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TEXT I
A Steven Levy's recent book about the American social media giant Facebook (now Meta) paints a clear
picture of the firm's size, not in terms of its revenue but in the amount of human activity that goes through
its servers. An astounding 1.73 billion people use Facebook every day. "The operation is so big that it can
only be policed by algorithms or armies," writes Mr. Levy. In fact, Facebook uses both. Human moderators
work alongside algorithms that are trained to find posts that violate either an individual country's laws or
the site's own policies. But algorithms have many advantages over their human counterparts. They do not
sleep, or take holidays. They are quick, can scan thousands of messages a second, and are untiring. And, of
course, they do not need to be paid. The ability to provide all these services with minimal human
intervention is one reason why tech companies have achieved extremely high valuations with
comparatively small workforces.
B Companies in other industries would love that kind of efficiency. Yet the magic is proving difficult to
achieve. In January 2020, Boston Consulting Group surveyed almost 2,500 bosses and found that 70% said
their Artificial Intelligence (AI) projects involving algorithms had generated little impact so far. Two-fifths of
those with "significant investments" in AI had yet to report any benefits at all. As a result, bosses seem more
generally to be less enthusiastic. Another survey found that the number of bosses planning to use AI across
their companies was 4% in 2020, down from 20% the year before.
C Businesses find AI hard to adopt for several reasons. One is that businesses, particularly big ones, often find
change difficult. One parallel from history is with the electrification of factories. Electricity offered big
advantages over steam power in terms of both efficiency and convenience. Despite these advantages, it
took more than 30 years for electric power to become widely adopted because factory owners were
reluctant to move away from familiar and trusted power sources. Similarly, reasons specific to AI exist that
slow the pace of change. For example, firms may have been misled by the success of the internet giants,
which were perfectly placed to adopt the new technology. These giants were already staffed by
programmers and had huge amounts of user-generated data. The areas in which they used AI, at least at
first, such as improving search results and displaying adverts, were straightforward and easy to measure.
On the other hand, finding staff can be tricky for many companies as AI experts are scarce and demand very
high salaries.
D A less obvious problem is deciding what to use AI for. Machine and biological intelligence are very different.
For instance, machines can do complex arithmetic and formal logic easily, but they struggle with tasks like
coordinated movement, which humans take completely for granted. While almost any human can be
employed in a customer-support helpline, few can play very complex video games at a grandmaster level.
Yet building a customer-service chatbot is in some ways harder than building a machine that is superhuman
in video games. Most video games have only two possible outcomes: You win, or you lose. These outcomes
can be easily identified. Individual games can play out in millions of unique ways, but the rules are few and
straightforward. Such well-defined problems are a good fit for AI. By contrast, dealing with customer calls
after a cancelled flight can require unique solutions for each customer.
A-1
E What to do? One piece of advice, says James Gralton, the engineering director at Ocado, a British warehouse-
automation and food-delivery company, is to start small and pick projects that can quickly deliver obvious
benefits. Ocado's warehouses have thousands of robots picking up food to fulfill orders from online
shoppers. Ocado's engineers used simple data from the robots, like electricity consumption, to train a
machine-learning model to predict when a damaged or worn robot was likely to fail. Since broken-down
robots get in the way, removing them for maintenance before they break down saves time and money. And
implementing the system was comparatively easy. The robots, warehouses, and data all existed already. And
the outcome is clear, too, which makes it easy to tell how well the AI model is working: Either the system
reduces breakdowns and saves money, or it does not.
F There is more to building an AI system than its accuracy in collecting data. It must also do something that
can be integrated into a company's work, that is, going from a working model to a successful system. As
explained above, AI is best suited to make a decision between two options. When the options increase in
number, the probability of ending up with a wrong decision increases, thus decreasing the efficiency of the
system. Because they are complicated and open-ended, few problems in the real world are likely to be
completely solvable. Therefore, managers should anticipate when their systems will fail to solve a real-life
problem and give these complex cases to human beings to judge. As a result, using AI systems in decision-
making processes can increase the expected cost, especially if an algorithm is poorly designed and makes
frequent wrong decisions.
