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Object Oriented Software Engineering Practical
Software Development using UML and Java Second
Edition Timothy Lethbridge Digital Instant Download
Author(s): Timothy Lethbridge, Robert Laganiere
ISBN(s): 9780072834956, 0072834951
Edition: Second
File Details: PDF, 4.61 MB
Year: 2005
Language: english
Lethbridge.book Page i Tuesday, November 16, 2004 12:22 PM

Object-Oriented Software Engineering

Practical software development using UML and Java

Second edition
Lethbridge.book Page ii Tuesday, November 16, 2004 12:22 PM
Lethbridge.book Page iii Tuesday, November 16, 2004 12:22 PM

Object-Oriented Software
Engineering
Practical Software Development using UML and Java

Second edition

Timothy C. Lethbridge
Robert Laganière

London • Burr Ridge, IL • New York • St. Louis • San Francisco •Auckland
Bogotá • Caracas • Lisbon • Madrid • Mexico • Milan • Montreal • New Delhi
Panama • Paris• San Juan • São Paulo • Singapore •Tokyo • Toronto
Lethbridge.book Page iv Tuesday, November 16, 2004 12:22 PM

Object-Oriented Software Engineering

Timothy C Lethbridge
Robert Laganière
ISBN 0-07-70109082

Published by McGraw-Hill Education

Shoppenhangers Road
Maidenhead
Berkshire SL62QL
Telephone: 44 (0) 1628 502 500
Fax: 44 (0) 1628 770 224
Website: http://www.mcgraw-hill.co.uk

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

Library of Congress Cataloguing in Publication Data

The Library of Congress data for this book has been applied for from the Library of
Congress

Publishing Director: Catriona King

Development Editor: Karen Mosman
Marketing Manager: Alice Duijser
Senior Production Manager: Max Elvey

Text Design by Mike Cotterell

Cover design by Ego Creative
Typeset at Neuadd Bwll, Llanwrtyd Wells
Printed and bound in the UK by Bell & Bain Ltd, Glasgow

Published by McGraw-Hill Education (UK) Limited an imprint of The McGraw-Hill

Companies, Inc., 1221 Avenue of the Americas, New York, NY 10020. Copyright © 2005
by McGraw-Hill Education (UK) Limited. All rights reserved. No part of this
publication may be reproduced or distributed in any form or by any means, or stored in
a database or retrieval system, without the prior written consent of The McGraw-Hill
Companies, Inc., including, but not limited to, in any network or other electronic
storage or transmission, or broadcast for distance learning.

ISBN 0-07-70109082 © 2005. Exclusive rights by The McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc. for
manufacture and export. This book cannot be re-exported from the country to which it
is sold by McGraw-Hill.
Lethbridge.book Page v Tuesday, November 16, 2004 12:22 PM

i Contents

Foreword xi
Preface xv
Guided tour xxii
Technology to enhance learning and teaching xxiv

1 Software and software engineering 1

1.1 The nature of software 1
1.2 What is software engineering? 6
1.3 Software engineering as a branch of the engineering profession 8
1.4 Stakeholders in software engineering 10
1.5 Software quality 11
1.6 Software engineering projects 14
1.7 Activities common to software projects 16
1.8 The themes emphasized in this book 20
1.9 Difficulties and risks in software engineering as a whole 24
1.10 Summary 26
1.11 For more information 26

2 Review of object orientation 29

2.1 What is object orientation? 29
2.2 Classes and objects 31
2.3 Instance variables 36
2.4 Methods, operations and polymorphism 38
2.5 Organizing classes into inheritance hierarchies 39
2.6 The effect of inheritance hierarchies on polymorphism and variable declarations 45
2.7 Concepts that define object orientation 52
2.8 A program for manipulating postal codes 55
2.9 Classes for representing geometric points 57
2.10 Measuring the quality and complexity of a program 60
2.11 Difficulties and risks in programming language choice and OO programming 62
2.12 Summary 63
2.13 For more information 63
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vi Contents

3 Basing software development on reusable technology 67

3.1 Reuse: building on the work and experience of others 68
3.2 Incorporating reusability and reuse into software engineering 69
3.3 Frameworks: reusable subsystems 71
3.4 The client–server architecture 77
3.5 Technology needed to build client–server systems 87
3.6 The Object Client–Server Framework (OCSF) 91
3.7 Basic description of OCSF – client side 92
3.8 Basic description of OCSF – server side 95
3.9 An instant messaging application using the OCSF 99
3.10 Difficulties and risks when considering reusable technology and
client–server systems 101
3.11 Summary 102
3.12 For more information 103

4 Developing requirements 109

4.1 Domain analysis 109
4.2 The starting point for software projects 114
4.3 Defining the problem and the scope 115
4.4 What is a requirement? 119
4.5 Types of requirements 119
4.6 Use cases: describing how the user will use the system 127
4.7 Some techniques for gathering requirements 138
4.8 Types of requirements document 145
4.9 Reviewing requirements 148
4.10 Managing changing requirements 155
4.11 GPS-based Automobile Navigation Assistant (GANA) 156
4.12 Requirements for a feature of the SimpleChat instant messaging program 160
4.13 Difficulties and risks in domain and requirements analysis 164
4.14 Summary 165
4.15 For more information 166

5 Modeling with classes 169

5.1 What is UML? 169
5.2 Essentials of UML class diagrams 172
5.3 Associations and multiplicity 173
5.4 Generalization 182
5.5 Object diagrams 186
5.6 More advanced features of class diagrams 188
5.7 The basics of Object Constraint Language (OCL) 193
5.8 A class diagram for genealogy 196
5.9 The process of developing class diagrams 199
5.10 Implementing class diagrams in Java 216
5.11 Difficulties and risks when creating class diagrams 218
5.12 Summary 218
5.13 For more information 219
Lethbridge.book Page vii Tuesday, November 16, 2004 12:22 PM

Contents vii

6 Using design patterns 221

6.1 Introduction to patterns 221
6.2 The Abstraction–Occurrence pattern 223
6.3 The General Hierarchy pattern 226
6.4 The Player–Role pattern 228
6.5 The Singleton pattern 231
6.6 The Observer pattern 232
6.7 The Delegation pattern 234
6.8 The Adapter pattern 236
6.9 The Façade pattern 238
6.10 The Immutable pattern 239
6.11 The Read-Only Interface pattern 240
6.12 The Proxy pattern 241
6.13 The Factory pattern 243
6.14 Enhancing OCSF to employ additional design patterns 246
6.15 Difficulties and risks when using design patterns 250
6.16 Summary 251
6.17 For more information 251

7 Focusing on users and their tasks 253

7.1 User-centered design 254
7.2 Characteristics of users 256
7.3 The basics of user interface design 258
7.4 Usability principles 262
7.5 Evaluating user interfaces 273
7.6 Implementing a simple GUI in Java 276
7.7 Difficulties and risks in user-centered design 280
7.8 Summary 280
7.9 For more information 281

8 Modeling interactions and behavior 285

8.1 Interaction diagrams 285
8.2 State diagrams 292
8.3 Activity diagrams 301
8.4 Implementing classes based on interaction and state diagrams 302
8.5 Difficulties and risks in modeling interactions and behavior 306
8.6 Summary 307
8.7 For more information 307

9 Architecting and designing software 309

9.1 The process of design 310
9.2 Principles leading to good design 314
Design Principle 1: Divide and conquer 314
Design Principle 2: Increase cohesion where possible 315
Design Principle 3: Reduce coupling where possible 321
Design Principle 4: Keep the level of abstraction as high as possible 329
Lethbridge.book Page viii Tuesday, November 16, 2004 12:22 PM

viii Contents

Design Principle 5: Increase reusability where possible 330

Design Principle 6: Reuse existing designs and code where possible 331
Design Principle 7: Design for flexibility 331
Design Principle 8: Anticipate obsolescence 332
Design Principle 9: Design for portability 333
Design Principle 10: Design for testability 334
Design Principle 11: Design defensively 334
9.3 Techniques for making good design decisions 336
9.4 Model Driven Development 340
9.5 Software architecture 342
9.6 Architectural patterns 347
The Multi-Layer architectural pattern 347
The Client–Server and other distributed architectural patterns 349
The Broker architectural pattern 351
The Transaction Processing architectural pattern 352
The Pipe-and-Filter architectural pattern 353
The Model–View–Controller (MVC) architectural pattern 355
The Service-Oriented architectural pattern 358
The Message-Oriented architectural pattern 360
9.7 Writing a good design document 362
9.8 Design of a feature for the SimpleChat instant messaging application 365
9.9 Difficulties and risks in design 366
9.10 Summary 367
9.11 For more information 368

10 Testing and inspecting to ensure high quality 371

10.1 Basic definitions 371
10.2 Effective and efficient testing 373
10.3 Defects in ordinary algorithms 380
10.4 Defects in numerical algorithms 388
10.5 Defects in timing and co-ordination: deadlocks, livelocks and critical races 391
10.6 Defects in handling stress and unusual situations 394
10.7 Documentation defects 398
10.8 Writing formal test cases and test plans 398
10.9 Strategies for testing large systems 402
10.10 Inspections 409
10.11 Quality assurance in general 413
10.12 Test cases for phase 2 of the SimpleChat instant messaging system 416
10.13 Difficulties and risks in quality assurance 420
10.14 Summary 421
10.15 For more information 422

