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Arduino™ Sketches

ffirs.indd 01:11:10:PM 12/09/2014 Page i

 Arduino™ Sketches
Tools and Techniques for Programming
Wizardry

James A. Langbridge

ffirs.indd 01:11:10:PM 12/09/2014 Page iii

Arduino™ Sketches: Tools and Techniques for Programming Wizardry

Published by
John Wiley & Sons, Inc.
10475 Crosspoint Boulevard
Indianapolis, IN 46256
www.wiley.com
Copyright © 2015 by John Wiley & Sons, Inc., Indianapolis, Indiana

Published simultaneously in Canada

ISBN: 978-1-118-91960-6
ISBN: 978-1-118-91962-0 (ebk)
ISBN: 978-1-118-91969-9 (ebk)

Manufactured in the United States of America

10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or
by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, scanning or otherwise, except as permitted
under Sections 107 or 108 of the 1976 United States Copyright Act, without either the prior written permis-
sion of the Publisher, or authorization through payment of the appropriate per-copy fee to the Copyright
Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Danvers, MA 01923, (978) 750-8400, fax (978) 646-8600. Requests to
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ranties with respect to the accuracy or completeness of the contents of this work and specifically disclaim all
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John Wiley & Sons, Inc. is not associated with any product or vendor mentioned in this book.

ffirs.indd 01:11:10:PM 12/09/2014 Page iv

To my loving girlfriend, Anne-Laure, who once again put up with entire evenings and
weekends spent on my PC. This is the second time I’ve done that to her, but she put
up with me anyway and kept on smiling (most of the time). I still don’t know how.

To my wonderful daughter, Eléna: I have to admit, I’m addicted to your laugh and
smile, something you did every time I showed you the projects I was working on.
Again you found a way of telling me when I needed to stop and spend more time
playing with you (by unplugging and randomly rewiring my breadboard projects),
but coming back home at the end of a long and difficult day to see you smiling and
jumping into my arms gave me more energy than you can imagine.

ffirs.indd 01:11:10:PM 12/09/2014 Page v

 About the Author

James A. Langbridge does not like talking about himself in the third person,
but he will try anyway. James was born in Singapore and followed his parents
to several countries before settling down in Nantes, France, where he lives with
his partner and their daughter.
James is an embedded systems consultant and has worked for more than 15
years on industrial, military, mobile telephony, and aviation security systems.
He works primarily on low-level development, creating bootloaders or opti-
mizing routines in assembly, making the most of small processors. When not
on contract, James trains engineers on embedded systems, or he makes new
gizmos, much to the dismay of his partner.
James wrote his first computer program at age 6 and has never stopped tin-
kering since. He began using Apple IIs, ZX80s and ZX81s, and then moved to
BBC Micros and the Amiga before finally having no other option but to use PCs.

vii

ffirs.indd 01:11:10:PM 12/09/2014 Page vii

 About the Technical Editor

Scott Fitzgerald is an artist and educator working with technology and its rela-
tionship to people, approaching digital tools from a human-centric perspective.
His work has been featured in numerous books and publications such as The
New York Times and IDN Magazine. He has edited several books on Arduino
and communication technologies, is the author of the book that accompanies
the Arduino Starter Kit, and is responsible for documentation of the Arduino
platform at http://arduino.cc. Scott is currently an assistant arts professor and
head of the interactive media program at New York University Abu Dhabi. He
enjoys tormenting his cat and partner with early morning work sessions.

ix

ffirs.indd 01:11:10:PM 12/09/2014 Page ix

 Credits

Project Editor Business Manager

Christina Haviland Amy Knies
Technical Proofreader Associate Publisher
Ying Chin Jim Minatel
Production Editor Project Coordinator, Cover
Rebecca Anderson Patrick Redmond
Copy Editor Proofreader
San Dee Phillips Sarah Kaikini, Word One New York
Manager of Content Development Indexer
and Assembly Johnna VanHoose Dinse
Mary Beth Wakefield
Cover Designer
Marketing Director Michael E. Trent/Wiley
David Mayhew
Cover Image
Marketing Manager © iStock.com/johnbloor
Carrie Sherrill
Professional Technology and
Strategy Director
Barry Pruett

xi

ffirs.indd 01:11:10:PM 12/09/2014 Page xi

 Acknowledgments

Writing a book is a huge project. When I was at school, I used to shudder at the
thought of writing 1,000 words for an essay, and I was alone to do it. This book
is, of course, much longer, and I enjoyed every minute of it, thanks to the team
of professionals who helped me every step of the way. Take a quick look at the
people involved in this project, and you will soon see what I’m talking about.
I can’t thank everyone involved personally; there are just too many people,
but there are a few names that I will never forget. My thanks go out to Christina
Haviland, my project editor. When I knew that I would be working with her
again, I was thrilled. She actually managed to put up with me for the entire
duration and didn’t even shout at me when I was late, despite the fact that some
of the chapters were very, very late. I was also thrilled to know that I’d be work-
ing with San Dee Phillips, my copy editor. The job they did transforming raw
data coming out of my brain into something readable is outstanding. Then there
is Scott Fitzgerald, my technical editor, who made sure that I didn’t make any
mistakes. Believe me, nothing slipped by, and despite all the grumbling I did
when I received the corrections, thank you! This wouldn’t have been possible
without you.
I would also like to thank Atmel for their time and effort, for the engineers
I was in contact with to get more information, and to Tom Vu who kept on
encouraging me along the way and sending me new evaluation boards to play
with. My thanks also go out to Silicon Labs for its excellent UV sensor that is
presented in this book and for the time it spent helping me. Thanks to Materiel
.net who managed to get me a new computer, camera, and components in record
time when mine broke, allowing me to get the job done. Your coffee mug is still
on my desk!

xiii

ffirs.indd 01:11:10:PM 12/09/2014 Page xiii

xiv Acknowledgments

Of course, this book would not have been possible without the amazing
people at Arduino. I don’t know if they know just how much they have changed
the world of makers. Your boards have brought back the joy I had in creating
gizmos and contraptions.
This has been a huge adventure, and I’ve met a lot of amazing people along
the way. Thank you to every one of you—for your time, your suggestions, and
your encouraging messages.

