Module 3 - Camerer Et Al - Overconfidence and Excess Entry - An Experimental Approach
Module 3 - Camerer Et Al - Overconfidence and Excess Entry - An Experimental Approach
Psychological studies show that most peo- ple, using plant-level data from the U.S. Cen-
ple are overconfident about their own relative sus of Manufacturers spanning 1963–1982,
abilities, and unreasonably optimistic about Timothy Dunne et al. (1988) estimated that
their futures (e.g., Neil D. Weinstein, 1980; 61.5 percent of all entrants exited within five
Shelly E. Taylor and J. D. Brown, 1988). years and 79.6 percent exited within ten years.
When assessing their position in a distribution Most of these exits are failures (see also Dan-
of peers on almost any positive trait—like iel Shapiro and R. S. Khemani, 1987; Dunne
driving ability (Ola Svenson, 1981), income et al., 1989a, b; Paul A. Geroski, 1991; John
prospects, or longevity—a vast majority of R. Baldwin, 1995).
people say they are above the average, al- Some possible explanations for the high rate
though of course, only half can be (if the trait of business failure are reviewed below. In this
is symmetrically distributed).1 paper we consider the hypothesis that business
This paper explores whether optimistic bi- failure is a result of managers acting on the op-
ases could plausibly and predictably influence timism about relative skill they exhibit in sur-
economic behavior in one particular setting— veys ( e.g., James March and Zur Shapira,
entry into competitive games or markets. 1987). This hypothesis is worth exploring be-
Many empirical studies show that most new cause it is consistent with so much psychological
businesses fail within a few years. For exam- evidence, and because optimistic overentry will
persist if the performance feedback necessary to
correct it is relatively noisy, infrequent, or slow.
* Camerer: Division of the Humanities and Social Sci- The idea that overconfidence causes business
ences 228-77, California Institute of Technology, Pasa- entry mistakes has, of course, been suggested
dena, CA 91125 ( e-mail: camerer @hss.caltech.edu ) ; before (e.g., Richard Roll, 1986) but has not
Lovallo: Wharton School, University of Pennsylvania, been directly tested by measuring economic de-
Philadelphia, PA 19104. Help and comments were re-
ceived from Daniel Kahneman, Marc Knez, Matthew cisions and personal overconfidence simulta-
Rabin, David Teece, Dick Thaler, participants at the neously. To link the two we created an
MacArthur Foundation Preferences Group, the 1995 J/ experimental setting with basic features of busi-
DM Society, workshops at the Universities of Chicago ness entry situations. In the experiments, the suc-
and Colorado, UCLA, Harvard Business School, and cess of entering subjects depends on their
Wharton, and several anonymous referees. Gail Nash pro-
vided superb secretarial help and Roberto Weber provided relative skill (compared to other entrants). Most
research assistance. The research was funded by National subjects who enter think the total profit earned
Science Foundation Grant No. SBR 95-11001.
1
by all entrants will be negative, but their own
There are interesting exceptions—most people de- profit will be positive. The findings are consis-
murely say they are not in the very top decile or quintile,
but merely above average; for many traits, women are less tent with the prediction that overconfidence
optimistic than men (and even overly pessimistic; e.g., leads to excessive business entry.
Eleanor E. Maccoby and Carol N. Jacklin, 1974); and The experiments also develop a paradigm
clinically depressed patients are not optimistic ( e.g., in which business entry and other skill-based
Lauren B. Alloy and Anthony H. Ahrens, 1987). The lat- competitions ( e.g., labor-market tourn-
ter finding calls into question the common psychiatric pre-
sumption that ‘‘realistic’’ people are well adjusted and aments ) could be studied further. The
happy, and also raises the question of whether unrealistic paradigm extends typical economics exper-
optimism might be evolutionarily adaptive (e.g., Lionel iments by including a potentially potent
Tiger, 1979) or socially beneficial (Giovanni Dosi and psychological variable — relative skill per-
Lovallo, 1997). Michael Waldman (1994) shows how
such optimism could be evolutionarily stable, and men- ceptions — and also extends typical psychol-
tions conditions under which gender differences like those ogy experiments on overconfidence by
observed empirically could arise. adding financial incentives for judging one’s
306
skill accurately and a clear definition of the of occupational choice provide a clear life-
skill one is judging.2 cycle prediction based on this sampling motive
Of course, experimental data are hardly con- for entry, since people should bear the risk of
clusive evidence that overconfidence plays a failure early in their careers, but not later (e.g.,
role in actual entry decisions by firms. A big- Robert A. Miller, 1984).
