Global Economic System Notes
Global Economic System Notes
China developed a very different model, centered on the Emperor who ruled “All Under
Heaven.” The Chinese order was hierarchical, radiating from the imperial capital and
based on the idea of harmony rather than sovereignty.
In contrast, the Islamic vision of world order combined religious and political authority.
Beginning in the 7th century, Islam expanded through the Middle East, North Africa,
and parts of Europe. The Ottoman Empire, under leaders like Sultan Mehmed II,
claimed a universal governance based on one empire, one faith, and one sovereignty.
Despite the rise of globalization, the nation-state remained the central actor in both
domestic and international economic decision-making. However, economic regionalism
began to reshape trade dynamics, and new alliances formed based on shared economic
interests.
Under the post-war Bretton Woods system, international currencies were linked to the
U.S. dollar, which itself was tied to gold. This created a fixed exchange rate system
where other currencies were convertible into the dollar, and the dollar into gold. This
arrangement offered a clear value reference for global economic transactions and
enhanced trust in international monetary stability.
Robert Keohane’s work After Hegemony emphasized that international regimes are
essential to the smooth functioning of the world economy. These regimes are shaped
by technological, economic, and political forces. States, even while pursuing their own
national interests, create regimes to enhance both individual and collective benefits.
The main tasks of regimes include reducing uncertainty, minimizing transaction costs,
and preventing market failures.
At the same time, regimes are influenced by the self-interest of modern welfare states,
which tend to protect their economic autonomy and limit access to their welfare
systems—for example, by restricting immigration. States also seek to manipulate
regimes to serve their own political and economic agendas, especially when these
regimes affect national security or domestic welfare.
The post-World War II liberal economic order was built upon the political and economic
leadership of the United States. Through its military, financial, and technological power,
the U.S. played a key role in establishing international regimes that reflected its
interests. The U.S. dollar became the dominant reserve and transaction currency,
facilitating American foreign policy and economic dominance. While this gave the U.S.
structural power, it also allowed it to behave both responsibly and irresponsibly within
the international system.
American leadership also shaped the Bretton Woods system of trade and monetary
regimes. The negotiations that led to its creation were primarily driven by the U.S. and
the U.K., but other powers such as Canada, Japan, and Western Europe supported the
system for economic and geopolitical reasons, particularly in the context of the Cold
War and the threat posed by the Soviet Union.
The theory of hegemonic stability exists in both liberal and realist versions. It argues
that a liberal international economy requires a leading hegemon that is committed to
maintaining liberal economic principles. In the 19th century, that hegemon was Great
Britain; in the 20th century, it was the United States. However, while the presence of a
hegemon is necessary, it is not a sufficient condition for the maintenance of a liberal
economic system. This theory assumes that international cooperation is essential, but
not always guaranteed.
Economist Barry Eichengreen has argued that the decline of American leadership has
contributed to the growing importance of bilateral negotiations and regional economic
arrangements. As American influence has waned, states increasingly seek more
localized forms of cooperation that reflect their immediate interests and strategic
needs.
Despite the rise of neoliberalism and increasing globalization, national leaders are
often reluctant to leave economic results entirely to the forces of the market. Nobel
laureate Douglass North described this as the “incentive structure” of society, shaped
by its economic institutions. The goals of national economies range from ensuring
consumer welfare to expanding national power. Some economies adopt a laissez-faire
approach, as seen in the United States, while others, like Japan, involve the state more
directly in economic management.
Oligopolies are markets dominated by a few powerful firms, often with one company
leading the market. These companies use their economic influence to manipulate
exchange conditions and often act as price-setters. A clear example is Saudi Aramco in
the oil market. Oligopolistic competition alters how markets function and requires
different analytical tools to understand.
Game theory, developed by Von Neumann and Morgenstern, is one such tool. It helps
predict the outcomes of strategic interactions between a limited number of actors. In
this framework, each player must anticipate the actions of others and adjust their
strategy accordingly. Game theory reveals how decision-making under uncertainty can
shape market dynamics, especially in concentrated sectors.