ffirs.indd 01:11:10:PM 12/09/2014 Page xiv

 Contents at Glance

Introduction xxix
Part I Introduction to Arduino 1
Chapter 1 Introduction to Arduino 3
Chapter 2 Programming for the Arduino 25
Chapter 3 Electronics Basics 45
Part 2 Standard Libraries 63
Chapter 4 The Arduino Language 65
Chapter 5 Serial Communication 81
Chapter 6 EEPROM 101
Chapter 7 SPI 117
Chapter 8 Wire 133
Chapter 9 Ethernet 149
Chapter 10 WiFi 169
Chapter 11 LiquidCrystal 191
Chapter 12 SD 207
Chapter 13 TFT 225
Chapter 14 Servo 241
Chapter 15 Stepper 253
Chapter 16 Firmata 261

xv

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xvi Contents at Glance

Chapter 17 GSM 271

Part III Device Specific Libraries 289
Chapter 18 Audio 291
Chapter 19 Scheduler 305
Chapter 20 USBHost 321
Chapter 21 Esplora 335
Chapter 22 Robot 345
Chapter 23 Bridge 361
Part IV User Libraries and Shields 375
Chapter 24 Importing Third-Party Libraries 377
Chapter 25 Creating Your Own Shield 391
Chapter 26 Creating Your Own Library 405
Index 429

ffirs.indd 01:11:10:PM 12/09/2014 Page xvi

 Contents

Introduction xxix
Part I Introduction to Arduino 1
Chapter 1 Introduction to Arduino 3
Atmel AVR 5
The Arduino Project 7
The ATmega Series 8
The ATmega Series 8
The ATtiny Series 8
Other Series 9
The Different Arduinos 9
Arduino Uno 10
Arduino Leonardo 10
Arduino Ethernet 11
Arduino Mega 2560 11
Arduino Mini 13
Arduino Micro 13
Arduino Due 13
LilyPad Arduino 14
Arduino Pro 16
Arduino Robot 16
Arduino Esplora 18
Arduino Yún 18
Arduino Tre 19
Arduino Zero 19
Your Own Arduino? 20
Shields 20
What Is a Shield? 20
The Different Shields 21

xvii

ftoc.indd 07:10:10:PM 12/09/2014 Page xvii

xviii Contents

Arduino Motor Shield 21

Arduino Wireless SD Shield 21
Arduino Ethernet Shield 21
Arduino WiFi Shield 22
Arduino GSM Shield 22
Your Own Shield 22
What Can You Do with an Arduino? 22
What You Will Need for This Book 23
Summary 24
Chapter 2 Programming for the Arduino 25
Installing Your Environment 26
Downloading the Software 27
Running the Software 28
Using Your Own IDE 29
Your First Program 29
Understanding Your First Sketch 33
Programming Basics 36
Variables and Data Types 36
Control Structures 38
if Statement 38
switch Case 39
while Loop 40
for Loop 41
Functions 42
Libraries 42
Summary 42
Chapter 3 Electronics Basics 45
Electronics 101 46
Voltage, Amperage, and Resistance 46
Voltage 47
Amperage 48
Resistance 48
Ohm’s Law 49
The Basic Components 49
Resistors 50
Different Resistor Values 50
Identifying Resistor Values 50
Using Resistors 52
Capacitors 53
Using Capacitors 54
Diodes 54
Different Types of Diodes 54
Using Diodes 55
Light-Emitting Diodes 55
Using LEDs 55
Transistors 56

ftoc.indd 07:10:10:PM 12/09/2014 Page xviii

 Contents xix

Using Transistors 56
Breadboards 56
Inputs and Outputs 57
Connecting a Light-Emitting Diode 58
Calculation 58
Software 59
Hardware 60
What Now? 61
Summary 61
Part II Standard Libraries 63
Chapter 4 The Arduino Language 65
I/O Functions 65
Digital I/O 65
pinMode() 66
digitalRead() 66
digitalWrite() 67
Analog I/O 67
analogRead() 68
analogWrite() 68
Generating Audio Tones 69
tone() 69
noTone() 69
Reading Pulses 69
pulseIn() 70
Time Functions 70
delay() 70
delayMicroseconds() 71
millis() 71
micros() 71
Mathematical Functions 72
min() 72
max() 72
constrain() 73
abs() 73
map() 73
pow() 74
sqrt() 74
random() 74
Trigonometry 75
sin() 76
cos() 76
tan() 76
Constants 76
Interrupts 76

ftoc.indd 07:10:10:PM 12/09/2014 Page xix

xx Contents

attachInterrupt() 77
detachInterrupt() 78
noInterrupts() 78
interrupts() 78
Summary 79
Chapter 5 Serial Communication 81
Introducing Serial Communication 82
UART Communications 84
Baud Rate 84
Data Bits 85
Parity 85
Stop Bits 86
Debugging and Output 86
Starting a Serial Connection 87
Writing Data 88
Sending Text 88
Sending Data 90
Reading Data 91
Starting Communications 91
Is Data Waiting? 91
Reading a Byte 92
Reading Multiple Bytes 92
Taking a Peek 93
Parsing Data 93
Cleaning Up 94
Example Program 95
SoftwareSerial 98
Summary 99
Chapter 6 EEPROM 101
Introducing EEPROM 101
The Different Memories on Arduino 103
The EEPROM Library 104
Reading and Writing Bytes 104
Reading and Writing Bits 105
Reading and Writing Strings 107
Reading and Writing Other Values 108
Example Program 110
Preparing EEPROM Storage 113
Adding Nonvolatile Memory 114
Summary 115
Chapter 7 SPI 117
Introducting SPI 118
SPI Bus 118
Comparison to RS-232 119
Configuration 119
Communications 120

ftoc.indd 07:10:10:PM 12/09/2014 Page xx

 Contents xxi

Arduino SPI 120

SPI Library 121
SPI on the Arduino Due 123
Example Program 125
Hardware 126
Sketch 128
Exercises 131
Summary 132
Chapter 8 Wire 133
Introducing Wire 134
Connecting I2C 135
I2C Protocol 135
Address 136
Communication 137
Communicating 138
Master Communications 139
Sending Information 139
Requesting Information 140
Slave Communications 141
Receiving Information 141
Sending Information 142
Example Program 142
Exercises 146
Traps and Pitfalls 147
Voltage Difference 147
Bus Speed 147
Shields with I2C 148
Summary 148
Chapter 9 Ethernet 149
Introduction 149
Ethernet 150
Ethernet Cables 151
Switches and Hubs 151
PoE 152
TCP/IP 152
MAC Address 153
IP Address 153
DNS 153
Port 153
Ethernet on Arduino 154
Importing the Ethernet Library 154
Starting Ethernet 155
Arduino as a Client 157
Sending and Receiving Data 158
Connecting to a Web Server 159

