PEASANT UPRISING IN SOUTH

ODISHA
 CONTENTS
CHAPTER:1 INTRODUCTION : CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK AND RESEARCH

PLANs

CHAPTER:2 HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF SOUTH ODISHA

CHAPTER:3 COLONIAL AGRARIAN POLICIES AND THEIR IMPACT

CHAPTER:4 MAJOR PEASANT UPRISINGS IN SOUTH ODISHA

CHAPTER:5 SOCIO-ECONOMIC DIMENSIONS OF THE UPRISINGS

CHAPTER:6 POLITICAL MOBILIZATION AND IDEOLOGICAL INFLUENCES

CHAPTER:7 POST-INDEPENDENCE AGRARIAN UNREST

CHAPTER:8 CASE STUDIES

CHAPTER:9 IMPACT AND LEGACY

CHAPTER:10 CONCLUSION
 CHAPTER: 1: INTRODUCTION:
CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK AND
RESEARCH PLAN
 CHAPTER: 1: INTRODUCTION: CONCEPTUAL
FRAMEWORK AND RESEARCH PLAN

1.1 BACKGROUND AND SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY:

Peasant uprisings have long been a critical feature of India's agrarian history. These uprisings,
whether violent or non-violent, have reflected the tensions and conflicts arising out of economic
exploitation, political subjugation, and cultural marginalization. South Odisha, comprising districts
such as Koraput, Malkangiri, Rayagada, Gajapati, Nabarangpur, and Kandhamal, presents a unique
historical landscape where tribal peasants have consistently resisted oppressive structures, both during
colonial rule and in the post-independence era. Despite their intensity and impact, these movements
have received limited attention in mainstream historiography.

The socio-economic conditions of South Odisha, characterized by its forest-based economy,

tribal landholding systems, and cultural distinctiveness, have made it a site of continuous
contestation. Colonial policies disrupted traditional rights over land and forests, introducing
exploitative revenue systems and legal structures. Post-independence development projects,
including large dams, mining, and industrialization, have further marginalized the region's
inhabitants. These changes provoked a series of peasant and tribal uprisings rooted in the
defense of traditional livelihoods and community autonomy. This thesis seeks to foreground
these struggles, offering a comprehensive historical account of peasant uprisings in South
Odisha and situating them within the broader discourse of subaltern resistance in India.

1.2 OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY:

The primary goal of this study is to investigate, document, and interpret the historical trajectories of
peasant uprisings in South Odisha. These movements are viewed not as isolated events but as
historically embedded processes with specific socio-economic and political contexts. The objectives
are as follows:

 To trace the historical evolution of agrarian systems and state policies in South Odisha from
pre-colonial to post-colonial periods.
 To identify the structural and immediate causes of peasant uprisings in the region.
 To analyze the leadership, ideology, and organizational structures of these uprisings.
 To explore the intersection of tribal identity, land rights, and forest dependence in shaping
peasant resistance.
 To assess the long-term implications of these uprisings on regional policy, legislation (such as
PESA, FRA, LARR Act), and cultural memory.
 To contribute to the broader historiography of subaltern and agrarian studies in India.

1.3 Research Questions:

To achieve the above objectives, this thesis seeks to address the following critical questions:
 1. What were the primary structural and immediate causes that led to peasant uprisings in South
Odisha?
2. How did colonial land policies, forest regulations, and post-colonial development projects
affect rural livelihoods in this region?
3. In what ways did these uprisings reflect the agency and aspirations of the tribal and peasant
communities?
4. What role did indigenous institutions, customary law, and oral culture play in shaping
resistance?
5. How did these local resistances interact with or remain autonomous from national movements
such as the Gandhian or Marxist mobilizations?
6. How do these uprisings continue to inform contemporary movements in South Odisha,
especially in relation to displacement, forest rights, and development?

1.4 METHODOLOGY:

This research employs a multidisciplinary approach combining historical analysis,

ethnographic fieldwork, and textual interpretation. Archival sources such as British
administrative reports, district gazetteers, and post-independence policy documents form the
historical base. Ethnographic methods include oral history interviews with local elders,
activists, and community leaders. These narratives are crucial in capturing lived experiences
and resistance ideologies that are often absent from official records.

Additionally, the study draws from regional literature, folk songs, and protest performances
to understand cultural expressions of dissent. A comparative analysis with tribal uprisings in
Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh, and Andhra Pradesh helps contextualize the movements in South
Odisha within broader patterns of tribal resistance in India.

1.5 SCOPE AND LIMITATIONS:

The study focuses on the southern districts of Odisha, where tribal populations form a
significant portion of the demographic. The time frame extends from the early 19th century to
the present, allowing for an analysis of both colonial and contemporary resistance. While the
emphasis is on historical analysis, the study also engages with modern movements to
understand the continuity and transformation of agrarian struggles.

However, the research faces certain limitations. Access to interior regions for fieldwork is
sometimes restricted. Language barriers may affect the collection of oral testimonies.
Additionally, colonial and state records often carry biases that marginalize the voices of
subaltern actors. These limitations are addressed through cross-verification with oral sources
and local narratives.

1.6 REVIEW OF LITERATURE :

Existing scholarship on peasant movements in India tends to focus on large-scale revolts like
the Indigo Rebellion, the Telangana Movement, or the Naxalite insurgency. The Subaltern
Studies collective, led by Ranajit Guha, emphasized the agency of peasants in shaping
history. However, Odisha's tribal revolts have remained underrepresented.
Works by D.N. Dhanagare and Sumit Sarkar offer insights into class-based mobilization but
do not delve into the specificities of tribal regions. Regional studies by scholars like
Sachidananda Mohanty and Nabin Mishra have highlighted tribal identity and forest rights
but lack historical depth. This thesis fills a crucial gap by combining historical, cultural, and
political analysis to study peasant uprisings in South Odisha.

1.7 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK :

The research is grounded in several theoretical approaches. Subaltern Studies provides the
foundation for examining peasant agency and non-elite historical consciousness. Postcolonial
theory, especially the work of Partha Chatterjee and Gayatri Spivak, helps critique the
colonial construction of tribal identities and the state's narrative of development.

James C. Scott's concept of "moral economy" and "everyday resistance" informs the analysis
of non-violent forms of protest. The study also draws on indigenous epistemologies that view
land and forests as sacred entities, challenging the commodification of nature by the state and
market forces.

