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Python Data Analysis
Third Edition
Copyright © 2021 Packt Publishing
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Contributors
Ivan Idris has an MSc in experimental physics. His graduation thesis had a strong
emphasis on applied computer science. After graduating, he worked for several companies
as a Java developer, data warehouse developer, and QA analyst. His main professional
interests are business intelligence, big data, and cloud computing. Ivan Idris enjoys writing
clean, testable code and interesting technical articles. Ivan Idris is the author of NumPy 1.5
Beginner's Guide and NumPy Cookbook by Packt Publishing. You can find more information
and a blog with a few NumPy examples at ivanidris.net.
About the reviewers
Greg Walters has been involved with computers and computer programming since 1972.
He is well versed in Visual Basic, Visual Basic .NET, Python, and SQL and is an
accomplished user of MySQL, SQLite, Microsoft SQL Server, Oracle, C++, Delphi,
Modula-2, Pascal, C, 80x86 Assembler, COBOL, and Fortran. He is a programming trainer
and has trained numerous people on many pieces of computer software, including MySQL,
Open Database Connectivity, Quattro Pro, Corel Draw!, Paradox, Microsoft Word, Excel,
DOS, Windows 3.11, Windows for Workgroups, Windows 95, Windows NT, Windows
2000, Windows XP, and Linux. He is semi-retired and has written over 100 articles for Full
Circle Magazine. He is also a musician and loves to cook. He is open to working as a
freelancer on various projects.
dtype constructors 47
dtype attributes 47
Manipulating array shapes 48
The stacking of NumPy arrays 50
Partitioning NumPy arrays 53
Changing the data type of NumPy arrays 55
Creating NumPy views and copies 56
Slicing NumPy arrays 58
Boolean and fancy indexing 60
Broadcasting arrays 61
Creating pandas DataFrames 63
Understanding pandas Series 65
Reading and querying the Quandl data 68
Describing pandas DataFrames 72
Grouping and joining pandas DataFrame 75
Working with missing values 79
Creating pivot tables 81
Dealing with dates 83
Summary 85
References 85
Chapter 3: Statistics 86
Technical requirements 87
Understanding attributes and their types 87
Types of attributes 87
Discrete and continuous attributes 89
Measuring central tendency 89
Mean 89
Mode 90
Median 91
Measuring dispersion 91
Skewness and kurtosis 95
Understanding relationships using covariance and correlation
coefficients 96
Pearson's correlation coefficient 97
Spearman's rank correlation coefficient 98
Kendall's rank correlation coefficient 98
Central limit theorem 98
Collecting samples 100
Performing parametric tests 101
Performing non-parametric tests 107
Summary 113
Chapter 4: Linear Algebra 114
[ ii ]
Table of Contents
[ iii ]
Table of Contents
[ iv ]
Table of Contents
[v]
Table of Contents
[ vi ]
Table of Contents
[ vii ]
Table of Contents
[ viii ]
Preface
Data analysis enables you to generate value from small and big data by discovering new
patterns and trends, and Python is one of the most popular tools for analyzing a wide
variety of data. With this book, you'll get up and running with using Python for data
analysis by exploring the different phases and methodologies used in data analysis, and
you'll learn how to use modern libraries from the Python ecosystem to create efficient data
pipelines.
Starting with the essential statistical and data analysis fundamentals using Python, you'll
perform complex data analysis and modeling, data manipulation, data cleaning, and data
visualization using easy-to-follow examples. You'll then learn how to conduct time series
analysis and signal processing using ARMA models. As you advance, you'll get to grips
with smart processing and data analytics using machine learning algorithms such as
regression, classification, Principal Component Analysis (PCA), and clustering. In the
concluding chapters, you'll work on real-world examples to analyze textual and image data
using natural language processing (NLP) and image analytics techniques, respectively.
Finally, the book will demonstrate parallel computing using Dask.
By the end of this data analysis book, you'll be equipped with the skills you need to prepare
data for analysis and create meaningful data visualizations in order to forecast values from
data.
Chapter 2, NumPy and Pandas, introduces NumPy and Pandas. This chapter provides a
basic overview of NumPy arrays, Pandas DataFrames, and their associated functions.
Chapter 4, Linear Algebra, gives a quick overview of linear algebra and its associated
NumPy and SciPy functions.
Chapter 5, Data Visualization, introduces us to the matplotlib, seaborn, Pandas plotting, and
bokeh visualization libraries.
Chapter 6, Retrieving, Processing, and Storing Data, explains how to read and write various
data formats, such as CSV, Excel, JSON, HTML, and Parquet. Also, we will discuss how to
acquire data from relational and NoSQL databases.