ftoc.indd 07:10:10:PM 12/09/2014 Page xxi

xxii Contents

Example Program 161

Arduino as a Server 163
Serving Web Pages 164
Example Program 165
Sketch 165
Summary 167
Chapter 10 WiFi 169
Introduction 170
The WiFi Protocol 171
Topology 171
Network Parameters 172
Channels 172
Encryption 172
SSID 173
RSSI 173
Arduino WiFi 173
Importing the Library 174
Initialization 174
Status 175
Scanning Networks 176
Connecting and Configuring 177
Wireless Client 178
Wireless Server 179
Example Application 179
Hardware 181
Sketch 182
Exercises 189
Summary 190
Chapter 11 LiquidCrystal 191
Introduction 192
LiquidCrystal Library 194
Writing Text 195
Cursor Commands 196
Text Orientation 197
Scrolling 197
Custom Text 198
Example Program 199
Hardware 200
Software 201
Exercises 205
Summary 205
Chapter 12 SD 207
Introduction 208
SD Cards 211
Capacity 212
Speed 213

ftoc.indd 07:10:10:PM 12/09/2014 Page xxii

 Contents xxiii

Using SD Cards with Arduino 213

Accepted SD Cards 214
Limitations 214
The SD Library 215
Importing the Library 215
Connecting a Card 215
Opening and Closing Files 216
Reading and Writing Files 217
Reading Files 217
Writing Files 218
Folder Operations 218
Card Operations 219
Advanced Usage 220
Example Program and Sketch 220
Summary 224
Chapter 13 TFT 225
Introduction 226
Technologies 227
TFT Library 228
Initialization 228
Screen Preparation 229
Text Operations 230
Basic Graphics 231
Coloring 232
Graphic Images 232
Example Application 233
Hardware 234
Sketch 234
Exercises 239
Summary 239
Chapter 14 Servo 241
Introduction to Servo Motors 242
Controlling Servo Motors 243
Connecting a Servo Motor 243
Moving Servo Motors 244
Disconnecting 245
Precision and Safety 246
Example Application 246
Schematic 248
Sketch 249
Exercises 250
Summary 251
Chapter 15 Stepper 253
Introducing Motors 254
Controlling a Stepper Motor 254

ftoc.indd 07:10:10:PM 12/09/2014 Page xxiii

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the Montefeltrian territory that he had gained two years before,
provided the Count would aid him in ousting the intruder from
Pesaro. But with characteristic treachery he availed himself of a
favourable moment to attack that town single-handed, and Federigo,
satisfied of his utter faithlessness, rushed to the rescue, reclaiming
by this new and noble-minded service the gratitude of Alessandro
and of his brother. As soon as the latter was acknowledged Duke of
Milan, he offered the Count of Urbino an engagement, in highly
complimentary terms, stating that, after full consideration to whom
he could worthily commit the conduct of his army, whereon
depended the whole welfare of his state, he had fixed upon
Federigo, having long known and clearly ascertained his
extraordinary and unfailing fidelity, authority, gravity, prudence,
promptitude, justice, wisdom, and diligence in the conduct of every
great enterprise.[*88] The Tuscan war being over, this appointment
was readily accepted by the Count, although suffering from a painful
and dangerous accident.
 Alinari
FRANCESCO SFORZA
From the XV. Century relief in the
Bargello, Florence

In honour of the Duke's exaltation, he had proclaimed a tournament

at Urbino, which Sanzi assures us was preceded by omens of evil. In
particular, his mother, influenced by a horrible dream, besought him
on her knees to abandon the intention. Though a firm believer in
astrology, his mind repudiated this superstition, which however
diffused among all ranks a feeling of vague anxiety as the jousting
day approached. Just then there arrived Guidangelo de' Ranieri, a
gentleman of Urbino, who had gained the prize in a recent passage
of arms at Florence; he was met at the city gates by the Count, who
embraced him, placing on his neck the knightly guerdon of a golden
chain. Being asked to run a course with him, Guidangelo would have
excused himself, and is even said to have earned a sharp reproof for
forbearing to touch him, in deference to the prevailing apprehension
of some impending mishap. On repeating the course, the knight
being mounted on a small charger, his lance, after striking Federigo's
armour, glanced upwards, and was shivered against his vizor. He
received the stunning blow between the eyebrows, where it
shattered the bone of his nose and knocked out his right eye.
Recovering himself, however, he kept his seat, and consoled those
who flocked around in consternation, by assuring them of a speedy
cure, and that one of his two good eyes remaining, he would still be
able to see better than with a hundred ordinary ones. This
courageous bearing was perhaps the best recipe, and his cure
appears to have been rapid and easy; but the damage to his
features may be presumed from subsequent portraits representing
him in profile, which, whilst concealing the loss of his eye,
exaggerated the prominence of his broken nose.[*89]
 CHAPTER VI
Count Federigo enters the Neapolitan service—His two
campaigns in Tuscany—Fall of Constantinople—Peace
of Lodi—Nicholas V.—The Count’s fruitless attempt at
reconciliation with Sigismondo Pandolfo Malatesta;
followed by new feuds with him—Death of his
Countess Gentile.

T
HE establishment of Francesco Sforza as Duke of Milan had
virtually settled the affairs of Lombardy, for although the
Emperor and the French King refused to recognise his rights
to the Visconti succession, they deferred their respective claims upon
that duchy till a fitter season. The Angevine pretensions to the
crown of Naples were also in temporary abeyance, and the triple
tiara had passed from the turbulent Eugenius to Nicholas V., whose
early habits of scholarship continued undisturbed by ambitious
dreams. There thus seemed no element of contention left, and a
prolonged peace was the natural as well as the true policy of Italy.
But, in the words of Sanzi,

"No long repose Ausonia e'er can brook,

For peace to her brings languor, and she deems
It loathsome to lie fallow."