G The tech giants' experience of social media, which has contributed to disinformation, demonstrates the
benefits of always keeping humans involved. Because human moderators see sensitive, private data, they
typically work in offices with strict security policies. For instance, bringing smartphones to work is usually
prohibited. Nowadays, most tech companies have their staff working from home, where such security is
hard to enforce. This has meant an increased reliance on the algorithms, which the firms acknowledged
would have an impact on their services. YouTube, for example, admitted that more videos would end up
being removed, "including some that may not actually cause any harm or violate policies." Facebook
admitted that less human supervision would likely mean "longer response times and more mistakes." AI can
do a lot. But it works best when humans are there to hold its hand.
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24. According to paragraph E, which is true about Ocado?
a) It is involved in carrying out small projects for AI companies.
b) It carries out preventive maintenance.
c) It makes use of broken-down robots.
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TEXT II
A The dramatic work, Conversations on the Plurality of Worlds, by French philosopher Bernard le Bovier
de Fontenelle began with a warning: “I have attempted to compose a book that shall neither be too
abstruse for the gay, nor too amusive for the learned,” the author wrote, meaning the book was
neither too complex for the common reader nor too light for the intellectual. In the best-seller,
published in 1686—one year before Newton’s groundbreaking Principia—Fontenelle introduced the
ordinary people to Cartesian philosophy and the early science of the natural world. The story involves
two speakers, a man and a woman, discussing the features of our solar system and the use of scientific
inquiry to illuminate the laws of nature. The writing proved so popular and accessible that
Fontenelle’s work went through six editions during his life and was reprinted another six times by
1825.
B Not only did the book pave the way for other natural philosophers (the word “scientist” was not
coined until 1834), it inspired an entirely new genre of writing: popular science. And with scientific
subjects suddenly in vogue, more and more European citizens were swept up by the Enlightenment,
which brought a new way of thinking about and exploring the world. To understand just how radical
Fontenelle’s popularity was, consider earlier natural philosophers like Copernicus (who theorized
that the Earth revolves around the sun) or Johannes Kepler (who discovered the laws of planetary
motion). “Their books come out in editions of 500 copies, and maybe 50 people read and understand
them,” says Michael Lynn, a professor of history. “Newton comes along and writes his book, and
maybe 100 people understand it, but now people are more invested in trying to figure out what to do
with it.”
C Fontenelle proved there was an audience for accessible science in local languages; now other writers
merely needed to follow his example. Following Fontenelle’s work came dozens of new books.
Francesco Algarotti’s book on Newtonianism made the famed scientist’s complicated mathematic
principles much clearer. The Encyclopedia of Diderot and d’Alembert discussed everything from
algebra to surgery. Literacy was booming across Europe, as were printing presses. Suddenly readers
could find scientific research discussed not only in books, but also in newspapers and street
performances where showmen demonstrated the properties of electricity. Accumulating knowledge
about the natural sciences also brought someone a certain status, Lynn says. Like watching the
science-popularizer Bill Nye or reading the best-selling works of Carl Sagan today, knowing what was
happening in the world of science was thought to make a person more cultured and capable of
rational decision-making.
D Given Fontenelle’s success translating science for the general public, some researchers suggested
that French was the necessary language for participating in the sweeping transformations of the
time. (I) As Marc Fumaroli argues in When the World Spoke French, a large portion of the
international community spoke or read French in the 1700s. Researchers Johanthan Topham and
Simon Burrows even created a database for 18th-century Swiss publisher Société Typographique de
Neuchatel that reveals tens of thousands of popular science books written in French that were
purchased across Europe—everywhere from the United Kingdom to Russia. (II) Meanwhile, Antiokh
Dmitrievich Kantemir, one of the earliest Russian writers, praised strongly the ideals of the growing
Enlightenment movement in Europe. “I think it can be argued that the lingua franca of the
Enlightenment is French,” Lynn says. “But there are whole books written about how the
Enlightenment is not just French. Each country has its own style. (III) There’s an Italian
Enlightenment, a North and South German Enlightenment.”