ger scientific payoff comes when experimental The third explanation is that many entry
observations suggest a new phenomenon that decisions are mistakes, made by boundedly ra-
might be studied in the field. Our data suggest tional decision makers. Firms could mistak-
a new phenomenon we call ‘‘reference group enly enter too often for two different reasons—
neglect.’’ Excess entry is much larger when they know their own skills but fail to appre-
subjects volunteered to participate knowing ciate how many competitors there will be
that payoffs would depend on skill. These self- (they have ‘‘competitive blind spots’’), or
selected subjects seem to neglect the fact that they forecast competition accurately but over-
they are competing with a reference group of confidently think their firm will succeed while
subjects who all think they are skilled too. most others will fail.
(Neglecting the increased level of competition In a natural setting it is difficult to distin-
is like the neglect of adverse selection which guish between these three explanations for
leads to the ‘‘winner’s curse’’ in bidding.) high failure rates. The overconfidence expla-
nation is particularly hard to establish because
I. Possible Explanations for Entrant Failure it predicts that firms will enter even if they
expect negative industry profits. But even if
There are three primary explanations for the cumulative industry profits are actually nega-
frequency of entrant failure. The first expla- tive at some point in time, it is possible posi-
nation is that failures are frequent because en- tive returns will roll in later (or the industry
trants have only brief opportunities to make simply made a large unpredictable forecasting
money. In this view, failures are actually hit- mistake). So it is hard to imagine how to es-
and-run entries that are profitable but brief. tablish conclusively that expected industry re-
A second explanation is that business entries turns were negative.
are expensive lottery tickets with positively While more field research is surely worth-
skewed returns. In this view, although most while, some progress might be made in the
firms expect to lose money and fail, entry still laboratory. In an experiment, everything
maximizes expected profits because the pay- needed to distinguish the three theories —
offs to success are very large. There are two entry decisions, forecasts of industry profits,
variants of this argument: First, if small- and forecasts of the number of total entrants—
business owners are risk preferring or get psy- can be measured. If subjects forecast positive
chic income from running businesses, then the industry profits and enter, the rational-entry
expected utility from entering might be high theories appear correct. If subjects forecast
even if expected profit is low. Second, it is positive industry profits, but they underesti-
well known from multiarmed bandit problems mate the amount of entry and industry profit
that when sampling from unknown distribu- turns out to be negative, then the blind spots
tions of possible payoffs (such as career paths story appears correct. If subjects accurately
or profitable industries), it may pay to sample forecast negative industry profits, and enter
from ‘‘arms’’ with negative expected payoffs anyway, then the overconfidence explanation
if the possible payoffs from those arms is large appears correct.
(because sampling provides information about
which arms to choose in the future). Models II. Experimental Design
In the self-selection condition, subjects $0.25 for each forecast that was correct.
were asked if they would like to volunteer These forecasts distinguish the hypothesis
for an experiment in which performance on that too many subjects enter because they
sports or current events trivia would deter- underestimate the number of competitors
mine their payoff, and people who were (‘‘blind spots’’) from the hypothesis that
very good might earn a considerable sum subjects forecast entry accurately, but en-
of money. (They were also reminded in the trants all think they are above average.
experimental instructions that all subjects 5. Subjects made their entry decisions pri-
were recruited this way.) vately and simultaneously.3
2. Subjects were seated in a large classroom 6. Entry decisions were recorded and subjects
where they could not see each other’s ma- were told how many total entrants there
terials. The instructions were read aloud were in the round. Thus, the only feedback
and a comprehension test was given to that subjects received after each round is
guarantee understanding of the payoff ta- the total number of entrants for each period.
ble. The two types of ranking systems were 7. At the end of the experimental session, af-
explained and subjects were shown exam- ter all of the rounds in both conditions were
ples of the skill questions, along with sam- played, subjects either solved puzzles or
ple answers. Subjects were informed that took the trivia quiz, and their skill rank was
there would be two sequences of 12 rounds determined and announced. Then one of
for each condition—one for the random the subjects randomly chose one of the 24
rank and another for the skill rank. Subjects rounds and subjects’ earnings from that
were also informed that the decisions they round were computed and paid to them.
made for one of the rounds, chosen ran-
domly, would determine their payoff. It is important to reiterate that the only feed-
back subjects got throughout the session of 24
Individual rounds proceed as follows: rounds was the total number of entrants per
round. This design was chosen to model initial see how they might arise without communi-
entry behavior by firms that do not learn much cation or some coordinating device, like his-
about their competitive advantage until after tory, sequential moves, or public labels
they incur substantial nonsalvageable fixed distinguishing subjects. There is also a unique
costs. The question of how post-entry feed- symmetric mixed-strategy equilibrium in
back about performance impacts subsequent which (risk-neutral) players enter with a prob-
behavior is interesting, of course—it is cer- ability close to (c / 5)/N (see Lovallo and
tainly likely that overconfidence would be di- Camerer, 1996).