3. Technological Innovation
Technological progress plays a key role in determining the structure and behavior of
the world economy. New theories of growth, location, and strategic trade take into
account how advances in technology force countries to adapt their economic
strategies. In the 21st century, scale economies and imperfect competition have made
global trade patterns and production locations more dependent on national policies
and corporate strategies than ever before.
The First Industrial Revolution, beginning in the late 18th century in the UK, was driven
by steam power and iron. The Second, in the late 19th century, introduced steel,
electricity, and internal combustion engines, enabling mass production. The Third
Industrial Revolution, led by Japan and the U.S. in the 1970s, brought about
automation, computerized systems, and lean production models like Toyota’s Just-in-
Time approach. Today’s Fourth Industrial Revolution integrates advanced technologies
such as artificial intelligence, robotics, and biotechnology into all aspects of production.
Economic growth patterns reveal both convergence and divergence among nations and
within regions. While some countries grow rapidly and integrate into the global
economy, others stagnate or grow more slowly. A study by Robert Barro and Xavier
Martin showed that the expected convergence between rich and poor countries has
largely not occurred. Instead, disparities in growth rates persist.
Despite this, cooperation between core and periphery is essential for global stability.
Uneven development results from conflicting economic forces that either concentrate
or disperse industrial activity. To address these imbalances and promote convergence,
many regions have pursued integration, such as through the formation of the European
Union. These regional arrangements aim to strengthen economic capacity and political
influence in an increasingly competitive global economy.
National systems of political economy vary significantly from one another. This lesson
compares the economic systems of the United States, Japan, and Germany, focusing on
three core aspects: the goals of economic activity, the role of the state in the economy,
and the structure of corporate governance. Despite their differences, these countries
share common purposes such as promoting citizen welfare, consumer well-being, and
national power.
During the 20th century, the U.S. saw the emergence of managerial capitalism, where
corporate management was separated from ownership. The New Deal of the 1930s
expanded the role of the federal government, emphasizing economic equity and social
welfare. After World War II, the Full Employment Act of 1946 marked a shift toward
Keynesian policy, where the government accepted responsibility for maintaining full
employment through macroeconomic policies. However, the 1980s saw a return to
conservative economic thinking under Ronald Reagan, prioritizing deregulation and
free markets.
The economic role of the American state is shaped by neoclassical theory and the U.S.
political system. Power is divided among executive, legislative, and judicial branches,
and between federal and state governments. Responsibility for economic management
is shared between institutions like the Treasury, the Federal Reserve, and various
agencies. There is a political divide: Republicans generally oppose strong state
involvement, while Democrats are more supportive.
Fiscal policy is managed by Congress and the executive branch, while monetary policy
falls under the control of the Federal Reserve. The state is expected to provide a
neutral business environment, regulating markets, correcting failures, and supplying
public goods. Industrial policy includes targeted support for sectors such as education,
national defense, research, and high-tech industries believed to create high-value jobs.
After World War II, Japan rejected the U.S. recommendation to focus on labor-intensive
industries and instead pursued industrial and technological parity with the West. Led
by the Ministry of International Trade and Industry (MITI), Japan aimed for economic
self-sufficiency and national advancement. In Japan, the economy is considered
subordinate to broader social and political goals.
The Japanese state collaborates with the ruling party and the private sector, which
assumes responsibility for social welfare. Japan's industrial policy includes import
protection, subsidies, and low-cost financing to foster industrialization, especially in
high-tech sectors. Resource-poor but capital- and labor-rich, Japan built its strength on
manufacturing and innovation. The government selected a few powerful firms for
protection and support, granting them tax breaks and subsidies.
Corporate practices in Japan reflect long-term thinking. Core workers in major firms like
Sony and Toyota often enjoy lifetime employment and are paid based on seniority.
These workers are seen as valuable assets, and companies invest heavily in them. The
keiretsu system links firms through long-term trust and relationships. Government-
backed bank loans and the postal savings system provide firms with access to low-cost
capital, reinforcing Japan’s strategic capitalism.
German capitalism includes elements of corporatism, where labor and social groups
are represented in corporate governance. Capital organizes labor, and the government
cooperates with the private sector in managing the economy. The German state,
together with the Länder (federal states), has created a stable environment for private
enterprise through legal frameworks that encourage high savings, investment, and
growth.