E As science historian Lindy Orthia points out, the diffusion of science was not just about language—it
also depended on each country’s social circumstances. “In the late 18th and early 19th centuries,
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Britain and France were really the stand-out nations in terms of mass movements in popular science,
particularly in Paris and London,” Orthia says. “But if we compare France and Britain to other places
in the world, perhaps what stands out is the importance of urbanization and centralization, as well as
the growing institutionalization of science.” In other words, potential popular science writers needed
support from groups like the Royal Society of London or the Académie des Sciences in Paris, as well as
interest from the public. For French philosophes, both came in large supply. In addition to Fontenelle,
other French science writers of the Enlightenment era include Émilie du Châtelet (who translated
Newton’s work into French) and chemist Antoine-Laurent Lavoisier (who created a system to identify
chemicals).
F But perhaps above all others was Voltaire. The prolific writer penned hundreds of essays and stories,
his overall works spanning more than 70 volumes. Voltaire even built his own lab but did not do much
experimenting. “A lot of the popular science stuff is more specialized,” Lynn says, meaning writers
would choose to focus on either natural history or chemistry, physics, or botany. “Voltaire is a bad
example because he was so able to write in any format. He’s exceptional. He writes history, science,
poems, letters, philosophical criticism. Few people could transcend literary genres quite like Voltaire.”
The specialization that Voltaire avoided helped redirect the course of future scientific studies—and in
some ways spelled the death of science by and for the masses. Because the importance of scientific
research had been so effectively communicated to political leaders and the wealthy upper-class, more
support was thrown behind leading scientific institutions. Individuals were directed to take more
distinct research paths in a professional setting, a shift away from the work previously pursued by those
who simply had enough curiosity and leisure time. “That professionalization process had the effect of
setting up boundaries between “scientists” and anyone else who might be interested in science, so it led
to the exclusion of a whole bunch of people from formal scientific activity,” Orthia said. “Arguably,
popular science created its own death by making science too popular and too successful.”
30. How does Fontenelle compare to earlier natural philosophers mentioned in paragraph B?
a) He made equally significant discoveries.
b) He wrote fewer books.
c) He appealed to wider audiences.
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33. Which one can be understood from paragraph E?
a) Both France and Britain possessed specific conditions that enabled popular science to
flourish as a genre.
b) A large number of popular science writers moved to Paris in search of support from
scientific organizations and public interest.
c) Other science writers in France took Fontenelle’s work one step further by writing in a more
detailed and technical way.
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TEXT III
A In the summer of 2018, an incomprehensibly large mass of brown seaweed appeared in the Atlantic
Ocean. It stretched from one coast to the other, from the shores of West Africa to the Gulf of Mexico.
Spanning 8,850 kilometers, the seaweed bloom, known as the great Atlantic sargassum1 belt, was the
largest ever recorded. Researchers analyzing satellite images of the bloom estimated its mass to be
more than 20 million tons—heavier than 200 fully loaded aircraft carriers. While the 2018 event was a
record, sargassum blooms have been a nuisance in the Atlantic for some years, where they harm coastal
biodiversity, fisheries, and the tourism industry in the Caribbean and Mexico.
B Barbados declared a national emergency in June 2018 after its shorelines were covered with sargassum.
And it is a problem that appears to be getting worse in the Atlantic. After analyzing 19 years of satellite
data, researchers at the University of South Florida found that since 2011, the sargassum bloom has
appeared annually and is growing in size. “2011 was a tipping point. Before that, we did not see much
sargassum. After that, we are seeing recurring, massive sargassum blooms in the central Atlantic,” says
Mengqiu Wang, a member of the team who discovered the Atlantic-spanning bloom in 2018. The
blooms are at their largest in June and July, she says. Other researchers, such as Elizabeth Johns of the
US’s National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, agree that 2011 was a tipping point for
sargassum in the Atlantic, suggesting future blooms are likely to be even larger. Indeed, a Caribbean
research cruise in autumn 2014 recorded sargassum concentrations 10 times that of the 2011 event,
and 300 times greater than any other autumn in the previous 20 years.