11 Managing the software process 425

11.1 What is project management? 425
11.2 Software process models 428
Lethbridge.book Page ix Tuesday, November 16, 2004 12:22 PM

Contents ix

11.3 Cost estimation 435

11.4 Building software engineering teams 445
11.5 Project scheduling and tracking 449
11.6 Contents of a project plan 452
11.7 Difficulties and risks in project management 453
11.8 Summary 455
11.9 For more information 456

12 Review 459
12.1 Theme 1: Understanding the customer and user 459
12.2 Theme 2: Basing development on solid principles and reusable technology 459
12.3 Theme 3: Object orientation 464
12.4 Theme 4: Visual modeling using UML 464
12.5 Theme 5: Evaluation of alternatives in requirements and design 465
12.6 Theme 6: Incorporating quantitative and logical thinking 465
12.7 Theme 7: Iterative and agile development 466
12.8 Theme 8: Communicating effectively using documentation 467
12.9 Theme 9: Risk management in all software engineering activities 467
12.10 Where next? 469

Appendix A: Summary of the UML notation used in this book 471

Appendix B: Summary of the documentation types recommended in this book 475

Appendix C: System descriptions 479

Glossary 485
Lethbridge.book Page x Tuesday, November 16, 2004 12:22 PM
Lethbridge.book Page xi Tuesday, November 16, 2004 12:22 PM

ii Foreword

If a builder build a house for someone, and does not construct

it properly, and the house which he built falls in and kills its
owner, then that builder shall be put to death
Article 229 of the Code of Hammurabi (1780 BC).

This earliest recorded attempt to regulate the engineering profession reminds

us, in the bluntest way possible, that the paramount purpose of engineering and
engineering design is to serve the user. One would assume that the engineer’s
responsibility to users is so self evident that it goes without saying. Various
professional engineering societies have inculcated this into the core of the rules
that regulate the conduct of their members.
However, in the relatively young discipline of software engineering, this has
not yet fully permeated the professional culture. Part of it is due to the essential
nature of the software: like no other engineering medium, software provides the
shortest path from concept to reality. With no metal to bend, heavy weights to
lift, or large teams of people to mobilize, creativity is practically unhampered. In
the heady and seductive process of embodying ideas through software, users are
often forgotten or relegated to secondary status. In some cases, they are even
seen as a distraction whose idiosyncrasies merely get in the way of ‘elegant and
clean’ design. Software developers are notorious for their impatience with
anything that separates them from programming – the medium has become the
message. Symptomatically, the terms ‘hacking’ and ‘hacker’ have no equivalent
in any other engineering discipline.
It is interesting to note the dramatic impact that the concept of ‘use case’ has
had on the software community. This idea, introduced by Ivar Jacobson and his
colleagues a little over a decade ago, was lauded as revolutionary. Its essence lies
in the formal introduction of the concept of a user (an ‘actor’) into the software
design process. (The layperson can hardly be blamed for wondering ‘what took
them so long?’ Hammurabi knew this almost 4000 years ago.)
Lethbridge.book Page xii Tuesday, November 16, 2004 12:22 PM

xii Foreword

Clearly, there is an imbalance of motivations here that needs to be set right:

the creative urge needs to be made subservient to the need to support the user.
This is something that has to be instilled from the first steps in a software
engineering education, and the book by Tim Lethbridge and Robert Laganière
is an important contribution to this.
The authors build the book around nine ‘themes’, auspiciously starting with
‘understanding the customer and user’. (Many software practitioners do not
even differentiate between customers and users.) The themes are not dry
theorems but distillations of practical and proven domain knowledge drawn
from a wealth of experience in industrial software development. The book
abounds with pragmatic detail that is rarely found in textbooks. In fact, it is the
kind of textbook that, as a young engineering student, I wished I had, because it
describes the proverbial ‘real world’.
The book does not shirk theory, quite to the contrary. However, the theory
comes alive because it is set in its full and proper context, comprising not only
the technical but the social and cultural aspects that often play an important role
in molding the theory. The reader not only learns why a particular technological
approach is good, but also its drawbacks and, perhaps equally importantly, its
history. (Some things – like the QWERTY keyboard – can only be understood
properly if one is familiar with their history.) They carefully point out the
controversial issues in modern software engineering without taking sides,
meticulously listing the arguments for each viewpoint.
The ‘engineering’ side of software engineering is extremely well represented
here and not just because the authors emphasize a user-centric approach.
Themes such as ‘incorporating quantitative thinking’, ‘evaluation of alternatives
in requirements and design’, ‘risk management’, or ‘communicating effectively’
are all proven and effective techniques evolved from centuries of engineering
experience and which, unfortunately, are still not adequately applied in software
engineering. Yes, software is different from other forms of engineering in many,
many ways, but not so different that it cannot benefit from these lessons learned.
For example, the lack of quantitative thinking, including elementary risk
analysis, is probably one of the most common causes of software project failures.
And, no matter which statistics you read, more software projects fail than
succeed. (Thankfully, the engineers who design buildings and airplanes have a
much better record than their software counterparts.)
Model-driven development is another important thread throughout the
book. This relatively new approach to software development, which promises
to be the first true technological generational advance since the invention of
the compiler, is covered in detail, from the basic principles of object
orientation to the latest modeling languages and their use. The way of the
future lies here.
So, from the nuts and bolts of objects to the high vistas of software
architecture, from writing code to testing, from software development processes
to project management – it’s all gathered here. The breadth and depth of the
material covered is striking and impressive, yet it has been brought together
Lethbridge.book Page xiii Tuesday, November 16, 2004 12:22 PM

Foreword xiii

quite seamlessly, all the pieces in their rightful places, in balance. Although
primarily conceived as a textbook, it will undoubtedly serve its readers as a
reference for years to come.

If a builder build a program for someone, and does not

construct it properly…

Bran Selic
August, 2004
Ottawa, Canada
Lethbridge.book Page xiv Tuesday, November 16, 2004 12:22 PM
Lethbridge.book Page xv Tuesday, November 16, 2004 12:22 PM

iii Preface

Our focus in this book is software engineering knowledge and skills that readers
can put into immediate practical use. The book is designed to be used in second-
year post-secondary software engineering courses, although it has been used in
introductory software engineering courses at all levels. It will also be valuable to
programming practitioners who want to develop a better understanding of
modern software engineering.
We have taught software engineering courses for fourteen years, and have
attempted to tune the book so that it is both useful and enjoyable to students.
Feedback from former students has been gratifying – some have reported that they
regularly use it as a reference in their jobs. Our industrial experience performing
software development, consulting and professional training has also allowed us to
focus on material that is important to the employers of these students.

Using the book in a software engineering degree program

Software engineering is becoming an established discipline, separate from
computer science and computer engineering. As a witness to this, in 2004 The
IEEE Computer Society and the ACM approved Software Engineering 2004
(SE2004), a document outlining what should be taught in any undergraduate
software engineering program. Timothy Lethbridge played a leading role in that
project, and this book is specifically designed as a textbook for SE2004 course
SE201. See the web site http://sites.computer.org/ccse.
At the University of Ottawa, we teach the material in this book over a 12-week
period during the first semester of the second year. By that time, students have
completed two semesters of computer science – including object-oriented
programming in Java. They take a course in data structures and algorithms in
parallel with this course, and subsequently take advanced software engineering
courses that expand their knowledge of the material we introduce here.
Students who have studied the material in this course should be particularly
employable in summer jobs, co-op and sandwich work terms, and other forms
of industrial placement. Employers are looking for students who understand
what constitutes a good requirement, can apply fundamental design principles,
Lethbridge.book Page xvi Tuesday, November 16, 2004 12:22 PM

xvi Preface

can use UML properly, can translate requirements and designs into good quality
programs, and can effectively test those programs. This book gives a practical
grounding in all of these skills.
The book is structured so that in a 12-week course or unit, it can be taught
using three hours a week of classroom instruction, plus regular supervised and
unsupervised laboratory time. Each year we assign a selection of the exercises,
many of which students work on in groups. This second edition of the book
updates many exercises and introduces many new ones.

Suggested background
Prior to studying this book, readers should understand the basic notions of
object-oriented programming, although Chapter 2 gives a brief review of these
concepts. We have selected Java as the language used for programming examples
since it is a complete, simple and popular object-oriented language. Motivated
readers who know other object-oriented languages should be able to pick up the
necessary Java from the material provided in Chapter 2 and the book’s web site,
and as they work through the exercises.

Material on the web site

We have prepared a web site with many resources to support readers and
teachers. The address is http://www.lloseng.com.
Here you will find sets of presentation slides, source code, answers to exercises,
links to all the web-based references, a knowledge base summarizing many of the
concepts presented, videotapes of lectures, and various other learning aids.
There is also a publisher’s website at http://www.mhhe.com/lethbridge, where
you will find lecturer’s password-protected resources.