minished if subjects were given a separate skill Relaxing the assumption of risk neutrality,
test and told their ranks after each round. But there is no way to determine the equilibrium
it is natural to begin by establishing whether number of entrants without measuring or mak-
overconfidence is present in the first place, be- ing specific assumptions about subjects’ risk
fore turning to the question of what forces preferences. 5 The random-rank condition
make it go away. gives an empirical estimate of observed equi-
The procedures described above were used librium without having to impose any a priori
in eight sessions. Table 3 summarizes differ- assumption about risk preferences. Since sub-
ences in treatment variables across sessions.4 jects participate in both random- and skill-rank
In half of the experimental sessions the conditions, their decisions in the random-rank
random-rank condition rounds were conducted condition act as a within-subject control for
first; in the other half the skill-rank rounds risk preferences. The difference in the number
were first. Four sessions involved self-selected of entrants in the random and skill conditions
subjects (who knew trivia skill would help) is the primary measure of interest.
and four sessions did not.
III. Results
A. Equilibrium Predictions
A. Does Overconfidence About Skill
Assuming risk neutrality, there are many Increase Entry?
pure-strategy Nash equilibria in which c / 4
or c / 5 subjects enter (the fifth subject is Table 4 lists the total amount of money
indifferent since he or she expects to earn zero earned by subjects (‘‘industry profit’’) per
from entering). Since the pure-strategy equi-
libria are necessarily asymmetric, it is hard to
5
An alternative is to try to induce risk neutrality (or
some other specific degree of risk aversion) by paying
subjects in units of probability (see Joyce E. Berg et al.,
4
Business students, especially M.B.A.’s, are an appro- 1986). We chose to use the random-rank condition be-
priate sample because many go on to start businesses or cause the probability procedure does not induce risk neu-
participate in corporate entry decisions (e.g., entrepre- trality reliably (see Reinhard Selten et al., 1995; cf., Vesna
neurship is the fifth most popular major among Wharton Prasnikar, 1996 ) , and the random-rank condition is
M.B.A.’s). equally theoretically valid, and simpler.
round in each experimental session, by rank ditions is $18.43, which is about two extra en-
condition. Recall that if c subjects enter, total trants per round in the skill conditions (about
industry profit is $50. If c / 5 enter, total prof- a third of the number expected to not enter).
its are 0. A powerful statistical test of significance ex-
The main question is whether there is more ploits the yoked design by comparing industry
entry (and lower industry profit) when people profit in each pair of skill-rank and random-
are betting on their own relative skill rather rank periods in exactly the same periods of
than on a random device. The answer is experimental sessions t and t / 1 (for t Å 1,
‘‘Yes’’: In the majority of the random-rank 3, 5, 7). In this comparison, each pair of pe-
rounds (74/96 or 77 percent) industry profit riods has exactly the same location in experi-
is strictly positive 6 and total profit is negative mental time and the same value of c , and differ
only six times (6 percent). Average industry only in whether ranks were due to skill or
profit across rounds is $16.87. In contrast, in chance. ( Fixed effects of periods, self-
the skill-rank rounds industry profit is strictly selection, and subject pool are all controlled
positive in only 37 rounds (40 percent) and for by this comparison.) A matched-pair t-test
negative in 41 (42 percent). Average profit using these comparisons yields t Å 07.43
across the skill-rank rounds is 0$1.56. The (dof Å 95, p õ 0.0001). Industry profits under
difference in average profits between the con- skill-based entry are clearly lower.
The next question is whether reference
group neglect produces a larger skill-random
6
entry differential in the experiments with self-
This is also consistent with tacit collusion among risk- selected subjects. The answer appears to be
neutral players, since having exactly c entrants is the col-
lusive solution (but is not a Nash equilibrium), or with ‘‘Yes.’’ In sessions without self-selection (1–
some degree of risk aversion or ( more likely ) loss 4), the average per-period industry profit is
aversion. $19.79 and $10.83 for the random and skill
TABLE 5—AVERAGE DIFFERENCE IN EXPECTED PROFITS PER ENTRANT BETWEEN RANDOM AND SKILL CONDITIONS
age profit is negative, on average, across skill positively but the MBA*Skill interaction does
periods. not.