C While the exact causes for the bloom have yet to be pinned down, Wang’s team believes that a number
of environmental factors are contributing to the sargassum explosion. Among them are abnormal ocean
currents, moderate temperatures, wind patterns, and strong upwelling, a process in which deep, cold
water rises toward the surface. Changing patterns of rain and wind could, for example, influence the
strength of the West African upwelling. The destruction of the Amazon rainforest is also thought to have
fueled the growth of sargassum. As huge swathes of the rainforest are cut down, it is replaced with
heavily fertilized farmland. The fertilizer ends up in the Amazon River and eventually in the Atlantic,
where it floods the ocean with nutrients such as nitrogen. Records show during the large 2018 bloom,
there were higher levels of nutrients in the central Atlantic region where the sargassum grows
compared with 2010, says Wang.
D ____________. The problem comes, however, when sargassum washes up on the beach and starts to dry up,
emitting hydrogen sulfide—a gas that smells like rotten eggs. “So, something that is a good vegetation in
the ocean, turns into something bad on the beach,” says Wang. The nasty smell and unsightly
appearance are driving tourists away from beach resorts in the Caribbean and Mexico’s Yucatan
peninsula—a blow to the region’s economy, which relies heavily on tourism. In 2018, Laura Beristain
Navarrete, mayor of coastal town Playa del Carmen in Mexico, told a local newspaper that tourist
numbers in the region had fallen by up to 35% due to sargassum. Removing the seaweed from the
beaches is also a costly and time-consuming process for governments.
E Besides its catastrophic impact on tourism, sargassum is also a public health concern, as exposure to
rotting sargassum has been linked to neurological, digestive, and respiratory symptoms. While trying to
find a way to tackle the sargassum problem, Mike Allen, a marine scientist, has developed a way of
converting sargassum into biofuels and sustainable fertilizer. Allen and a team of researchers devised a
process called hydrothermal liquefaction (HTL), which uses high pressure and temperature to convert
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sargassum: a category of large brown seaweed (a type of algae) that floats in island-like masses and
never attaches to the sea floor
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sargassum into different components, such as bio-oil and water-soluble organic compounds, to produce
fertilizer. There are some drawbacks, though. The process is energy-intensive, says Allen. The project is
still in the research phase, and the researchers have converted 100 kg of sargassum to date, but Allen
hopes to scale it up and partner with companies and governments to tackle the issue. The aim is to find
a solution to the sargassum problem that is economically viable and supports the local community.
“What we are trying to do is make the cleanup of contaminated areas profitable, so that there is an
incentive to do it, improve quality of life, and protect the environment,” says Allen.
F In parts of Mexico and the Caribbean, locals are taking the matter into their own hands and finding new
ways to turn the environmental disaster on their coastlines into a sustainable economic opportunity.
Some are turning sargassum into materials, ranging from paper to building materials. In Playa del
Carmen, for example—one of Mexico’s most popular tourist destinations—a community group is
tackling the sargassum invasion by turning it into soap. While in St. Catherine’s, a coastal community in
Jamaica, Daveian Morrison is using sargassum to produce animal feed. Morrison, the founder of
Awganic Inputs, wanted to solve two major problems in Jamaica: sargassum and the lack of affordable
fodder for goats, a local delicacy. The country currently imports $15 million of goat meat each year. “Our
goats look very lean as they do not consume enough minerals. Sargassum has many nutrients, minerals,
and salt,” he says. Awganic Inputs buys sargassum from local collectors and dries, cleans, and shreds the
seaweed while it is still fairly fresh. For the more rotten sargassum, it is turned into charcoal and sold
for use in cosmetics. Such efforts to tackle the sargassum problem are undoubtedly small compared to
the overwhelming amounts decomposing on Atlantic beaches. Goat feed, soap, and biofuels will not
make much difference any time soon, but they are a sign of coastal resilience and of local economies
adapting to turn a rotten mess into something of use.
a) Their yearly appearance was recorded by researchers much earlier than 2011.
b) They are much larger in South Florida in June and July than they are in Barbados.
c) The increase in their concentration between the years 2011 and 2014 was dramatic.