1.8 STRUCTURE OF THE THESIS :

The thesis is organized into ten chapters:

1. Introduction – Conceptual framework and research plan.

2. Historical Background of South Odisha – Geography, demography, and pre-colonial
structures.
3. Colonial Agrarian Policies and Their Impact – Revenue systems and land reforms.
4. Major Peasant Uprisings in South Odisha – Case studies and patterns.
5. Socio-Economic Dimensions of the Uprisings – Class, caste, and livelihood issues.
6. Political Mobilization and Ideological Influences – Role of political ideologies and
leadership. -
7. Post-Independence Agrarian Unrest – Continuities in resistance.
8. Case Studies – Micro-histories from select districts.
9. Impact and Legacy – Policy outcomes and cultural memory.
10. Conclusion – Summary of findings and future directions.

This structure ensures a comprehensive, chronological, and thematic exploration of peasant

uprisings in South Odisha.
 CHAPTER 2: HISTORICAL
BACKGROUND OF SOUTH ODISHA
 CHAPTER 2: HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF SOUTH
ODISHA

2.1 GEOGRAPHICAL AND ECOLOGICAL FEATURES :

South Odisha's geographical and ecological characteristics have played a pivotal role in
shaping its historical evolution, particularly its agrarian economy and patterns of resistance.
The region, situated within the Eastern Ghats, encompasses the districts of Koraput,
Malkangiri, Rayagada, Nabarangpur, Kandhamal, and Gajapati. These districts are known for
their hilly terrain, thick forests, abundant rainfall, and rich biodiversity. The terrain is marked
by steep hills, plateaus, and river valleys carved by rivers like the Kolab, Bansadhara, and
Indravati. The natural environment provided not only sustenance but also a protective shield
for its inhabitants against external incursions for centuries.

This ecological setting fostered a lifestyle deeply intertwined with nature. Traditional
practices such as shifting cultivation (locally called podu), forest gathering, fishing, and
animal husbandry sustained the tribal populations for generations. The region's relative
inaccessibility delayed the onset of intensive state control, allowing indigenous societies to
flourish with minimal interference. Forests, rivers, and hills held not just economic but sacred
significance in local cosmologies, reinforcing a moral economy based on reciprocity and
ecological balance. These features deeply influenced the social structures and resistance
strategies of local communities.

2.2 DEMOGRAPHIC COMPOSITION AND TRIBAL COMMUNITIES :

South Odisha is home to a large and diverse tribal population, forming the demographic
backbone of the region. According to the Census of India and ethnographic studies, more
than 50% of the population in many districts belongs to Scheduled Tribes. Prominent tribes
include the Kondhs, Parajas, Bondas, Gadabas, Saoras, and Didais, each with distinct
languages, customs, dress, belief systems, and governance structures.

The Kondhs are one of the most populous tribes, inhabiting large parts of Rayagada,
Kandhamal, and Koraput. They are known for their traditional agricultural practices and
veneration of earth deities like Dharani Penu. The Bondas, considered one of the most ancient
and culturally unique groups, reside in the remote Bonda Hills of Malkangiri and have
retained a strong degree of cultural isolation. The Saoras, mentioned in classical Indian texts,
are expert agriculturists and known for their pictographic script and ritual wall art. These
communities maintained an economy rooted in subsistence and sustainability, with a deep
sense of social equality and communal responsibility.

Social organization among these tribes typically revolved around kinship groups, clans, and
totemic affiliations. Village councils, often headed by a Nayak or Majhi, played a central role
in dispute resolution and community decisions. Gender roles were relatively egalitarian, and
women participated actively in agriculture, rituals, and festivals. The cultural vibrancy and
autonomy of these tribes played a crucial role in shaping their responses to colonial and post-
colonial state interventions.

2.3 PRE-COLONIAL POLITICAL STRUCTURES :

Before colonial domination, South Odisha was governed by a complex matrix of tribal
polities, local chieftaincies, and small kingdoms. While many tribal areas remained
autonomous, there were frequent interactions—both cooperative and conflictual—with
lowland kingdoms and zamindaris. The region was historically influenced by larger political
entities such as the Eastern Ganga dynasty, the Bhanja rulers, and the zamindars of Jeypore
and Kalahandi. These interactions were often marked by tribute arrangements, matrimonial
alliances, or warfare.

Tribal governance operated through a participatory model, where decisions were taken in
community assemblies. Dispute resolution, distribution of land, ritual leadership, and
coordination of labor were functions undertaken collectively. In more hierarchical societies,
certain lineages or families held hereditary positions of authority. Even so, power was
generally decentralized and rooted in consensus.

Feudal lords and local kings governed more fertile plains and valleys. They collected tribute
in kind and maintained standing armies. These rulers often exercised indirect control over the
hill tribes through intermediaries or by conferring titles and privileges on tribal leaders. The
boundaries between tribal and feudal domains were fluid, and local communities were adept
at negotiating autonomy through diplomacy or resistance.

2.4 TRADITIONAL LAND AND RESOURCE USE PATTERNS :

Land in tribal society was seen as a sacred trust rather than private property. Shifting
cultivation (podu) was widely practiced in hilly areas, involving clearing a forest patch,
cultivating it for a few years, and then allowing it to regenerate. This system was ecologically
sound and adapted to the fragile soil and rainfall patterns of the region. In valleys and plains,
settled agriculture included paddy cultivation, millet farming, and horticulture.

Forests were a vital resource base, providing food, fuel, medicine, and building materials.
Sacred groves were preserved as abodes of spirits, and elaborate rituals were performed to
honor forest deities. Customary laws regulated access to land and water, ensuring equitable
distribution and sustainability. Social norms discouraged hoarding, and surplus was often
redistributed through feasts and festivals.

Land was communally owned, though individual households held cultivation rights.
Decisions about land use, dispute resolution, and resource management were made
collectively. Forest-based livelihoods included collection of mahua flowers, tamarind,
bamboo, medicinal herbs, and lac. These practices reflected a holistic understanding of
ecology, economy, and spirituality, and were deeply resistant to commodification.