In sessions without self-selection (1–4) the Most importantly, the effect of the Skill con-
mean difference Pr 0 Ps is generally positive dition variable is significantly positive (t Å
and modestly significant—60 percent of the 2.48) in the full model but the interaction
subjects expect to earn less in skill periods, but of self-selection and skill, RNG*Skill, is in-
only a few subjects (4 percent) actually expect significant. The middle column drops the un-
losses in skill periods. In the sessions with self- interesting variables MBA, MBA*Skill, and
selection (4–8) the statistics are more strik- the insignificant main effect of RNG. Then
ing : There are large, modestly significant RNG*Skill becomes significant (t Å 1.90),
average differences Pr 0 Ps in all four ses- confirming that self-selection significantly in-
sions (almost all subjects expect to earn less creases the tendency to enter more frequently
in skill periods than in random periods), and when payoffs depend on skill.10 The right col-
85 percent of the subjects have negative ex- umn excludes the RNG *Skill interaction,
pected average profits in skill periods. The which increases the estimated coefficient and
large majority of subjects in the self-selection significance of the pure skill effect (t Å 4.83).
sessions seem to be saying, ‘‘I expect the av- Comparing the log-likelihoods with and with-
erage entrant to lose money, but not me!’’ out RNG*Skill also shows that including it
improves fit significantly ( x 2 Å 3.6, p Å
C. Regression Estimates of the 0.05), corroborating the results of the t-test.
Overconfidence Effect
D. Additional Analyses: Forecasts and
Another way to see the size and significance Equilibrium Behavior
of all the variables’ effects at once is a logit
regression in which the dependent variable is Since subjects forecasted the number of en-
subject j’s 0-1 entry decision (enter Å 1) in trants in each period, we can test whether their
round t of experiment i, Dijt . The logit includes forecasts reflect rational use of available in-
controls for period-specific intercepts (to cap- formation (see Lovallo and Camerer [1996]
ture any period-by-period influences on en- for more details). Forecasts are slightly bi-
try), a subject pool dummy (MBA Å 1), a ased: In random conditions subjects forecast
self-selection condition dummy (RNG Å 1), about 0.30 entrants too high, and in skill con-
capacity c, and a skill-rank dummy (Skill Å ditions they forecast 0.50 entrants too low (the
1). latter bias is significantly negative at p õ
Table 6 shows the results of the logit re- 0.05). We have no explanation for these small
gression of entry decisions.8 Period-specific
dummy variables were never significant and
are not reported. Curiously, E( Pijt ) enters with
a negative sign, implying that when subjects and between E ( Pijt ) and c. None of these specifications
expect high average profit they enter less of- improved the fit substantially or eliminated the significant
ten. This odd result is robust to several speci- negative coefficient on E( Pijt ). We suspect the result oc-
curs because when subjects plan to enter, they also fore-
fications but it does not disrupt inferences cast a lot of entry, so the expected average profit E( Pijt )
about skill.9 The dummy variable MBA enters is lower when they enter. This could be due to a ‘‘false
consensus’’ in which subjects use their own decision as a
clue about what others will do (and, because of optimism,
they do not let their forecast inhibit their own entry).
10
Excluding the RNG*Skill interaction from the sec-
8
The regression uses only data from sessions 3–8 be- ond model raises the estimated coefficient and significance
cause sessions 1–2 used a different task (logic puzzles of the pure skill effect (0.450, t Å 4.83), which suggests
rather than trivia) and did not include self-selection as a that the precision of the estimates of skill and RNG*Skill
treatment, so including it does not give much extra power in the middle-column specification are a lot lower because
for estimating the effect of RNG. of the colinearity between skill and RNG*Skill. Compar-
9
We also included capacity c as a series of dummy ing the log-likelihoods with and without RNG*Skill also
variables (to capture nonlinearity in the effect of c on en- shows that including it improves fit significantly ( x 2 Å
try), and included interactions between E( Pijt ) and Skill, 3.6, p Å 0.05).
biases and do not attach much economic sig- models assume those deviations drop with the
nificance to them. For most subjects, forecasts reciprocal or reciprocal square root of the pe-
pass the standard rationality tests because fore- riod number. The three techniques yield esti-
cast errors are not predicted by observable in- mated differentials of 1.96, 1.79, and 1.34 (all
formation (i.e., by previous errors, or by the of which are highly significant).
