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Semantics with Assignment Variables
This pioneering study combines insights from philosophy and linguistics to develop a
novel framework for theorizing about linguistic meaning and the role of context in
interpretation. A key innovation is to introduce explicit representations of context —
assignment variables — in the syntax and semantics of natural language The proposed
theory systematizes a spectrum of “shifting” phenomena in which the context relevant
for interpreting certain expressions depends on features of the linguistic environment
Central applications include local and nonlocal contextual dependencies with
quantifiers, attitude ascriptions, conditionals, questions, and relativization The result
is an innovative, philosophically informed compositional semantics compatible with
the truth conditional paradigm At the forefront of contemporary interdisciplinary
research into meaning and communication, Semantics with Assignment Variables is
essential reading for researchers and students in a diverse range of fields
Alex Silk
University of Birmingham
University Printing House, Cambridge CB2 8BS, United Kingdom
One Liberty Plaza, 20th Floor, New York, NY 10006, USA
477 Williamstown Road, Port Melbourne, VIC 3207, Australia
314 321, 3rd Floor, Plot 3, Splendor Forum, Jasola District Centre,
New Delhi 110025, India
79 Anson Road, #06–04/06, Singapore 079906
www.cambridge.org
Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9781108836012
DOI: 10.1017/9781108870078
© Alex Silk 2021
This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provisions of
relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place
without the written permission of Cambridge University Press.
First published 2021
A catalogue record for this publication is available from the British Library.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Silk, Alex, author.
Title: Semantics with assignment variables / Alex Silk.
Description: New York : Cambridge University Press, 2021 | Includes
bibliographical references and indexes.
Identifiers: LCCN 2020042259 (print) | LCCN 2020042260 (ebook) |
ISBN 9781108836012 (hardback) | ISBN 9781108799126 (paperback) |
ISBN 9781108870078 (epub)
Subjects: LCSH: Semantics. | Grammar, Comparative and general–Quantifiers.
Classification: LCC P325 .S5443 2021 (print) | LCC P325 (ebook) | DDC 401/.43 dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020042259
LC ebook record available at https://lccn loc gov/2020042260
ISBN 978-1-108-83601-2 Hardback
Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of
URLs for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this publication
and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain,
accurate or appropriate.
Contents
Preface page ix
1 Introduction 1
1.1 Overview . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
1.2 Parameters and Operators: A (Ptolemaic) Road Not Taken . . 7
Part I
2 Preliminaries 17
2.1 Formal Overview: Semantic Values, Models,
Domains, Variables . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
2.2 Preliminary Derivation: Pronouns, Quantifiers,
Quantification . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
3 Standardizing Quantification 23
3.1 Preamble . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
3.2 Type-Driven Movement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25
3.3 Complementizers: World-Binding . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28
3.4 Modals, Attitude Verbs: Assignment-Binding . . . . . . . . . . 29
3.5 Generalized Binder-Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30
4 Attitude Ascriptions 33
4.1 Intensionality, Local/Global Readings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33
4.2 De Re/De Dicto, Specific/Nonspecific: Global vs. Local
Readings of World Arguments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35
4.3 Quantified Modal Attitude Ascription . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38
4.3.1 Standardizing Quantification: Binding with Pronouns
and Traces . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39
4.3.2 Assignment Modification and Bound Pronouns . . . . 40
4.3.3 Context-Sensitive Expressions and Local/Global
Readings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41
4.4 Pierre and Friends . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43
4.5 Recap: Next Steps . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52
v
vi Contents
Part II
6 Quantifiers 79
6.1 “Specificity” (I) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79
6.2 Genitives and Restrictive Modification . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87
6.3 Bound Pronouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99
6.4 Donkey Crossings: Weak Crossover, Inverse Linking,
Genitive Binding . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 102
Part III
8 Conditionals 171
8.1 Local and Global Readings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 171
Contents vii
9 Interrogatives 203
9.1 Syntax, Semantics, Metasemantics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 203
9.2 Interrogative Flip . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 207
9.3 Wh Questions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 209
9.3.1 Recap: Choice-Function Pronouns across Categories
and Domains . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 216
9.3.2 Aside: Weak Crossover Revisited . . . . . . . . . . . . 218
9.4 Conditional and Correlative Questions . . . . . . . . . . . . . 220
9.4.1 Relevance Conditional Questions . . . . . . . . . . . . 222
9.4.2 Correlative Questions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 223
9.4.3 Hypothetical Conditional Questions . . . . . . . . . . 225
9.5 Recap: Standardizing Quantification . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 229
Bibliography 233
Languages Index 263
Subject Index 264
1
Introduction
This book develops a syntactic and semantic framework for natural language.