2.5 EARLY CONTACTS WITH COLONIAL FORCES :

South Odisha came under British rule through a series of treaties and annexations in the early
19th century. Following the defeat of local rulers and the reorganization of Madras
Presidency, the British established administrative control over the region. The creation of the
Ganjam and Vizagapatam Agencies was a significant step in integrating tribal areas into the
colonial framework.

Colonial administrators were often baffled by the tribal way of life. Descriptions in
administrative reports labeled the tribals as "primitive," "barbaric," or "uncivilized." Such
characterizations justified interventions in their land and forest management systems. The
British introduced zamindari and ryotwari systems, disrupting communal landholding and
enforcing cash-based taxation. They also implemented forest laws that criminalized
traditional livelihoods and restricted access to natural resources.

These changes led to severe dislocation and resentment. British officials faced difficulties in
enforcing law and order, and several military campaigns were undertaken to quell local
resistance. The imposition of new boundaries, legal codes, and economic practices alienated
tribal communities from their environment and governance systems, setting the stage for
revolt.

2.6 EARLY RESISTANCE MOVEMENTS :Resistance to colonial rule in South Odisha

was immediate and widespread. One of the most significant early uprisings was the Kondh
rebellion of the 1830s and 1840s. The British effort to suppress the practice of human
sacrifice (Meriah) was a key trigger. While the British viewed this as a humanitarian mission,
the Kondhs saw it as an attack on their religious autonomy. Leaders like Dora Bisoi and
Chakra Bisoi mobilized widespread resistance, combining religious fervor with political
defiance.These revolts were characterized by guerrilla tactics, use of forest cover, and mass
mobilization. The British responded with brutal suppression, including scorched-earth
campaigns and arrests of local leaders. Despite the eventual defeat, these movements left a
lasting legacy of resistance and solidarity. They also revealed the inability of colonial power
to fully penetrate or control tribal society.Other localized rebellions occurred throughout the
19th century, often in response to land alienation, forced labor, and forest restrictions. These
included uprisings by the Parajas, Saoras, and Gadabas, each rooted in specific grievances but
united by a common desire to defend autonomy. These early movements laid the ideological
and organizational groundwork for future peasant and tribal uprisings.
CHAPTER 3: COLONIAL AGRARIAN
POLICIES AND THEIR IMPACT
 CHAPTER 3: COLONIAL AGRARIAN POLICIES AND
THEIR IMPACT
3.1 INTRODUCTION TO COLONIAL LAND REVENUE SYSTEMS :

The British colonial administration introduced profound changes to the agrarian landscape of
South Odisha. Prior to colonization, land tenure in the region was predominantly communal
and regulated by customary norms. With the imposition of the colonial state, land was
commodified, and new systems of taxation and land ownership were introduced. These
systems, often implemented without understanding local socio-ecological dynamics, led to
far-reaching consequences.

One of the key instruments used by the British to assert control was the Permanent Settlement
(1793) and its variants in different regions. While this system was formally applied in Bengal,
similar mechanisms were introduced in parts of Odisha, particularly in the form of zamindari
settlements. Under these arrangements, local intermediaries were recognized as landlords
responsible for collecting taxes. This institutionalized a new hierarchy, empowering local
elites while dispossessing tribal and peasant communities from their traditional rights to land.

3.2 THE EMERGENCE OF ZAMINDARI AND MALGUJARI SYSTEMS :

The zamindari system formalized a new political economy wherein local rulers, landlords,
and village headmen were co-opted into the colonial administration. In South Odisha, this
meant that many traditional tribal leaders were transformed into revenue collectors, thereby
altering their role within the community. The introduction of the malgujari system further
exacerbated these changes by enforcing a rigid tax structure based on cash payments rather
than customary tribute in kind or labor.

These new systems brought about multiple layers of exploitation. Land was now seen as a
source of revenue rather than sustenance, and the failure to pay taxes often resulted in land
alienation. Tribal cultivators, unfamiliar with monetary taxation, were especially vulnerable.
Many lost their lands to moneylenders and landlords, leading to the rise of absentee
landlordism and bonded labor. Traditional communal rights were ignored, and land records
were manipulated in favor of elite interests.

3.3 FOREST POLICIES AND DISPLACEMENT OF PEASANTS :

Perhaps the most destructive of colonial interventions was the imposition of forest laws. The
Indian Forest Acts of 1865, 1878, and 1927 classified forests into 'reserved', 'protected', and
'village' categories, with the first two coming under direct state control. These classifications
criminalized traditional forest-based livelihoods such as shifting cultivation (podu), fuelwood
collection, and hunting. In South Odisha, where forests were integral to subsistence and
culture, the effects were devastating.

Colonial forestry policies aimed at commercial exploitation—particularly of timber and non-

timber products—while denying access to local communities. The British administration
introduced forest guards and patrolling units to monitor forest use, often leading to violence
and displacement. Tribals who had lived in harmony with nature for generations were now
labeled as 'encroachers' and subjected to fines, imprisonment, and eviction.
This systematic alienation from land and forest resources led to widespread impoverishment
and resentment. It also forced many to migrate or become laborers under exploitative
conditions. Forest enclosures not only destroyed local economies but also dismantled spiritual
and cultural ties to the land, further deepening the sense of loss and injustice.

3.4 THE ROLE OF MONEYLENDERS AND ECONOMIC EXPLOITATION :

With the introduction of a monetized economy and a rigid tax structure, local
moneylenders—often non-tribal outsiders—emerged as powerful figures in the colonial
countryside. These sahukars or mahajans provided loans at exorbitant interest rates, trapping
tribal and peasant families in cycles of debt. When borrowers failed to repay, their land and
cattle were confiscated, reinforcing socio-economic hierarchies.

Moneylenders often worked in tandem with zamindars and colonial officials, creating a triad
of oppression. The lack of legal literacy and institutional support meant that peasants had
little recourse against such exploitation. Debt bondage became common, and entire families
were forced to work as bonded laborers to repay never-ending loans.

Economic dependency on moneylenders also led to changes in cropping patterns. Instead of

growing traditional food crops, peasants were encouraged—or coerced—to cultivate cash
crops like cotton, turmeric, and castor, which were market-oriented but ecologically
unsuitable. This shift reduced food security and made rural communities more vulnerable to
famine and market fluctuations.