The Bundesbank, Germany’s independent central bank, plays a key role in maintaining
macroeconomic stability, defending the euro, and preventing inflation. It ensures a
stable climate for investment through low interest rates and responsible monetary
policy.
It is difficult to declare one system as superior, since each national model reflects
different values, historical trajectories, and social standards. The United States
prioritizes market competition and shareholder returns, Japan focuses on strategic
national development and social harmony, while Germany seeks a balance between
economic performance and social welfare.
Most economists agree that free trade is superior to protectionism. According to this
view, even if all other countries maintain trade barriers, an open economy can still
benefit from cheaper imports, outweighing the costs of restricted access to foreign
markets. However, economic historian Paul Bairoch argued that, historically,
protectionism has been the rule and free trade the exception. While countries often
seek access to global markets, they are reluctant to open their own economies fully.
In the 1970s, the trend toward trade liberalization reversed. The global economy was
affected by stagflation—a combination of economic stagnation and inflation. In
response, countries like the United States adopted a new protectionism, imposing
trade barriers to shield domestic industries from foreign competition, especially from
Japan.
After World War II, trade liberalization progressed through successive negotiations
under the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). This international treaty
focused exclusively on the trade of goods and did not include services. GATT lacked
enforcement mechanisms, such as surveillance and sanctions committees, but its
rounds of negotiations, driven largely by American leadership, led to substantial trade
expansion and tighter integration of national economies.
In 1993, the Uruguay Round of trade negotiations led to the creation of the World
Trade Organization (WTO), replacing GATT. The WTO was formalized through a treaty
supported by U.S. Presidents Reagan, Bush, and Clinton and ratified by the U.S. Senate.
New challenges to free trade emerged, including economic regionalism, labor
standards, environmental protection, and tensions between globalization and national
sovereignty. The 21st-century trade system shifted focus from comparative advantage
to competitive advantage, with trade penetrating deeper into domestic economies and
becoming intertwined with cultural and political issues.
5. Revisions of Conventional Trade Theory
The Heckscher-Ohlin (H-O) model suggested that countries would export goods that
intensively use their abundant factors of production, benefiting those factor owners
and disadvantaging owners of scarce factors. The model also posited that trade in
goods could substitute for trade in factors, leading to factor price equalization.
However, this theory was challenged by the Leontief Paradox, which showed that the
U.S., a capital-rich country, exported labor-intensive goods. This contradiction was
resolved by incorporating the concept of human capital, recognizing that U.S. workers
had higher education and productivity, which enriched the understanding of
comparative advantage.
Opinions on MNCs are divided. Some economists see them as politically neutral
entities that enhance global efficiency by optimizing resource use. Others view them as
self-interested actors whose market power allows them to shape economies to their
advantage.
Globalization is irreversible and demands that companies remain flexible, strategic, and
globally integrated. Corporations must reach global consumers while monitoring costs
and adapting to local markets. Globalization affects all sectors and actors, from
companies and governments to individuals.
According to Theodore Levitt, multinational firms operate in many countries and adapt
products to local preferences, often at a higher cost. Global firms, in contrast, offer
standardized products worldwide at lower costs, benefiting from scale economies and
consistent marketing strategies. Levitt believed that only global firms would succeed
long-term by leveraging technology and efficiency.
Today, globalization is not limited to firms from developed countries. Companies from
emerging markets also access technology, capital, and talent, becoming global
competitors. The balance between global integration and local responsiveness—
"glocalization"—is key. As Sony's Akio Morita said: “Think global, act local.” Glocal firms
aim to combine global reach with respect for local culture and preferences.
The growing size and influence of MNCs have raised concerns. Critics fear these
corporations could overpower local economies and governments. The 1980s and 1990s
saw a wave of mergers, driven by deregulation and new technologies. While
globalization brought increased scale and competition, it also led to the concentration
of economic and political power in corporate hands.
Today’s global supply chains involve numerous stakeholders, from suppliers and
logistics providers to regulators and consumers. The book Connectography by Parag
Khanna describes this system as an interconnected ecosystem shaped by productivity,
bureaucracy, transport, and culture. Non-state actors like global brands and NGOs play
increasingly important roles in shaping the global economy.