The principal focus is a spectrum of “shifting” phenomena in which the context
relevant for interpreting certain expressions depends on features of the linguistic
environment. A key innovation is to introduce explicit representations of context
in linguistic structure and meaning. Positing variables for context in the syntax —
formally, assignment variables — can help account for a wide range of linguistic
phenomena which have resisted systematic explanation. Central applications
include local and nonlocal contextual dependencies with quantifiers, attitude
ascriptions, conditionals, questions, and relativization. The project integrates
insights from philosophy of language, formal tools from theoretical syntax and
semantics, and empirical data in linguistic typology. The proposed theory affords
a standardization of quantification across domains and an improved framework
for theorizing about linguistic meaning and the role of context in interpretation.
The result will be a novel philosophically and empirically informed compositional
semantics compatible with the truth-conditional paradigm.
1.1 Overview
A distinctive feature of human language is displacement (Hockett and Altmann
1968). We use language to communicate about things other than what is
happening in the current context. An utterance of (1.1) makes a claim about
a raining event in the here and now. In (1.2), the string in (1.1) is used to make
a claim about a raining event in possibilities compatible with Gabe’s beliefs.
1
2 1.1 Overview
Diverse linguistic data have led many theorists to posit reference to various
parameters of interpretation in the syntax (e.g., Partee 1973, Cresswell 1990,
Percus 2000, Schlenker 2003, 2006, Hacquard 2006, 2010). For instance, tenses
may be treated as pronouns referring to times; modals may be treated as binding
implicit world pronouns. Compositional semantic details aside, the interpretation
function, now J⋅Kgc , may return a semantic value as in (1.14), where gc (1m) is a
time earlier than the time of the context (type m for times, ignoring worlds).
This book investigates the prospects for a linguistic framework that that goes the
further step of positing object-language pronouns for context — formally, assign-
ment variables. Although there are precedents for introducing a semantic type for
assignments (Sternefeld 1998, Kobele 2010, Rabern 2012b, Kennedy 2014) and
for introducing pronouns for items determining shifted interpretations of refer-
ential expressions (Percus and Sauerland 2003, Elbourne 2005, Johnson 2012,
1
Some authors distinguish the context c and assignment gc , reserving c for specific features of
discourse contexts such as speaker, addressee, etc. For present purposes I simplify by identifying the
context coordinate with the contextually determined assignment.
Introduction 5
(1.15) [Context: We’re talking about Bo. It’s presupposed that Bo never smoked.]
Alice believes hec1 quitc2 smoking.
≈ “Alice believes that Bo used to smoke and no longer smokes”
(cf. Swanson 2011: ex. 31)
(1.16) Alice dreamt that Zoe was richc1 /c2 .
≈ “Alice dreamt that Zoe was dc1 /dc2 -wealthy”
Adding assignment variables to the object language is far from trivial. Yet
we will see how positing representations of context in the syntax can help
systematically account for diverse linguistic shifting phenomena, and provide
a framework for theorizing about possibilities for (un)shifted readings. The
proposed theory affords a unified analysis of the context-sensitivity of expressions
such as pronouns, epistemic modals, etc., in the spirit of contextualist theories;
yet it improves in compositionally deriving certain recalcitrant shifting data,
as desired by revisionary theories. The result will be a novel philosophically
informed framework for compositional semantics compatible with the classical
paradigm.
An overview of the book is as follows. §2 provides a formal overview of
the basic syntax and semantics. §3 motivates a general clausal architecture
for an assignment-variable-based theory, drawing on independent work on
the syntax–semantics interface. The proposed syntax/semantics standardizes
quantification and binding across domains via a generalized (type-flexible, cross-
categorial) binder index feature, which attaches directly to moved expressions.
Construction-specific parameters, composition rules, or interpretive principles
aren’t required. §4 applies the account to several examples with quantifiers
and attitude ascriptions. Topics of discussion include quantification in the
metalanguage, distinctions between de re vs. de dicto and specific vs. nonspecific
readings, binding with pronouns vs. traces, alternative bases for constraints on
readings, and a choice-function analysis of names. An improved formalization
of assignment modification captures binding relations in examples with long-
distance binding.
§§5–9 explore how the assignment-variable-based framework may be extended
to other constructions, such as various types of quantified and non-quantified
noun phrases (§§5–7), conditionals (§8), and questions (§9). Nominal quantifiers
are treated as introducing quantification over assignments, binding pronouns
such as relative pronouns in relative clauses, bound-variable pronouns, and
donkey pronouns (§§5–6). The assignment-variable-based account of quantifiers
and nominal predicates is integrated in a more detailed layered n/v analysis
of noun phrases and verb phrases (§7). A semantics with events is briefly
considered as a basis for future research. ‘If’-clauses are treated as free relatives,
interpreted as plural definite descriptions of assignments (possibilities) (§8).
Interrogative sentences denote a set of possible answers, with answers conceived
as sets of assignments (possibilities) (§9). Compositional derivations of various
types of shifting phenomena are provided involving pronoun binding, donkey
anaphora, weak vs. strong quantifiers, indexical shift, information-sensitivity,
and interrogative flip.