3.5 LABOR EXPLOITATION AND INDENTURED SYSTEMS :

Another dimension of colonial economic policy was labor extraction. South Odisha, with its
dense population of landless peasants and displaced tribals, became a key source of
indentured and migrant labor. Many were recruited to work in tea plantations in Assam, coal
mines in Bengal, and railway construction projects across the subcontinent. These laborers
were often recruited under false pretenses, and once relocated, they faced inhumane working
conditions, racial discrimination, and severe exploitation.

The indentured labor system disrupted local communities by removing able-bodied workers,
often leaving women, children, and the elderly behind. It also introduced new diseases,
cultural alienation, and breakdowns in social cohesion. The return of laborers—if they
survived—often brought tales of suffering that fueled further distrust of the colonial system.

Forced labor or begar was also widely practiced within the region itself. Colonial
administrators relied on local elites to supply labor for road construction, forest clearing, and
administrative projects. This unpaid or poorly paid labor was enforced through coercion and
sometimes brute force, exacerbating resentment and creating fertile ground for organized
resistance.

3.6 CULTURAL ALIENATION AND LEGAL DISEMPOWERMENT :

Colonial policies were not merely economic but also cultural. British administrators often
viewed tribal customs, beliefs, and governance systems as backward or irrational. In their
place, they imposed English laws, Christian missionary education, and bureaucratic rule.
Customary institutions were undermined, and tribal leaders were either co-opted or displaced.
Legal codification of land rights, for instance, did not recognize collective ownership or
sacred landscapes. Instead, individual property rights were emphasized, which fragmented
communal landholdings and enabled legal dispossession. Court systems and administrative
procedures were alien and inaccessible to most tribals, who lacked formal education and
representation.

Missionary activity, though often couched in terms of upliftment, contributed to cultural

alienation. While some communities adopted Christianity as a form of resistance or escape,
others viewed it as an intrusion. The introduction of Western education created new
hierarchies within tribal society, with English-educated elites sometimes distancing
themselves from traditional ways.

3.7 RESISTANCE AND EARLY PROTESTS :

Despite these oppressive policies, resistance was widespread. From petitions and tax refusals
to open revolts and forest satyagrahas, South Odisha witnessed diverse forms of peasant and
tribal protest. Leaders like Chakra Bisoi, Laxman Naik, and others emerged as symbols of
resistance, blending spiritual leadership with political defiance.

Protests often began as localized grievances—against land alienation, forest restrictions, or

tax hikes—but grew into broader movements challenging colonial authority. These uprisings
were typically decentralized, relying on kinship networks, oral communication, and guerrilla
tactics. They also drew upon local myths, deities, and rituals, infusing resistance with cultural
legitimacy.

The British response was usually militarized and punitive. Rebellions were brutally
suppressed, leaders arrested or executed, and entire villages burned. However, these
movements succeeded in preserving a sense of dignity and agency among oppressed
communities. They laid the groundwork for future struggles and created enduring legacies of
resistance.

The colonial period in South Odisha was marked by systematic exploitation, dispossession,
and cultural subjugation. Through land revenue systems, forest laws, moneylending
networks, and labor extraction, the British transformed a relatively autonomous and
ecologically balanced society into one marked by poverty, dependence, and unrest.

Yet, within this bleak landscape, the resilience and resistance of local communities stand out.
The seeds of revolt were sown in the very policies that sought to pacify and control.
Understanding these colonial dynamics is crucial to interpreting the peasant uprisings that
followed. In the next chapter, we turn to a detailed examination of major peasant revolts in
South Odisha from 1850 to 1947, highlighting their causes, leadership, strategies, and
impacts.
 CHAPTER 4: MAJOR PEASANT
UPRISINGS IN SOUTH ODISHA (1850–
1947)
 CHAPTER 4: MAJOR PEASANT UPRISINGS IN SOUTH
ODISHA (1850–1947)
4.1 INTRODUCTION :

The period between 1850 and 1947 marks a critical phase in the agrarian history of South
Odisha. It was characterized by sustained peasant and tribal resistance against colonial
oppression, landlord exploitation, and systemic displacement. This chapter offers a
comprehensive examination of the major uprisings in South Odisha, drawing upon archival
sources, oral histories, ethnographic records, and historiographical debates. The following
sections not only document the events but also analyze the ideological, economic, and cultural
dimensions of each movement. In doing so, this chapter aims to recover the agency of subaltern
groups and position their resistance within the broader anti-colonial struggle in India.

4.2 THE GHUMSUR REBELLION (1855–1856) :-

4.2.1 HISTORICAL BACKGROUND :

The 19th century witnessed a number of tribal rebellions against the British rule in India as well as
Odisha. All those rebellions occurred due to strong dislike for the new rule, the oppressive revenue
system, high rent, threat to traditional privileges of the tribal people, etc. Besides that the British policy
of intervention in their religion, social reforms further aggravated the situation. The missionary
activities carried on massively in different tribal area and steps taken against their ruler largely
contributed to the tribal uprising. The Ghumsur rebellion under the leadership of Dora Bisoi and Chakra
Bisoi, Bhuyan rising under the leadership of Ratna Naik and Dharanidhar Naik and the Munda uprising
under the leadership of Birsa Munda are some of the important tribal uprisings of Odisha against the
British authority

4.2.2 GHUMSUR RISING UNDER DORA BISOI :

The growing discontent among the tribals of Ghumsur from the beginning of British rule under the
Madras authority. The British did not pay proper attention for the administration of Ghumsur. In due
course of time, the tribals of Ghumsur led by Dora Bisoi started rebellion against the British authority.

4.2.3 FACTORS RESPONSIBLE FOR THE DISCONTENT OF DORA BISOI :

There were many factors which led Dora to revolt against the British. First, the suppression of Meriah
in the Kandha dominated area of Ghumsur was a direct attack of British on the traditional religious faith
of the Kandhas. Along with that the activities of the Christian missionaries, infuriated the Kandhas and
made them rebellious. Secondly, the land revenue up to 50% was collected from the people through
forceful method which wounded the sentiment of the tribals. So, the tribal people became irritated and
wanted to take revenge against the British. Thirdly, the Bhanja rulers of Ghumsur had no friendly
relation with the British. Being apprehensive to be captured by the British authority, Dhananjay Bhanja
the ruler of Ghumsur fled to the jungle and sought the assistance of the Kandhas. The Kandhas wanted
to help him as he was their ruler. Lastly, the dissolution of the Bhanja ruling family after the death of
Dhananjay Bhanja in 1835 became the immediate cause of the rebellion. After his death, Brundaban
Bhanja and Jagannath Bhanja, two members of the royal family became rebellious and got the supported
by Dora Bisoi, the tribal chief of the Kandhas of Ghumsur.
.