Themes taught throughout the book

Woven throughout the book are nine themes that we believe are basic to
contemporary software engineering. Each of these themes is revisited in many
chapters, and is taught in the context of concrete examples and exercises.
1. Understanding the customer and the user. We emphasize domain analysis as
well as gathering and validating requirements. We place these in the context of
use case analysis and usability. Readers are asked to think in terms of what the
customer’s problem really is, what is realistic, etc. The purpose of software
engineering is described at the beginning of the book as solving customers’
problems, rather than developing software for its own sake.
2. Basing development on solid principles and reusable technology. We
emphasize the necessity for software engineers to understand design principles
and have a thorough grasp of suitable technology before embarking on a
project. To ensure this is the case for the design work in this book, we first
review object-oriented principles. Later we discuss frameworks, a series of
design principles, and many design and architectural patterns.
Lethbridge.book Page xvii Tuesday, November 16, 2004 12:22 PM

Preface xvii

3. Visual modeling using UML. We present key elements of UML, particularly

class, interaction and state diagrams. We do not cover all of UML and we do
not restrict our discussion to UML alone since it does not cover all of software
engineering. We emphasize that UML diagrams do not solve problems by
themselves, but are one of the many tools that software engineers should use as
a regular part of their work. For the second edition, we have updated the book
so that it is compliant with UML 2.0.
4. Evaluation of alternatives in requirements and design. Throughout the book
we present alternatives with their advantages and disadvantages. We encourage
readers to record the rationale for each choice.
5. Object orientation. We cover all aspects of object-oriented development,
including analysis, design, and programming. Ensuring that the reader sees
how to take projects all the way to implementation means that he or she gets
more than just an abstract view of the development process, and appreciates
the reasons for many design principles.
6. Quantitative and logical thinking. We cover the essentials of software metrics
in several different chapters so that students can learn to think quantitatively.
We also promote the judicious application of logic as embodied in OCL and
assertions.
7. Iterative and agile development. We strongly emphasize that readers should
follow an iterative approach to development. As project work, readers are asked
to perform requirements analysis, design and implementation very near the
beginning of the book, and then again several times throughout the book. To
accomplish this we introduce a complete project in Chapter 3. Initially, readers
are asked to make only a small change to this project in order to begin to
understand it. In Chapter 4, readers are then asked to write and review
requirements for new features to add to the system – again they design and
implement the features. Later, readers learn more details of topics such as
design and quality assurance, and are asked to apply what they learn to
successively more advanced changes to their project. Concepts from the agile
movement are also emphasized: developing in very small increments, test-first
development, etc.
8. Communicating effectively using documentation. We encourage readers to
practice writing informative but concise documentation; we provide templates
and examples of each type of document.
9. Risk management in all software engineering activities. Throughout the
book, we discuss many aspects of risk management, including evaluating
potential costs and risks on a regular basis, balancing risks with benefits,
avoiding doing work that is not worthwhile, and evolving plans as we learn
more information. We point out that the knowledge learned from the other
themes above can be applied to reduce risk.
Lethbridge.book Page xviii Tuesday, November 16, 2004 12:22 PM

xviii Preface

Changes in the second edition

In the second edition, we have made a wide variety of small changes to keep up
with changes in the field. The following are some of the more significant
changes:
■ Covers UML 2.0.
■ Moves all discussion of use cases to Chapter 4.
■ Introduces model-driven development.
■ Discusses web-based software architectures and middleware.
■ Integrates discussion of agile approaches, and techniques made popular by
those approaches including refactoring and test-driven development.
■ Covers more of the essentials of measurement and metrics.
■ Incorporates many new and changed exercises. All exercises have been given a
new numbering scheme to prevent confusion with those in the first edition.

Structure of the book

Size The book is small enough so that instructors can realistically require students to
read it all during a 12-week course. We present a suggested schedule below.
Depth Rather than covering all aspects of software engineering, we present in
reasonable depth a cohesive collection of material that will give readers a
foundation in topics central to the field. We focus on material that is
immediately applicable in industrial software projects.
Examples and Readers can practice applying the concepts, since we provide an extensive
exercises set of examples and exercises. One set of project exercises is based on a fully
implemented small system, which we provide. This means that, rather than
always programming from scratch, readers are able to spend their time
thinking about higher-level analysis and design issues, yet they can still
practice implementation of their ideas. Readers also come to appreciate
reuse, since the implemented system is based on a framework that is
applicable to a wide variety of client–server systems. The exercises vary
widely in difficulty; some are easy and simply encourage the reader to think
about what they have read; others are intended to motivate advanced
readers. Many exercises have fully explained answers available in the
student’s answer manual; other answers are available in a manual only
available to instructors.
Sequencing The sequence of material in the book is designed to allow students to rapidly
start work on real problems requiring analysis, design and implementation. As
readers perform several iterations of project work, we introduce topics they
will need in each iteration. The early part of the book, for example, introduces
the knowledge about object orientation and architecture that they will need to
Lethbridge.book Page xix Tuesday, November 16, 2004 12:22 PM

Preface xix

understand the project work. Then we move on to requirements and object-

oriented analysis, focusing initially on use cases and static modeling. Later, we
introduce dynamic modeling.

Use of this book in a 12-week course

The following is a suggested schedule for using this book in a second-year
university course. For the main body of the book, Chapters 3 to 10, the allocated
time corresponds roughly to the length of each chapter.
The authors use this book in a 12-week course, where each week has three
hours of lecture as well as three hours of lab and tutorial time. Students are
expected to read all the chapters, although the lectures focus most heavily on the
core material in Chapters 3 through 10, and particularly Chapters 3, 5, 8 and 9.
We also anticipate that students work on a selection of exercises with
deliverables about four times during the course. We also expect them to deliver
three iterations of the project. We have provided suggested project activities at
the end of many chapters.

Week 1 Chapters 1 and 2: Introduction and review (1 week).

Weeks 2–3 Chapter 3: Reuse and the client–server framework (1.5 weeks).
Project work: learning to use the client–server framework by making a minor
change to a system implemented using it.

Weeks 3–4 Chapter 4: Domain analysis, use cases and requirements (1.5 weeks).
Project work: adding features following requirements analysis.

Weeks 4–5 Chapter 5: OO analysis and modeling (1.5 weeks).

Project work: adding features that require considerable modeling.

Week 6 Chapter 6: Design patterns (1 week).

Week 7 Chapter 7: Use cases and user interfaces (0.5 weeks).

Project work: adding a GUI.

Weeks 8–9 Chapter 8: Dynamic modeling (1.5 weeks).

Weeks 9–10 Chapter 9: Design principles and architecture (1.5 weeks).

Project work: detailed design of some features.

Week 11 Chapter 10: Testing (1 week).

Project work: preparing a test plan.

Week 12 Chapters 11 and 12: Introduction to project management and review (1 week).

Other orderings are possible. In particular, the order in which Chapters 6

through 11 can be covered is flexible. Also, parts of many chapters could be
skipped in order to give greater emphasis to other material.
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who assailed him. ‘I am desirous,’ he wrote, ‘that you should know
the great love I cherish for you, and that I am ready vigorously to
repel the rage of shameless and perverse men who assailed you,
and thus to protect a peaceful leisure which you employ in the most
useful studies.’ Erasmus, on his part, was charmed with what he
called the easy and amiable disposition of Viglius; and he added that
he had found in his letters powerful enchantments which had
completely won his heart. With respect to the attacks of which the
young man had spoken, he said, ‘Alas! it is my destiny to be
engaged in a perpetual conflict with the whole phalanx of sham
monks and sham theologians, monsters so frightful and so
dangerous that it was certainly easier for Hercules to contend with
Cacus, Cerberus, the Nemean lion, and the hydra of Lernæ. As for
you, my dear young friend,’ he added, ‘consider by what means it
may be possible for you to obtain praise without hatred.’[710]
Unfortunately Viglius followed his advice too well, or at least allowed
himself in following it to be led into acts of culpable cowardice.
While still imbued with elevated sentiments, the young Frisian at first
avoided making any engagement with Charles the Fifth, with whose
cruel policy he was too well acquainted. He refused several offers of
this prince, and particularly an invitation to take charge of the
education of his son Philip; but ambition ultimately gained the
ascendency. As an eminent jurisconsult, Viglius entered in 1542 into
the great council of Mechlin, of which in the following year he was
named president. The emperor next made him president of the privy
council at Brussels and head of the order of the Golden Fleece. From
the time that he accepted these offices, the enthusiastic disciple of
Erasmus saw the beginning of a conflict in his inner life which seems
to have ended only with his death. On the one side, he declared
boldly against freedom of conscience and against heresy, things
which he regarded as the ruin of nations. He even went so far as to
call those atheists who desired to be free in their faith. But if he thus
satisfied Charles the Fifth and his ministers, he was unable entirely
to stifle the best aspirations of his youth; and he secretly showed for
the Protestants a tolerance which was quite contrary to his
principles. He was accused; and the government of the Netherlands,
having received orders to get precise information about him,
requested, with the utmost secrecy and under the seal of an oath, a
churchman and a man of letters, whose names have not been
divulged, to state what they knew respecting him.[711] The report
made by these priests presents a strange contrast to the judgment
of history on this man. ‘Viglius is accused,’ said these two
anonymous reporters, ‘of having been from his youth greatly
suspected of heresy, and chiefly of the heresy of Luther; of having
been and of still being reputed a heretic, not only in the
Netherlands, but in France, Italy, and Germany; of having associated
only with heretics, as, for example, those of Augsburg, Basel, and
Würtemberg; of having given promotion, since his elevation to the
post which he fills, only to men of the same character; of having
caused the nomination, as councillor to the Imperial chamber, of
Albada, who had resigned his office of councillor in Friesland
because he would not consent to the punishment of Anabaptists,
Calvinists, and other sectaries; of having introduced into the
university of Douai, for the purpose of exercising jurisdiction over
churchmen, lay and married rectors; of having lavishly conferred
offices upon his brothers, kinsmen, and friends in Friesland, all of
them tainted and infected with heresy; and of many other things of
the like kind.’[712]
In quoting this passage, we do not profess to reform the judgment
of history; but only to show what sometimes lay hidden under the
rude and menacing manners of the councillors of Charles the Fifth.
The testimony of the two priests astonished the duchess of Parma.
‘With me,’ she said, ‘the president has always appeared to be a good
Catholic.’ Was Viglius then secretly a follower of Luther? By no
means. But he cherished some of the liberal notions of his illustrious
fellow-countryman, Erasmus, and even felt some regard for the
Reformation. When he was censured for having taken part in
drawing up the persecuting edicts of 1530, he denied the charge,
and asserted that he had done all he could to induce the emperor to
mitigate their severity. A priest, who is not suspected of partiality for
Protestants, has said of Viglius—‘This great man used his influence
to moderate the harshness of the duke of Alva by milder
counsels.’[713] Viglius, while a thorough Roman Catholic in his
speeches, was less so in his deeds, when he could be so without
risking the loss of the favor of princes. He was not a hypocrite in
virtue, as so many are; he was a hypocrite in fanaticism. But
fanaticism then passed for a virtue, and secured him wonderful
advantages.
Alasco And Viglius. What a contrast between the two men
whose names were at this time so widely
known in the two Frieslands! The influence of Alasco was not
confined to these countries. On the banks of the Rhine he took part,
in conjunction with his friend Hardenberg, in the attempts at reform
in the diocese of Cologne. The time was, however, soon to arrive
when he would find himself compelled to leave Friesland, and would
be removed to a larger sphere, to labor there, in the midst of
distinguished men, at the work of the Reformation.
 CHAPTER IX.
BEGINNING OF REFORMATION IN THE
NETHERLANDS.
(1518-1524).