New concerns in the trading system include environmental, social, and governance
(ESG) criteria. The green economy promotes sustainability and environmental
responsibility, while the blue economy emphasizes ocean and marine resource
management. Together, these trends reflect growing awareness that the future of
trade must balance economic growth with social and ecological goals.
In the 1970s, a financial revolution transformed the global economic landscape. One of
its main advantages was the increased freedom of capital movement, which led to a
deeper integration of national financial markets. This development facilitated the
emergence of a global financial system, which enabled the efficient allocation of capital
resources across borders. Less developed countries (LDCs), often capital-poor, gained
access to international credit, aiding their economic development.
However, this same process also introduced new vulnerabilities. The growing volume
and volatility of international capital flows contributed to economic instability. The
global financial system itself became prone to serious crises, driven by speculation and
the rapid mobility of funds.
Global financial globalization has become a defining characteristic of the modern world
economy. It involves the seamless movement of capital across borders, integrating
national economies into a single global system. With technological advances, billions of
dollars can now be moved from one market to another at the click of a button. Most
international financial flows today are short-term (less than 12 months on average) and
speculative in nature.
The rise of hedge funds, speculative financiers like George Soros, and globally active
banks has increased the vulnerability of the international system. These actors often
target emerging markets, creating booms and busts that can destabilize entire
economies. Financial crises have become a recurrent feature of international
capitalism.
Examples of such crises include the debt crisis in Latin America in the 1970s, the
collapse of the European Exchange Rate Mechanism in 1992–1993, the Mexican Peso
crisis in 1994–1995, the Russian financial crisis in the 1990s, the East Asian crisis in
1997, the global financial crisis of 2007–2009 sparked by the U.S. subprime mortgage
collapse, and the COVID-19 economic crisis starting in 2020.
Economist Hyman Minsky proposed a theory to explain how financial crises develop.
According to Minsky, a crisis typically begins with a displacement—an external shock
such as a war or the introduction of a major new technology. This creates high profit
opportunities in certain sectors, which leads to a surge in credit and an investment
boom.
This boom can evolve into a speculative bubble, as asset prices rise and speculative
behavior becomes widespread. Eventually, some insiders begin to realize that the
market has peaked and start converting their assets into safer investments. This
triggers a chain reaction, often called a domino effect, where others rush to do the
same. Panic spreads rapidly, creating a “stampede” toward security. Lending stops,
credit markets freeze, and the economy may fall into recession or even depression.
Although Minsky’s model offers a compelling narrative, many economists reject the
idea that a general theory of financial crises can be developed. They argue that each
crisis is unique and shaped by historical accidents. Furthermore, neoclassical
economists assume that market actors are rational and deny the possibility of
speculative bubbles. Nobel laureate Milton Friedman went so far as to say that
speculation cannot exist in a rational market economy.
In contrast, historian Charles Kindleberger claimed that financial crises are a recurring
feature of global capitalism, especially at the international level. He observed that the
history of global markets is marked by repeated episodes of manias, panics, and
crashes. According to Kindleberger, factors such as risky speculation, aggressive
monetary expansion, rising asset prices, and a rush into safe assets are natural by-
products of global investors’ pursuit of high returns.
In the summer of 1997, the East Asian economies experienced a sudden and severe
collapse, despite having been praised just a few years earlier by the World Bank for
their macroeconomic stability. The crisis began in Thailand and spread rapidly to other
countries in the region. No expert had anticipated a crisis of this magnitude. While
globalization played a role, the root causes lay in poor domestic economic
management and structural vulnerabilities, such as large external deficits, inflated
asset prices, poor regulation, and rigid exchange rate pegs to the U.S. dollar.
In Thailand, the crisis was triggered by the inability to sustain a fixed exchange rate
amid mounting current account deficits and speculative attacks. The depreciation of
the Japanese yen also contributed to competitiveness problems. When the Thai baht
collapsed, it signaled the start of a regional financial panic.