current forecast level). When errors are pre- These numbers suggest that even if the ex-
dictable, they tend to flip in the opposite di- periment was repeated for a much longer time,
rection of previous errors, and errors are one or two more subjects would enter when
positively correlated with levels (i.e., when their payoffs depend on skill, relative to the
forecasts are high, they are too high so the number who enter than when payoffs are ran-
forecast error is positive). dom. Keep in mind that an average of five or
Compared to other economics experiments six subjects are predicted to stay out in each
in which paid forecasts have been gathered period (depending on the design). Two extra
(cf., Camerer, 1995 pp. 609–12), the infor- entrants means that more than a third of the
mational rationality of these forecasts is quite number who are predicted to stay out actually
good. This fact is important because it means enter.
subjects are not generally irrational in pro-
cessing information and they do not overenter IV. Discussion
because they underforecast the amount of
competition. They are just overconfident about Empirical studies show a high rate of busi-
their relative skill. ness failure. We explored whether overconfi-
The time series of matched-pair skill- dence about relative ability is part of the
random differentials in entry has a slight explanation for excessive failure by creating
downward trend across periods. This raises the experimental entry games in which entrants’
important question of whether the effect of payoffs depend on their skill.
overconfidence on entry would disappear if the When subjects’ post-entry payoffs are based
experiment were run longer. A helpful way to on their own abilities, individuals tend to over-
forecast the answer is to fit a time-series model estimate their chances of relative success and
which estimates the long-run differential by enter more frequently (compared to a condi-
extrapolating from 12 periods of data to what tion in which payoffs do not depend on skill).
would happen if the experiment were run for- The more surprising finding is that overconfi-
ever (see Camerer, 1987). Our working paper dence is even stronger when subjects self-
reports estimates from three different models. select into the experimental sessions, knowing
One model assumes partial adaptation of de- their success will depend partly on their skill
viations from long-run equilibrium. Two other (and that others have self-selected too). In
these sessions, there is so much entry that the professions where overconfidence is likely
average subject loses money in 34 out of 48 to be largest, industry profits or total wages
periods, and earns money in only four periods. ( including costs of training ) may be nega-
This result suggests a new phenomenon spe- tive. This brings us full circle to the empir-
cific to competition, ‘‘reference group ne- ical facts about business failure, and the
glect’’ — the tendency to underadjust to difficulty of clearly establishing negative in-
changes in the reference group one competes dustry profit. The key to empirical tests
with. which distinguish overconfidence from other
Reference group neglect is one byproduct of explanations is to find variables which pre-
a psychological phenomenon called the ‘‘in- dict levels of overconfidence and see if they
side view’’ (Kahneman and Lovallo, 1993). correlate with the tendency for overall profit
An inside view forecast is generated by focus- to be negative. For example, when the cri-
ing on the abilities and resources of a partic- terion for success is more vague, people or
ular group, constructing scenarios of future firms should be more likely to overcompete,
progress, and extrapolating current trends. In since ambiguity permits excess optimism.
contrast, an ‘‘outside view’’ ignores special This implies that in professions where suc-
details of the case at hand, constructs a class cess can be achieved by different types of
of cases similar to the current one, and guesses people, or industries with highly differenti-
where the current case lies in that class (cf., ated products, excess entry is more likely.
Kahneman and Tversky, 1979). The inside For example, the skills required to be a suc-
view tells a colorful story; the outside view cessful model seem to be narrower than the
recites statistics. In the inside view, there is no skills required to be a successful actor. If so,
special role for anticipation of the number of your waiter at a Los Angeles restaurant is
competitors or their abilities. In the outside more likely to be an aspiring actor than an
view, the fact that most entries fail cannot be aspiring model.
ignored. The overconfidence hypothesis also pre-
Reference group neglect was nicely ex- dicts that people will prefer performance-
pressed by Joe Roth, chairman of Walt based incentives schemes more often than
Disney Studios, when he was asked why so standard theory predicts. Standard theory
many expensive big-budget movies are re- predicts that as output variance rises, prin-
leased on the same weekends ( such as Me- cipals who can bear risk should offer less
morial Day and Independence Day ) . Roth output-sensitive contracts to agents ( who
replied: presumably dislike risk ) . Overconfidence
predicts that agents will be relatively insen-
Hubris. Hubris. If you only think about sitive to risk; indeed, when risk is high their
your own business, you think, ‘‘I’ve got overconfidence might lead them to prefer
a good story department, I’ve got a good riskier contracts because they think they can
marketing department, we’re going to go beat the odds. There is some evidence from
out and do this.’’ And you don’t think sharecropping that the standard prediction is
that everybody else is thinking the same
way. In a given weekend in a year you’ll wrong, and the overconfidence prediction
have five movies open, and there’s cer- may be right. Crops with larger yield varia-
tainly not enough people to go around. tion are more likely to be farmed with cash
( Emphasis ours; Los Angeles Times, leases, where farmers pay a fixed fee to lease
1996 p. F8.) the land and bear all the crop risk themselves
( e.g., Douglas W. Allen and Dean Lueck,
A. Some Testable Economic Implications 1995 ) . Other evidence from franchising and
mining show that risk variables play a small
Experimental results are especially useful role in contract determination; the existence
when they suggest implications which are of overconfidence may explain why.