So paltry were the pretexts, so remote the motives for renewed

hostilities, that Sismondi is content to ascribe these to diplomatic
intrigue, seconded by a general irritability of temperaments, and
avows that, ere they were resumed, a review of interests and
reconstruction of alliances became absolutely necessary. Venice and
Florence had hitherto co-operated to protect themselves, and
maintain a balance against the ambitious dynasties of Visconti and
Aragon; but jealousy of the terra-firma acquisitions of the former
having induced her sister republic to league with Sforza, she
consulted at once her safety and her vengeance by an intimate
union with Alfonso. Sigismondo Malatesta being retained in her
service, the Duke of Milan bought him over by an offer of better
terms, and the Count of Urbino, finding himself thus exposed to the
same contact with his personal enemy which had recently annoyed
him in the Maremma campaign, renounced his engagement with
Sforza, and as a natural consequence transferred it to the other side.
The King of Naples, disgusted by the late treachery of Sigismondo,
and by similar instances of light faith on the part of other Italian
condottieri, had announced his determination to employ none of
them without sureties for their fidelity. But he made an exception in
favour of Federigo, declining his offer of the Venetian signory as his
sponsors, on the ground that he knew his word to be sufficient
guarantee. In consequence, however, of the coronation of Frederick
III. at Rome, and his stay in Italy, it was not until 1452 that these
arrangements were so far completed as to enable the Venetians to
declare war upon Sforza in May of that year, and Alfonso to publish
hostilities with Florence in the following month.[90]
The King being desirous of bringing into notice his natural son
Ferdinando Duke of Calabria, the destined heir of his crown, now
placed him at the head of 8000 cavalry, and half that number of foot
soldiers, but bestowed on Federigo the rank and title of Captain-
general. Entering Tuscany by Cortona, this army penetrated by the
valleys of Chiana and Arno, carrying terror almost to the gates of
Florence, and overrunning a vast extent of country. But no
permanent impression was made, for, trusting to the artillery of
Siena, which was refused him, Alfonso had not provided his troops
with the means of taking any strong places. It accordingly cost them
six weeks to reduce Foiano, and after spending as long before
Castellina, the bursting of their only battering-gun rendered further
perseverance useless. Thus when they betook themselves to winter
quarters at Aquaviva on the Mediterranean coast, they could boast
no important result of the campaign. A colourable pretext was thus
afforded for murmurs from the captains, many of whom served
reluctantly under a commander so much their junior. Although these
complaints reached Alfonso, they no way diminished his confidence
in Federigo, whom he encouraged to meet such jealousy by
redoubled exertions. In order to arrange a plan of operations, the
Count repaired to Naples, and received from him a cordial welcome.
As spring advanced, the pestilent air of the Maremma, which had
formerly compromised the Neapolitan army in
"That sun-bright land of beauty,"
again proved their scourge. Many officers and men were attacked by
fever, and among them the Captain-general, who was removed to
Siena whilst his troops fell back upon Pitigliano.
The following letter, written by him during an earlier stage of his
malady, and probably in reply to pressing invitations from the priors
of that city, proves his reluctance to leave his post:—
"Mighty and potent Lords, dearest Fathers;
"Although I have experienced the singular goodwill,
paternal affection, and love displayed by your lordships
towards myself and my house, not only now and on
this occasion, but in other times and circumstances,
yet the renewed offers and cordial proposals so freely
made me in your most courteous letters, in reference
to this illness of mine, have imposed upon me further
and greater obligations. Not that I admit these to
render me more devoted to your lordships than before,
seeing that I was already your son, and as such
sincerely attached to your state and magnificent
community: but I desire your lordships to be aware
that I acknowledge my obligations to be ever and
greatly on the increase, and that I am most anxious to
acquit them, so far as in my power, for the
advancement of your lordships' honour and advantage.
More I cannot at present; nevertheless, being desirous
 to do my best, I give your lordships infinite thanks;
and having nothing new to offer, I yet tender what has
been yours a thousand years past,—my state and
person; assuring your lordships that, in so far as
consists with my honour, your lordships may dispose of
me and mine, as a son faithful and devoted beyond all
others. Notwithstanding a violent and serious attack of
illness, I have not thought fit to come to Siena, nor to
repair to any other part of your lordships' territory
(though ready to go thither with the same confidence
as to my own house), because from the first I resisted
leaving my illustrious Lord Duke, however unimportant
my remaining by him might be. Since then, thanks to
God, I have gone on improving, and am now pretty
well, so that I hope to be speedily quite restored;
whereof I wished to inform you, convinced that it
would be gratifying to your lordships, from whom I
pray instructions, should anything occur that I can do.
From his Majesty's successful army at Aquaviva, the
26th of July, 1453.
"Federigo Count of Montefeltro, Urbino, and Durante,
Captain-general of the Serene King of Aragon."[91]
This campaign differed little in tactics, and no way in results, from
that in which Federigo, under the Florentine standard, had lately
contested much of the same ground with Alfonso. We pass rapidly
over the events of both, for although minutely dwelt upon by his
biographers, and tending to develop his military science and
reputation, they were marked by no brilliant incidents, and involved
no general interests. Machiavelli, ever willing to sneer at mercenary
warfare, observes that places were then deemed impregnable which
in his day were abandoned as untenable, and explains the policy of
the invaded to consist in avoiding a general engagement; "for they
deemed it impossible to be ultimately worsted, so long as they were
not beaten in any pitched battle, the loss of petty castles being
recovered with returning peace, while more important places were
secure in the enemy's inability to assault them."[92]
The Count's engagement was renewed by the King of Naples in
autumn for another year on the same terms, which appear from the
Oliveriana MSS. to have been 1500 ducats a month for his own pay,
8 ducats, of ten gigli, for each lance, and 2 for each foot-soldier; his
company to consist of 700 lances and 600 infantry. No active service
was, however, required; and the general pacification, to which
Alfonso reluctantly acceded in January, 1455, restored matters to
their former state,—the usual issue of such contests.
Europe was now startled by an event which exposed Italy to peculiar
peril. The Eastern Empire had long been falling into feeble senility,
and in proportion as her vigour relaxed and her frontier receded, the
Crescent extended its domination, and menaced the Bosphorus. The
Greeks appealed for aid to Western Christendom; but men's
enthusiasm had become selfishness; the crusading spirit was extinct,
and the cry echoed unheeded along the Mediterranean shores. The
siege of Constantinople by Mahomet II., a barbarian endowed with
qualities which would have shone in any sphere, might have been
prevented or raised by very moderate efforts of the Italian powers;
and it was not until the loss of that great capital, that they perceived
the folly of their neglect, which had sacrificed the best bulwark of
Europe against Ottoman aggression. But besides this general
consternation, the maritime republics staggered beneath the blow,
for it annihilated that trade with the Archipelago and the Euxine
which had crowded their ports and filled their coffers; and when
Constantinople fell, many wealthy Christian merchants, there
resident, were stripped of their property, and passed into menial
slavery. It was in the moment of universal alarm, that Nicholas V.
urged a general reconciliation and league of Italy, with a zeal which,
notwithstanding the doubts of Simonetta adopted by Sismondi, we
believe to have been sincere. The congress held for this purpose at
Rome was, however, distracted by narrow views and shallow
intrigues, and broke up without effecting its object. Yet, ere long,
policy prevailed over petty ends, and the peace of Lodi, signed in
April, 1454, to which at first only Venice and Milan were parties, was
ratified within a few months by all the Peninsular states, and secured
to them a long period of comparative repose.
This pacification of Italy, which the Pontiff had ardently desired, he
was not long spared to witness, for he closed his exemplary life on
the 24th of March. Tommaso de' Parentucelli, though of Pisan
parentage, was born and brought up at Sarzana, from whence he
took his usual designation. He was early vowed to the Church in
consequence of his mother's dream, and at the University of Bologna
his progress attracted notice from the bishop, who took him into his
family, where he remained for about twenty years. On the return of
Eugenius to Rome, in 1443, he was elevated to the purple, as vice-
camerlingo; and three years and a half later, was chosen to succeed
that Pontiff. The tastes and habits of scholarship which Nicholas had
formed in early youth preserved their ascendency after this
remarkable advancement. The first object of his government was the
maintenance of general peace; and when he had failed to effect this,
his uniform policy was neutrality. His attention was thus left free to
follow out, for the benefit of his subjects, and of mankind, those
aspirations for justice, and those enlarged views of mental
development which formed his character. The revenues which other
pontiffs of that age misapplied to promote miserable contests, or
lavished on schemes of nepotism and courtly vices, he directed into
more wholesome channels. Magnificent in all that could lend dignity
to the religion of whose faith and ritual he was the guardian, careful
of whatever could promote the dignity of his sacred office, an
economical management enabled him largely to gratify his literary
longings. At his court, habits of study were an unfailing
recommendation; mental acquirements were duly honoured, and
men of letters were sure of finding a generous and enlightened