South Korea, the world’s 11th largest economy at the time, was also hit. Despite low
inflation and unemployment, Korean banks and corporations held massive short-term
foreign debt—over three times their foreign exchange reserves. This unsustainable
situation led to a crisis of confidence and forced the country to accept a $57 billion IMF
bailout.
During the mid-1990s, Russia was transitioning from a planned economy to a market-
based one. This shift caused social upheaval, extreme inflation, and widespread
poverty. Budget deficits were financed by the Central Bank, and tax evasion was
rampant. A lack of fiscal discipline and political resistance to reforms led to the collapse
of investor confidence.
By early 1999, the Russian ruble had lost 70% of its value, and inflation had reached
90%. Although the country did not experience a full banking crisis, it declared a
suspension of payments on both public and private debts. Institutional instability and
poor macroeconomic coordination worsened the situation.
Brazil’s economy was shaken in the wake of the East Asian crisis. The resulting
contagion worsened global financial conditions and placed intense pressure on Brazil’s
capital account. The government implemented emergency fiscal and monetary
measures, including spending cuts and interest rate hikes, but foreign exchange
reserves still dropped dramatically.
To stabilize the situation, Brazil secured an $18 billion IMF standby agreement. The
Clinton administration supported this rescue, fearing a collapse in Brazil—a major U.S.
trade partner—would disrupt the global economy. The U.S. Federal Reserve cut
interest rates, helping to restore market confidence and stabilize the American
economy.
By 2010, the eurozone faced major financial instability. The currency union had grown
too large and diverse, and there were no fiscal mechanisms to redistribute resources
among member states. Emerging European economies such as Georgia, Hungary, and
Ukraine required assistance, and within the eurozone itself, countries like Greece,
Ireland, Portugal, and Cyprus faced deep fiscal and banking problems.
These countries suffered from balance sheet vulnerabilities and large current account
imbalances, which could not be corrected due to the rigidity of the shared currency.
The European Central Bank's strict anti-inflation mandate, combined with the absence
of a unified fiscal policy, made coordinated responses difficult.
There are important parallels between the Great Depression of the 1930s and the
Great Recession of 2008–2009. Both periods were marked by high unemployment,
social unrest, and frustration. In both cases, nations engaged in "currency wars"
through competitive devaluations, imposed trade barriers, and failed to coordinate
policies effectively. These events highlight the need for multilateral approaches to
manage global economic crises.
Following the turmoil of the 1990s, there was significant debate over whether
international financial flows should be regulated. In the United States, the dominant
view—especially under the Clinton administration—was that markets should regulate
themselves without government interference. However, many European countries,
including Germany, France, and Japan, argued for greater control over international
financial movements.
The East Asian crisis served as a wake-up call, showing that poorly managed capital
flows could devastate economies. While some economists believe that markets alone
should govern the financial system, others—along with institutions like the IMF—
support financial openness accompanied by strong surveillance mechanisms at both
domestic and international levels.
Multinational companies (MNCs) are not a new phenomenon. They have existed for
centuries, with examples such as the Dutch East India Company and the British
Western India Company. However, the nature and influence of MNCs have evolved
drastically in the 20th and 21st centuries, making them central actors in the global
economy and increasingly relevant in discussions about international political and
economic governance.
Neoclassical economists argue that firms are guided by market signals regardless of
their nationality and that foreign direct investment (FDI) leads to the efficient
allocation of resources through comparative advantage. These firms often operate in
imperfect markets shaped by national government policies like trade protection and
industrial policy.
Paul Krugman highlights the oligopolistic nature of MNCs, noting that their decisions
about whether to export or invest abroad influence global trade patterns and growth.
Richard Caves emphasizes the concept of “appropriability,” or a firm’s ability to protect
valuable assets like trademarks and technology.
Business economists, including Alfred Chandler and Raymond Vernon, have focused on
corporate behavior. Vernon’s product cycle theory explains how U.S. firms expanded
abroad due to domestic advantages in innovation, market size, and R&D, especially in
the post-WWII period.
John Dunning’s Eclectic Theory combines factors such as ownership advantages,
location-specific advantages, and the benefits of internalization. This theory explains
why MNCs outperform domestic firms by leveraging global deregulation and FDI
opportunities.