Introduction 7
this section briefly considers how certain of the data might be captured in a
familiar operator-based semantics, which analyzes expressions such as modals,
attitude verbs, etc. as operators that shift relevant contextual features, construed
as parameters of interpretation. To fix ideas I focus on two prominent approaches
from the literature — traditional context-index-style frameworks, and recent
treatments of indexical shift that introduce assignment-quantification in the
metalanguage. The aim isn’t to develop the accounts in depth, or to show that no
alternative can succeed. The aim is simply to highlight certain prima facie costs
so as to further motivate the book’s central constructive project. Readers satisfied
with the motivations in §1.1 may proceed to §2.
Literatures on epistemic modals have highlighted that the relevant body of
information for interpreting epistemic modals under attitude verbs is generally
shifted to the subject’s information (Stephenson 2007, Silk 2016a, 2017). In
quantified epistemic attitude ascriptions the relevant information shifts with the
quantificational subject, as reflected in (1.17). There is apparently no reading of
(1.17) that ascribes to the contestants a belief about the information ic accepted
in the discourse context.
Such a semantics may work well for expressions for which local (shifted)
readings are conventionalized. The approach is awkward for expressions permit-
ting both local (shifted) and global (unshifted) readings — that is, most context-
sensitive expressions. Recall the standard-sensitivity associated with positive
form relative gradable adjectives (cf. (1.16)). The attitude ascription in (1.19)
can be used to characterize Al’s beliefs about Rita’s degree of wealth and/or Al’s
standard for counting as rich, depending on the context.
3
I ignore context-sensitivity from comparison classes, and I bracket issues regarding the internal
syntax/semantics of the positive form (Kennedy 2007). An extended version of Intensional Function
Application incorporating standards may be used in combining the attitude verb and its complement.
10 1.2 Parameters and Operators
Analogous moves can be made for other expressions optionally taking shifted or
unshifted readings. A first approximation for quantifiers and domain variables
(von Fintel 1994, Stanley and Szabó 2000, Stanley 2002) is in (1.22)–(1.24),
DOX∗x,w now a set of world-standard-domain triples. In (1.22b) the restricted
domain is shifted to a set of individuals considered relevant by the attitude
subject, as reflected in (1.24b). (For simplicity I treat the domain argument as a
set of individuals (type ⟨e, t⟩), and I leave ‘can-vote’ unanalyzed. In lexical entries
and derivations I will often use ‘f(x)’ to abbreviate ‘f(x) = 1’. I use metalanguage
predicates such as ‘personu ’ for the set of persons in u.)
Adapting the semantics from Santorio (2010), suppose that the interpretation
function is relativized to an ordinary assignment g as well as an assignment a
shifted by (e.g.) attitude verbs. The syntactic indices interpreted with respect to
to examples with multiple quantifier phrases. For examples such as (i), one could perhaps represent
the index coordinate instead as a function from NP-meanings to domain restrictions, roughly as
∗
in (ii), where JG∗Kg;G ,... = G∗ is type ⟨et, et⟩. G∗(catw ) represents a set of individuals relevant
in considering cats, G∗(dogw ) represents a set of individuals relevant in considering dogs, etc.
(Following Heim and Kratzer 1998, ⋋i is the assumed object-language binder index resulting from
QR, interpreted syncategorematically via Predicate Abstraction. We will return to this.)
(i) Every cat likes every dog.
∗
(ii) Jevery dog G∗ ⋋2 [every cat G∗ likes t2 ]Kg;w,G ,... = 1 iff ∀y∶ (dogw (y) ∧ G∗(dogw )(y)) →
(∀x∶ (catw (x) ∧ G∗(catw )(x)) → x likes y)
However, examples such as (iii), where different occurrences of the same quantified expression
receive different shifted restrictions, remain problematic.
(iii) [Context: A panel survey is being conducted to discern sentiments about the fairness of the
University’s practices in distributing a certain award. The panel members — Alice, Bert, and
Chloe — have different views on who should be allowed to be nominated for the award, and
who should be allowed to vote in deciding the winner. Alice thinks that the award should be
reserved for undergraduates, and that only graduate students and faculty should be allowed
to vote for the winner; and she thinks that the award procedure in fact proceeds accordingly.
Bert thinks that the award should be open to graduate students too, and that undergrads,
grads, and faculty should all be allowed to vote; and he thinks that the award procedure in
fact proceeds accordingly. Chloe thinks that the award should be open to all members of the
University, but she thinks that faculty are wrongfully excluded from being nominated. When
asked about how the University is doing regarding sentiments about the award practices,
you report:]
Quite well. Most people think that everyone can vote for everyone.
I won’t consider further epicycles here.
5
We will return to metasemantic issues regarding what it is for an assignment to be compatible
with an attitude state in the following chapters.
