shirázi had been raped: hence “Zín o takaltú tú bi-bar”
= carry within saddle and saddle-cloth! A favourite Persian
punishment for strangers caught in the Harem or Gynæceum is to
strip and throw them and expose them to the embraces of the
grooms and negro-slaves. I once asked a Shirazi how penetration
was possible if the patient resisted with all the force of the sphincter
muscle: he smiled and said, “Ah, we Persians know a trick to get
over that; we apply a sharpened tent-peg to the crupper-bone (os
coccygis) and knock till he opens.” A well-known missionary to the
East during the last generation was subjected to this gross insult by
one of the Persian Prince-governors, whom he had infuriated by his
conversion-mania: in his memoirs he alludes to it by mentioning his
“dishonoured person;” but English readers cannot comprehend the
full significance of the confession. About the same time Shaykh Nasr,
Governor of Bushire, a man famed for facetious blackguardism, used
to invite European youngsters serving in the Bombay Marine and ply
them with liquor till they were insensible. Next morning the middies
mostly complained that the champagne had caused a curious
irritation and soreness in la parte-poste. The same Eastern “Scrogin”
would ask his guests if they had ever seen a man-cannon (Ádami-
top); and, on their replying in the negative, a grey-beard slave was
dragged in blaspheming and struggling with all his strength. He was
presently placed on all fours and firmly held by the extremities; his
bag-trousers were let down and a dozen peppercorns were inserted
ano suo: the target was a sheet of paper held at a reasonable
distance; the match was applied by a pinch of cayenne in the
nostrils; the sneeze started the grapeshot and the number of hits on
the butt decided the bets. We can hardly wonder at the loose
conduct of Persian women perpetually mortified by marital
pederasty. During the unhappy campaign of 1856–57 in which, with
the exception of a few brilliant skirmishes, we gained no glory, Sir
James Outram and the Bombay army showing how badly they could
work, there was a formal outburst of the Harems; and even women
of princely birth could not be kept out of the officers’ quarters.
The cities of Afghanistan and Sind are thoroughly saturated with
Persian vice, and the people sing
Kadr-i-kus Aughán dánad, kadr-i-kunrá Kábuli:
The worth of coynte the Afghan knows: Cabul prefers the other chose![403]
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