The Reformation was Catholic or universal in the sense that it

appeared in all the nations of Christendom. It gained, undoubtedly,
the most powerful hold on the sympathy of the northern nations.
But the peoples of central Europe would all have welcomed it but for
the persecutions by princes and priests. In the south it achieved the
most beautiful conquests, and had its martyrs even in Rome. Our
task is to follow up its traces in every direction.
It was in the Netherlands that the first echo of Luther’s voice was
heard. There dwelt a people who had been free since the eleventh
century. Each of the provinces had its States, without whose consent
no law was made, no tax imposed. The love of freedom and the love
of the Gospel together actuated these interesting communities in the
first half of the sixteenth century, and both contributed to their
glorious revolution.
Other elements, however, had their share in the great movements of
this people. Agriculture, which had been called ‘the foundation of
human life,’ was thriving there in the midst of numerous canals. The
mechanical arts were held in honor. Everywhere throughout these
provinces hands and bodies were in motion. They were animated by
an inventive spirit; and Brussels was already renowned for its
carpets. The Netherlands had risen into importance by bold ventures
upon the seas, and their innumerable seamen exchanged their
productions with all the known world. Commerce and industry had
given to these regions great prosperity, and had created rich and
powerful towns. In the sixteenth century, they contained above
three hundred and fifty great cities.[714] At the head of these stood
Antwerp, a vast market of the world, thronged by merchants of all
nations, and having a population of 100,000—only 50,000 less than
that of London.
Charles The Fifth. The suzerainty of the Netherlands had
passed in 1477 from the house of Burgundy
to that of Austria. Under Maximilian the people had retained the full
enjoyment of their liberties. Charles the Fifth, who was by birth a
Fleming, loved his native country and enjoyed from time to time
making some stay in it. The joyous festivals of the Belgian cities
lightened his cares. He appointed Flemings to high offices; opened
for their commerce numerous channels in his vast empire; and
everywhere protected transactions which were so profitable to
himself. Those generous merchants, indeed, did not hesitate to
testify their gratitude to the emperor by rich tribute. But the
ambition of the monarch ere long began to disturb these agreeable
relations. Fond of power, Charles the Fifth did not intend to be
satisfied with the modest functions of a stadtholder. He aimed at
making of all these republics a single kingdom, of which he would be
absolute sovereign. The citizens of these free provinces were no less
determined to maintain their rights. The Reformation came in to
double their energies; and the land became the scene of long-
continued and cruel conflicts. The Church in the sixteenth century
was indeed to the Belgians and the Dutch the Church under the
cross. Other reformed countries—France, Hungary, Spain, and Italy
—had their share in the martyrs’ crown. But the Netherlands,
groaning under the treacherous blows of a Philip II. and a duke of
Alva, have a title to the brightest jewels of that crown.
The Catholicism of the Netherlands was not at this time a fanatical
system of religion. The cheerful-hearted people were especially fond
of indulgences, pictures, and festivals; but the majority had not even
this amount of piety. ‘Preaching was rare,’ says an old author, ‘the
churches were poorly attended, the feast-days and holidays ill
observed; the people ignorant of religion, not instructed in the
articles of faith. There were many comic actors, corrupt in morals
and religion, in whose performances the people delighted; and some
poor monks and young nuns always took part in the plays. It
seemed as if people could not take their pleasure without indulging
in mockery of God and the Church.’[715]
Nevertheless, the civil liberty enjoyed in the Netherlands had for a
long time been favorable to reforming tendencies. If there was not
much religion within the Church, there was a good deal outside its
pale. The Lollards and the Vaudois, who were numerous among the
weavers and clothiers, had sown in these regions the good seed of
the Word. In the Church likewise, the Brethren of the common life,
founded by Gerard Groot in the fourteenth century, had diffused
instruction, so that every one could read and write. In no quarter
had forerunners of the Reformation been more numerous. Jan van
Goch had called for a reform according to the Bible. Thomas à
Kempis, sick of the devotional practices which then made up religion,
had sought after an inward light which might bring with it life.
Erasmus of Rotterdam, king of the schools, had diffused knowledge
which was not in itself the Reformation, but was a preparation for it.
Johan Wessel, born at Groningen in 1419, had preached Christ as
alone the way, the truth, and the life. At length, among the wealthy
merchants and other laymen, men were to be met with who had a
certain knowledge of the Gospel. This people, more enlightened,
more civilized, and more free than most of the European nations,
could not fail to be one of the first to accept this precious
reformation of the Church, so congenial to its own character, and so
well adapted to increase its greatness.[716]
Reform At Antwerp. It was at Antwerp that the fire first blazed
forth. In the convent of the Augustine order
there was a simple, sensitive, and affectionate man, who, although
not a German, was one of the first to be impressed by the preaching
of Luther. He had been a student at Wittenberg, had heard the great
doctor, and had been attracted at the same time both by the
sweetness of the Gospel and by the pleasing character of the man
who proclaimed it. It was the prior, Jacob Spreng, commonly called
Probst (provost), after the name of his office. He had not the heroic
courage of his master, nor would he have made at Worms such an
energetic declaration. But he was filled with admiration for Luther;
and when any daring deed of the reformer was made known and the
monks talked of it with one another, he used to say, lifting up his
head, ‘I have been a disciple of his.’ He gloried in it, as if he, a feeble
and timid man, had a share in the heroism of his master. Then
unable to repress the affectionate feeling that filled his heart, he
added, ‘I love him ardently; I love him above every thing.’[717]
At the outset of his career, the reformer was looked upon, not as a
heretic, but as a monk of genius. Consequently the monks, filled
with admiration, regarded their chief with respect. The Word of God
which the professor Ad Biblia expounded at Wittenberg had entered
into the heart of Spreng; and while the Antwerp priests were
preaching nothing but fables, he proclaimed Christ.[718] Some of the
monks and several inhabitants of the town were converted to God by
the reformer’s disciple.
It was likewise through Luther’s influence that the light reached the
university town of Louvain. Some of the shorter writings of this
reformer, printed at Basel in 1518, were read at Louvain in 1519. A
storm immediately burst forth. The theologians of the university put
forth all their efforts against the book, prohibited booksellers from
selling it and the faithful from reading it; but the latter courageously
defended the writings and their author.[719] ‘’Tis heresy!’ exclaimed
the theologians. ‘Not so,’ replied the townsmen, ‘it is a doctrine really
Christian.’[720] Increasing in number day by day, they determined to
judge for themselves, read the books, and were convinced. The
theologians were more angry than ever. Disparagement, falsehood,
imposture, craft, and every available means were resorted to by
them. They ascended the pulpit, and exclaimed in tones of thunder
‘These people are heretics; they are antichrists; the Christian faith is
in danger.’ They occasioned in houses and in families astonishing
tragedies.[721]
It was not Luther’s writings and influence alone which began the
work of the Reformation in the Netherlands. Brought into contact by
their commerce with all the countries of Europe, they received from
them, not only things salable for money, but in addition and without
money that which Christianity calls the pearl of great price.
Foreigners of every class, both residents and travellers, merchants,
German and Swiss soldiers, students from various universities,
everywhere scattered on a well-prepared soil the living seed. It was
to the conscience that the Gospel appealed; and thus it struck its
roots deeper than if it had only spoken to the reasoning faculty, or to
an imagination fantastic and prone to superstition. One man
especially contributed, not to the establishment, but to the
preparation of the Reformation.
Erasmus Assailed. Erasmus was at this time at Louvain. Some
of the monks went to him and accused him
of being an accomplice of Luther. ‘I,’ he replied—‘I do not know him,
any more than the most unknown of men. I have hardly read more
than a page or two of his books.[722] If he has written well, it is no
credit to me; and if ill no disgrace. All I know is that the purity of his
life is such that his enemies themselves find nothing in it to
reproach.’ In vain Erasmus spoke thus. Day by day the Dominicans in
their discourses[723] threw stones at him and at Luther; but they did
this so stupidly that even the most ignorant people said that it was
the monks who were wrong and not Luther. The theologians,
perceiving the state of things, published on the 7th of November,
1519, a bull of condemnation, hoping thus to have the last word.[724]
The light appeared also in the provinces of the North. Dort, a town
of South Holland, was one of the first to receive it. A Dominican
named Vincent, one of those violent men who passionately
disparage their opponent and are desperate in conflict,[725] delivered
a foolish and aggravating discourse against the Reformation. The
hearers went away greatly excited, and there was immense agitation
around the church. The excitement soon passed from honest and
religious men to that ignorant and passionate class which is always
ready to make a riot. When the monk came out, they uttered loud
cries and were almost ready to stone him. Vincent, in alarm, threw
himself into a cart, and fled to Louvain, where he presented himself
as a martyr. ‘I have all but lost my life for the sake of the faith,’ he
said.[726] ‘Erasmus is the cause of it, and the letters which he has
written.’ To burn Erasmus would in his opinion have been a truly
Roman exploit.
The Dominicans availed themselves of this incident, and appealed to
the Count of Nassau, governor of Flanders, Brabant, and Holland.
The States-general were to be assembled at the Hague. The
Dominicans vehemently complained to the count of the progress
which the principles of reform were everywhere making, and
demanded that the States should without delay put a stop to it. ‘Go,
then,’ said Nassau to them, ‘preach the Gospel of Christ in sincerity,
as Luther does, without attacking any body, and you will have no
enemies to contend against.’[727] Henry of Nassau thus sounded the
prelude to the noble aspirations of his family.
Disheartened by such an answer, the enemies of the Reformation
fancied that they would meet with a better reception at the hands of
Margaret of Austria, the governess of the Netherlands. The Nassau
family were essentially Germans; but this princess, said the priests,
is a good Catholic. She professed, indeed, to be so; but she was a
clever diplomatist and very zealous in her administration. She was
