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EAI/Springer Innovations in Communication and Computing
Internet
of Things
and Its
Applications
EAI/Springer Innovations in Communication
and Computing
Series Editor
Imrich Chlamtac, European Alliance for Innovation, Ghent, Belgium
Editor’s Note
The impact of information technologies is creating a new world yet not fully
understood. The extent and speed of economic, life style and social changes already
perceived in everyday life is hard to estimate without understanding the technological
driving forces behind it. This series presents contributed volumes featuring the
latest research and development in the various information engineering technologies
that play a key role in this process.
The range of topics, focusing primarily on communications and computing
engineering include, but are not limited to, wireless networks; mobile communication;
design and learning; gaming; interaction; e-health and pervasive healthcare; energy
management; smart grids; internet of things; cognitive radio networks; computation;
cloud computing; ubiquitous connectivity, and in mode general smart living, smart
cities, Internet of Things and more. The series publishes a combination of expanded
papers selected from hosted and sponsored European Alliance for Innovation (EAI)
conferences that present cutting edge, global research as well as provide new
perspectives on traditional related engineering fields. This content, complemented
with open calls for contribution of book titles and individual chapters, together
maintain Springer’s and EAI’s high standards of academic excellence. The audience
for the books consists of researchers, industry professionals, advanced level students
as well as practitioners in related fields of activity include information and
communication specialists, security experts, economists, urban planners, doctors,
and in general representatives in all those walks of life affected ad contributing to
the information revolution.
Indexing: This series is indexed in Scopus, Ei Compendex, and zbMATH.
About EAI
EAI is a grassroots member organization initiated through cooperation between
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challenges of Europe’s future competitiveness and link the European Research
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organizations, and educational institutions, provide a free research and innovation
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Through its open free membership model EAI promotes a new research and
innovation culture based on collaboration, connectivity and recognition of excellence
by community.
Internet of Things
and Its Applications
Editors
Sachi Nandan Mohanty Jyotir Moy Chatterjee
Department of Computer Science Lord Buddha Education Foundation
and Engineering (Asia Pacific University of Innovation
Vardhaman College of Engineering & Technology)
(Autonomous) Kathmandu, Nepal
Hyderabad, India
Suneeta Satpathy
Faculty of Emerging Technologies
Sri Sri University
Cuttack, Odisha, India
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature
Switzerland AG 2022
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether
the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of
illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and
transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar
or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication
does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant
protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book
are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the
editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any
errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional
claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.
This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
Preface
Internet of Things (IoT) creates a new set of data sources. Industry can now better
observe individuals' choices and test the effectiveness of different types of mecha-
nisms to acquire and retain more customers. It may support policymakers to over-
come one of the most frequent problems of policy design: the lack of personalized
content. We argue that the IoT not only disrupts the way we track our actions and
monitor our goals or objective, but also allows the identification of effective meth-
ods to alter our behavior. This is optimized by the combination of IoT, data analyt-
ics, and behavioral science. Specifically, one of the main contributions of behavioral
science to the study of consumers is its empirical focus on observed behavior.
Hence, behavioral specialists in the areas of marketing, economics, and public pol-
icy should be aware of the possibilities that innovative technologies/methods create
for the analysis of consumer behavior.
Internet of Things – Behavioral Applications offers a holistic approach to the IoT
model. The IoT refers to uniquely identifiable objects and their virtual representa-
tions in an Internet-like structure. Recently, there has been a rapid growth in research
on IoT communications and networks, which confirms the scalability and broad
reach of the core concepts. With contributions from a panel of international experts,
the text offers insight into the ideas, technologies, and applications of this subject.
The book will discuss recent developments in the field and the most current and
emerging trends in IoT. In addition, the text is filled with examples of innovative
applications and real-world case studies. Internet of Things – Behavioral Applications
fills the need for an up-to-date volume on the topic. Some features of the book are
as follows:
• Covers in great detail the core concepts, enabling technologies, and implications
of the IoT
• Addresses the business, social, and legal aspects of the IoT
• Explores the critical topic of security and privacy challenges for both individuals
and organizations, the IoT, and Internet of Services
• Contains contributions from an international group of experts in academia,
industry, and research
v
vi Preface
The editors would like to acknowledge and congratulate all the people who extended
their assistance for this book. Our sincere thankfulness goes to each one of the chap-
ter authors for their contributions, without whose support this book would not have
become a reality. Our heartfelt gratefulness and acknowledgement also go to the
subject matter experts who could find their time to review the chapters and deliver
those in time to improve the quality, prominence, as well as uniform arrangement of
the chapters in the book. Finally, a ton of thanks to all the team members of Springer
Publication for their dedicated support and help in publishing this edited book.