Political economists take a state-centric approach. Robert Gilpin argues that the
success of MNCs is not just economic but political, enabled by favorable global
conditions often shaped by hegemonic powers like the U.S. after WWII. Scholars like
Paul Doremus emphasize that MNCs are deeply influenced by their home societies and
reflect national values.
MNCs are key players in the global economy. According to Doremus, they account for
80% of global industrial output and employ two-thirds of their workforce in their home
countries. FDI has grown dramatically in recent decades, reshaping trade patterns.
Intrafirm trade—transactions between subsidiaries of the same firm—represents a
significant share of global commerce. In the U.S., it accounted for one-third of exports
and two-fifths of imports in 1994.
MNCs are heavily concentrated in capital- and technology-intensive sectors and are
central to the global flow of knowledge. Their influence extends beyond economics,
affecting the political and social structures of many countries.
There are divergent views on the role of MNCs in global governance. Some see MNCs
as agents of globalization that reshape global politics and economics, reducing the
importance of nation-states. Others argue that this view exaggerates MNC influence
and that states still set the rules that corporations must follow. Scholars like John
Stopford and Susan Strange emphasize the continuing rivalry between states and firms
in shaping international outcomes.
These principles state that firms should be allowed to invest anywhere, receive the
same treatment as domestic companies, and not be discriminated against based on
nationality. However, the extraterritorial application of national laws—such as the
Helms-Burton Act, which punishes foreign firms dealing with Cuba—creates tensions
between corporate freedom and state sovereignty. Developing countries seek
protection from corporate dominance, while firms want guarantees against arbitrary
state actions.
8. Do Global Corporations Pose a Threat?
The increasing size and power of MNCs raise concerns about their influence. In the
1980s and 1990s, corporate power expanded rapidly in the U.S. and Western Europe
through waves of mergers, deregulation, and technological innovation. These firms
now manage vast operations, dominate global supply chains, and enjoy major
economies of scale.
Some fear that MNCs are becoming more powerful than states, especially in the areas
of technology, investment, and political influence. Corporate globalization is associated
with both growing competition and increased consolidation of power.
In recent decades, nation-states have lost their status as the only dominant actors in
the international system. Their power has been increasingly shared with international
organizations and non-governmental actors. At the same time, identity politics and
ethnic conflicts challenge the internal integrity of many states, with various groups
demanding independence or autonomy, such as the Kurds or Palestinians.
Vincent Cable, from the Royal Institute of International Affairs in London, noted that
the impact of globalization is highly uneven across nations and varies depending on the
issue. Finance is far more globalized than other sectors, such as services or
manufacturing. Many of the problems attributed to globalization are actually caused by
domestic technological changes or misguided national policies rather than globalization
itself.
2. Historical Context
The idea that the nation-state is in decline is most applicable to highly developed
regions such as the United States, the European Union, and possibly Japan. The end of
the Cold War marked the conclusion of a long era of industrial and military competition
that began in the 19th century.
Events such as the American Civil War, the Franco-Prussian War, and the Russo-
Japanese War were followed by two World Wars and the Cold War, which strengthened
the role of the state as an economic and military power. During this time, national
economies were often shaped to serve the needs of war. There is little evidence that
emerging economies will avoid the same mistakes made by industrialized powers in the
past.
Criticism of globalization often comes from two ideological extremes: nationalists and
xenophobes on the political right, and anti-capitalists on the political left. However,
globalization and regionalism pursue different goals and should not be treated as
equivalent sources of modern challenges.
Macroeconomic policy is built around two main tools: fiscal policy and monetary policy.
Fiscal policy refers to government spending and taxation. A budget deficit can stimulate
the economy, while a surplus can reduce economic activity. Monetary policy involves
controlling the money supply and interest rates. Institutions like the Federal Reserve or
the European Central Bank adjust interest rates to influence economic growth: lower
rates stimulate growth, while higher rates slow it down.
As pandemic restrictions ease and vaccination efforts expand, these excess savings are
likely to fuel a surge in consumption. Bloomberg Economics suggests that this could
power a strong recovery, with consumer demand becoming a key engine of growth. In
the U.S., the cash saved equals roughly the entire annual output of South Korea,
illustrating the potential impact on global economic momentum.