testable with naturally occurring data. If Reference group neglect predicts that when
people are generally overconfident about agents compete based on skill, they will be
their relative abilities, then in industries or insufficiently sensitive to the quality of
competition. This has at least three testable to college) and the effect will get stronger if
implications. they go to graduate school. Promotion tracks
First, people will gather too little data about in businesses could produce the same pattern
the nature of their competitors when deciding of snowballing overconfidence: Perhaps as
whether to enter.11 cream rises to the top, hubris does too.
Second, reference group neglect predicts Reference group neglect predicts an oppo-
that people will be insensitive to whether their site bias when workers lose tournaments and
competitors are forced to compete or choose consider whether to enter ‘‘consolation’’ tour-
to compete. Empirical tests could compare a naments with other losers. Losing workers will
situation in which entry is dictated by regula- be underconfident if they neglect how easy the
tion or law, with a similar situation in which new competition is. For example, recently
people can opt in or out. Reference group ne- fired workers will have unusually long spells
glect predicts a higher failure rate in the latter of unemployment ( compared to the spell
cases.12 length predicted by optimal search theory), if
Third, in hierarchical tournaments where they lick their wounds rather than compete
‘‘winners’’ at one level advance to the next with other recently fired workers by searching.
level, reference group neglect predicts that In addition to reference group neglect and
overconfidence will get stronger and stronger its testable implications, an important impli-
as people advance.13 As workers win each cation of our study is methodological. In some
level of the tournament, their success is cer- settings with uncertainty, it is sensible to char-
tainly a positive signal of ability relative to the acterize economic agents as making decisions
tournament losers left behind, but every other about random events, and use chance devices
winner has received the same positive signal in the lab to mimic such events. However,
too. If winners neglect the fact that competi- when agents are betting on their own abilities,
tion increases at each level, they will become assuming that random luck and skill are the
more overconfident at each new level. Edu- same is a mistake (cf., Linda Babcock and
cational attainment might be an example. George Loewenstein, 1997). Indeed, we reach
Freshman students at a highly selective college different conclusions about equilibrium pre-
will be overconfident (neglecting the large in- dictions when we use skill-based payoffs in-
crease in competition from their high school stead of random payoffs—they enter more
when betting on their skill. This is not to say
that the subjects behave irrationally—indeed,
they forecast the number of competitors quite
11
For example, prospective doctoral students often do well, and most pass tests of expectational ra-
not ask about exam failure rates or what jobs all graduates tionality. They are simply overconfident; and
get, and academics are surprisingly unfamiliar with accep- the inside view which creates that confidence
tance rates of different journals they submit articles to.
These ‘‘outside view’’ statistics only make cameo ap- leads them to neglect the quality of their
pearances in the success stories people project for competition.
themselves.