39. Which one is referred to in paragraph C as an important contributor to the sargassum explosion?
a) Caribbean governments are acknowledging that sargassum blooms, which have a huge impact on
tourism, could pose a long-term threat to the economy
b) When scattered across open water, sargassum serves as an important breeding ground for turtles
and a shelter for hundreds of fish species
c) Once sargassum is on the beach, scientists point out that it loses a large amount of moisture as it
rots, and thus, the majority of the mineral content is lost
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41. What can be said about Mike Allen’s method of converting sargassum explained in paragraph E?
a) It has the potential to turn the sargassum problem into something profitable.
b) It is an energy-efficient way of converting sargassum into bio-fuels and fertilizers.
c) Many companies and governments have already expressed interest in employing it.
a) The more rotten the sargassum is, the less suitable it is to be used as goat feed.
b) Local people’s turning sargassum into soap has attracted the attention of the tourists in the area.
c) The efforts to tackle the sargassum invasion have already made a considerable difference on
Atlantic beaches.
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TEXT IV
A In a snowy forest near Montreal, Martin Lominy aimed his bow at a butchered pig, hanging from a
string between two trees. A craftsman who recreates ancient tools, Lominy was helping
archaeologists test whether or not arrows tipped with shark teeth could cut through animal flesh. “I
figured that’s not going to work,” he says. “They’re all going to explode on impact.” But, the
experimental arrows whizzed through the meat, only exploding if they collided with a bone. The
archaeologists behind the experiment, Simon-Pierre Gilson of the Federal University of Santa
Catarina and Christian Gates St-Pierre of the University of Montreal, added bow hunting to their
growing list of shark-tooth uses. In other tests, the research team proved the razor-sharp shark
teeth fixed to sticks worked for numerous tasks, from scaling fish to cutting wood.
B __________. Nineteenth-century scholars had assumed the coastal inhabitants got by on a diet of
shellfish and other easy catch. This meant that the natives had captured big kills like sharks only
when old, ill, or wounded ones washed up on shore. This view held for over a century although
many thousands of shark teeth have surfaced at Brazilian seaside settlements, spanning from 8,000
years ago to the 1500s. Now, Gilson and colleagues have proposed an alternative explanation. Based
on their experiments and analyses of centuries-old teeth, they argue that multiple native, indigenous
communities were skilled shark hunters. These communities hunted sharks for food, raw materials,
and perhaps something even more valuable: social and spiritual prestige.
C Archaeologist Daniela Klokler was not involved in the studies, but backs their stance. Klokler has
analyzed much older shark remains, left several millennia ago by coastal indigenous populations
who built massive mounds, or hills, made from clamshells and other debris. Some of these so-called
sambaquis, or shell mounds, rose as high as seven-story buildings, and many contained human
burials. Archaeologists think the more than 2,000 sambaquis spread through Brazil’s coast served as
ceremonial monuments, built and used by numerous native groups between 500 and 8,000 years
ago. The shell mound builders, researched by Klokler, may or may not have been the ancestors of the
inhabitants responsible for the 500- to 700-year-old specimens studied by Gilson. Yet she reached
the same conclusion about sharks’ importance as food, tool components, and cultural icons. “These
teeth are not by chance at these sites,” she says.
D Gilson began his project in 2015 after he sorted through animal bones piled in storage at the Federal
University of Santa Catarina’s museum. In box after box, he discovered piles of shark teeth. And
thousands came from Rio do Meio, a little-known site on Santa Catarina Island, off Brazil’s southern
coast. Archaeologists do not know who exactly built the 500- to 700-year-old site. Today, few
indigenous communities remain on the coast since European colonizers killed or forced most native
groups farther inland. But when the Portuguese arrived in 1500, roughly 900,000 Native Americans
inhabited the Atlantic shores of present-day Brazil. Most groups, like the Tupinamba, spoke Tupi
languages. Based on 16th-century sources, artifacts, and DNA evidence, it is thought that the
Tupinamba expelled many Macro-Je speaking groups from the coast to the continent’s interior not
long before the Europeans landed. Still, some Macro-Je communities remained on the coast into the
colonial era.