Cooper also stressed that effective international cooperation is only possible when it is
supported by the major economic powers. In this context, economic regionalism has
grown in importance, with regional blocs such as the European Union, USMCA, ASEAN,
RCEP, and MERCOSUR playing key roles in shaping the governance of the global
economy.
2. Neoliberal Institutionalism
Neoliberal institutionalism recognizes the central role of the nation-state but sees it as
a liberal, market-oriented actor more concerned with cooperation and absolute gains
than with rivalry. This theory maintains that international institutions are strong
enough to manage the challenges of a globalized world economy. Key examples include
the WTO, which replaced the GATT and gained more authority and enforcement
capabilities, as well as reforms in the IMF and World Bank.
However, the expansion of markets has created tensions. Some countries resist full
market liberalization. Malaysia imposed capital controls, and South Korea rejected U.S.
pressure to dissolve its chaebol conglomerates. Anglo-Saxon capitalism has often been
rejected by Japan and continental Europe, where companies are also expected to
provide social benefits.
A further challenge is the mismatch between institutional authority and the global
distribution of economic power. The leading roles in the IMF and World Bank have
traditionally been controlled by the U.S. and the EU, which has led to growing
dissatisfaction from emerging powers like China, India, Brazil, and other developing
countries. While U.S. leadership has shaped the liberal order for decades, no single
country can lead the global economy alone today.
3. New Medievalism
Governments are losing their monopoly over information in the digital era, and civil
society actors are taking on greater roles in areas traditionally reserved for the state.
Wolfgang Reinicke, in his book Global Public Policy: Governing Without Government?,
advocates for new international standards, such as those found in the Basel Accords, to
regulate international banking and prevent systemic financial crises.
Samuel Huntington, in The Clash of Civilizations, cautions that many individuals across
the globe reject Western liberal values like secularism, individualism, and human rights.
He argues that NGOs, despite their influence in the West, may not play the same role in
regions like China or India due to cultural and political differences.
4. Transgovernmentalism
According to Keohane and Nye, this model assumes that government institutions can
operate independently of national foreign and security policies. However, it has been
criticized for downplaying power dynamics and ignoring the political nature of
governance, assuming that technical problems can be solved outside of broader
national concerns.
Ultimately, any effort to govern the global economy must answer a central question:
governance for what? Governance refers to the exercise of power to achieve specific
objectives, and its purpose must be clearly defined.
In the post-Cold War era, neoliberalism defined the goal of global governance as the
facilitation of free trade, capital mobility, and open access to markets for multinational
corporations. Others argue for alternative goals such as protecting the environment,
safeguarding jobs, or promoting global wealth redistribution.
As the global economy becomes more integrated, the number and diversity of actors in
global governance increase. States, companies, NGOs, and international organizations
all participate in shaping the rules of the new global economic order. This reality
presents a complex landscape for scholars and practitioners of international political
economy.
In recent decades, the relationship between the United States and China has evolved
into a strategic and economic rivalry with global implications. This clash of titans has
been shaped by rapid economic development in China, growing political assertiveness
on both sides, and contrasting models of governance and capitalism.
A central point of comparison between the two powers is their GDP. The United States
maintains the largest economy in the world in nominal terms, while China leads in
purchasing power parity (PPP). As of 2022, the U.S. GDP growth rate was below 3.5%,
whereas China’s GDP growth rate was under 4.5%, showing signs of slowed expansion
in both economies.
When broken down by sector, both economies exhibit different strengths. The U.S.
economy is highly developed in services and advanced technology, while China retains
strong positions in manufacturing, construction, and transportation. Agriculture
remains a much smaller part of GDP in both countries.
A more detailed comparison shows that some U.S. states, such as California and Texas,
have economies that rival entire Chinese provinces in output. However, China’s
regional economies have grown rapidly and now compete directly with key American
economic centers.
One of the most discussed aspects of the economic relationship between the U.S. and
China is their current account balance. The U.S. has maintained a persistent current
account deficit, while China has accumulated consistent surpluses. This reflects
America's role as a major importer and China’s position as the world’s leading exporter.