Chapter 7, Cleaning Messy Data, explains how to preprocess raw data and perform feature
engineering.
Chapter 8, Signal Processing and Time Series, contains time series and signal processing
examples using sales, beer production, and sunspot cycle dataset. In this chapter, we will
mostly use NumPy, SciPy, and statsmodels.
Chapter 9, Supervised Learning – Regression Analysis, explains linear regression and logistic
regression in detail with suitable examples using the scikit-learn library.
Chapter 11, Unsupervised Learning – PCA and Clustering, gives a detailed discussion on
dimensionality reduction and clustering techniques. Also, we will evaluate the clustering
performance.
Chapter 12, Analyzing Textual Data, gives a quick overview of text preprocessing, feature
engineering, sentiment analysis, and text similarity. This chapter mostly uses the NLTK,
SpaCy, and scikit-learn libraries.
Chapter 13, Analyzing Image Data, gives a quick overview of image processing operations
using OpenCV. Also, we will discuss face detection.
Chapter 14, Parallel Computing Using Dask, explains how to perform data preprocessing
and machine learning modeling in parallel using Dask.
[2]
Preface
We can also install any library or package that you want to explore using the pip
command. We need to run the following command with admin privileges:
$ pip install <library name>
We can also install it from our Jupyter Notebook with ! (exclamation mark) before the pip
command:
!pip install <library name>
To uninstall a Python library or package installed with pip, use the following command:
$ pip uninstall <library name>
If you are using the digital version of this book, we advise you to type the code yourself
or access the code via the GitHub repository (link available in the next section). Doing so
will help you avoid any potential errors related to the copying and pasting of code.
We also have other code bundles from our rich catalog of books and videos available
at https://github.com/PacktPublishing/. Check them out!
[3]
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taken by strange Negroes who were compelled to live in hovels and
who were used to keep down wages."
In May, 1917, a strike followed demands which had been made upon
the Aluminum Ore Company by the "Aluminum Ore Employees'
Protective Association." These related to alleged injustices and
discriminations said to have been practiced against the employees.
The company failed to comply with these demands, and a thousand
white workers struck.
Closely related to this situation was a notice sent to the delegates of
the Central Trades Labor Union by the secretary of the Union, dated
May 23, which declared that the immigration of the southern Negro
had reached a point where "drastic action must be taken if we
intend to work and to live peaceably in this community." This notice
declared that these men were being used "to the detriment of our
white citizens by some of the capitalists and a few real estate
owners." It called a meeting to present to the mayor and city council
a demand for action to "retard this growing menace, and also devise
a way to get rid of a certain portion of those who are already here."
The notice read further: "This is not a protest against the Negro who
has long been a resident of East St. Louis, and is a law abiding
citizen."
This meeting was held on May 28 in the auditorium of the city hall
and was attended not only by the labor men but also by a large
number of other persons. The Congressional Committee refers to
one of the speakers at this meeting as "an attorney of some ability
and no character." The report of the Committee says that he virtually
advised the killing of Negroes and burning of their homes. The
report says further:
He was not authorized to speak for those who went there to protest
against the lawlessness which disgraced the city and the presence of
thousands of Negroes who it is claimed were taking the places of the
white workmen, but his inflammatory speech caused many of his
hearers to rush into the street and to resort to acts of violence.... He
was in full sympathy with the action of the mob. They followed his
advice and the scenes of murder and arson that ensued were the
logical result of his utterances.
That night, May 28, following the meeting, a crowd of white people
assembled in front of the police station and clamored for Negro
prisoners. A rumor circulated through the crowd that a white man
had just been killed by Negroes, and parts of the crowd left, forming
a mob which severely beat a number of Negroes whom it met. The
situation was so serious that the mayor called for troops. The trouble
subsided, however. It is important to note that from this time until
the riot of July 1-2, no effort was made to strengthen the police
force nor were any other steps taken to control the situation.
In connection with the industrial phase of the situation, it should be
remembered that the war had cut off the normal supply of foreign
labor, and that not a few white workers had left East St. Louis for
other industrial centers. Most of the Negro migrants were unskilled
workers, and their competition was, therefore, with the unskilled
white workers. One witness before the Congressional Committee
expressed the view that the labor shortage in East St. Louis prior to
the riot certainly did not justify the great influx of Negroes, but it is
of record that most of the newcomers got profitable employment in
unskilled occupations.