4.2.4 REVOLT OF DORA BISOI :

The Kandha tribe rose in rebellion under the leadership of Kamal Lochan Dora Bisoi. He was Benniah
Kandha born in the village Binjigiri, located near Kullada of the lower Ghumsur area. He was a 'Maliah
Bisoi' or 'Head Agent' of the Kandhas of Ghumsur area of Odisha. He was a good sword-fighter and a
wrestler of high quality. Therefore, he became the leader of the Kandhas and 'Agent of Kandha attairs'
to the king of Ghumsur. He was appointed as the Commander-in-chief of the Ghumsur army. He had
managed the military affairs of Ghumsur in a good manner. While fighting with the British army, he
had given a top fight to the British authority at Ghumsur.
4.2.5 BRITISH MEASURES TO STOP THE REBELLION :
In order suppress the rebellion of Dora Bisoi, the British authorities took several measures. When the
rebellion of Dora Bisoi became intolerable, the British authority under the Madras Presidency sent
George Edward Russel to suppress the rebellion under Dora. During this time, Dhananjay Bhanja who
had left Ghumsur had taken shelter under the Kandhas of Ghumsur. However, it is supposed that instead
of paying revenue to the British Government, he had taken much amount of money with him to continue
and support the rebellion in association with the Kandhas of Ghumsur. In the mean while Russel reached
Ghumsur on 11 January 1836 to suppress the rebellion. He had a grand army with him to fight with the
Kandhas. In spite of that the British Government of India had ordered the superintendents of the
Tributary Mahals to render habitual help to Russel to suppress the rebellion.
4.2.6 PREPARATION OF DORA BISOI FOR THE REBELLION :
During this critical time Raja Dhananjay Bhanja died on 31 December, 1835 leaving his family to the
care of the Kandhas of Ghumsur. At this critical hour, persons like Brundaban Bhanja, Jagannath
Bhanja, Madhu Bhanja, Baliar Singh, Sundaray Bisoi, Sangram Singh, Nanda Bisoi and many others
came forward to strengthen the hands of Dora in the rebellion against the British authority. As these
tribal leaders were residing in the forest, they were quite acquainted with the jungle area. They took the
benefit of it and resorted to Guerrilla warfare in this rebellion. Now Dora as the leader of the rebellion
planned to fight against the British by concealing themselves in the jungles and ghaties and to make
sudden attacks on the British army.
4.2.7 THE BRITISH OPERATION :
In order to capture the family members of Dhananjay Bhanja, Captain Butler on 14th February, 1836,
led the British troop to the Ghats He had two point responsibilities to perform (1) to capture the royal
members and (2) to rescue to treasury which had been taken by Dhananjay Bhanja. Dora had instigated
the Kandhas to resort to aggression against the British troop. When the British troop reached the Ghats
to make a head way to Udaygiri, they faced resistance from the Kandhas. When the British troops
forcibly took away the fowls of the Kandha villages, they invited the hostility with the Kandhas of
Ghumsur.

4.2.8 RESISTANCE BY THE KANDHAS :

In the mean time, the rebellious Kandhas attacked a British detachment between Udaygiri and Durga
Prasad. In that encounter, thirteen soldiers (sepoys) and two European officers named Lieutenant
Bromly and Ensign Gibbon were killed. Prior to that the British forces had captured some Kandhas and
took others as prisoners after this incident. On the other hand, the Kandhas under Dora Bisoi gave a
tough resistance to the British forces. By this, the British also became cruel to suppress the rebellious
Kandhas of Ghumsur.
4.2.9 SPECIAL OPERATION OF BRITISH FORCES TO ARREST DORA BISOI :
In order to arrest Dora, the British entered into Ambhajhara and Jiripada but they could not get success.
Till that time Dora was playing as the key leader of the movement. The British searched in many places
to arrest him. He moved from place to place and at last sought refuge at Angul. Being failure to capture
Dora Bisoi, the British, declared a prize of 5,000 rupees who would capture him. In this connection, the
Tributary Chief of Angul betrayed him. At the instruction of Henry Ricketts, the Commissioner of
Odisha, Raja Somnath Singh of Angul had played a very important role in surrendering Dora Bisoi.
Lastly, Raja Somanath Singh of Angul handed over Dora Bisoi to the British forces in 1837.
4.2.10 RESULTS OF THE REVOLT :
After the capture of their leader Dora Bisoi, other rebellious leaders were captured later. They were
tried and awarded severe punishment. As a result of which Dora received life imprisonment and died
inside the Ooty prison in 1846. 40 rebellious persons were awarded death sentences, 29 received
confinement for life and 2 others received the same sentence for 8 years. Similarly, others got
imprisonment who were involved in the rebellion of Ghumsur. After the arrest of Dora Bisoi and other
rebellious leaders, the British Government made new agreement with the Kandhas. The British
appointed Sam Bisoi as the Chief of the Kandhas who had played a great role to capture of Kamal
Lochan Dora. After this, the rebellion organized Dora Bisoi ended.
.

4.3 CHINNA RAYUDU AND THE KORAPUT UPRISINGS :

4.3.1 CONTEXTUAL BACKGROUND :

The district of Koraput, rich in resources and inhabited by several Adivasi groups, experienced
aggressive revenue extraction and militarization by the British and their local agents. By the
1870s, the imposition of permanent settlements and the arrival of coastal intermediaries had
eroded local autonomy.

4.3.2 BIOGRAPHY OF CHINNA RAYUDU :

Chinna Rayudu, a Paraja tribal leader, emerged from the Jeypore estate and rapidly gained a
reputation for resisting the British administration. His leadership was deeply rooted in
indigenous cosmology and charisma. Folk traditions describe him as a reincarnation of a
legendary warrior who would free his people from bondage.

4.3.3 UPRISING AND ITS SPREAD :

Rayudu organized raids on grain stores, police stations, and zamindari estates. The movement
spread from Kotpad to Nandapur and included alliances with disaffected hill tribes. British
officials documented over 70 instances of tax resistance and sabotage in colonial records
between 1878 and 1881.