ix
Contents
xi
xii Contents
Application of the Internet of Things (IoT) in Biomedical
Engineering: Present Scenario and Challenges�������������������������������������������� 151
Aradhana Behura and Sachi Nandan Mohanty
Risk Stratification for Subjects Suffering from Lung Carcinoma:
Healthcare 4.0 Approach with Medical Diagnosis Using
Computational Intelligence ���������������������������������������������������������������������������� 171
Rohit Rastogi, D. K. Chaturvedi, Sheelu Sagar, Neeti Tandon,
and Mukund Rastogi
The Fusion of IOT and Wireless Body Area Network���������������������������������� 195
Aradhana Behura, Manas Ranjan Kabat, and Sachi Nandan Mohanty
Index������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 555
About the Authors
xv
xvi About the Authors
Egypt (SRGE) for 2020–2021. He has been placed at the top 1% of reviewers in
computer science by Publons global reviewer database 2019 powered by Web of
Science Group. Jyotir Moy received his MTech in computer science and engineer-
ing from Kalinga Institute of Industrial Technology (KIIT), Bhubaneswar, Odisha,
in 2016, and BTech from Dr. MGR Educational & Research Institute, Maduravoyal,
Chennai, in 2013. His research interests include the Internet of Things, machine
learning, and blockchain technology. He is credited with 47 international journal
papers, 2 conference papers, 6 technical articles, 5 authored books, 9 edited books,
12 book chapters, and 1 patent. He is editor of the book series Cyber-Physical
Systems: The New Era of Computing (CRC Press Taylor & Francis Group),
Artificial Intelligence in Smart Healthcare Systems (CRC Press Taylor & Francis
Group), and Machine Learning in Biomedical Science & Healthcare Informatics
(Scrivener Publishing-Wiley). Jyotir Moy has also served as guest editor for Science
Journal of Circuits, Systems and Signal Processing for its special issue on signal
processing and intelligence.
The
Antiquarian Magazine
& Bibliographer.
Forecastings of Nostradamus.
By C. A. Ward.
PART IV.
(Continued from p. 60.)
N the preface, addressed to his son Cæsar, he shows
himself perfectly alive to the poor reception his book is
likely to meet with from many; he says: “Qu’elle fera
retirer le front en arrière à plus d’un qui la lira, sans y
rien comprendre.” He does not write for babes and the
illiterate, and has no sympathy with the words in Mark
x. 14: “Sinite parvulos venire ad me.” On the contrary,
he cites from Matthew vii. 6 with approval the
antithetical sentence uttered by the Saviour: “ ‘Nolite sanctum dare canibus,
ne conculcent pedibus et conversi disrumpant vos:’ which hath been the
cause that I have withdrawn my tongue from the vulgar, and my pen from
paper.”
“But,” he runs on, “afterwards I was writing for the common good, to
enlarge myself in dark and abstruse sentences, declaring the future events,
chiefly the most urgent, and those which I foresaw (whatever human
mutation happened) would not offend the hearers.”[52]
Here the words marked in italics give us the limitation he set to his own
office and position. His function is purely that of a seer; he foresees, and
sometimes for the “common good” he records his experiences,[53] but he
does not take upon himself the mission of the Baptist to “prepare a way” for
great events, nor like Jeremiah to raise a cry of national lamentation, nor
like Isaiah will he denounce evil nor evil-doers.
His idea of prophecy is nothing but the passivity of foresight. He says:—
“The prophets, by means only of the immortal God and good angels, have received the
spirit of vaticination, by which they foresee things and foretell future events; for nothing is
perfect without Him, whose power and goodness is so great to His creatures, that though
they are but men, nevertheless, by the likeness of our good genius to the angels,[54] this
heat and the prophetical power draws near us, as it happens by the beams of the sun, which
cast their influence both on elementary and not elementary bodies; as for us who are men,
we cannot attain anything by our natural knowledge of the secrets of God our Creator.
‘Quia non est nostrum nosse tempora nec momenta,’ &c. (Acts i. 7.)”
It should be noticed by every candid critic that there is strong internal
evidence in this passage of genuine truthfulness in the writer. First he
defines his own position to be merely that of a seer. He then gives his idea
of a prophet, and describes him as one who has received a spirit of
vaticination by foresight. He then says that this prophetical heat is
unattainable by any natural knowledge of man, but comes like that of the
sun, direct from the Giver of all good gifts to man. This is very much as
Samuel How, the inspired cobbler, Bunyan, or any old Puritan in the
seventeenth century would have described it: “The sufficiency of the
Spirit’s teaching without human learning.” But in addition to this perfect
simplicity of spirit, he ventures to quote the Saviour’s words: “It is not for
you to know the times or the seasons,” which, with Matthew xxiv. 36, is the
strongest passage in the New Testament against a gift of prophecy in man.