The employers were fighting unions of any sort, whether of whites
or Negroes. Unions were seeking membership of Negroes as well as
whites in the hope that the use of Negroes as strike breakers might
be prevented. Whether union men or not, the white workers
resented the influx of Negro workers who might take their jobs. The
inevitable consequence was friction between whites and Negroes.
The Congressional Committee laid great stress upon corrupt politics
as the leading cause of the riots of July 2. It disclosed an almost
unbelievable combination of shameless corruption, tolerance of vice
and crime, maladministration, and debauchery of the courts. The
report says that East St. Louis for many years was a plague spot,
harboring within its borders "every offense in the calendar of crime"
and committing openly "every lapse in morals and public decency."
Politicians looted its treasury, gave away valuable franchises, and
elected plunderers to high office. Graft, collusion with crime and
vice, and desecration of office were openly and deliberately
practiced. Criminals were attracted and welcomed, and the good
people of the community were powerless. Owners of large
corporations and manufacturers pitted white against black labor,
giving no thought to their thousands of workmen living in hovels, the
victims of "poverty and disease, of long hours and incessant labor."
The mayor, continues the report, was a tool of dishonest politicians,
the electorate was "debauched," the police were a conscienceless
bunch of grafters, and the revenue of the city was largely derived
from saloons and dens of vice.
Several officials and politicians of high standing were singled out by
the Committee for especial condemnation as the "brains of the city's
corruption."
A great deal of the city's crime and vice was concentrated in what is
known as "Black Valley." This was the section in which the Negroes
lived, but much of the vice and crime was promoted and practiced
by vicious whites. There was much mixing of whites and Negroes in
the vilest practices.
Similar conditions existed in the town of Brooklyn near by, with
about 3,000 people, of whom only about fifty were white. Its dens of
iniquity were notorious and were the resort of many white people.
So openly operated were these resorts that the Congressional
Committee reported that in the Brooklyn high school "24 out of 25
girls who were in the graduating class went to the bad in the saloons
and dance halls and failed to receive their diplomas."
Not only were conditions of this sort demoralizing and degrading for
the decent Negroes, but the sanitary conditions were likewise
extremely bad. Some of the houses in the Negro districts had not
been painted for fifteen years and were in a state of great disrepair.
Their setting consisted largely of pools of stagnant water and beds
of weeds. At one period during the migration Negroes were coming
in so fast that even these miserable housing conditions were
inadequate, and some of them were forced to live in sheds. In one
instance sixty-nine newcomers were found living in one small house.
Whenever houses were vacated by white people and rented to
Negroes, the rental price was largely increased, sometimes doubled.
After reviewing the corruption in East St. Louis, the report of the
Congressional Committee discussed the riot. It described the
condition of affairs on the night of July 1, 1917, when the second
and most serious outbreak occurred. An automobile (some witnesses
said two) went through the Negro section of the city, its occupants
firing promiscuously into homes. This aroused fierce resentment
among the Negroes, who organized for defense and armed
themselves with guns. The ringing of the church bell, a prearranged
signal for assembling, drew a crowd of them, and they marched
through the streets ready to avenge the attack. A second automobile
filled with white men crossed their path. The Negroes cursed them,
commanded them to drive on, and fired a volley into the machine.
The occupants, however, were not the rioters but policemen and
reporters. One policeman was killed and another was so seriously
wounded that he died later.
Thousands viewed the riddled car standing before police
headquarters. The early editions of the newspapers gave full
accounts of the tragedy, and on July 2 the rioting began. Negro
mobs shot white men, and white men and boys, girls and women,
began to attack every Negro in sight. News spread rapidly and, as
excitement increased, unimaginable depredations and horrible
tortures were committed and viewed with "placid unconcern" by
hundreds. Negro men were stabbed, clubbed, and hanged from
telephone poles. Their homes were burned. Women and children
were not spared. An instance is given of a Negro child two years old
which was shot and thrown into a doorway of a burning building.
On the night of July 1, Mayor Mollman telephoned to the Adjutant
General of Illinois saying that the police were no longer able to
handle the situation and requesting that the militia be sent. Both the
police and the militia are severely censured by the Congressional
report for gross failure to do their duty. The police, says the report,
could have quelled the riot instantly, but instead they either "fled
into the safety of cowardly seclusion or listlessly watched the
depredations of the mob, passively and in many instances actively
sharing in the work."
In all, five companies of the Illinois National Guard were sent to East
St. Louis. Some of them arrived on the morning of July 2, the first at
8:40 a.m. These forces were in command of Colonel S. O. Tripp.