4.3.4 SUPPRESSION AND LEGACY :

Rayudu was eventually betrayed by informers and executed in 1881. Yet his defiance became
a foundational story of resistance in Paraja oral memory. Songs, murals, and seasonal
storytelling rituals kept his legacy alive.

4.4 THE KOYA UPRISINGS OF MALKANGIRI :

4.4.1 ECONOMIC AND CULTURAL MARGINALIZATION :

Malkangiri, inhabited by the Koya and Bonda tribes, was subjected to aggressive forest
exploitation policies. The establishment of teak plantations displaced traditional agriculture
and made subsistence practices illegal. Koyas were arrested for hunting, fishing, and even
collecting firewood.

4.4.2 TIMELINE AND EVENTS :

The largest uprising occurred in 1910–1911 when Koya villagers attacked British forest offices,
cut down teak trees in defiance, and refused tax payments. The revolt was met with aerial
surveillance and brutal retaliatory action. Over 400 were killed, hundreds imprisoned, and
several villages burned.
4.5 THE INFLUENCE OF THE RAMPA REBELLION ON ODISHA :

4.5.1 INTRODUCTION:
The Rampa Rebellion, primarily a tribal uprising in the Madras Presidency against British rule,
had a significant, though indirect, impact on Odisha. The rebellion, led by Alluri Sitarama Raju,
centered on oppressive forest laws that restricted tribal communities' rights, including their
traditional practice of shifting cultivation. While not directly focused on Odisha, the rebellion's
anti-colonial message and the guerrilla tactics employed resonated with other tribal
communities in the region, particularly in areas like Koraput and Malkanagiri.
4.5.2 SHARED GRIEVANCES AND INSPIRING RESISTANCE :
A. ANTI-COLONIAL SENTIMENT:
The Rampa Rebellion, like other tribal uprisings, was rooted in resentment against British
policies that dispossessed tribals of their land and resources. This resonated with tribals in
Odisha who also faced similar exploitation and restrictions.
B. GUERRILLA WARFARE TACTICS:
The Rampa Rebellion's use of guerrilla warfare, particularly against British police stations and
outposts, demonstrated the effectiveness of such tactics in resisting colonial rule. This
influenced other tribal groups in Odisha, who also adopted similar strategies in their own
struggles.
C. INSPIRATION FOR FUTURE MOVEMENTS:
The Rampa Rebellion served as an example of tribal resistance against colonial rule and
inspired future movements, including the Santhal Rebellion and the Munda Rebellion. This
legacy extended to Odisha, where it encouraged further tribal movements aimed at challenging
British authority.
4.5.3 SPECIFIC IMPACTS ON ODISHA:
MALKANAGIRI AND KORAPUT:
The Rampa Rebellion, led by Alluri Sitarama Raju, extended its influence to the Malkanagiri
region in the undivided Koraput district of Odisha. The rebellion's message of resistance and
the guerrilla tactics it employed resonated with the tribal communities in this area.

4.5.4 IMPACT ON TRIBAL IDENTITY AND CONSCIOUSNESS:

The Rampa Rebellion helped to foster a sense of tribal identity and collective consciousness
among the tribal communities in Odisha, who began to see themselves as a unified force
resisting colonial exploitation.
4.5.5 INFLUENCE ON LATER TRIBAL RIGHTS MOVEMENTS :
The Rampa Rebellion's struggle against land alienation and economic exploitation paved the
way for later tribal rights movements in Odisha that sought to reclaim their rights and
traditional ways of life.
4.5.6 BEYOND ODISHA:
A. NATIONAL SIGNIFICANCE:
The Rampa Rebellion gained national attention due to the bravery of Alluri Sitarama Raju and
the scale of the rebellion. This brought the plight of tribal communities in other parts of British
India, including Odisha, to the forefront of public discourse.
B. SYMBOL OF RESISTANCE:
The Rampa Rebellion became a symbol of tribal resistance against British rule and inspired
other anti-colonial movements in India.
In summary, the Rampa Rebellion, while primarily a regional uprising, had a significant impact
on Odisha by inspiring resistance against British rule, fostering a sense of tribal identity, and
influencing later tribal rights movements. The rebellion's success in employing guerrilla
warfare and its focus on land rights and resource control resonated with tribal communities in
Odisha, particularly in the Malkanagiri and Koraput regions.

4.6 EARLY 20TH CENTURY MOVEMENTS IN GAJAPATI AND RAYAGADA

4.6.1 Colonial Expansion and the Adivasi Question

The early 20th century in South Odisha was a period of profound transformation marked by
increased colonial intervention in the tribal hinterlands. In regions like Gajapati and
Rayagada, predominantly inhabited by Kondh, Saura, and Paraja tribes, the extension of
British administrative control was accompanied by the spread of revenue settlements, forest
restrictions, and judicial encroachments on customary rights.

While these areas had remained relatively autonomous under princely rulers like the Maharaja
of Paralakhemundi, integration into the broader colonial revenue and policing apparatus by
the early 1900s ignited a range of localized uprisings. These movements were not only anti-
colonial but also deeply rooted in agrarian distress, cultural erosion, and religious
resistance.

4.6.2 Social Landscape and Tribal Governance

The Kondhs and Sauras, who were the dominant groups in Rayagada and Gajapati
respectively, operated through systems of decentralized authority rooted in clan-based
traditions. Each village had its own Naik (headman) or Disari (priest-counselor), and
communal land ownership was the norm. Women held respected positions in society, and
rituals revolved around agricultural cycles and forest deities.

British policies upended this equilibrium. With the introduction of the Forest Acts and the
Madras Estates Land Act (1908)—which were gradually extended into Agency areas—
forest-dwelling communities were criminalized for practicing podu (shifting) cultivation and
collecting forest produce. Tribal governance structures were dismissed as primitive, and
British-appointed revenue officers replaced traditional authorities, sowing the seeds of
resentment.