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E Which native culture occupied Rio do Meio still remains a mystery. Yet archaeologists have a good
idea how that community used the site. In the 1990s, archaeologists excavated Rio do Meio. Digging
an area roughly the size of a basketball court, they uncovered pottery, stone tools, fire pits, and trash
heaps harboring hundreds of thousands of sea creature remains as well as fewer mammal, bird, and
reptile bones. Unlike most sites in the region, Rio do Meio clearly was not a shell mound monument.
There was no sign of a dwelling or grave there. So the archaeologists think the site served as a
designated place for butchering and processing hunters’ daily catch.
F Two decades after the archaeological dig, when Gilson gazed into the boxes of teeth, he immediately
wanted to know why shark was so abundant at Rio do Meio. Archaeologists frequently recover shark
remains at ancient coastal sites in Brazil. In many cases, only teeth remain, looking like they were
strung into jewelry for the dead. However, other clues indicate the coastal inhabitants also dined on
shark. Earlier studies conducted by Klokler and others have measured elemental signals in human
bones buried in shell mounds between 500 and 5,000 years old. The results reveal the ancient
residents ate animals high on the food chain—top predators like shark. Given the variety and
abundance of the fishes in this butchering area, Gilson says the evidence is clear shark was really
important in the food intake for this population. In fact, comparing the abundance shark remains to
other food scraps found at the site, he estimated that shark constituted between 54 and 75 percent
of the meat eaten by the past inhabitants.
G But Gilson suspected sharks provided more than meals. After all, there were less vicious fish to
catch for dinner. Gilson and colleagues also question the idea that shark-teeth found in graves were
all accessories. The rows of teeth could have once been attached to wooden shafts, which since
decomposed. They may have been essential tools that hunters wanted to take to the afterlife.
Klokler thinks this is highly probable. And there was a reason why shark teeth were made into tools
and ornaments, and sometimes taken to the grave. “I think that sharks are totally associated with
another realm,” she says. The researchers are most fascinated by this potential shark role—the
hypothesis that the creatures were spiritually or culturally significant for coastal residents. When
analyzing the microscopic scratches on the teeth to see their possible uses, St-Pierre says, “we look
at the surface, but we're interested in more deeper questions.”
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47. Which can be inferred from paragraph C?
a) Klokler and Gilson do not agree on the importance of sharks in the lives of indigenous people.
b) Archaeologists cannot decide on which method to use in order to learn when the sambaquis
were built on the Brazilian coast.
c) The massive mounds studied by Klokler contained not only clamshells and debris, but also
human and shark remains.
48. What do we learn from paragraph D?
a) Archaeologists are not sure which indigenous community built the Rio do Meio site.
b) Macro-Je communities were the dominant population on the Brazilian coast in the 16th century.
c) The majority of today's indigenous communities live on the Atlantic shores of present-day Brazil.
49. How does paragraph F relate to paragraph E?
a) Paragraph E clarifies what items and artifacts were unearthed at Rio do Meio, and paragraph F
informs about the methods Gilson and other archaeologists used to examine these artifacts.
b) Paragraph E introduces the idea that Rio do Meio was different from shell mound monument
sites, and paragraph F outlines the differences between the two.
c) Paragraph E explains how Rio do Meio served as a butchering place, and paragraph F states
how the remains recovered from this site provided further evidence of the residents’ diet.
50. Which question does paragraph G mainly deal with?
a) What feature of sharks made indigenous people associate them with another realm?
b) Why did sharks play a central role in the lives of indigenous people?
c) How were shark teeth turned into tools and accessories by the indigenous people?
51. What does the word “dwelling” in the text mean?
a) An object for defense
b) A valuable piece of treasure
c) A house or place to live in
52. What does the word “vicious” in the text mean?
a) difficult b) violent c) big
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METU / SFL EPE
Sample Exam
ANSWER KEY
Careful Reading and Vocabulary
(40 points)