This imbalance is also linked to foreign reserves. China is the largest foreign holder of
U.S. Treasury bonds, effectively making China one of America’s key lenders. This
financial dependence adds a layer of complexity to the bilateral relationship, as both
countries are economically interdependent despite political tensions.
Leadership plays a key role in shaping the economic paths of both countries. In the
U.S., different administrations—whether Democratic or Republican—have taken varied
approaches to trade policy, taxation, and regulation. In China, the Communist Party
maintains strong centralized control, with leaders such as Xi Jinping implementing long-
term industrial strategies and tightening control over major sectors.
China’s impact on the U.S. economy is multifaceted. As the main source of many
imported goods, China contributes to lower consumer prices in the U.S. However, it is
also blamed for job losses in American manufacturing sectors. Moreover, Chinese
investment in U.S. assets, including debt and real estate, gives Beijing leverage in
financial markets.
China’s role as a key supplier of industrial components and rare earth materials has
also raised concerns about supply chain security in the U.S., especially in times of
political tension or global crises.
The global community is divided in its view of which nation is the true superpower. The
United States is still seen by many as the leading political and military power, but China
is increasingly recognized for its economic influence and growing diplomatic reach.
Surveys show mixed opinions, depending on region and political alignment, with some
countries aligning more with the U.S. and others with China, based on economic
dependencies or ideological affinities.
China has become one of the largest creditors in the world, while the United States is
the biggest debtor. This contrast reflects deeper global trends in savings, investment,
and consumption. Chinese banks and institutions hold vast amounts of foreign reserves
and have financed infrastructure and development projects across Asia, Africa, and
Latin America. Meanwhile, the U.S. government and private sector have accumulated
record levels of debt, relying heavily on foreign borrowing.
In addition to its public debt, the U.S. hosts some of the largest private borrowers in
the world. Corporate and consumer debt in the U.S. has risen significantly, contributing
to economic growth but also raising concerns about financial stability. In contrast,
Chinese private debt has also grown, particularly in the real estate sector, but remains
more closely controlled by state mechanisms.
1. Digital Finance
In recent decades, the expansion of international trade has been strongly supported by
digital finance. Digital systems allow banks to handle complex global transactions
without ever interacting with the physical goods being traded. Instead, banks operate
solely based on documentation. While this facilitates speed and volume in commerce,
it also introduces inherent risks, particularly in the area of financial crime. The rise of
digital finance has transformed how trade is conducted but also created new
challenges in security and compliance.
2. Blockchain Technology
Fintech companies are rapidly transforming the financial sector by offering innovative,
tech-driven services that challenge the dominance of traditional banks. These firms
typically operate with lower overhead, faster service delivery, and a focus on user
experience. Traditional banks, on the other hand, continue to play a central role in
large-scale financial operations, but often struggle to keep pace with digital innovation.
One of the most disruptive areas in fintech is the rise of cryptocurrencies. These digital
currencies operate independently of central banks and use blockchain for secure
verification. Bitcoin, the most prominent cryptocurrency, has experienced dramatic
rises and falls in value. While it has generated profits for some investors, it remains
highly volatile and speculative.
With the digitization of finance and trade, financial crime has become a global issue.
Banks face increased risks, as they are key players in international transactions but may
have limited visibility into the underlying goods or services. Financial crimes, such as
money laundering and fraud, exploit this vulnerability.
Terrorist financing shares similarities with money laundering, particularly in the need to
obscure the origin or destination of funds. A major reputational risk for banks arises if
they are found to be indirectly supporting such activities. The key to preventing both
types of financial crime lies in strict customer due diligence (CDD) and Know Your
Customer (KYC) procedures. Banks are required to evaluate client risk based on factors
such as product type, jurisdiction, customer profile, and transaction volume.
Fraud can also take many other forms in the digital finance system. Examples include
forged signatures, fake goods, inflated insurance claims, or fictitious transactions.
These fraudulent practices can have devastating consequences not only for the
financial institutions involved, but also for individuals, communities, and entire
economies.