Concerning the conduct of the militia, the Congressional Committee
reported in strong terms, singling out Colonel Tripp for especial
condemnation. It said that he was a hindrance instead of a help to
the troops; that "he was ignorant of his duties, blind to his
responsibilities and deaf to every intelligent appeal that was made to
him."
The troops, in the estimation of the Committee, were poorly
officered and in only a few cases did their duty. The report states
that "they seemed moved by the same spirit of indifference or
cowardice that marked the conduct of the police force. As a rule
they fraternized with the mob, joked with them and made no serious
effort to restrain them."
Many instances are given of active participation and encouragement
of the mob in its murders, arson, and general destruction.
The only redeeming feature of the activities of the militia, according
to the Congressional Committee, was "the conduct, bravery, and skill
of the officer second in command, whose promptness and
determination prevented the mob from committing many more
atrocities."
By eight o'clock of the evening of July 2 there were seventeen
officers and 270 men on duty, and by July 4 the force had increased
to thirty-seven officers and 1,411 men. On the evening of July 2 the
fury of the mob had spent itself, and the riot subsided.
The behavior of the troops was condemned not only by the
Congressional Committee but by citizens generally, and a special
inquiry was made into their conduct by the Military and Naval
Department of the State of Illinois. Witnesses to dereliction on duty
on the part of the soldiers were examined and commanding officers
of troops were asked to testify and explain specific acts of violence
and neglect of duty. In all seventy-nine persons were examined.
Although the charges against the soldiers in a large number of cases
were serious and sufficient to warrant the criticism which they
received, identification of individuals guilty of these acts was difficult.
This probably accounts for the fact that only seven court-martials
resulted from the inquiry. The commanding officer, though severely
censured by the Congressional Committee, was exonerated by this
inquiry.
CHAPTER III
I. INTRODUCTION
A. THE SOUTH
The boll weevil.—In 1915 and 1916 the boll weevil cotton pest so
ravaged sections of the South that thousands of farmers were
almost ruined. Cotton crops were lost, and the farmers were forced
to change from cotton to food products. The growing of cotton
requires about thirty times as many "hands" as food products. As a
result many Negroes were thrown out of employment. The damage
wrought by the boll weevil was augmented by destructive storms
and floods, which not only affected crops but made the living
conditions of Negroes more miserable.
Lack of capital.—The "credit system" is a very convenient and
common practice in many parts of the South. Money is borrowed for
upkeep until the selling season, when it is repaid in one lump sum.
The succession of short crops and the destruction due to the boll
weevil and storms occasioned heavy demands for capital to carry
labor through the fall and early winter until a new crop could be
started. There was a shortage of capital, and as a result there was
little opportunity for work. During this period many white persons
migrated from sections of the South most seriously affected.
"Unsatisfactory" living conditions.—The plantation cabins and
segregated sections in cities where municipal laxity made home
surroundings undesirable have been stated as another contributing
cause of the movement.
Lack of school facilities.—The desire to place their children in good
schools was a reason often given by migrants with families for
leaving the South. School facilities are described as lamentably poor
even by southern whites. Perhaps the most thorough statement of
these conditions is given in a Study of Negro Education by Thomas
Jesse Jones, made under the direction of the federal Bureau of
Education, and comparing provisions for white and Negro children in
fifteen southern states and the District of Columbia. He states:
In the South they [Negroes] form 29.8 per cent of the total
population, the proportion in Mississippi and South Carolina being
over 55 per cent and ranging in the "black belt" counties from 50 to
90 per cent of the total population. Almost 3,000,000 are engaged in
agricultural pursuits. They form 40.4 per cent of all persons engaged
in these pursuits in the Southern States.
Though the United States census shows a decrease in illiteracy, there
are still about 2,225,000 Negroes illiterate in the South, or over 33 per
cent of the Negro population ten years of age and over.
TABLE III
White Colored
Total population 23,682,352 8,906,879
Population six to fourteen years of age 4,889,762 2,023,108
Population six to fourteen[15] 3,552,431 1,852,181
Teachers' salaries in public schools $36,649,827 $5,860,876
Teachers' salaries per child six to fourteen $10.32 $2.89
Per cent of illiteracy 7.7 33.3
Per cent rural 76.9 78.8
In the fifteen states and the District of Columbia for which salaries
by race could be obtained, the public school teachers received
$42,510,431 in salaries. Of this sum $36,649,827 was for the
teachers of 3,552,431 white children and $5,860,876 for teachers of
1,852,181 colored children. On a per capita basis, this is $10.32 for
each white child and $2.89 for each colored child.