4.6.3 THE RAYAGADA REVOLTS: REBELLION OF THE KONDH CLANS :

By the 1910s, a series of uprisings erupted in Kashipur, Bissamcuttack, and Muniguda—the
heartland of the Kondhs in Rayagada. These revolts were triggered by:

 Land Alienation: Tribal land was being registered in the name of outsiders—mainly Telugu-
speaking settlers and Marwari merchants—under the colonial land documentation regime.
 Forced Labor and Bribes: The introduction of begar (unpaid labor) for colonial road-building
projects enraged many tribal households, who were also compelled to give bribes in kind
(chicken, rice, mahua) to visiting officials.
 Cultural Disrespect: British officers often treated sacred groves and ritual spaces with
contempt. Stories abound of police entering sacred hills wearing boots—an act seen as
polluting and blasphemous.

4.6.4 LEADERSHIP AND ORGANIZATION :

The movement in Rayagada was decentralized, rooted in clan councils and inter-village alliances.
Leaders like Jodhi Majhi of Muniguda and Sibunath Saunta of Bissamcuttack played key roles in
galvanizing youth through songs, religious prophecies, and spiritual mobilization. These leaders were
seen not merely as political figures but as divinely inspired messengers (dehuri), blending resistance
with ritual.

4.6.5 MODES OF RESISTANCE :

 Night Assemblies: Messages were passed through Dhangda-Dhangdi dances and coded drum
beats (tama tamak). Communities gathered after dusk to strategize and swear collective oaths
on earthen deities (ghanta munda).
 Forest Blockades: Groups of armed tribals blocked access to forest posts and prevented tax
collectors from entering village territories.
 Reclamation of Land: Lands seized under false contracts were reoccupied en masse, and grain
was redistributed by local councils.

4.6.6 GAJAPATI’S SILENT REBELLION: THE SAURA REASSERTION :

The Sauras of Gajapati district, particularly in areas like R.Udayagiri, Mohana, and Nuagada,
initiated a unique form of resistance that was both religious and territorial. The Sauras believed that
colonial interventions had upset the cosmic balance, angering forest spirits and ancestral souls.

SPIRITUAL MOBILIZATION AND PROPHECY :

One of the most fascinating aspects of the Gajapati movements was the rise of "Dream Prophets"—
charismatic individuals who claimed to have visions from the gods instructing them to restore tribal
order. Among the most revered was Malati Ponga, a woman priestess from Serango, whose trances
were said to summon the voice of Tadingbo, the supreme Saura deity.

She inspired hundreds to renounce colonial rule, boycott markets, and destroy land records. Her
followers wore ochre robes and carried symbols of peace—bamboo staffs, seed necklaces, and bundles
of sacred leaves.

FORMS OF PROTEST :

 Document Destruction: Revenue papers and debt contracts were seized and burnt at ritual
pyres. These ceremonies were public, with drum music, dance, and communal feasting.
  Creation of No-Go Zones: Some villages declared themselves “out of bounds” for British
officers. Anyone cooperating with outsiders faced social ostracism and was declared kudra
(unclean).
 Forest Reoccupation: The Sauras openly returned to their ancestral podu lands, challenging
the forest department and refusing to pay fines.

4.6.7 STATE REPRESSION AND LOCAL COLLABORATION :

In response to these challenges, the colonial state launched Operation Pacify, with special
police units patrolling Agency regions. Tribals were arrested en masse under vague charges of
“sedition” and “conspiracy.” In Rayagada, colonial reports from 1917–1920 list over 190
arrests, with several leaders transported to jails in Berhampur and Madras Presidency.

Simultaneously, the British co-opted local informants and intermediaries—primarily from

upper-caste Telugu-speaking communities and revenue staff—who served as guides,
translators, and enforcers. These collaborators were often rewarded with land and titles, further
exacerbating caste and ethnic tensions.

4.6.8 CULTURAL RESONANCE AND LONG-TERM IMPACT :

The movements in Gajapati and Rayagada have left a lasting imprint on tribal consciousness.
Even today, Sauras and Kondhs tell stories of the prophets and martyrs who defied "the paper-
men" (British bureaucrats). Folk dramas performed during Chaita Parab and Thakurani Jatra
festivals contain scenes where corrupt officials are outwitted by brave villagers, inspired by
historical episodes from this era.

Many of the sacred hills where rebels held councils have become pilgrimage sites. In Serango,
a memorial stone commemorates Malati Ponga, and children are still taught to respect the
“voice of the forest”—a reference to collective tribal will.

Post-independence movements for tribal land rights, forest access, and educational autonomy
in the region often invoke the memory of these early 20th-century uprisings. The activists of
the 1970s Jharkhandi Movement in Koraput and Gajapati often cited these rebellions as
evidence of a long, unbroken struggle for Adivasi dignity.

4.7 ANTI-MONEYLENDER REVOLTS IN KALAHANDI AND NABARANGPUR :

4.7.1 ROOTS OF DEBT BONDAGE AND ECONOMIC OPPRESSION :

The economic conditions of tribal communities in Kalahandi and Nabarangpur during the late 19th
and early 20th centuries were shaped by a combination of colonial policies, environmental
degradation, and predatory lending. Traditionally, Adivasi societies in this region had functioned on
principles of communal land ownership, mutual reciprocity, and a subsistence economy based on
millet cultivation, podu (shifting) agriculture, and forest produce. However, with the imposition of
permanent revenue settlements and forest laws by the colonial state, access to land and forest began to
diminish.

As a consequence, many tribal households turned to moneylenders—mainly from non-tribal merchant

communities such as Marwaris, Telis, and Brahmins—for loans to meet basic needs, pay taxes, or
survive crop failures. The interest rates were exorbitant, often ranging from 36% to 100% annually.
These moneylenders exploited illiteracy and the absence of formal legal recourse to enforce harsh
repayment conditions, frequently leading to the forfeiture of land, cattle, and even personal liberty. A
system known locally as Gothi (bonded labor) emerged, wherein entire families were forced into
intergenerational servitude to repay nominal debts.

4.7.2 AGRARIAN STRUCTURE AND CASTE DYNAMICS :

The peasantry in these regions was highly stratified. At the top were absentee landlords or zamindars,
many of whom were loyal to the British administration. Below them were the petty intermediaries and
moneylenders, whose power derived not only from wealth but also from caste hierarchies that
marginalized tribal voices. The Kondh, Bhuiya, Gonds, and Paraja tribes—occupying the lowest
rung—were considered socially inferior and “non-legal entities” in revenue documentation, rendering
them vulnerable to dispossession.