Would a man who had any doubt at all about his possession of the faculty of
prevision cite a passage which seemed to withhold the prophetic gift from
all mankind under the new covenant of the Christian dispensation?
Grotius and Heinsius show that these words χρόνους ἧ καιροὺς should
be understood of the time, times, and an half, of Daniel (xii. 7), when
Christ, of the stem of Jesse, should begin under Constantine to direct the
executive government of kings on earth as King of kings, which took place
300 years later. If this were to be hidden from Apostles, how should a
layman, and idiot (so to speak), look for inspiration? To me this
consideration entirely and finally disposes of any doubt as to imposition
intentional. Be Nostradamus prophet and seer, or not, it is next to
impossible for anyone of fair and impartial mind hereafter to hold that he
was an impostor. To suppose it even, is impossible to a rational judge, if we
grant that we are, in a degree ever so little, capable by nature of estimating
the motives of a fellow-creature.
In another part of the preface he says:—
“Not that I will attribute to myself the name of a prophet, but as a mortal man, being no
farther from heaven by my sense than I am from earth by my feet, possum errare, falli,
decipi, I am the greatest sinner of the world, subject to all humane afflictions, but being
surprised sometimes in the week by a prophetical humour, and by a long calculation,
pleasing myself in my study, I have made books of prophecies, &c.”
He speaks also of the mode of enlightenment, “by a long melancholy
inspiration revealed,” and says it takes “its original from above, and such
light and small flame is of all efficacy and sublimity, no less than the
natural light makes the philosophers so secure.” All this justifies fully the
distich, so far as motive goes:—
“With wand in hand placed amidst the branches, I wet with water the
limb and foot, and write in fear, trembling in my sleeves; “Splendour
divine! the Divinity sits at hand.’ ”
A tranquillised mind is requisite to prophecy. We find Elisha (2 Kings iii.
15) requiring a minstrel to play, that the hand of the Lord may come upon
him. External objects disturb the senses, so that night is best for
contemplation, as Malebranche is said to have shut himself up in a dark
room to study and think out his “Recherche de la Vérité.” Solitude is
essential to prophecy. A man cannot commune with heaven in the busy
haunts of men. Nature is the presence-chamber of the Deity. Every man of
sensibility knows this; and the prophet most of all men feels the pith and
central depth of Pope’s fine line, and that he must reach prophecy “Looking
through Nature up to Nature’s God.” Society demands that you sacrifice
your convictions constantly to good manners. Social convention
contaminates noble originality and high principle. Truth never dwells in the
court of kings, and the drawing-rooms of the well-to-do are no fitter for its
shrine, for the men and women there are royalties divested of respect and
state-trappings; they are over-pampered humanities for the most part: to be
much in their company you must compromise the divinest part of you—
your convictions—and it is by pursuing conviction that the soul flies
heavenward. One might write an essay on the Brazen Stool with its proverb
ex tripode loqui, but anyhow these opening verses convey to the mind with
wonderful brevity a vivid picture of a mediæval magician at his work.
Garencières allegorises here so widely as to show what havoc ingenuity
can play with analogy, which is a key to the occult things of the universe in
good hands—those of the prophet, poet, or genius of any sort. The rod, he
says, is the pen, placed in the middle of the branches means the fingers of
the hand, the water he dips it in is the ink he writes with, wetting limb and
foot is the paper covered from top to bottom. Was manuscript ever, since
the world began, more mystically shadowed forth?
The interest of English readers will perhaps be most readily drawn to
Nostradamus, by dealing first with some of the most remarkable prophecies
concerning England; and with the invaluable aid of M. Anatole le Pelletier’s
admirable work on Nostradamus, this can at any rate for a few of the
quatrains be most readily accomplished. He gives six examples from the
various “Centuries.” The first relates to the supremacy of England at sea:
“L’Angleterre le Panpotent des mers.” The word Panpotent is a barbarous
Græco-Latin word for πᾶν-potens, all-powerful. The periods M. le Pelletier
would assign to these changes or revolutions in England extend from 1501,
the birth of Lutheranism, to 1791, the commencement of the French
Revolution.