anxious to see great progress made in literature and the arts. The
doctors of Louvain said to her, ‘Luther, by his writings, is
overthrowing Christianity.’ The princess feigned ignorance, and
replied, ‘Who is this Luther?’ ‘An ignorant monk,’ replied the priests.
‘Well, then,’[728] rejoined the aunt of Charles the Fifth, ‘there are
many of you; write against this ignorant fellow, and the whole world
will place more faith in many learned men than in one unlearned.’
Tirades Of The A wind was now blowing that was favorable
Monks. to the Gospel, and voices were raised in
behalf of Luther, even at the court festivals. One day, when a great
imperial banquet was held, the conversation turned upon the
reformer. Some assailed him, but others boldly undertook his
defence. De Ravestein exclaimed, ‘A single Christian man has arisen
in the course of four centuries, and the Pope wants to kill him.’[729]
The monks, restless and alarmed, asked one another whether the
world had gone mad. Rejected by the learned, they endeavored to
stir up the common people. A Minorite preaching at Bruges in the
church of St. Donatianus, and speaking of Luther and Erasmus,
exclaimed—‘They are simpletons, they are asses, beasts,
blockheads, antichrists.’[730] In this style he ran on for an hour. His
hearers, amazed at his stupid vociferations, in their turn wondered
whether he had not himself lost his head. A magistrate sent for him,
and requested him to inform him what errors there were in the
writings of Erasmus. ‘I have not read them,’ said he; ‘I did indeed
once open his Paraphrases, but I closed the book again immediately;
from their excellent Latinity I was afraid that heresy lay beneath.’
Another Minorite friar, weary of continually hearing the people about
him demanding to have the Gospel preached to them, said aloud, ‘If
you want the Gospel, you must listen to it from the mouths of your
priests;’ and he ventured to add, ‘even though you know that they
are given up to licentiousness.’[731] The debauchery and the
despotism of a great many of the priests brought discredit on the
clergy. ‘I value the order of the Dominicans,’ said Erasmus, ‘and I do
not hate the Carmelites; but I have known some of them who were
of such a stamp that I would sooner obey the Turk than endure their
tyranny.’[732]
The fanatical priests now set in motion more powerful engines of
war. Aleander, the papal nuncio, obtained on the 8th of May, 1531, a
special decree of persecution for the Netherlands;[733] and, misusing
the name of the emperor, exerted all his influence to induce
Margaret rigorously to execute the cruel edict. The princess, if left to
herself, would have been more tolerant; but she felt bound to
comply with the requirements of her powerful nephew. Placards
were posted up in all the towns, which spread alarm everywhere.
The middle classes in the Netherlands, sympathizing with progress
of every kind, had looked upon Luther as a glorious champion of
Gospel truth; and now they read at every street corner, that it was
forbidden under pain of death to read his writings, and that his
books would be burnt. This was the beginning of the persecution
which was to devastate the Netherlands during the sixteenth
century. During the single reign of Charles the Fifth more than fifty
thousand persons, accused of having read the prohibited books, of
having on a certain day eaten meat, or of having entered into the
bonds of marriage in defiance of the canonical prohibition, were
beheaded, drowned, hung, buried alive or burnt, or suffered death in
other ways.[734] Erasmus therefore exclaimed, ‘What then is
Aleander? A maniac, a fool, a bad man.’[735]
Jacob Spreng. Fanaticism had not waited for the edict of
Worms. The provost of Antwerp had been
one of its first victims. Jacob Spreng, we have seen, as early as 1517
proclaimed with earnestness the salvation which Luther had found in
Jesus Christ, and which he had also found himself. Luther’s courage
increased his own, which was not great. He repeated that he had
seen him and heard him, and that he was his disciple. He did not
cease to preach, like his master, that man is saved by grace, through
faith. One day, it was in 1519, the provost was arrested in his own
convent, and, in spite of the commotion among his friars, was
carried off prisoner to Brussels. There he appeared before the judge
and was examined, was exceedingly worried, and appears even to
have been put to the torture and condemned to death by burning.
[736]
Spreng, we have said, was not strong. They worried,
threatened, and terrified him. He had not yet the steadfastness of a
rock. The prospect of being burnt alive made him shudder. He was
not what his master would have been; he yielded and, with bowed
head and dim eye and a heart cast down and broken, he agreed to
every thing that was required of him. What a triumph for his
enemies! They determined to make a great display of it. In February,
1520, Aleander, Jerome van der Nood, chancellor of Brabant,
Herbaut, suffragan of Cambray, Glapio, chaplain to the emperor, and
several other dignitaries of the Church, met together in the presence
of a large assembly; for the business in hand was to invest the
recantation of the unhappy man with all possible solemnity. The
president announced to him that thirty of Luther’s articles were
going to be read, and that he must condemn them under pain of
death.[737] These articles had been skilfully selected. The secretary
read—‘Every work of the free will (of the natural will of man),
however good it may be, is a sin, and is in need of the pardon and
the mercy of God.’ ‘I condemn this doctrine,’ said Spreng, terrified at
the thought of death. He did the same with respect to other points.
‘Ah!’ said Erasmus, who was acquainted with the unbelief of a great
number of Roman priests, ‘many make a great hubbub against
Luther on account of some assertions of little importance, while
themselves do not even believe that the soul continues to exist after
death.’[738]
Aleander and his colleagues were not satisfied with having forced
Spreng, with the dagger at his throat, to retract the doctrines of the
reformer. They also compelled him to assert the contrary doctrines.
The session had been a frightful one. The unhappy Spreng withdrew
broken-hearted and filled with bitter sorrow. He had denied his faith;
he had not, however, sinned with any desperate evil intent. He
confessed his fault to God, gradually recovered himself from his fall,
and became afterwards one of the heralds of the Gospel.
He went out of prison indignant with those who had compelled him
to renounce his faith, but especially with himself. He now went to
Bruges, and there began to speak boldly against his own
unfaithfulness, and to spread abroad the knowledge of the Saviour.
He was once more arrested and was taken to Brussels. As a relapsed
heretic he had nothing to look for but death. A rumor was even
current that he had been burnt alive.[739] But there were many who
cried to God to obtain his deliverance. A Franciscan monk, affected
by his fate, succeeded in procuring his escape. Without remaining
longer in the Netherlands, he betook himself in 1522 to Wittenberg,
his Alma Mater,[740] and from thence to Bremen. He became one of
the pastors of this place, happy in being able to lead souls in peace
in the sweet smiling pastures of the Gospel.
The Inquisition. It was not without good reason that he fled
from the Netherlands. Charles the Fifth
could not remain a stranger to what was going on there. He was
doubtless first of all a politician; and when his temporal interests
required it, he could display a little tolerance, either in Germany or
elsewhere. But in secular affairs he was a despot, and in religious
affairs a bigot. He had no doubt that the Reformation, if it were
introduced in the Netherlands, would cross his autocratic projects.
He therefore indemnified himself in these provinces for the cautious
proceedings to which he was obliged to resign himself in other
regions. He had recourse to the Inquisition. It was not, however,
that terrible institution as it was known in Castile, where it found a
people enthusiastic for its cruelties. The free people of the
Netherlands rejected with abhorrence that criminal institution.
Nevertheless, the two inquisitors of the faith nominated at this time
by the Emperor, one a layman, Franz van der Hulst, a ‘great enemy
of letters,’ said Erasmus; the other a monk, Nicholas van Egmont, ‘a
very madman armed with a sword,’ did not do their work badly. They
first committed people to prison, and afterwards inquired into their
faults.[741] All those who had any leaning to the doctrine of Luther
were ordered to appear within the space of thirty days before these
judges, who were invested with the power of excommunication.
Cornelius Grapheus. The departure of Spreng was a loss to
Antwerp and the Netherlands. There were
not many men whose faith was so simple and so genuine. Some
eminent laymen, indeed, declared early for the Reformation; but the
relation of these to the Gospel was rather that of amateurs than of
believers. Cornelius Grapheus (in Flemish, Schryver), secretary of
the town of Antwerp, and a friend of Erasmus, was a superior man.
He had travelled a good deal and learnt a good deal; and although
he was invested with one of the first offices of the imperial town in
which he lived, he spent much time in reading. Jan van Goch’s work
on the freedom of the Christian religion charmed him; and desirous
of imparting to others the enjoyment which he had himself
experienced, he translated it into Flemish. He also wrote a preface to
it, in which he censured, but not ill-naturedly, those who imposed on
Christians a useless yoke. Every well-informed man said as much.
Grapheus, finding that these words were received with approbation,
did not suppose that in saying them he had done a deed of courage.
But the two inquisitors, who felt the need of making some splendid
arrest, exclaimed that it was a crime to dare to speak of a yoke,
leaped upon their prey, and seized Grapheus in his own house, in
the presence of his terrified wife and children. The whole city was
astounded. What! one of the first magistrates of the town, a
distinguished man, who had travelled in Italy, who cultivated
painting, music, and poetry, such a man as this a heretic! The victim
once in prison, the inquisitors read the criminated treatise, picked
out line after line, and drew up a terrible indictment. Grapheus, a
humanist, a magistrate, an artist, and man of letters, was the most
astonished of all. He had fancied that he was doing nothing more
than a literary exercise, and was distressed at being taken for a
theologian. This was in his eyes an honor of which he was not
worthy, and by no means dreamed of. He said, like Erasmus—no
martyrdom. To be restored to a beloved family, of which he was the
sole support, this was the object of his desire. He sought honorably
to apologize. ‘If I have spoken of a yoke,’ said he, ‘it is in no
controversial spirit; I entreat pardon for my rashness, and am willing
to retract my errors.’ But the Popish party were implacable, and they
cast him into a black dungeon.[742]
The two inquisitors, not venturing to touch Erasmus, were bent on
striking his friend, and on terrifying by this example the partisans of
literature. They had a platform erected in the principal square of
Brussels; a crowd of people stood round it, and the secretary of
Antwerp appeared upon it. His only thought was to recover his
peaceful life, to be once more in his study, to sit again at his family
table. For this end he was prepared to do any thing. At the
command of the inquisitors he hastened to retract publicly the
articles of his preface; and he threw it into the fire, so much harm