TABLE IV
County Groups, Percentage
White School Negro School Per Capita for Per Capita for
of Negroes in the
Population Population White Negro
Population
Counties under 10 974,289 45,039 $ 7.96 $7.23
per cent
Counties 10 to 25 1,008,372 215,744 9.55 5.55
per cent
Counties 25 to 50 1,132,999 709,259 11.11 3.19
per cent
Counties 50 to 75 364,990 661,329 12.53 .77
per cent
Counties 75 per 40,003 207,900 22.22 1.78
cent and over
B. THE NORTH
The cessation of immigration.—Prior to the war the yearly
immigration to the United States equaled approximately the total
Negro population of the North. Foreign labor filled the unskilled labor
field, and Negroes were held closely in domestic and personal-
service work. The cessation of immigration and the return of
thousands of aliens to their mother-country, together with the
opening of new industries and the extension of old ones, created a
much greater demand for American labor. Employers looked to the
South for Negroes and advertised for them.
High wages.—Wages for unskilled work in the North in 1916 and
1917 ranged from $3.00 to $8.00 a day. There were shorter hours of
work and opportunity for overtime and bonuses.
Living conditions.—Houses available for Negroes in the North,
though by northern standards classed as unsanitary and unfit for
habitation, afforded greater comforts than the rude cabins of the
plantation. For those who had owned homes in the South there was
the opportunity of selling them and applying the money to payment
for a good home in the North.
Identical school privileges.—Co-education of whites and Negroes in
northern schools made possible a higher grade of instruction for the
children of migrants.[16]
Other causes stated are (a) the deprivation of the right to vote, (b)
the "rough-handed" and unfair competition of "poor whites," (c)
persecution by petty officers of the law, and (d) the "persecution of
the Press."
News articles in the Defender kept alive the enthusiasm and fervor
of the exodus:
LEAVING FOR THE NORTH
Tampa, Fla., Jan. 19.—J. T. King, supposed to be a race leader, is
using his wits to get on the good side of the white people by calling a
meeting to urge our people not to migrate North. King has been
termed a "good nigger" by his pernicious activity on the emigration
question. Reports have been received here that all who have gone
North are at work and pleased with the splendid conditions in the
North. It is known here that in the North there is a scarcity of labor,
mills and factories are open to them. People are not paying any
attention to King and are packing and ready to travel North to the
"promised land."
DETERMINED TO GO NORTH
Jackson, Miss., March 23.—Although the white police and sheriff and
others are using every effort to intimidate the citizens from going
North, even Dr. Redmond's speech was circulated around, this has not
deterred our people from leaving. Many have walked miles to take the
train for the North. There is a determination to leave and there is no
hand save death to keep them from it.
THOMAS LIKES THE NORTH
J. H. Thomas, Birmingham, Ala., Brownsville Colony, has been here
several weeks and is very much pleased with the North. He is working
at the Pullman shops, making twice as much as he did at home. Mr.
Thomas says the "exodus" will be greater later on in the year, that he
did not find four feet of snow or would freeze to death. He lives at
346 East Thirty-fifth St.
LEAVING FOR THE EAST
Huntsville, Ala., Jan. 19.—Fifteen families, all members of the Race,
left here today for Pittsburgh, Pa., where they will take positions as
butlers, and maids, getting sixty to seventy-five dollars per month,
against fifteen and twenty paid here. Most of them claim that they
have letters from their friends who went early and made good, saying
that there was plenty of work, and this field of labor is short, owing to
the vast amount of men having gone to Europe and not returned.
THEY'RE LEAVING MEMPHIS IN DROVES
Some are coming on the passenger,
Some are coming on the freight,
Others will be found walking,
For none have time to wait.
Mr. R. S. Abbot
Sir: I have been reading the Defender for one year or more and last
February I read about the Great Northern Drive to take place May
15th on Thursday and now I can hear so many people speaking of an
excursion to the North on the 15th of May for $3.00. My husband is in
the North already working, and he wants us to come up in May, so I
want to know if it is true about the excursion. I am getting ready and
oh so many others also, and we want to know is that true so we can
be in the Drive. So please answer at once. We are getting ready.
Yours,
——
Usually the dates set were for Wednesday and Saturday nights,
following pay days.
It is probably no exaggeration to say that the Defender's policy
prompted thousands of restless Negroes to venture North, where
they were assured of its protection and championship of their cause.
Many migrants in Chicago attribute their presence in the North to the
Defender's encouraging pictures of relief from conditions at home
with which they became increasingly dissatisfied as they read.
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