He selects Century iii., quatrain 57:—
“You shall see the British nation, inundated with blood, change seven times in 290
years. But France not so, thanks to the firmness of her Germanic kings. The sign of the
Ram shall no longer recognise the north of Europe (son pole Bastarnan) it will so have
changed.”[55]
Here we have to notice that 1501 plus 290 equals 1791, which may if
you like be taken as the date of the commencement of the French
Revolution, though commonly it is reckoned from 1789, the taking of the
Bastille. The Germanic kings are the descendants of Hugh Capet. Bastarnia
stands for Poland as its ancient name. The first dismemberment of Poland
took place in 1772. Then Russia grew into power, Peter ascended the throne
1682, and Lutheranism triumphed in Germany. Such changes might well
startle the Ram from all recognition of the northern world.
1501 is the date of the Renaissance, and from that to 1792 England is to
undergo seven revolutions.
1. In England Henry VIII. breaks free from Rome, and the Church of
England is set up in 1532.
2. 1553 Mary restores the Papal religion.
3. 1558 Elizabeth re-establishes Anglican independence.
4. In 1649 Charles I. is beheaded, and the Republic established under
Cromwell’s Protectorate.
5. In 1660 Charles II. is restored.
6. In 1689 James II. abdicating, is displaced by William III., his son-in-
law.
7. In 1714 George I., of the House of Hanover, is called to the throne.
The brevity with which all this is inferred is as remarkable as the curious
precision with which it was fulfilled.
The accession of James I. to the death of Charles I. (1603-1649) is set
forth in
“The young prince[59] of the kingdom of Britain (then first called Great Britain) is
born, whose father (Henry Darnley, assassinated by Bothwell) in dying commended him to
the protection of the principal Scottish nobility. When this prince (James I. of England, and
VI. of Scotland) is dead, Lonole by the employment of Puritanical eloquence (or canting
rhetoric) will despoil his son (Charles I.) of his kingdom.”
Le Pelletier thinks it is quite clear that Lonole Ολλὑων stands for
Cromwell, but a further coincidence arises, namely, that Lonole is an all but
correct anagram of Ole Nol or Old Noll, the Protector’s nickname.
Garencières prints Londre for Lonole, and so renders what at best is obscure
entirely unintelligible, and fancies that he clearly discerns it to be a
prophecy concerning Charles II., because he was commended to the care of
his subjects by Charles I. on the scaffold.
“He who had a right to the kingdom of England is displaced, is mis à feu, sacrificed to
the heat of popular fury. His adherents descend to such a depth of baseness that the bastard
(or usurper) will be half received by the kingdom.”
That is to say, Charles I. will be deprived of power after having yielded
up Strafford to the popular fury, in the hope of escaping himself. The Scotch
(old adherents) will be so base as to sell him for two millions to the
Cromwellites, who put him to death, and Cromwell becoming Protector,
and not quite king, therefore will obtain an almost royal bastard, i.e., a half
reception (à demy receu).
“When Ghent and Brussels march over against Antwerp,[64] the Senate of London, or
the Long Parliament, will put their king to death. Force and wisdom (vin et sel[65]) will be
wanting to Charles’s councils (lui seront à l’envers), and they (the Independents) will in the
general disorder become masters of the kingdom.”
Century VIII. Quatrain 76.
“More butcher than king in England, a man of obscure birth [né en lieu obscur] by
force shall obtain the Empire. Unprincipled, restrained by neither faith nor law, he will
drench the earth with blood. His time approaches so near as to make me heave a sigh.”
This is an announcement of such unparalleled and terrific import that
Nostradamus exhibits more feeling over it than he does usually over his
prognostications. The butcher-like face of Cromwell, with its fleshy conch
and hideous warts, seems to have been visually present to him, and to have
struck him with such a sense of terror and vividness that he imagines the
time must be very near at hand. Though a full century had to elapse, he
sighs with a present shudder, and the blood creeps. One of the remarkable
features throughout the work of Nostradamus is the general absence of any
sense of time apart from the mere enumeration of years as an algebraic or
arithmetical sign; on this momentous occasion he departs from his usual
practice, and stands horror-stricken as in a fearful vision.
“The great empire of England shall be all-powerful ( πᾶν-potens) for more than 300
years.[67] Then great armies shall come by sea and land, and the Portuguese shall not be
satisfied therewith.”
This seems to foreshadow that the naval power of England will be
suppressed by sea-borne armies overwhelming her on her own shores, and
the Lusitanians, or Portuguese, the oldest allies of England, will not be
content, because, probably, Portugal at the same instant will be
overwhelmed by Spain simultaneously.