had it done him. Grapheus was not a Lutheran; he was only an
Erasmian; and he would have done much more to regain his liberty.
He supposed that he had gained it; but the judges to whose
clemency he had appealed condemned him to the confiscation of his
property, to deprivation of office, and to imprisonment for life. This is
what a man gets by venturing to speak of a yoke in a country where
there are inquisitors.
The unfortunate man, solitary in his dungeon, lamented his essay in
literature, and thought only of his wife and his children. He
determined to appeal to the chancellor of Brabant. ‘I wrote that
preface,’ said he, ‘as a literary task for the exercise of my
understanding. Alas! how much better it would have been for me
had I been a blockhead, a buffoon, a comedian, or any other
despicable creature, instead of obtaining by my limited abilities
important offices. While so many people are allowed to publish their
tales, their comedies, their farces, their satires, no matter how rude
and improper they may be, a citizen is oppressed because he has
had a share in human frailty.’ Sinking beneath the cruel yoke of
Rome, Grapheus was quite ready to assert that this very yoke had
no existence. He requested, as a great favor, that the town of
Antwerp might be assigned as his prison, in order that he might be
able to earn a livelihood for his family. All his entreaties were
fruitless. For a mere literary peccadillo one of the first magistrates of
the Netherlands groaned for years in the prisons of the town the
government of which he had administered. It appears, however, that
he was afterwards liberated, but he was not reinstated in his office.
Instances of this kind show that Rome had a grudge not only against
the Gospel, but against civilization, intelligence, and freedom.
In this same town of Antwerp, a more cruel fate was to overtake a
true evangelist, a man of great intelligence, and also endowed with
deep feeling and a living and steadfast faith.
Henry Of Zutphen. Henry Mollerus, of the town of Zutphen, the
name of which he usually bore, had entered
the Augustinian order. He had distinguished himself in it, and after
having several times changed his convent had settled in that of
Antwerp. Here he had soon risen to an important position. Eager to
advance, he strove continually to attain to a loftier knowledge and to
a more powerful faith.[743] He was not one of those Christians who lie
down and slumber, but of those who awake, go on, press forward,
and run to the goal which they have set before them. In
consequence of hearing the prior, Jacob Spreng, speak much about
Martin Luther, he betook himself in 1521 to Wittenberg, was
admitted to the convent of the Augustines, was joyfully welcomed by
Luther, and began immediately to study in earnest. The reformer,
who often conversed with him, was struck with his capacity and his
faith, and considered him worthy to be a recipient of the honors of
the University. Henry applied himself especially to the study of man;
he descended into the depths of his nature, and made discoveries
there which alarmed him. He was struck with the holiness of the
Divine law; he perceived that he could not fulfil its commandments;
and falling to the ground, with closed lips, he confessed himself
guilty. But ere long Christ having been revealed to his soul, he had
lifted up his head and contemplated the Saviour in all his beauty.
From that time he had lived with Christ, and had been eager to walk
in his steps.
Henry of Zutphen requested permission of the University to maintain
publicly some theses, with a view to his taking the degree of
bachelor in theology. The friars of the convent of the Augustines,
professors and students, and other inhabitants of Wittenberg,
assembled to hear him. Zutphen began:—‘Man, having turned aside
from the Divine word, wherein is his life, died immediately, that is to
say he was deprived of the spirit of God.[744]
‘Oh, the impiety of the philosophy which aims at persuading us that
this death of the soul with which we are affected is a life! Oh, vanity
of the human heart, which, in not esteeming the knowledge of God
as the supreme good, and in choosing rather to follow a blind
philosophy, goes astray and rushes into the paths of perdition!
‘As there is nothing good in the root, there is consequently nothing
in the fruit that is not tainted with the poison.
‘The maxims of morality which men stitch together are nothing but
fig-leaves intended to hide their shame.[745]
‘Man is therefore twice dead; once because this is his nature, and
yet again because, instructed by philosophy, he dares to assert—I
live.
‘The law does not create sin, but it makes it plainly appear, as the
sun draws out the foul smell of a corpse.[746]
‘The law is a sword which drives us violently out of paradise and kills
us.
‘Faith is a steadfast witnessing of the Spirit of Christ with our spirit
that we are children of God.’
The hearers had, for the most part, attained in their own experience
to a certain knowledge of the truths which the Dutchman avowed;
but all of them appreciated the power with which he set them forth,
and the picturesque style in which his thought was dressed. He
continued:—
‘Christ is the servant and the master of the law. He it is who, while
sinking under the burden of sin, takes it away and casts it far from
us and destroys it. He is at once the victim of death, and the
medium by which death is destroyed. He is the captive of hell, and
yet it is he who bursts open its gates.[747]
‘Perish the faith which lies slumbering and torpid, and does not
vigorously press and drive on to charity. If thou hast faith indeed,
fear not, thou hast also charity!’
After having thus delivered a good testimony of his faith, Henry of
Zutphen left Wittenberg, came to Dort, and passed thence to
Antwerp, where he labored zealously. In the cells of his brethren, the
Augustines, in the refectory, as they went to the chapel and returned
from it, he did not cease to urge the monks to draw from the
Scriptures the treasures which had enriched himself.[748] He preached
with so much fervor that the church of the Augustines would not
hold the multitude that flocked to it. The learned, the ignorant, the
magistrates, all classes wanted to hear him. He was the great
preacher of the age; Antwerp hung upon his lips.[749] It appears that
he was at this time nominated prior of the Augustines, as successor
to Spreng.
But the more enthusiasm one party displayed, the more wrath was
displayed by the other. Certain monks of other convents, certain
priests, with the inquisitor Van der Hulst at their head, enraged at
this concourse of people, applied to the governess of the
Netherlands. They put forward false witnesses, who declared that
they had heard from the lips of the preacher heretical statements. At
the same time they sought to stir up the people. But God, says
Zutphen, prevented any tumult, however sharp the provocation
might be. Van der Hulst had already prepared at Brussels the prison
in which he reckoned on confining him. Zutphen expected it.
His Arrest. On Michaelmas Day (September 29) he was
arrested. The agents of the inquisitors laid
before him certain articles of faith, extracted from his discourses,
and required him to retract them. But he replied with intrepid
courage, and well knew from that moment that he had nothing to
look for but death. It was in the morning; and the inquisitors, fearing
the people, determined to wait till night to remove him to Brussels.
[750]
The prisoner therefore remained all day in peace within the
convent walls, engaged in meditation and in preparation for giving
up his life. Suddenly the noise of a great disturbance was heard. In
the evening, after sunset,[751] men were seen, and women too,
usually timid but now made valiant by their love for the Word of
God, hurrying together from all quarters and surrounding the
monastery.[752] The most determined among them burst open the
doors; the crowd rushed into the convent; some men and some
women penetrated into Henry’s prison, took him by the hand, and
conducting him to the house of one of his friends, concealed him
there. Three days elapsed, and no one had any suspicion of his
place of refuge. His enemies moved heaven and earth to discover
him, and ransacked all nooks, and corners. They summoned his
friends, and with threats demanded of them whether they knew his
place of concealment. Flight alone could save him from death. ‘I will
go to Wittenberg,’ he said. The difficulty was to get out of the town.
He effected his escape, however, and succeeded in reaching
Enkhuysen, a town of Holland, and there took up his abode in the
monastery of the Augustines. An order arrived to arrest Henry, to
bind him and to take him before Margaret at Antwerp. He had just
before left Enkhuysen, and was arriving at Amsterdam. He set out
with all speed from the town and betook himself to his native place,
Zutphen. But here he was presently recognized and seized. He
appeared before the ecclesiastical tribunals. ‘Who art thou? Whence
comest thou? Whither goest thou?’ they said to him. ‘Art thou not
come hither to preach?’ ‘If that is agreeable to you,’ said he, ‘I shall
do so with much pleasure.’ ‘Get you gone!’ exclaimed his enraged
judges.
His Murder In He then set out for Bremen. Here he
Holstein. remained some time without any one
suspecting who he was. Some good townsmen, however, having
made his acquaintance, requested him to preach. He did so, on St.
Martin’s Day (Sunday), 1522, and was immediately cited by the
magistrate of the town. ‘Why have you preached?’ said the canons
to him. ‘Because the word of God must not be bound.’ ‘Expel him
from the town,’ said the canons to the magistrates. The latter replied
that they could not do this; and Henry continued to preach. The
nobles and the prelates of two dioceses then demanded that he
should be delivered to the bishop; and they invited the notables of
the town and the heads of the trades to unite with them for this
purpose. But they all replied, ‘We have never heard any thing from
his lips but the pure Gospel.’ Henry’s preaching became more and
more powerful, and danger was incessantly increasing. ‘I will not
leave Bremen unless I am driven away by force,’ said Zutphen. He
therefore remained at Bremen, preaching the Gospel fervently and
successfully. ‘Christ lives,’ he said; ‘Christ is conqueror, Christ
commands.’ His prosperous career was suddenly interrupted. Called
into Holstein, he went there, and preached energetically. But, on the
day after the Feast of the Conception, the Ave Maria was sounded at
midnight. Five hundred peasants, instigated by the monks, assailed
him, pulled him from his bed, bound his hands behind his back,
dragged him almost naked over the ice and the snow through the
bitter cold air, struck him a blow with a club, and burnt him. His
tragical end we have narrated in our account of the German
Reformation.[753] Luther described and deplored his martyrdom.
A convent which sent forth such men as Spreng and Zutphen could
not be allowed to subsist. Its suppression was obtained by the
inquisitors. All the friars were turned out of the monastery.[754] The
governess of the Netherlands herself attended this sinister
expedition of the inquisitors of the faith. Those monks who were
from Antwerp were confined in the house of the Beghards, others in
other places; and a small number who had renounced the Gospel
were set at liberty. The host was solemnly removed from this
heretical place and carried in great pomp into the church of the Holy
Virgin, at which the governess of the Netherlands, the aunt of
Charles the Fifth, was present for the purpose of receiving it with
high honors. All the vessels of the monastery were sold; the church
and the cloisters were closed, and the passages stopped up. At