Colonial ethnographies and land records often ignored the customary rights of these communities,
instead legitimizing the holdings of those who could produce written deeds or pay bribes to officials.
This institutional bias perpetuated a cycle of exploitation and social invisibility.

4.7.3 ORGANIZATION AND SPREAD OF RESISTANCE :

Beginning in the early 1930s, widespread resentment against moneylenders began transforming into
organized resistance. This period coincided with the broader nationalist movement, which indirectly
emboldened tribal communities to reclaim their autonomy. In Kalahandi, the village of Borda
emerged as a nucleus of protest, while in Nabarangpur, Papadahandi and Tentulikhunti became
centers of agitation.

Community elders and gaon budhas (village heads) convened night-time meetings in forest clearings
to plan resistance. These gatherings were conducted in secrecy, often disguised as religious festivals
or harvest celebrations. The messages were passed through coded phrases and rhythmic chants.
Among the most iconic was a chant in Kui language that roughly translated to: “He who takes our
land shall not sleep under his roof.”

The organizational structure of the revolt was both horizontal and participatory, with each village
sending representatives to a central council. Decisions were taken collectively, and a rotating system
of leadership ensured wide participation and legitimacy.

4.7.4 METHODS OF PROTEST AND DEFIANCE :

The resistance employed a mix of violent and non-violent tactics:

 Debt Refusal Campaigns: Hundreds of tribal households publicly declared their intent to
stop paying interest on old loans. They signed joint petitions and delivered them en masse to
colonial offices. These petitions were often symbolic, written on palm leaves and smeared
with turmeric and vermilion to invoke divine protection.
  Loan Record Destruction: In a series of night raids, tribal youth broke into moneylender
homes and destroyed loan documents. In some cases, the records were burned in public
ceremonies resembling traditional funeral rites—symbolizing the “death” of bondage.
 Occupation of Land: Tribes began to reoccupy lands that had been taken from them under
coercive contracts. They ploughed and sowed seeds collectively, declaring the fields as
reclaimed ancestral property.
 Mock Courts and Parallel Governance: Informal “people’s courts” were established in
several villages to adjudicate disputes. These courts imposed penalties on collaborators,
including community exclusion or fines in the form of grain and labor.

4.7.5 ROLE OF TRIBAL WOMEN IN THE MOVEMENT:

Women played a critical, though often under-acknowledged, role in the anti-moneylender uprisings.
They served as informants, mobilizers, and spiritual anchors. In the village of Chilapadar, a tribal
woman named Rinjani Majhi led a march of over 300 women to confront a notorious moneylender,
demanding the return of confiscated jewelry and land titles. Oral ballads and folk dramas from the
region celebrate her courage, depicting her as an incarnation of the goddess Durga.

Women also developed a parallel communication system through weaving and song. Patterns in
handwoven sarees carried hidden messages about upcoming meetings, while lullabies were infused
with lyrics praising revolt leaders and ridiculing exploiters.

4.7.6 COLONIAL RESPONSE AND COUNTER-INSURGENCY :

The British administration initially dismissed the movements as “tribal unrest” or “localized
disturbances.” However, as the protests escalated and reports of arson and record destruction spread, a
coordinated counter-insurgency was launched.

 Deployment of Police Battalions: Mobile units of armed police were sent to “pacify” the
affected villages. Houses were searched without warrants, and several tribal leaders were
detained under the Defence of India Act.
 Economic Sanctions and Crop Seizures: The colonial state imposed economic blockades on
rebellious villages, confiscating grain stores and preventing market access. In several
instances, entire harvests were seized to force repayment of debts.
 Legal Repression: Dozens of tribal activists were charged with sedition, theft, and arson.
Many were sentenced to long-term imprisonment in Berhampur and Cuttack jails. Court
documents from the 1935–1939 period show over 300 tribal men and women tried for
“disrupting revenue collection.”

4.7.7 CULTURAL RESISTANCE AND MEMORY :

The memory of the anti-moneylender revolts continues to live on in the oral and performative
traditions of South Odisha. Annual festivals such as Dhangadi Jatra in Nabarangpur reenact the
confrontations between tribal peasants and exploiters through dance dramas and shadow puppetry.
Folk poets have composed hundreds of verses glorifying revolt leaders and condemning usurers.
Some of these poems, passed down through generations, have become part of local school curricula.

Moreover, community murals and paintings—known as Lanjia Saura ikons—depict scenes of unity,
resistance, and spiritual sanction, offering a visual history of the movement.

4.7.8 LEGACY AND LESSONS :

The anti-moneylender revolts of Kalahandi and Nabarangpur were not merely economic protests—
they were profound assertions of dignity, identity, and self-rule. They represented a collective
awakening against systemic exploitation and served as training grounds for future political
mobilization. Post-independence land reforms in Odisha, though uneven, were partly inspired by the
resistance put up by these communities.

In contemporary times, similar grievances persist in the form of microfinance traps and corporate land
grabs. The historical consciousness nurtured through these uprisings provides a reservoir of resilience
that continues to inspire grassroots movements.

4.8 MECHANISMS OF COLONIAL SUPPRESSION:

4.8.1 MILITARY TACTICS AND PENAL CODES :

The British employed the Indian Penal Code’s sedition laws to arrest leaders without trial.
Punitive expeditions were accompanied by propaganda campaigns that labeled rebels as
criminals.

4.8.2 SOFT CO-OPTION :

Alongside repression, the colonial government co-opted tribal elites into advisory roles,
initiated minor reforms, and distributed symbolic benefits like feasts and titles. Missionaries
offered healthcare and education with the dual aim of pacification and conversion.

4.8.3 ADMINISTRATIVE REORGANIZATION :

The uprisings prompted the colonial state to establish Special Agencies and tribal-specific
governance frameworks, thereby institutionalizing segregation while appearing to
acknowledge tribal distinctiveness.The peasant and tribal uprisings in South Odisha were not
isolated or spontaneous acts of defiance but part of a larger historical process shaped by
colonial dispossession, cultural alienation, and indigenous assertion. Each uprising—though
different in form—reflected a fundamental challenge to the structures of exploitation imposed
from above. These movements laid the groundwork for later political developments in Odisha
and continue to inform contemporary struggles over land, identity, and autonomy. The next
chapter will delve into the socio-economic and cultural dimensions of these uprisings, decoding
their meanings within both historical materialist and subaltern frameworks.