12
An example is the difference between an army that REFERENCES
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13
Possible examples include political competition, ‘‘rat pression and Pessimism for the Future:
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1032. Kris Hardies, Diane Breesch, Joël Branson. 2009. Male and Female Auditors’ Overconfidence. SSRN
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1033. David F. Benson, Rosemarie Ham Ziedonis. 2009. Corporate Venture Capital and the Returns to
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1034. Nestor Gandelman, Ruben Hernandez-Murillo. 2009. The Impact of Inflation and Unemployment
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1038. Lea-Rachel D. Kosnik. 2008. Refusing to budge: a confirmatory bias in decision making?. Mind &
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1039. Nicolas Jacquemet, Jean-Louis Rullière, Isabelle Vialle. 2008. Monitoring optimistic agents. Journal
of Economic Psychology 29:5, 698-714. [Crossref]
1040. Joseph R. Radzevick, Don A. Moore. 2008. Myopic biases in competitions. Organizational Behavior
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1041. Daniella Acker, Nigel W. Duck. 2008. Cross-cultural overconfidence and biased self-attribution. The
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1050. Z. Seyda Deligonul, G. Tomas M. Hult, S. Tamer Cavusgil. 2008. Entrepreneuring as a puzzle: an
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1051. VANESSA GAIL PERRY. 2008. Is Ignorance Bliss? Consumer Accuracy in Judgments about Credit
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Mathematical Social Sciences 55:3, 381-404. [Crossref]
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1054. Danyelle Guyatt. Corporate social responsibility: the case of long-term and responsible investment
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1055. Jason P. Rose, Paul D. Windschitl. 2008. How egocentrism and optimism change in response to
feedback in repeated competitions. Organizational Behavior and Human Decision Processes 105:2,
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1056. Guido Kordel. 2008. Behavioral Corporate Governance from a Regulatory Perspective: Potentials and
Limits of Regulatory Intervention to Impact the Conduct of Corporate Actors. European Business
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1057. Gerhard van de Venter, David Michayluk. 2008. An Insight into Overconfidence in the Forecasting
Abilities of Financial Advisors. Australian Journal of Management 32:3, 545-557. [Crossref]
1058. . UNDERSTANDING FEDERAL DEFICITS AND PUBLIC DEBT 139-140. [Crossref]
1059. Zoltan J. Acs, Pamela Mueller. 2008. Employment effects of business dynamics: Mice, Gazelles and
Elephants. Small Business Economics 30:1, 85-100. [Crossref]
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Psychology 55:2, 113-120. [Crossref]
1061. Hans K. Hvide, Jarle Moen. 2008. Lean and Hungry or Fat and Content? Entrepreneur Wealth and
Start-up Performance. SSRN Electronic Journal . [Crossref]
1062. Pavlo Blavatskyy. 2008. Betting on Own Knowledge: Experimental Test of Overconfidence. SSRN
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1063. Michael Shayne Gary, Robert E. Wood. 2008. Mental Models, Decision Rules, Strategies and
Performance Heterogeneity. SSRN Electronic Journal . [Crossref]
1064. Andreas Trauten, Thomas Langer. 2008. Why the Google IPO Might Stay Exotic - An Experimental
Analysis of Offering Mechanisms. SSRN Electronic Journal . [Crossref]
1065. P. Koellinger, Maria Minniti, Christian Schade. 2008. Seeing the World with Different Eyes: Gender
Differences in Perceptions and the Propensity to Start a Business. SSRN Electronic Journal 50. .
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1066. Alfred A. Marcus, Marc H. Anderson. 2008. Commitment to an Emerging Organizational Field,
Institutional Entrepreneurship, and the Perception of Opportunity: An Enactment Theory. SSRN
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1067. Robert E. Marks. 2008. The Satisficer's Curse. SSRN Electronic Journal 29. . [Crossref]
1068. Joern Hendrich Block, Heiner Brockmann, Heinz Klandt, Karsten Kohn. 2008. Start-Up Barriers in
Germany: A Review of the Empirical Literature. SSRN Electronic Journal . [Crossref]
1069. Jesper B. Sorensen, Damon J. Phillips. 2008. Competence and Commitment: Employer Size and
Entrepreneurial Endurance. SSRN Electronic Journal . [Crossref]
1070. Lindred Greer, Heather M. Caruso, Karen A. Jehn. 2008. The Bigger They are, the Harder They
Fall: Linking Team Power to Conflict, Congruence and Collective Decision-Making Performance.
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1071. Lindred Greer, Gerben A. van Kleef. 2008. Power Distance, Conflict Resolution and Status Conflicts
in Teams: How Do Team Power Dynamics Impact Conflict Resolution?. SSRN Electronic Journal
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1072. Katja Rost, Margit Osterloh. 2008. You Pay a Fee for Strong Beliefs: Homogeneity as a Driver of
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1073. Robin M. Hogarth, Natalia Karelaia. 2008. Entrepreneurial Success and Failure: Confidence and
Fallible Judgement. SSRN Electronic Journal . [Crossref]
1074. Robin M. Hogarth, Natalia Karelaia. 2008. Skill, Luck, Overconfidence, and Risk Taking. SSRN
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1075. Marian Krajc. 2008. Are the Unskilled Really that Unaware? Understanding Seemingly Biased Self-
Assessments. SSRN Electronic Journal . [Crossref]
1076. Gavin Cassar. 2008. Are Individuals Entering Self-Employment Overly-Optimistic? An Empirical
Test of Plans and Projections on Nascent Entrepreneur Expectations. SSRN Electronic Journal 30. .
[Crossref]
1077. . Congestion pricing and welfare: an entry experiment LISA R . ANDERSON , CHARLES A .
HOLT , AND DAVID 302-314. [Crossref]
1078. Peter J Buckley, Timothy M Devinney, Jordan J Louviere. 2007. Do managers behave the way theory
suggests? A choice-theoretic examination of foreign direct investment location decision-making.