length, in the month of October, 1522, the convent was demolished
and razed to the ground.[755] These ruins were to teach every one,
and especially the monks, not to read, and above all not to preach,
the Word of God.
Three of the Augustine monks, Esch, Voes, and Lambert, were
eminent for their faith. We have elsewhere narrated their noble and
affecting martyrdom, and have mentioned the beautiful hymn
composed in honor of them by Luther.[756]
But it was vain to burn those who had awakened to a new life; there
were still many who were no longer willing to sleep.
Holland and other states of the North were beginning to assume the
position which they were afterwards to hold as the United Provinces.
At Delft, Frederick Canirmius, by some discourses delivered in the
Gymnasium, had damaged the cause of the monks. The enemy
strove to stifle his voice by orders, epistles, and deputations. But the
brave Christian man had said with proud confidence, ‘The Lord will
cause this mountain in labor to bring forth nothing but a mouse.[757]
Oh!’ he exclaimed, ‘if only it were permitted us to preach publicly,
the cause of the monks would be ruined.’ But obstacles were every
day increasing, and the ruin of monachism seemed more and more
remote. Canirmius did not lose courage. ‘The Lord withdraws his
arm,’ said he, ‘because we attribute every thing to our own efforts.
But if he see that we cling to him with all our soul as to the sole
salvation of Israel, then he will suddenly present himself in the midst
of his Church.’[758]
A Christian A Christian triumvirate had been formed in
Triumvirate. these provinces. At the Hague, William
Gnapheus, director of the Gynasium, was diffusing the Gospel in the
midst of his pupils and his connections, substituting for false worship
a living faith in Christ. A learned jurisconsult, Cornelius Hoen, an
excellent man, says Erasmus, and John Rhodius, rector of the
college of Utrecht, assisted him. They carried on their labors in
common; and to them is attributed the translation of the New
Testament into the vulgar tongue, which was published in 1523.[759]
The necessity of an intimate union with Christ was a distinctive
feature of the teaching of these three Dutchmen. ‘Our Lord Jesus
Christ,’ said Hoen in 1521, ‘when announcing to his people the
pardon of their sins, added a pledge to his promise, lest their faith
should waver. Just as a bridegroom desirous of ratifying an
engagement gives a ring to his bride and says to her, Take this, I
give myself to thee; just as the bride receiving this ring believes that
her husband is hers, turns her heart away from all other men, and
desires only to please her husband; so also must he who receives
the Supper, the precious pledge by which the Heavenly Bridegroom
desires to testify that he gives himself to him, firmly believe that
Christ[760] gave himself for him, and must consequently turn his heart
from all that he has hitherto loved, and seek after Christ alone, must
be anxious only about what pleases him and cast all his cares upon
him. This is what is meant by eating the flesh of Christ and drinking
his blood.’ These words did not completely satisfy Luther, but
Zwinglius heartily approved them. The reformed symbol was early
adopted in Holland. These three Dutchmen were peaceably
disseminating the Gospel in their respective spheres, when a storm
suddenly burst over them. Hoen and Gnapheus[761] were arrested
and thrown into prison, without any trial of their cause.
These two men, no friends to noise or display, never speaking of
themselves, intent on the duties of their calling, believing that the
truth ought to be sown in peace, had never supposed that any
danger could overtake them; and now, in the twinkling of an eye,
they found themselves in a dungeon. They were astounded. ‘Every
one knows,’ said Gnapheus,[762] ‘with what diligence I have always
devoted myself to the instruction of the young, but without
representing to them ceremonies as the essence of religion. This is
my crime!’ After three months, the Count of Holland, who highly
esteemed these excellent men, became bail for them. They were
then removed to the Hague, and this town was assigned as their
prison. Some time afterwards, Hoen fell asleep in peace; and
Gnapheus, at the end of the second year, was set at liberty.
There were in the Netherlands men of more decided faith than the
three humanists. At Groningen, where that pastor Frederick lived
whom Erasmus proclaimed to be a second Augustine, the doctor of
law, Abring, and the masters of arts, Timmermann, Pistoris, and
Lesdrop, sharply attacked the papal monarchy. ‘We refuse,’ they
said, ‘to the Roman pontiff that sword which is commonly assigned
to him. Christ, when speaking of heretics, said, Beware of them;[763]
but He did not say, Massacre and destroy them.[764] Christ gave to
his Church teachers and not satraps.’ Thus spake, despising danger,
these energetic doctors. Boldness was discretion and won the
victory. But such cases were rare, especially in the southern portion
of the Netherlands.
A Martyr. The enemies of the Reformation seemed to
be more thoroughly awake in the south
than in the north. At Antwerp and in the surrounding districts there
were (1524) a great number of people of every rank who began to
relish that divine word which had been proclaimed by Spreng, Henry
of Zutphen, and others. The preaching of a pious Augustine monk
having been prohibited, those who longed for the light arranged to
meet on Sundays near the Scheldt, at the place where ships were
built, thinking that if men should hold their peace the very stones
would cry out. The congregation was assembled, and there was no
preacher; but, after some seconds, a young man, perhaps a
seamen, rose. His name was Nicholas; and the word of God which
he had received was warmly stirring in his heart. When he saw all
these poor people gathered together in this lonely spot, ardently
desiring good for their souls, and finding none, Nicholas
remembered the five thousand who were without victuals in the
desert.[765] He went to the margin of the river, stepped into a boat
that he might be better heard by the multitude, and read that part
of the Gospel which relates how Jesus fed the hungry ones. This
word told him that the power of God was not tied to outward
means; and that it is all one to him whether there be few or many to
edify his people. In short, God so blessed his word that all those
who heard it were satisfied.[766] The multitude standing on the bank,
who had listened with sympathy, then dispersed. The report of this
preaching having spread through the whole town, the enemies of
the Reformation were very much enraged, and they resolved to get
rid of Nicholas, but to do it clandestinely because they feared the
people. The next day the plot was executed. A band of their
accomplices came noiselessly upon the young man; two or three
seized him, while others held a great sack. They forced Nicholas into
it, bound the sack with a cord, then carried it to the river and threw
it into the water.[767] Since he was fond of preaching on the Scheldt,
let him do it now at his leisure! When the execution was
accomplished, these wretches made a boast of it. This crime filled
the hearts of honest men with terror; and the friends of the Gospel
perceived the dangers which surrounded them.
More freedom was sometimes allowed to priests than to laymen. At
Meltza, a place distant two German miles from Antwerp, an eloquent
preacher made a spirited attack on Romish superstitions, without
perhaps thoroughly comprehending evangelical doctrine. Hearers
flocked to him in such multitudes that he had to preach in the fields.
‘We priests,’ said he, speaking one day of the mass, ‘we are worse
than the traitor Judas. For Judas sold the Lord Jesus and delivered
him up; while we, for our part, sell him indeed, but we do not deliver
him over to you.’[768] People had for a long time been accustomed to
these epigrams, and they were less dreaded than a serious and
living word.
There were, moreover, in the ranks of the higher clergy of the
Netherlands enlightened men who, without being on the side of the
reformers, were preparing the way for the Reformation. Philip,
bishop of Utrecht, was one of their number. He devoted the
beginning of the day to prayer, and he liked especially in prayer to
make use of the words of the Bible. He had read the sacred writings
several times, and Erasmus boasted of his wisdom and the purity of
his morals.[769] He was above all struck with the licentiousness
occasioned by the celibacy of priests and monks, and expressed the
hope that, within his lifetime, all compulsory celibacy would be
abolished by the unanimous consent of bishops and priests.[770]
This did not fail to produce some impression. In Holland, Brabant,
and Flanders, many monks and nuns quitted the convents. A large
number of the inhabitants of these provinces embraced the reformed
doctrine. Great meetings were held outside the town of Antwerp, in
spite of the placards of Charles the Fifth. But it would have been an
easier task to stop the sun’s rays than to prevent the light of the
Gospel from penetrating into the hearts of men.
Unfortunately the evangelical work encountered adversaries of
another kind. One day a man who came from the Netherlands
presented himself to Luther, and said to him, in a tone at once
emphatic and coarse—‘God, who created the heavens and the earth,
sends me to thee.’ ‘One more!’ thought Luther; ‘all these famous
men are pressed by the desire to break a lance with me! What do
you want with me?’ he said to the Netherlander. ‘I request you,’ he
replied, ‘to read to me the books of Moses.’ ‘And what sign have
you,’ said the reformer, ‘that God sends you to me?’ ‘This sign is to
be found in the Gospel according to St. John,’ said the Netherlander.
Luther had enough of this. ‘Good,’ said he, ‘come again another
time. The books of Moses are too long for me to find time just now
to read them to you.’
Illuminism. The prophet indeed came back. His religion
was a kind of rationalism embellished with
illuminism. ‘Every man,’ he said, ‘has the Holy Spirit; for this is
nothing but his own reason. There is no hell; our flesh alone is
condemned, and every soul will have eternal life.’
Luther, alarmed, wrote immediately to the Antwerp Christians.[771] ‘I
see,’ said he, ‘that there are spirits of error stirring among you; and I
will not by my silence allow an evil to spread which I may have
power to prevent. Under the papacy Satan held his court in peace.
But one who is mightier (Christ) having now come and conquered
him, Satan is furious and creates an uproar. If therefore one of these
men wishes to talk with you about high and difficult questions
worked out by them, say to him—What God reveals to us suffices
us.... Art thou mocking us that thou wouldst induce us to search into
things which thyself knowest not? The devil attempts to bring
forward profitless and incomprehensible questions to the end that he
may draw giddy minds out of the right path. We have enough to do
for our whole life if we endeavor to become well acquainted with
Jesus Christ. Let useless prattlers alone.’
The Christians of the Netherlands profited by these counsels. A great
number of men enlightened by the Gospel enlightened others by
means of it. These unknown men were Gerard Wormer, William of
Utrecht, Peter Nannius, Lawrence, Hermann Coq, Nicholas
Quicquius, the learned Walter Delenus, and at the imperial court,
Philip de Lens, secretary of Brabant.[772] In spite of all the efforts of
the censura sacra, the truth was spreading in all directions; and a
people of believers was forming who were to become a people of
martyrs.
 CHAPTER X.
‘TOOTHING-STONES.’
(1525-1528.)