12 1.2 Parameters and Operators
The embedded adjective ‘rich’, on the relevant local reading, is interpreted with
respect to assignments a′ compatible with Al’s state of mind.
A challenge for both of the previous types of operator-based accounts comes
from intermediate readings, where the interpretation is determined nonlocally
but with respect to an environment distinct from the discourse context. Consider
(1.27), on the reading where the relevant standard for richness is the standard
accepted by the quantificational subject. Identifying the richness-standard argu-
ment d? in (1.28) as di would represent the global reading, where the standard
is supplied by the contextually determined assignment g; and identifying the
variable as di[+a] (on the assignment-shifting analysis) or D (on the context-index
analysis) would represent the local reading, where the standard is supplied by
the assignment representing the possibility compatible with Zoe’s dream state.
(1.27) [Context: Alice, Bert, and Chip each accepts a particular standard for
how rich one must be to count as rich — say, dA , dB , dC , respectively.
Alice thinks that Zoe dreamt that Rita was at least dA -wealthy; Bert thinks
that Zoe dreamt that Rita was at least dB -wealthy; Chip thinks that Zoe
dreamt that Rita was at least dC -wealthy. Talking about Alice’s, Bert’s,
and Chip’s beliefs:]
Everyone thinks Zoe dreamt that Rita was rich.
(1.28) [everyone P5 thinks [Zoe dreamt [Alice rich d? ]]]
(1.29) [Context: Arnie, Betty, and Chuck are bigots, prejudiced in favor of their
respective groups GA , GB , GC . Arnie thinks Al thinks that all (and only)
the GA s (individuals in GA ) can vote; Betty thinks Al thinks that all (and
only) the GB s can vote; Chuck thinks Al thinks that all (and only) the
GC s can vote. Talking about Arnie’s, Betty’s, and Chuck’s beliefs:]
Every bigot thinks that Al thinks everyone can vote.
Introduction 13
This says that every bigot x is optimistic about Al’s beliefs about whether anyone
is improperly excluded (by x’s lights) from being legally permitted to vote.
Analogous phenomena that have led theorists to posit syntactic world variables
and object-language quantification over worlds can thus be observed with
features associated with various context-sensitive expressions. This raises a
challenge for accounts providing distinct treatments of shifting with worlds and
individuals, versus other context-sensitive expressions. One might respond by
further complicating the aforementioned sorts of operator-based analyses (see
von Fintel and Heim 2011 for related general discussion). I suggest that we put
such epicycles to the side.
The traditional framework takes unshifted readings for context-sensitive
expressions as paradigmatic. Though such an approach might seem initially
plausible for English expressions such as ‘I’ or ‘here’, it is awkward when one
considers the rich array of shifting phenomena in natural languages — hence the
plethora of mechanisms for capturing intensionality, quantification, and local
readings across context-sensitive expressions. Indeed Kaplan goes so far as to
treat referential readings and bound-variable readings as uses of homonyms
(1989: 489–490).6 The notion of a crosslinguistic class of specialized anaphoric
pronouns — pronouns conventionally excluded from receiving their interpreta-
tion from the discourse context (§1.1) — is a borderline conceptual impossibility
from a classical perspective.
It is time to rethink the foundational assumptions about context-sensitivity
motivating the traditional formalism. Our understanding of the richness of
6
Lest one scoff, note that Kratzer’s (1998a, 2009) “minimal pronoun” account of apparent
bound-variable (“fake indexical”) uses of 1st-/2nd-person pronouns is a homonym account. Further,
whereas local fake indexicals are treated as minimal pronouns (mere indices) interpreted via
an ordinary λ-binder ((i)), long-distance fake indexicals are treated as fully specified pronouns
interpreted via distinct context-shifting λ-binders ((ii)), syncategorematically defined as in (iii). The
“true” and “fake” indexical uses of the string ‘you’ in (ii) are homonyms; the local and long-distance
fake indexical uses of ‘you’ in (i) and (ii), respectively, are homonyms; and the binder indices in
(i)–(ii) trigger distinct interpretation rules.
(i) a. Only you got a question that you understood.
b. [Only [2nd]] ⋋2 got a question that ∅2 understood
(ii) a. You are the only one who knows somebody who understands your paper.
b. [2nd] … ⋋[2nd] know somebody who understands [2nd]’s paper
(iii) a. J[2nd]Kg,c = addressee(c)
J∅n Kg,c = g(n)
′
b. J⋋n αKg,c = λx.JαKg ,c , where g′ is like g, except possibly that g′ (n) = x
′
J⋋[1st] αK = λx.JαKg,c , where c′ is like c, except possibly that speaker(c′ ) = x
g,c
′
J⋋[2nd] αKg,c = λx.JαKg,c , where c′ is like c, except possibly that addressee(c′ ) = x
(cf. Kratzer 1998a: 94–95; 2009: 213–214)
14 1.2 Parameters and Operators
Preliminaries
2.1 Formal Overview: Semantic Values, Models, Domains, Variables
I begin with formal elements of the basic syntax and semantics.