friend. With him originated the Vatican library, which, under liberal
popes, and by favourable opportunities, has since been gradually
augmented into one of the brightest ornaments of the papacy. His
mild and useful reign ended far too soon for the welfare of Italy and
the interests of letters, but the light which it diffused scattered the
last shadows of the dark ages, and still gilds the remainder of this
century.
It chanced that a few days before peace had been concluded, a
subsidy of 36,000 ducats reached Federigo from the King of Naples,
which he immediately offered to return, as no longer required.
Regarding this as an act of unusual conscientiousness, Alfonso
desired him to retain the money on account of future services;
whereupon the Count, after sending home his company from the
Tuscan war, attended the Duke of Calabria to Naples, to offer
acknowledgments in person. To his suggestion, while there, has
been ascribed by Muzio and Baldi a double matrimonial alliance, now
proposed between the hitherto hostile houses of Aragon and Sforza,
as a means of cementing the new league, but of which only that of
Hippolita Maria Sforza took effect. On the same authority we must
attribute to him a selfish and ill-timed counsel, which marred that
measure and perilled the peace of Italy. Whilst a party to the losing
game which Sforza played in La Marca during 1445-6, several of his
townships were seized by the Lord of Rimini, in whose possession
they had since remained. With the ultimate hope of reclaiming these
on some fitting opportunity, he is alleged to have reminded Alfonso
of the scurvy trick played upon him in 1448 by Sigismondo, in
passing over to the service of Florence after receiving his pay, and to
have suggested such treachery as sufficient ground for specially
excluding the latter from the league, and for reserving a right to
make reprisals. The King adopted this hint the more readily, that he
had other wrongs to settle with the Genoese and with Astorre
Manfredi, seigneur of Imola; he accordingly, on ratifying the treaty of
Lodi in January, 1455, introduced an exceptional clause against
these three states, the effect of which was not only to keep up petty
warfare in Romagna and Liguria, but eventually to entail upon his
son a disputed succession which well-nigh cost him his crown.
It was the destiny of Urbino long to endure the full weight of
Malatesta's troublesome qualities; to be in turn agitated by his
intrigues, compromised by his instability, deluded by his duplicity,
harassed anew by his inroads, and again cajoled by his hollow
repentance. The Count, whose sense of honour was delicately
susceptible, and who felt warmly for his people's welfare, could no
longer brook such aggressions. Bent upon signally punishing them,
he, however, before concerting measures with Alfonso, judged it
prudent to visit Florence, Bologna, Milan, and Mantua, in order to
justify to their governments the necessity of making an example of
his inveterate foe. Nothing could exceed the honourable reception
accorded him at these places; but he did not obtain anything beyond
general assurances or cold civilities in regard to the matter he had in
view. The proffered mediation of Borso d'Este, Duke of Modena and
Marquis of Ferrara, held out one last hope of an arrangement; so he
paid him a visit on his return homewards, in May, 1457, and found
that Malatesta was already his guest. The interview of these rivals is
described by Sanzi and Baldi with details probably more dramatic
than historical. The Lord of Rimini came reluctantly, with arms at his
side and implacable passions in his breast; he commenced the
discussion with a long catalogue of grievances, and quickly wrought
himself up to violent and insulting language, which Federigo met by
mild but firm remonstrance, ending with a proposal to settle by
single combat, "hand to hand, in field, or plain, or valley," whatever
misunderstandings could not be amicably disposed of by their host.
Sigismondo, for answer, drew his sword, and after the parties had
exchanged ferocious defiance, the Duke separated them, grieved at
the total failure of his intervention. Before leaving Ferrara, the Count
offered to submit to his arbitration their differences, the chief of
which was as to restoration of the places in Montefeltro retained by
Malatesta; but the latter declined any reference of the sort.
After provocations so aggravated, and in the certainty that
opportunity alone was wanting to renew them in manner more
perilous to his interests, Federigo no longer hesitated to act upon
the reservations of the treaty of Lodi, and in June hastened to
Naples, in order to obtain assistance. It happened that Giacopo, son
of Nicolò Piccinino, was then in the Abruzzi with his company of
adventure, retained by Alfonso, but waiting the chances of war. The
Count, therefore, applied for permission to employ him against
Malatesta, who, like a true braggart, lost courage on finding himself
exposed to just vengeance, and virtually excluded from assistance
by the terms of the league. Recurring as usual to intrigue, he sent
his eldest son Roberto to Naples, that he might gain favour with the
beautiful Lucrezia Allagno, or del Lagno, who, though said to have
equalled her Roman namesake in propriety, held the elderly monarch
by the silken chain of youthful passion. Her dragon-like virtue did not
exempt her from womanly weakness, and in exchange for the most
brilliant ruby which the jewellers of Venice could supply, backed by
an offer of his hand for her niece, Roberto gained her influence in
his father's behalf. Months were lost in the counteracting this back-
stairs interposition; and meanwhile Federigo was widowed by the
death of Gentile, of whom nothing is known beyond the excessive
stoutness of her person. These delays enabled him to prepare the
munitions of war, and he addressed to the magistrates of Siena this
request for a person qualified to cast mortars:—
"Mighty and potent Lords, and Fathers honourable and
beloved:
"I have immediate want of a master mortar-founder,
and being informed that there is in Siena one such,
able and sufficiently qualified, who would well satisfy
me, and whom I knew when detained there ill [in
1453], I urgently pray your lordships, as a particular
favour, to give him leave of absence. And my need of
him being urgent, I trust that he will come quickly
along with the bearer hereof, and I shall so pay him
his dues that he shall be well satisfied. I have reason
to hope that your lordships will oblige me as to this
artist, for in all that tends to the weal of your republic I
would be most affectionate, and observant beyond any
other ally you have in the world. As for the mortars, I
want to use them against the Lord Sigismondo, the
 enemy of your lordships, to whom I commend myself.
From Urbino, the 7th of November 1457."[93]
It was in this month of November that the Count and Piccinino at
length took the field, although the season already warned them to
winter-quarters in the inclement climate of the Apennines. After
reducing several places near Fossombrone, Federigo, in order to
save his own people, seized some townships of Carpegna, a tiny fief
held by a branch of his family with whom he was at variance, and
there left the troublesome troops of Giacopo until the spring. When
it opened, notwithstanding the dilatory and heartless tactics of their
leader, who, like a true condottiere, regarded decisive movements as
fatal to his trade, this "war of petty sieges by petty armies," as it is
aptly called by Sismondi, soon exhausted and humbled the refractory
Sigismondo, whose unhappy condition is thus pitiably described in
another interesting despatch to the Sienese authorities.
"Mighty and potent Lords, dearest Fathers:
"I have not cared to write sooner to your lordships,
nothing further having been decided by the serene
King regarding peace or war with the Lord Sigismondo;
but I have at length determined to write this, in order
that your lordships may not marvel at my silence, and
that you may be informed how matters stand. And I
hereby advise you how the Lord Sigismondo has sent
many humble and respectful messages, through his
son, to the serene King, supplicating that his Majesty
would condescend to have mercy, and notwithstanding
misconduct so gross as to merit no favour nor
compassion, that his Majesty would take to himself his
sons as his Majesty's slaves, and would deign to decide
that they should not go begging their bread. And the
son besought his Majesty to permit that his father
should come and throw himself at his feet, with a
halter round his neck, publicly to crave mercy, bringing
with him as much money as possible, and the jewels
 formerly offered; and should this not suffice, that his
Majesty might take whatever else of his he would, until
satisfied. His Serene Majesty replied that the youth
should remain at Naples whilst he went to Magione,
and that he would cause an answer to be sent through
his council. Thus passed many days without further
incident. And although the ambassador of the Duke of
Modena strongly interceded, no further reply was
obtained, nor any other resolution come to, things
remaining in suspense. And I am informed that the
serene King is decided to exact the sum demanded, of
27,000 ducats of the highest value, and 70,000 for
expenses; besides insisting on restitution of my
territory, without restoring his own conquests. But the
Lord Sigismondo's people declare it impossible for him
to give such a sum in cash, though he might pay
20,000 down, with the jewels, and as far as 60,000 by
instalments, so that I do not see how the matter can
well be arranged. I, however, hourly look for further
advices, and your lordships will be informed of what I
hear, for things cannot now remain much longer in
suspense, Gottefredo being gone to Naples with the
Lord Sigismondo's ultimatum. From Urbino, 2nd of
May, 1458.
"Federigo Count of Montefeltro, Urbino, and Durante,
Captain-general of the Serene King of Aragon."[94]
These sanguine anticipations were, however, premature, as fortune
had still some trials in store for Federigo. Alfonso's death took place
on the 1st of July, that of Pope Calixtus III. a few weeks later; both
events materially affected the struggle which he had thus regarded
as at an end. Indeed, the whole state of parties in that strife
curiously illustrates the chances and changes on which depended
success in the intestine broils of Italian feudatories and captains of
adventure. The great ambition of the latter was to attain the
sovereignty of some petty state, and Piccinino conceived himself, as
representative of the Braccian influence, well entitled to watch an