This is as far as we can go in English history under the guidance of Le
Pelletier. But, nevertheless, I shall adduce several more quatrains, bringing
the sequence down at least to the establishment of the House of Hanover on
the English throne in the person of George I.
(To be continued.)
Down a Yorkshire River.
PART I.
H AD any one been able to sail down the River Calder, say a hundred years
ago, long before the present little manufacturing towns had arisen on its
banks, he would have passed through some of the most lovely scenery and
through one of the loveliest mountain valleys in the county of York. Even
to-day, when ugly mills and numberless prosaic tenements of trade
disfigure, from an artistic point of view, the once grassy glades and the once
gloriously wooded slopes, the prospect in many spots retains much of its
virginal sweetness and romantic beauty. There are yet long tracts which
commerce has not irremediably mutilated—pleasant meadowlands as fair
with wilding flowers as of old; sylvan haunts of birch and elm whose dusky
quietude is well-nigh as unbroken and solemn as of yore; bonnie tributary
brooklets flashing and hurrying, like silver-footed naiads, through clough
and dell and dene. As the eye takes a loftier and farther sweep the rugged
contour and massive forms of forest-clad and moorland-capped mountains
may be seen to wear much the same aspect they wore in the primal historic
days of Roman and Celt. The conquests of commerce over both material
and mental difficulties are apparent almost everywhere on the lowlands, for
which all sensible and right-thinking minds are grateful, plain and anti-
poetical as the outward signs may be in the jumble of viaduct and railway
station, of factory and shop. But the old world of chivalry and romance is
not altogether pushed aside: there are the ruins of stately and curiously
carved gateways whence issued squire and yeoman to join the Pilgrimage of
Grace, or later, gallant cavaliers, eager to mingle in the fray on the far-away
field of Marston Moor; there are a few old Elizabethan halls with mullioned
window and grey stone porch, in whose cool recesses the inmates waited
anxiously and breathlessly for tidings about the great Armada; and here and
there, built by pious hands that have been still for centuries, there are relics
of quiet, quaint chapelle, where repose the ashes of Crusader knight, and of
knights who fought so fiercely in the bloody wars of the Red and White
Rose; and now and then we come across a grand antique church, crowded
by worshippers where the ritual and the language of the worship have
undergone many changes, and around whose hallowed precincts have
gathered historic traditions and saintly legends, hoarier and older than the
lichens that crust the mouldering towers. The tall chimneys are rising in the
busy centres of trade, but occasionally we shelter under an oak or a yew-
tree whose youth was fanned by less smutty winds; railway whistles have
scared the nightingale, but the lark still carols anear human dwellings;
graylings no longer leap the river-weir, but the waters sing and gleam as
they glide seaward down the hushed moonlit glens.
The Calder, one of the most picturesque of northern rivers, rises near
Cliviger Dene, in Lancashire, and enters the county of York through a wild
gorge at Todmorden. As to the origin of the word there have been many
conjectures, some plausible, but none to my mind satisfactory. An able
writer in a provincial publication gives the derivation from two Celtic
words, coll, the hazel-tree, and dur, water. The fatal objection to this is that
hazel-trees never grew in such abundance in this valley as to be a
distinguishing feature. Place-names with the Celtic coll and the Saxon
hæsel are very rarely found. Had copses or shaws of the hazel flourished to
such an extent as to give a name to the river, their former existence would
still be traceable in the abiding nomenclature of the country through which
the Calder runs its course. The Rev. Thomas Wright, who published a work
on the antiquities of the parish of Halifax, where he was curate for more
than seventeen years, noticing the Calder states that the spring is called Cal
or Col, and is joined by the River Dar. This is a purely fanciful supposition,
and, I believe, not borne out by facts. Dr. Whitaker urges a Danish
derivation. The Danes unquestionably won and maintained a lasting hold on
the hills overlooking the Calder. As soon as this mountain-born stream
assumes the dignity and proportions of a river at Todmorden, it washes on
the one hand Langfield, the Long Range of hills, and on the other
Stansfield, the Stony Range, whilst a few miles lower down it flows at the
foot of Norland, the North-land—all Danish, or more correctly
Scandinavian, terms. Then, on the slopes rising from the south banks, we
have Sowerby and Fixby, two ancient “by’s,” where families of predatory
Danes took up their abode. Other nomenclature traces of the same nation, of
the great Canute himself possibly, might be mentioned in favour of the
argument on this side of the question; though (I write from memory) I
believe Dr. Whitaker does not point out the surrounding Danish indications
I have here advanced. Another historian surmised that the original Celtic
name was Dur, and that the Saxons on settling in this neighbourhood added
the adjective ceald or cold. But this is very improbable, the river in question
being no cooler than any other.