Instead of using a traditional interpretation function (J Kg )g∈G parameterized
by assignments (worlds, etc.), we use an unrelativized interpretation function
J K . The semantic values of expressions are given in terms of sets of assignments,
included in the model. (I ignore elements such as times and events.)
(2.1) Models M
– E: set of entities
– T: set of truth-values (represented {0, 1})
– W: set of worlds
– G: set of assignments
17
18 2.1 Formal Overview
Fluffy; h(⟨4, et⟩) returns (the characteristic function of) a set of entities in E,
say {Fluffy, Fido}; and so on. Ordinary assignments h ∈ G are undefined for
indices for assignments or functions involving assignments. I let the domain
of assignments Dg be a set of assignments whose domain also includes indices
⟨n, a⟩ for assignments — i.e., where dom(g) = dom(h) ∪ {⟨n, a⟩ ∶ n ∈ N}, and
range(g) = range(h) ∪ G. For instance, for some g ∈ Dg , g(⟨2, a⟩) is an ordinary
assignment h ∈ G; g(⟨2, e⟩) is an entity o ∈ E, say Fido; and so on. (Hereafter I
will generally omit the brackets in indices, e.g. abbreviating ‘⟨i, α⟩’ with ‘iα’.)
The present system avoids the worries regarding non-wellfoundedness and
∈-chains. Since assignments gg return elements in the model, there is no case of
an assignment being in its own codomain. For h ∈ G, h(ia) is undefined; and for
g ∈ Dg , g(ia) = h ≠ g. Since high-type assignment indices aren’t in the domain of
assignments in Dg or G, expressions such as h(iat), g(iat), g(ia)(iat), etc. are
undefined. Such a restriction in assignments’ domains is motivated by our
understanding of assignment-variables as an object-language mechanism for
tracking the interpretation of context sensitive expressions; yet the assumption
that there are no pronouns for sets of assignments is ultimately an empiri-
cal one. (There may be other expressions of type ⟨a, t⟩, etc.; we will return
to this.)
It is common to identify basic semantic types with sets in the model. Given our
approach to expressions’ semantic values, it will simplify our formalism to define
semantic types in terms of functions from assignments (cf. Kobele 2010; contrast
Sternefeld 1998). For instance, functions from assignments to truth-values in
T are type t, and functions from assignments to entities in E are type e. Our
semantic types are as follows, where the set of assignmentsM G and domain
of assignmentsD Dg are defined as previously. (For purposes of the present
exposition, I will refer to ordinary assignments h ∈ G as “assignmentsM ” (for
assignments in the Model), and to the richer assignments g ∈ Dg as “assignmentsD ”
(for assignments in the Domain). When the distinction is irrelevant I ignore the
subscripts; context should disambiguate.)
Unlike previous accounts with semantic types for assignments (§1.1), I let the
object language include variables for assignments. A natural preliminary idea
would be to identify variable denotations with functions from assignments to
elements in the model — e.g., treating the denotation of a world-variable Jwi K
as λgg .g(is), where g(is) ∈ W. (I will reserve gi for assignment-variables, wi
for world-variables.) Such a move is unavailable in the system as developed
thus far. For instance, an assignment-variable denotation (function a ∶ Dg → G)
couldn’t combine via function application or function composition with functions
x ∶ Dg → E (individual-variable denotations), p ∶ Dg → 2W (proposition-variable
denotations), etc.
Instead, I treat non-assignment variables as having an initial argument of
type a; semantic composition proceeds via function application. Variables viα
for basic non-assignment types α denote functions Jviα K ∈ Daα such that for any
aa , gg , Jviα K(a)(g) = a(g)(iα) — e.g., Jw1 g1 K = Jw1 K(Jg1 K) = λgg .g(1a)(1s).
Variables of complex types may be defined via a metalanguage “down”-style
operator ↓ which maps an element of a domain to an item composed out of
associated lowered elements of the model:
For the degenerate case where γβ is of basic type β ∈ {e, s, t, a}, ↓ γ is a function
from an assignmentD gg to the item in the model that is the image under γ of
g. For instance, for x ∈ De , (↓ x)(g) is the individual (nullary function) o ∈ E
such that o = x(g), i.e. (↓ x)(g) = x(g). For P ∈ D⟨e,t⟩ , (↓ P)(g) is the function
f ∶ E → T such that for any xe , P(x)(g) = f((↓ x)(g)) = f(x(g)); and so on.