opportunity of turning it to such account. His calculation probably
was that he might be able to possess himself of one at least of the
seigneuries which Malatesta's ruin would vacate; but as the contest
went on, that wily intriguer appears to have suggested to him Urbino
as a richer guerdon, attainable by gradually wasting Federigo's
resources, and finally at a fitting moment turning round to crush
him.
The Duke of Milan's sympathies were naturally with the Count, who
had stood by him single-handed in adversity, and in his cause had
incurred those losses he was now endeavouring to recover, whilst
the Lord of Rimini had betrayed him again and again, and with his
own hands had strangled his natural daughter, the third wife
murdered by this Bluebeard of real life.[*95] Yet such was Sforza's
detestation of Giacopo as head of the old Braccian faction, and fear
lest his ambition of sovereignty should be gratified, that he actually
advanced money to support Sigismondo, who also obtained similar
assistance from the Duke of Modena, jealous perhaps of the growing
Montefeltrian influence. The Pontiff's death opened a new hope to
Piccinino, and on the speculation of possibly making good a footing
in Perugia, he profited by this vacancy of the Holy See to seize upon
Assisi, Nocera, and Gualdo. Thus, within three months after his letter
to Siena, Federigo found himself deprived of his only ally Alfonso,
deserted by his confederate Piccinino, and left to maintain the
contest single-handed against an adversary suddenly enabled to rally
under his standard some of the boldest adventurers of Romagna.
But the reaction in his favour was not long postponed. Ferdinand
continued his commission as captain-general, with a pension of 6000
ducats assigned to him by Alfonso three years before; and fully
aware of the importance of conciliating papal sanction to his own
questionable sovereignty, commanded Giacopo to quit the
ecclesiastical territory and return to the banner of Montefeltro. A
miserable contest of sacked villages and barbarous reprisals was
continued during autumn and winter, and though the advantage
preponderated on the Count's side, these successes were at his
people's cost.
Meanwhile the repose of Italy was exposed to more serious
interruption. Alfonso V. of Aragon and Sicily had maintained his very
doubtful title to the crown of Naples[96] by a happy union of energy
and judgment. Devoting his life to Italy, he first established his
reputation by a series of victories over his Angevine competitor, and
then cemented his popularity by an easy and accessible address, by
lavish profusion of treasure and honours, by a zealous pursuit and
patronage of learning. The epithet of Magnanimous, which graces
his name, was merited by his testamentary disposition as well as by
his character. Having no legitimate issue, he left to his brother John
his hereditary dominions in Spain and the islands, but conceived
himself at liberty to bestow the crown of Naples, received at first as
a gift and retained by the sword, upon his natural son Ferdinand,
whose substitution to it had been sanctioned by two popes,
recognised in various treaties, and formally voted by a native
parliament. His chief confidant and agent in these arrangements had
been his countryman Cardinal Alfonso Borgia, who at his death filled
the papal throne with the title of Calixtus III., and who, anticipating
that bad faith and unscrupulous nepotism which, under Alexander
VI., consigned to enduring infamy their subsequently canonised
name, used his authority to supplant Ferdinand by his own nephew
Pierluigi Borgia. With this view he, as suzerain of Naples, declared its
sovereignty lapsed on the King's death without a legitimate son, and
although he published a notice calling upon all claimants to appear
for their interests, his real object was divulged by an offer to
Francesco Sforza of his father's fiefs in the Abruzzi and Apulia, on
condition of his enabling him to place the crown on Pierluigi's head.
These intrigues were, however, frustrated by this Pope's death on
the 8th of August; and his successor Pius II., a man in all respects
his opposite, hastened to recognise Ferdinand, maintenance of
peace in the Peninsula being the first requisite towards his grand
project of a crusade against the Turks.
Full of this scheme, he summoned a congress of European powers at
Mantua, which proved one of the most interesting assemblages
recorded in mediæval history, and offered to Christendom the rare
spectacle of a pontiff engaged in reconciling his universal flock. From
the British Isles no adequate response answered his summons,
"England being hopelessly convulsed by civil broils, and Scotland
hidden in the ocean depths." His self-imposed task including the
arrangement of all disputes, those of the rival Lords of Urbino and
Rimini attracted early notice. Sigismondo attended at Mantua in
person to plead his cause: that of Federigo, who reluctantly
consented to transact with one whom he well knew no award, no
promise, could bind, was conducted by an envoy. The treachery of
the former being made manifest, he was condemned by the Pope to
a pecuniary mulct, and, failing payment, to the surrender of some
fastnesses in security. Thereupon new difficulties arose, Malatesta
avowing himself as yet unconquered, and ready to brave extremities
rather than accept the proffered terms. His swaggering was thus
checked by Pius:—"Hold your peace; our care is not for you, but for
your house: our pity belongs to your subjects, not yourself, whose
manner of life merits no commiseration. However you may defend it
by a multitude of words, your whole life tells against you, and your
sole plea is upon the deeds of an ancestry deserving well of the
Romish Church. Hence is it that we seek to pacify your foes; and if
you now resile from what is fair and equitable, we shall leave you in
the slough wherein we found you: nor would it surprise us were the
divine mercy to permit the poor to be afflicted for a season, that you
may finally expiate your guilt by a bloody end, or by a wretched and
impoverished exile." Daunted by these words, Sigismondo
succumbed to terms approaching the award; but the other party,
elated by success, would make no concession, though the Pontiff,
indignant at such clinging to victory rather than conciliation, strove
to settle the points still at issue.[*97] It was in this state of matters
that he indited the following brief.
 "To Federigo, Count of Montefeltro, &c.
"Beloved son, we salute you. It is our urgent desire, in
accordance with the charge committed to us, that
harmony should be restored between the dissentient
faithful; and to this we are the more urgently bound,
when misunderstandings arise between our own
friends and the subjects of the Holy Roman Church.
Seeing, therefore, that quarrels have for some time
past prevailed under our vicars, between you and our
beloved son the noble Messer Sigismondo Pandolfo
Malatesta of Rimini, occasioning bloodshed, fire-
raising, rapine, and the like calamities, and that worse
evils impend, unless timeously averted, we have
thought fit specially to intimate to you our pleasure
that a friendly adjustment should take place, rather
than arbitrarily to employ our supreme authority to
that end. Twice have we fully discussed this matter at
Florence, and now again at Mantua, and in this good
and pious work we have had the aid of the noble and
our beloved son Francesco Sforza Duke of Milan. We
entertained the hope of bringing the affair to a happy
conclusion, and of ensuring you an honourable and
lasting peace, in which your credit and advantage
should be equally regarded; nor shall this hope be
fallacious if you will at all accede to our mediation. But
since you demand very rigid conditions, giving your
ambassador no discretion as to modifying them, and
limit us to merely ministerial interference, it is
impossible for us to bring about a compromise; for
rather than thus accept a compulsory dictation,
Sigismondo is ready to try the chances of war, and
expose himself to all impending risks. It is with equal
grief and astonishment that we perceive another great
explosion ready to burst forth. You despise the
 pacification we offer you, sure, enduring,
advantageous, honourable though it be. You are
victorious, and Sigismondo acknowledges you to be so;
as worsted, he is ready to submit to terms, and if you
consent to our arbitration the matter is settled. Better
surely to accept a certain and favourable proposal than
to hazard a doubtful hope. You are the conqueror; let
not your rigour and obstinacy wrest from you your
conquest. Often have we read and observed how
mutable are the events of war, how rapid and various
its reverses, how constantly in the end an over-
confident victor is vanquished. We therefore exhort
your Highness in the Lord to weigh well this matter,
and if you deem an honourable peace advantageous to
your affairs, to leave open for our mediation somewhat
of the terms you have dictated to your envoy, in which
case we repeat our assurance that you will best
consult your own reputation and advantage. Given at
Mantua, 21st June, in our first year [1459]."[98]
The Pontiff's eventual decision was, that their conquests should be
mutually restored, but that La Pergola, Pietrarobbia, and other
townships should be given over to the Count, in compensation of
damages; also that Malatesta should consign Sinigaglia and
Mondavio as security for payment to Ferdinand of 50,000 ducats, in
full of his debts to the crown of Naples; this money, or, failing it,
these towns, to be given to Piccinino in lieu of all demands on
account of services to Alfonso and Federigo. The only difficulty in
carrying out these terms appears to have originated with that selfish
adventurer, who, trusting to the terror with which his robber bands
were regarded, and conceiving that he might extort still greater
advantages from a Pontiff intent on promptly settling every divisive
element in Italian politics, made several demonstrations against the
ecclesiastical territory. But the temporising Nicholas had been
succeeded by a practical and energetic statesman, who at once
ordered the Count of Urbino to protect the interests of the Church.
[99]In the following spring an interview between the rivals, in token
of their perfect reconciliation, was brought about by the Duke of
Milan. It took place in presence of a numerous and noble concourse,
witnesses to studied displays of affectionate cordiality, which on one
side were neither voluntary nor sincere.
 CHAPTER VII
Count Federigo’s domestic life—His second marriage—
New war for the Angevine succession to Naples—
Battle of San Fabbiano—Conclusion of the war—
Humiliation of the Malatesta.