Charles The Fifth. If Rome was for some centuries to crush

the new people, the offspring of the Gospel
in the east of Europe, in Hungary, there was at the western
extremity of the European continent another people which she was
to strive, with still greater violence, to annihilate. The Netherlands
were to become the theatre selected by the adherents of the papacy
for the accomplishment on the grandest scale of their greatest
crimes. Charles the Fifth, a prince who on some occasions displayed
a tolerant spirit, was the man from whom were to proceed the cruel
edicts; and his successor was to go beyond him in the art of
destruction.
Charles the Fifth had some remarkable qualities. He was active,
intelligent, a keen politician, brave, energetic, and calm. But a lofty
soul was wanting to him. He was destitute of faith, of compassion
and of justice, addicted to intemperance of every kind, especially to
that of the table. He did not eat, he devoured; and his excesses
hastened his end. But if he made no scruple of transgressing the
greatest commandments of God, he was all the more eager to
observe cold and trivial ceremonies. He used holy water and had
mass sung to him every day. He invoked the saints; and, in drawing
up his will, in order to make more sure of the pardon of his sins, he
commended his soul not only to God, but also to the blessed Virgin
Mary, the blessed St. Peter, St. Paul, St. George, St. Anne, and
generally to all the saints, male and female, of Paradise, and to the
converted thief (au bon larron).[773] He appeared zealous for the
ordinances of God, affected like certain Jews to ‘write them on his
door-posts,’ but he did not put them in his heart; and he sought to
make up for great offences ‘by some paltry trash of satisfaction.’ His
son Philip, and others who after him occupied the throne of Spain,
likewise adopted and carried out, in a manner yet more striking, this
hypocritical and shameful system. Charles was not a bigot from
fanaticism; he was not afraid to imprison the Holy Father himself. He
did not in reality put much difference between evangelical and
Romish creeds. But, endowed with considerable judgment, he
understood that the doctrine which offered resistance to the
despotism of the popes would assuredly in certain cases offer
resistance to the despotism of princes; and he feared that, if liberty
were once established in the Church, people would end with wanting
to introduce it in the State. Now, this was in his eyes the crime of
crimes. Thus, although the schemes of his policy often led him to
spare the Protestants, Charles was really a decided enemy of the
Reformation. He found it a difficult matter at this epoch to destroy it
in Germany, where he was not sovereign master, and by doing so he
would have damaged his influence. But it was otherwise in the
Netherlands. If he had received the empire by free election of his
peers, he held these provinces by right of succession, and was
determined to treat them according to his own good pleasure. He
assumed therefore to hold carte blanche with regard to them.
The generous inhabitants of these provinces had liberties of ancient
date, and they freely lavished their treasures on the emperor. But
the prince was not in the humor to be stayed in his course either by
their rights or their gifts. He would massacre, burn, and crush them.
Thirty thousand men, some say fifty thousand, were sacrificed in the
Netherlands as heretics during the reign of Charles the Fifth. In this
matter he did not stand much upon ceremony. His secretaries
fabricated frightful placards, which, being silently posted up in the
streets of the towns, proclaimed cruel penalties, filled peaceful
citizens with terror, and soon made numerous victims. The most
excellent of his subjects were burnt, drowned, buried alive or
strangled for having read the Word of God and maintained the
doctrines which it teaches. The most cruel methods were the best.
This great prince, therefore, who has been and is still extolled by so
many voices, instead of being crowned with glory, ought to be
branded by posterity with the mark of its reprobation.
Charles Of Egmont. Charles found co-operators both in the
pope, Clement VII., and in some of the
leading men of the country. One of these was Charles of Egmont,
Duke of Guelderland, an ambitious and violent man, who had spent
his life (he was nearly sixty) in perpetual agitation and wars; a sour
and gloomy man, who died of grief when, in 1538, his duchy was
given to the Duke of Cleves. Egmont was one of those who feared,
not without reason, that the religious change would draw after it a
political change. Alarmed at the progress which the Reformation was
making around him, actuated by a blind and impetuous zeal, he
wrote from Arnheim to the pope to enlist him in the war which he
intended to undertake. ‘In all humility,’ he said to him, ‘we kiss your
feet, most holy Father, and we inform you that as the pernicious
heresy of Luther does nothing, alas, but propagate and strengthen
itself from day to day, we are striving to extirpate it. We are
extremely distressed at finding that some princes, our neighbors,
permit many things which they ought to repress. This is the reason
for our entreating your Holiness to command them to use more
vigilance lest the many-headed beast should swallow up the church
of Jesus Christ. And as the ecclesiastics are themselves infected, and
as we dare not lay our hands on the Lord’s anointed, we pray you to
authorize us to compel them to return to the good path, and if they
do not repent to inflict on them the punishment of death.’[774]
The pope did not keep him long waiting for an answer. A pontifical
brief of Clement VII., addressed to Erhard de la Marck, cardinal
bishop of Liége, said to him—‘We are convinced that for the
extirpation of this pestilence a higher authority is needed than that
of the inquisitors established by Campeggio; we therefore require
you to put forth all your ability and anxious endeavors to support the
labors of the holy inquisition, and we give you full authority over it.
Apply yourself with all your heart to root out the tares which
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