The denotations of viσ of complex types σ = ⟨σn , ⟨. . . , σ0 ⟩ ⋯ ⟩ can be defined
accordingly as functions Jviσ K ∈ Daσ such that, for any gg , aa , γσn n , . . . , γσ1 1 ,
Jviσ K(a)(γ n ) . . . (γ 1 )(g) = a(g)(iσ)((↓ γ n )(g)) . . . ((↓ γ 1 )(g)). For instance, a
pronoun [p2st g1 ] for a set of worlds denotes a function Jp2st K(Jg1 K) ∈ Dst such
that for any ws , gg , g(1a)(2st)((↓ w)(g)) = g(1a)(2st)(w(g)); a choice-function
pronoun [F1ete g1 ] denotes a function JF1ete K(Jg1 K) ∈ D⟨⟨e,t⟩,e⟩ such that for any
P⟨e,t⟩ , gg , the individual g(1a)(1ete)((↓ P)(g)) ∈ E is in (the characteristic set of)
(↓ P)(g), where (↓ P)(g) is the function f ∶ E → T such that f(x(g)) = P(x)(g) for
any xe ; and so on. The semantic values of traces lack the initial type a argument,
e.g. Jt1e K = λgg .g(1e). For complex type σ = ⟨σn , ⟨. . . , σ0 ⟩ ⋯ ⟩, trace t, and
20 2.2 Preliminary Derivation
(2.4) Jviσ K = λaa .λγσn n . . . λγσ1 1 .λgg . a(g)(iσ)((↓ γ n )(g)) . . . ((↓ γ 1 )(g))
a. For α ∈ {e, s, t}, Jviα K = λaa .λgg . a(g)(iα) b. Jgi K = λgg . g(ia)
(2.5) Jtiσ K = λγσn n . . . λγσ1 1 .λgg . g(iσ)((↓ γ n )(g)) . . . ((↓ γ 1 )(g))
a. For β ∈ {e, s, t, a}, Jtiβ K = λgg . g(iβ)
(Note that variables gi for assignments are type a (functions Dg → G); there
are no denotations of type g. For a pronoun [viσ gk ], I sometimes call viσ the
“pronoun-variable.” I use ‘pronoun’ both in the technical sense for [viσ gk ], and
for vocabulary items such as ‘it’, ‘she’, etc.; context should disambiguate.)
7
I will use traces in representing displacement (cf. Chomsky 1981), though the framework is
compatible with a minimalist syntax that rejects traces as theoretical primitives (cf. Chomsky 1995;
more on this in §3). The account isn’t committed to a fundamental distinction between traces and
pronoun-variables. For instance, all variables could be interpreted as in (2.4), and the definition of QR
could be adapted so that remnants of movement are sister to an identity function on assignments. A
simpler option is afforded by the treatment of indices as features. The rules in (2.4)–(2.5) amount to
saying that J K returns the values in (i) for number-type feature sets. The pronoun complexes [viσ gj ]
in the main text may thus be understood as representing terminal feature bundles {[⟨i, σ⟩], [⟨j, a⟩]}.
(i) For feature set F ⊆ N × Θ, and ⟨i, σ⟩ ∈ F,
⎧
⎪ λγσn n . . . λγσ1 1 .λgg . g(iσ)((↓ γ n )(g)) . . . ((↓ γ 1 )(g)), if ∣F∣ = 1
⎪
⎪
JFK = ⎨ λγσn n . . . λγσ1 1 .λgg . g(ja)(iσ)((↓ γ n )(g)) . . . ((↓ γ 1 )(g)), if ∣F∣ = 2 ∧ [⟨j, a⟩] ∈ F
⎪
⎪
⎪
⎩ undefined otherwise
8
The asterisk in ‘S∗’ is used to distinguish the different S nodes; it has no theoretical import. I
often use ‘S’ multiply for root sentences, TP, ModP, v∗P. I will ignore tense, aspect, voice. In lexical
entries and derivations I often write “∀x = y∶ . . .” for “∀x∶ (x = y) → . . .”, and abbreviate “f(x) = 1”
with “f(x).” To a first approximation, g[i/n] is the unique assignment g′ that maps n to i and is
otherwise identical to g; I return to assignment-modification in §4. We will reconsider the semantic
types of individual pronouns and the argument structure of nominal and verbal predicates in Part II.
22 2.2 Preliminary Derivation
9
Note that the argument of the raised quantifier is type t, rather than property type (cf. Heim
and Kratzer 1998, Kobele 2010, Kennedy 2014). The binder-index attaches directly to the moved
expression, rather than occupying its own node and triggering a special composition rule such as
Predicate Abstraction (Heim and Kratzer 1998). We will return to this. For expository purposes I will
use traces in representing displacement (cf. Chomsky 1981), though the framework is compatible
with a syntax that rejects treating traces as theoretical primitives. Remnants of movement may be
understood as copies of the moved expression, as in a copy theory of movement (Chomsky 1993,
1995, Sauerland 1998, Fox 2000, 2002, Hornstein 2001, Nunes 2004; see Takahashi 2010 for a
comparative overview). We can assume that non-semantically-driven movement is undone at LF, and,
in a copy theory, that any copies not necessary for semantic composition are deleted. In movement
for type reasons, i.e. Quantifier Raising QR (May 1985), the chain might be interpreted via an LF-
interface rule that replaces the lowest copy with a coindexed variable, or deletes all parts of the
lower copy except its number-type features, as reflected in (i)–(ii) (n. 7; cf. Kratzer 2004). (I use ‘∧ ’
to indicate binder features.)