T
HOSE readers who have thus far followed our narrative of
Count Federigo's military career may perhaps regret that its
somewhat limited and monotonous interest should not have
been varied by glimpses of his domestic life. A prince whose
engagements were observed with rare fidelity, whose chivalrous
honour was happily combined with practical good sense and
unflinching justice, must have been almost necessarily a good
husband and kind master. But, in accordance with the habits of his
age and the calls of his condottiere profession, most of his time was
passed in the field, and unfortunately in those times few bards and
biographers considered any incense worth offering which did not
savour of
"The pomp and circumstance of glorious war."
His marriage with Gentile being hopelessly barren, he had followed
the example of his father by obtaining papal briefs of legitimation, in
1454, for his natural sons Buonconte and Antonio. With the latter we
shall make acquaintance by and by; the former, a youth of
remarkable promise, is supposed to have been his destined heir,[100]
but having been sent on a mission to Alfonso at Naples, in October,
1458, he died there of the plague; and another brother, Bernardino,
who had accompanied him on that journey, scarcely survived his
return. Berni, speaking from personal knowledge of these two
princes, applies to them Virgil's high-flown compliment to Marcellus:
—
 "Ah, couldst thou break through Fate's severe decree,
A new Marcellus shall arise in thee!
Full canisters of fragrant lilies bring,
Mixed with the purple roses of the spring;
Let me with funeral flowers his body strew."[101]