I venture to urge a derivation different from any of the above, viz., from
the Celtic caoill (wood) and dur (water). That Celts, the Brigantian clan,
lived in this locality is an historic fact, the proofs of which need not be here
adduced. The Calder beck as soon as it issues from the spring in Cliviger
Dene flows by a long stretching sweep of woodland, and farther on among
the hills of Yorkshire, a broader and a nobler stream, pursues its course for
miles through dense primeval forests, among which may be mentioned the
once famous forest of Hardwick. Its precipitous banks were clothed with no
mere hazel coppice, but with vast masses of the more majestic oak and ash
and birch, woodland in its wilder and more imposing form. Even to-day,
though most of the primeval forest has been cut down, and manufacturing
villages have sprung up on the ancient sylvan sites, the tourist starting
above Todmorden would not, in a walk of thirty miles by the river side, be
able to lose sight of the picturesque and far-stretching belts of woodland
scenery. It is yet emphatically the Caoill-dur, the water winding through the
woods. Of course, in this case the Saxons took up the word as they found it
in use among the conquered Celts. Then, to strengthen this conjecture, the
very first tributary brook on the north—of size and importance, at least, to
give a name to the valley—joining the parent stream is the Colden or
Caldene, which probably is the Caoill-dene, the woodland valley. The
reader will judge how accurately the word describes this lonely mountain
glen when he is told that at a distance the eye can scarcely catch a flash of
the waters of this stream as they hurry down this wild sylvan region, so
thickly is it overshadowed by a forest of ash and birch. A topographical
word derived from two languages is rare in this part, and when we come
across one it is generally a Saxon grafted on the more primitive Celtic name
of mountain or river. Colden or Caldene is probably an instance to the point.
That caoill was contracted to, or commonly pronounced, cal may be
pretty safely supposed, when we know that in the Latinised form or
transformation it became cal, as in Caledonii, that is, Caoill-daoin, the
people inhabiting the woods. The reader will perceive that caoill is closely
akin to the Greek κᾶλον, also signifying a wood.
The Calder, which is a very sinuous stream, runs a most irregular but
charmingly diversified course as it winds under scout and scar, now gliding
smoothly past belts of woodland or by long stretches of fair pastoral field,
or again in narrower channel foaming more rapidly through wild ravine or
over rocky weir, only again to slip into more tranquil waters, pleasantly
gladdening as with quiet familiarity village and thorpe. Leaving Todmorden
the tourist passes on the right the precipitous woods of Erringden, the dene
or valley of the Irringas, where of yore probably dwelt a branch of the
family of the Aruns; and on the other hand, towering far away on the
heights to the north may be seen the bleak, solitary, altar-like mass of rock
known as Llads-Law, conjectured by some to be a Druidical ruin. The Celt
lived here beyond all doubt, though but few are the traces he has left behind
in cromlech or cairn, in speech or blood. The Roman, we know, cut his way
through the primeval forests, and on these very mountains laid down his
military roads, the long lines of which we can map out, and oft-times does
the plough turn up fragments of rusted sword and broken spear which tell
how the pierced hand had to drop them for ever. On and near these roads,
after the iron legions had ceased to tramp them, sprung up many a Saxon
“ton” or town and Danish “by.” There, on the one hand, upon the heights
still difficult to scale except to born mountaineers, is perched Saxon
Heptonstall, with its grand old tower of Saint Thomas à Becket and antique
homesteads clustering around; and yonder, on the far opposite slope to the
south-east, is Danish Sowerby, taking us back in thought to the times when
the Vikings settled down and fortified their “by” in the forest fastnesses of
the hill. Here, too, to this Sowerby came later the Earl of Warren and built
himself a castle, and took to his own possession vast tracts of mountain
slope and wooded glen, which long retained the name of the Forest of
Hardwick, and therein he hunted in right baronial style the boar and the
wild deer. Sowerby with its Danish and Norman memories has a not
uninteresting story in later ages, and is not a little proud in having given
birth to John Tillotson, one of England’s most illustrious primates. Haugh-
End, the quaint old house where he was born, is on the southern slope of the
hill, and many the pilgrims who turn aside to have a look at the grey old
roof sheltered behind the trees and the ivied high wall. Not a bow-shot from
the riverside, and nearly opposite Sowerby, is Eawood Hall, the birthplace
of Bishop Ferrar, the martyr. Eawood, snugly and picturesquely nestled
under the greenwood scars of Midgley, has a conspicuous place in the
ecclesiastical history of the county. Here John Wesley preached on several
occasions, on one of which he remarked, “I preached to near an hour after
sunset. The calmness of the evening agreed well with the seriousness of the
people; every one of whom seemed to drink in the Word of God as a thirsty
land the refreshing showers.” William Grimshaw, curate of Todmorden and
afterwards incumbent of Haworth, a not unworthy coadjutor of Whitefield
and the Wesleys, married his first wife from this place, and often preached
and stayed here on his home-missionary tours. Not more than a couple of
miles away is the birthplace of John Foster, whose Essays at one time had a
considerable reputation. Close to Eawood there is many a neighbouring hall
of more than local interest, one especially, Brearley Hall, beautifully
embosomed in the trees on a gentle eminence on the north side of the river,
and formerly the seat of a younger branch of the Lacy family. About half an
hour’s walk down the valley brings the pedestrian to Daisy Bank Wood, and
Chaucer’s favourite flower still grows on the daisied bank, and there stands
yet the old-fashioned house below the wood where was born, in the reign of
Elizabeth, Henry Briggs, of logarithm renown, and the first Savilian
professor of geometry at the University of Oxford.