(i) QR (alternative): Copy α⟨i,σ⟩ from A, and Merge with A.
(ii) a. ⋮
everyone∧ ⟨5, e⟩
[Alice defeated everyone∧ ⟨5, e⟩]
[everyone∧ ⟨5, e⟩ [Alice defeated everyone∧ ⟨5, e⟩]]
b. LF ≈ [everyone∧ ⟨5, e⟩ [Alice defeated ⟨5, e⟩]]
The framework is also compatible with different views on the theoretical status of indices, and the
representation of chain relations in the narrow syntax and interfaces. Indices could be explicitly
represented in lexical item tokens in a lexical array (or a device for identifying complex syntactic
objects individuated in terms of such indices), or treated as representing the syntactic relations on
which (co)indexing in the interfaces supervenes (see Collins and Stabler 2016, Larson 2016).
Standardizing Quantification 29
As we will see in the compositional derivations in §4, the set of worlds at which
a clause is evaluated is determined by the assignment-quantification introduced
by the modal. With T, the main clause is evaluated at a singleton set. The lexical
entry for T ensures that coindexed assignment-variables are mapped to the the
assignment g− c representing the discourse context, and the modal domain for the
main clause is the actual world, @(a(g− −
c )) = @(gc ). With modals/attitude verbs,
the modal domain is the set of worlds compatible with the modality/attitude. The
meaning for the modal verb in (3.10) can be understood as adapting a familiar
Kratzer-style semantics, where modals quantify over a set of contextually relevant
possibilities (Kratzer 1977, 1981). For simplicity I use a basic accessibility
relation r (“modal background”), which maps the world argument to a set of
assignments. The alternative entries in (3.10) correspond to alternative argument
structures. The (a)-option represents an argument structure where the modal
takes the world and modal background pronouns as independent arguments;
the (b)-option represents an argument structure where the world and modal-
background pronouns combine, yielding a world-indexed set of possibilities
which combines with the modal (cf. von Fintel and Heim 2011). To fix ideas I will
assume the latter option in (3.10b). As usual, the meaning for ‘think’ in (3.11)
lexically specifies the set of possibilities being quantified over. The complement
is evaluated at the worlds @(a(g)) of possibilities compatible with the subject’s
state of mind.
12
We will revisit the argument structure of modals and attitude verbs in §§7–8.
30 3.5 Generalized Binder-Index
Roughly put, the binder-index ⟨i,τ ⟩ takes an expression α that quantifies over
items of type τ , and feeds α the set of τ -type items that verify its sister β when
returned as the value for ⟨i, τ ⟩.
Important advances in syntax have come from explaining movement opera-
tions in terms of more fundamental grammatical principles — e.g., treating QR as
an instance of Move α, α any category (Chomsky 1981, May 1985), or analyzing
Move in terms of Merge (“remerge,” “copy and merge”) (Chomsky 1993, 1995,
Fox 2000, Collins and Stabler 2016). The assignment-variable-based account
developed here follows in the spirit of such developments. The compositional
semantics of QR (type-driven movement) proceeds via function application: the
expression α undergoing QR combines with the binder-index via function appli-
cation, and the QR’d expression α⟨i,τ ⟩ combines with its sister via function
application. Syntactically, the movement operations in QR proceed via Merge:
α merges with the binder-index in its base position, yielding α⟨i,τ ⟩ , which is
remerged/copied-and-merged later in the derivation.13 The lower copy may
13
In a model such as that in Groat and O’Neil 1996, type-driven overt vs. covert movements
(e.g., with attitude verbs vs. object-position nominal quantifiers) would be distinguished in terms of
whether phonological features are moved to the head of the chain. In a theory with local morpho-
phonological spell-out, covert QR would take place after spell-out (cf. Nissenbaum 2000, Cecchetto
2004, Tanaka 2015; more on this in §7.2.4).
32 3.5 Generalized Binder-Index
14
Contrast the present simplified derivation for QR in (i) with the trace-theoretic, copy-theoretic,
and multidominant alternatives in (ii)–(iv). For concreteness, in (i) I assume a copy theory with a
replacement/deletion rule in the semantic component (n. 9). Fox’s Trace Conversion in (iii) converts
the lower copy to a definite description by replacing the quantifier (here ‘every’) with ‘the’ and
inserting an identity predicate and coindexed pronoun in the complement, yielding [the [boy [= o5 ]]
from [every boy]5 (more on this in §5.1.2). In the multidominant syntax in (iv), remerged syntactic
objects are literally in both positions — hence Johnson’s (2012) need to generate the quantifier (here
∀) in the higher position independently. Johnson assumes that, by some morphosyntactic principles,
the syntactically displaced ∀ and ‘the’ get pronounced as ‘every’. I don’t know how such an approach
would generalize across varieties of type-driven movement.