P. della Francesca, pinx. L. Ceroni,

sculp.
Alinari
FEDERIGO, DUKE OF URBINO, AND BATTISTA, HIS WIFE
From the picture by Piero della Francesca in the Uffizi Gallery

These bereavements probably predisposed their father to a proposal

made to him at Mantua by the Duke of Milan, that he should marry
his niece Battista Sforza, daughter of the Lord of Pesaro, whose
descent we have already explained, and who was now about
thirteen years of age.[102] Her mother's death, when she was but
eighteen months old, had occasioned her being carried at an early
age to the court of Milan, where those gifts and endowments were
well cultivated for which her mother and great-grandmother had
been renowned. Nearly of an age with her cousin Hippolita Maria,
one of the paragon princesses of her age, whose marriage to the
heir presumptive of the Neapolitan crown we have noticed, she
shared her laborious education, and amply redeemed her own
hereditary claim to the talents and classical acquirements then in
vogue among the pedantic dames of Italy. With the like showy
scholarship and precocious command of Latin rhetoric to which her
female predecessors had been trained, she was put forward to
welcome illustrious visitors at Milan and Pesaro, in harangues which
we are assured were sometimes prepared, sometimes extempore,
but always elegant and appropriate.[103] The same contemporary
authority attributes her engagement with Federigo to the influence
of King Alfonso immediately upon Gentile's death; but the
dispensation is dated the 4th of October, 1459,[104] and in the
following month the betrothal took place at Pesaro, where great
satisfaction was displayed, and a donation of 3000 bolognini, or 75
florins, was voted by the council to Alessandro, of which he would
accept but two-thirds. The marriage was celebrated at Urbino, on
the 10th of February, 1460; and we turn to Sanzi's Chronicle, in the
hope of finding some interesting details commemorated by an eye-
witness. These pomps are, however, unfortunately curtailed by the
poet, anxious to resume the dull recital of little wars. He describes
the bride as

"A maiden
With every grace and virtue rare endowed,
That heaven at intervals on earth vouchsafes,
In earnest of the bliss reserved on high."

Muzio most unaccountably omits all notice of the marriage; we,

however, learn from Betussi that she was tiny in person, but
inherited the gifts and eloquence of her grandmother, Battista di
Montefeltro. These she publicly exercised at Mantua, in an oration
addressed to Pius II., and answered in a compliment dictated either
by his gallantry or critical acumen. Bernardo Tasso has pleasingly
embodied the testimony of her contemporaries:—

"The first of them in equal favour holds

Demosthenes and Plato; reading, too,
Plotinus, while, in wisdom as in words,
Arpino's orator she well shall match;
Consort of one unconquered, Frederick,
Urbino's Duke and long-tried champion."[105]

CLARVS INSIGNI VEHITVR TRIVMPHO

QVEM PAREM SVMMIS DVCIBVS
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