(To be continued.)
Archaeology a Confirmation of Historic and Religious
Truth.[68]
By the Rev. George Huntington, M.A., Rector of Tenby.
J EREMIAH’S lot was cast in the darkest period of his country’s history. He
was called on to declare the Divine will to the exiles in Babylon and the
remnant in Palestine. In the context he is warning his countrymen against
false prophets and false priests who were deceiving the people by
proclaiming peace when there was no peace. He urges them to inquire after
the ancient faith revealed to the patriarchs and prophets of old. Thus, and
thus only, would they find “rest for their souls.”
The metaphor is a striking one; it is that of a traveller who comes to a
place where several roads meet. He hesitates till he discerns the most beaten
track, or till he hails another traveller from whom he can ask his way. Those
were days of doubt and difficulty, when the royal counsellors were urging
conformity to the idolatrous rites of the powerful nations around them as a
policy of wisdom and conciliation. But Jeremiah regarded it as nothing less
than apostasy. Those idolatries were abomination in the sight of Jehovah.
Hence the people must return to the worship of the one true God—the God
“who made heaven and earth,” to be true to the covenant which “He made
with Abraham, the oath which He swore unto Isaac, and confirmed the
same to Jacob for a law, and to Israel for an everlasting covenant.”
But the text applies to ourselves. The days in which our lot is cast are
days of doubt and difficulty—days when ancient landmarks are being
removed, and the beaten tracks so effaced as almost to be indiscernible. So
that we may well stand, like the traveller in the metaphor, to see and ask for
the old paths, for the good way, amid the clouds of scepticism and unbelief
which gather athwart our pathways; amid the Babel of voices saying “Who
will show us the good?” we may say, with the Psalmist, “Lord, lift Thou up
the light of Thy countenance upon us.”
For what are those ways, those old paths, that good way, but the original
revelation of God as our Father in heaven—subsequently manifested in the
Person of His Incarnate Son as the Revealer of the Divine will, in the
dispensation of the Holy Spirit, acting through the Church as His agent for
making His “ways known to the sons of men.”
“The history of the race of Adam before the Advent,” says a great
statesman,[69] “is the history of a long and varied, but incessant preparation
for the Advent;” and the history of the human race since the Advent, it may
be added, is but a record of the gradual but sure progress of that kingdom
which Christ came to establish upon earth, an earnest of the time when the
kingdoms of this world shall have become the kingdoms of God and of His
Christ, and He shall reign for ever and ever as King of kings and Lord of
lords.
And to this, as it seems to me, all historical research as well as scientific
discovery points. There are those who to exalt Christianity would represent
the world as in total darkness before the Advent. The truer estimate of the
Gospels shows us that Christ was in fact the “true Light that lighteth every
man that cometh into the world.” The investigation of the records of the
past assures us of this fact, confirms us in this belief, proves to us that God
never “left Himself without witness,” teaches us that Christ drew as it were
into a focus all the truths that men had previously held, only freeing them
from error and bringing them into clearer light. “The words,” says a great
scholar,[70] “by which God was known in the far-off ages are but mere
words; but they bring before us with all the vividness of an event which we
witnessed ourselves but yesterday, the ancestors of the whole Aryan race,
thousands of years, it may be, before Homer and the Vedas, worshipping an
unseen Being under the self-same name, the best, the most exalted name
they could find in their vocabulary.” Plutarch wrote ages ago: “If you travel
through the whole world, well, you may find cities without walls, without
literature, without kings, moneyless, and such as desire no coin; which
know not what theatres or public halls or bodily exercise mean; but never
was there, nor ever shall be, any one city seen without temple, church, or
chapel, without some God or other, which useth no prayers, nor oaths, no
prophecies and divinations, no sacrifices either to obtain good blessings, or
to avert heavy curses and calamities. Nay, methinks a man should sooner
find a city built in the air without any plot of ground whereon it is seated
than any commonwealth altogether void of religion.... This is that
containeth and holdeth together all human society, this is the foundation
prop and stay of all.”[71]
Brethren of the Archæological Association, I venture to think that you
will not fail to see the application of these remarks to your own researches,
and to the consequences which are happily arising from these researches.