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1079. Donald Vandegrift, Abdullah Yavas, Paul M. Brown. 2007. Incentive effects and overcrowding in
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1080. Michael G. Jacobides, Sidney G. Winter. 2007. Entrepreneurship and Firm Boundaries: The Theory
of A Firm. Journal of Management Studies 44:7, 1213-1241. [Crossref]
1081. Yasemin Y. Kor, Joseph T. Mahoney, Steven C. Michael. 2007. Resources, Capabilities and
Entrepreneurial Perceptions. Journal of Management Studies 44:7, 1187-1212. [Crossref]
1082. Arturs Kalnins. 2007. Sample selection and theory development: Implications of firms' varying abilities
to appropriately select new ventures arturs kalnins. Academy of Management Review 32:4, 1246-1264.
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1083. Zafer Akin. 2007. Time inconsistency and learning in bargaining games. International Journal of Game
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1084. Aviad Heifetz, Chris Shannon, Yossi Spiegel. 2007. The Dynamic Evolution of Preferences. Economic
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1085. Philipp Koellinger, Maria Minniti, Christian Schade. 2007. “I think I can, I think I can”:
Overconfidence and entrepreneurial behavior. Journal of Economic Psychology 28:4, 502-527. [Crossref]
1086. Thomas Åstebro, Scott A. Jeffrey, Gordon K. Adomdza. 2007. Inventor perseverance after being told
to quit: the role of cognitive biases. Journal of Behavioral Decision Making 20:3, 253-272. [Crossref]
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1088. Dolly Chugh, Max H. Bazerman. 2007. Bounded awareness: what you fail to see can hurt you. Mind
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1089. Jordi Blanes I Vidal, Marc Möller. 2007. When Should Leaders Share Information with Their
Subordinates?. Journal of Economics & Management Strategy 16:2, 251-283. [Crossref]
1090. Don A. Moore, John M. Oesch, Charlene Zietsma. 2007. What Competition? Myopic Self-Focus in
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1091. Philip Y. K. Cheng. 2007. The Trader Interaction Effect on the Impact of Overconfidence on Trading
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1094. Malcolm Baker, Richard S. Ruback, Jeffrey Wurgler. Behavioral Corporate Finance**The authors
are grateful to Heitor Almeida, Nick Barberis, Zahi Ben-David, Espen Eckbo, Xavier Gabaix, Dirk
Hackbarth, Dirk Jenter, Augustin Landier, Alexander Ljungqvist, Ulrike Malmendier, Jay Ritter,
David Robinson, Hersh Shefrin, Andrei Shleifer, Meir Statman, Theo Vermaelen, Ivo Welch, and
Jeffrey Zweibel for helpful comments. Baker and Ruback gratefully acknowledge financial support
from the Division of Research of the Harvard Business School 145-186. [Crossref]
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1096. Richard P. Larrick, Katherine A. Burson, Jack B. Soll. 2007. Social comparison and confidence: When
thinking you’re better than average predicts overconfidence (and when it does not). Organizational
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1100. Rui Baptista, Murat Karaöz. 2007. Turbulence in High Growth and Declining Industries. SSRN
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1101. Giovanni Gavetti, Massimo Warglien. 2007. Recognizing the New: A Multi-Agent Model of Analogy
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1103. Leonidas Enrique de la Rosa. 2007. Overconfidence and Moral Hazard. SSRN Electronic Journal .
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1104. Francesca Gino, Don A. Moore, Samuel A. Swift, Zachariah S. Sharek. 2007. Correspondence Bias
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1105. Andrew J. Healy, Jennifer G Pate. 2007. Overconfidence, Social Groups, and Gender: Evidence from
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1106. Luís P. Santos-Pinto. 2007. Positive Self-Image in Tournaments. SSRN Electronic Journal . [Crossref]
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1121. Denis Hilton. Chapter 10 Overconfidence, Trading and Entrepreneurship: Cognitive and Cultural
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1122. Pierre-Michel Menger. Chapter 22 Artistic Labor Markets: Contingent Work, Excess Supply and
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1164. Don A. Moore. 2005. Not so Above Average After All: When People Believe They are Worse than
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1165. Nabanita Datta Gupta, Anders Poulsen, Marie-Claire Villeval. 2005. Male and Female Competitive
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1166. Deborah A. Small, Don A. Moore. 2005. Error and Bias in Comparative Judgment: On Being Both
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1182. Avishalom Tor, Max H. Bazerman. 2003. Focusing failures in competitive environments: explaining
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