(i) Merge + Function Application
a. [every boy]∧ ⟨5, e⟩
⋮
[Alice defeated [every boy]∧ ⟨5, e⟩]
[[every boy]∧ ⟨5, e⟩ [Alice defeated [every boy]∧ ⟨5, e⟩]] (by Merge)
b. LF ≈ [[every boy]∧ ⟨5, e⟩ [Alice defeated ⟨5, e⟩]]
c. ≈ “for every boy o, Alice defeated o” (by FA)
(ii) Traces + QR + Predicate Abstraction (PA) (cf. Heim and Kratzer 1998)
a. [every boy]
⋮
SS: [Alice defeated [every boy]5 ] (by Merge)
b. LF: [[every boy] [5 [Alice defeated t5 ]]] (by QR)
● QR: [. . . αi . . . ] ⇒ [αi [i [. . . ti . . . ]]]
c. ≈ “for every boy o, Alice defeated o” (by PA, FA)
(iii) Copies + Trace Conversion (TC) + Predicate Modification (PM) + PA∗ (cf. Fox 2002, 2003)
a. [every boy]5
⋮
[Alice defeated [every boy]5 ]
[[every boy]5 [Alice defeated [every boy]5 ]] (by Merge)
b. LF: [[every boy]5 [Alice defeated [the [boy [= o5 ]]]]] (by TC)
c. ≈ “for every boy o, Alice defeated the o′ s.t. o′ is a boy ∧ o′ = o” (by PA∗, PM, FA)
● PA∗: JDPi [. . . DPi . . . ]Kg = JDPKg (λx.J. . . DPi . . .Kg[x/i] )
(iv) Multidominance + Decomposed scattered ‘every’ + Agreement∗+ PA∗ (cf. Johnson 2012)
a. [DP [the∗ o5 ] boy]
⋮
[Alice defeated [DP [the∗ o5 ] boy]]
[Alice defeated [DP [the∗ o5 ] NP]] [QP ∀ NP] (by Merge)
● NP: identical token of [NP boy], sister to both D0 and Q0 (multidominance)
b. LF: [[Alice defeated [DP [the∗ o5 ] NP]] [QP5 ∀ NP]] (by Merge, Agreement∗ )
● Agreement∗: QPi must have the same index as the sister to D0 in the [D0 oi ] that is
sister to the lower occurrence of the NP sister to Q0 .
c. ≈ “for every boy o, Alice defeated o, provided o is a boy” (by PA∗, FA)
● Jthe∗ K = λxλP ∶ P(x) . x
34 4.1 Intensionality, Local/Global Readings
Suppose Bert and Fluffy are the contextually relevant individuals represented
by 1 and 2, respectively. Then the attitude ascription is true in c according to
(4.1), JSK(gc ) = 1, iff Fluffy (=g− c (2e)) smiled in the world of every possibility
compatible with Bert’s (=g− c ( 1e ) ’s) state of mind in the actual world @(g− c ).
(Hereafter for readability I will often omit the superscript in ‘g− c ’, though it should
be understood (§2.2).)
Parallel to the movement of the nominal quantifier in (3.3), the movement
of the complementizer from the world-argument position of the clause’s main
predicate leaves a trace tis , and the binder-index attaches to the moved expression
⟨i,s⟩
C0 . The raised embedding modal elements, T⟨1,a⟩ , [think t1s ]⟨1,a⟩ , determine
the local modal domain for each clause. The obligatory local reading of the
clause’s main predicate (§3.1) is captured via general mechanisms of type-driven
movement.
Though the world argument in the embedded clause is obligatorily shifted
under the attitude verb, being supplied directly by the world-trace t2s , the
embedded individual pronoun can receive a global reading. The intuitively
free reading of ‘it’ is reflected in being sister to an assignment-variable g1
Attitude Ascriptions 35
16
More precisely, an intuitively “free” reading of a pronoun [viσ gj ] is reflected in an LF
where (i) the nearest c-commanding ⟨j,a⟩ -binder (if any) is T⟨j,a⟩ , and (ii) there is no ⟨i,σ⟩ -binder
c-commanded by the topmost world-binder that c-commands the pronoun.
Attitude Ascriptions 39
Roughly put, this says that (4.7) is true iff every individual o is such that for every
possibility h compatible with o’s beliefs, there is a possibility h′ accessible from h
such that there is some individual o′ whom o loves in the world of h′ .
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