Of course I speak of archæology in its widest sense. Your investigations of
the records of antiquity, your examination of ancient remains, your
discovery of the sites and foundations of temples, tombs, altars, and
cromlechs, confirm the testimony of philologists, historians, and
philosophers, nay the witness of the human heart; they all speak with more
or less clearness of a belief in the Supreme Being, of a longing for a clearer
revelation of His will, of a hope of immortality, of a sense of sin and desire
for reconciliation with Him, obscured it may be, often perverted, debased
by superstitious, cruel, and unholy rites, sometimes feebly held, but never
totally lost.
And the same observations apply to the attestation by archæology to the
scriptural records. Nothing is more remarkable than the recovery of ancient
monuments, unless it be the deductions of science which are marking the
intellectual activity of the age. What a revelation was that finding of the
famous Rosetta stone[72] which by its triple inscription in the Sacred, the
popular Egyptian, and the Greek languages, gave the key to unlock the
mysteries of figure writing, so that thanks to Egyptologists, who are but
archæologists under a local name, we may picture to ourselves the Egypt of
the Pyramids, of Abraham, of Joseph, and the Exodus, and see the Pharaohs
in their colossal palaces, and learn something of that wisdom of the
Egyptians in which we are told “Moses was learned.” Think, too, how the
unshapely mounds on the banks of the Euphrates have given up their
treasures, so that we may now know the history of those mighty empires
which each in its day exercised its influence on the chosen people, and
through that chosen people on the destinies of the Church. Think of the
excavations of a Layard, the researches of a Rawlinson in Babylon and
Assyria, and of the Palestine explorers, which bring before us not only the
land of the Judges and the Kings, but the scenes of the earthly ministry of
the Son of God Himself.
And what is it but archæology that led to the exhuming of those long-lost
cities of Herculaneum and Pompeii which have thrown such a lurid glare on
the morals of the Græco-Roman world, confirming as it does the keen
satires not only of a Juvenal or a Persius, but the mournful testimony of a
Paul, showing as nothing else could show the world’s need of a divine
Saviour, and a newer and fuller revelation of the Divine will.
Or think of the identification of the sites of classic Troy and Mycenæ by
Dr. Schliemann, and of the discoveries of Mr. Wood at Ephesus, and of Mr.
Ramsay in Phrygia. These investigations might seem to have only an
indirect reference to Christianity, but they may help to attest the accuracy of
the Scripture record and of the history of the isapostolic Church. Asia
Minor, be it remembered, was, next to Palestine, the theatre of the earliest
apostolic labours; Ephesus was the city wherein St. Paul encountered the
worshippers of the Temple of the world-renowned Artemis. To the
Ephesians he addressed one of his most remarkable epistles, to Ephesus he
sent his son in the faith, Timothy; over the Ephesian Church St. John
presided as the survivor of the Twelve; in Ephesus was held the third of the
Œcumenical Councils. Who knows, then, what the archæology of the future
may not discover in these interesting regions? What treasures may not yet
be buried under those shapeless masses, the accumulations of ages of
neglect? Who knows what light they may not shed on the annals of a hoary
antiquity in which we of this busy nineteenth century may be vitally
interested?—interested as we “ask for the old paths.”
The same may be said of the Catacombs of Rome, with their simple and
unstudied testimony to the faith of the early Christian martyrs, so strangely
contrasting with the sad records of the pagan world, so that, as has well
been said, “if you cross the Appian Way, from the Columbaria to the
Catacombs, and place side by side the heathen and the Christian epitaphs,
you may read, in those authentic registers, how, without Christ, death meant
despair; with Christ, peace.”
Think again of the recovery of MSS. I need name but one, the Codex
Sinaiticus, found seemingly by a lucky accident, but one which has enabled
New Testament scholars to establish the truest readings of the Gospels and
the Epistles. Nor is the discovery of an authentic copy of that ancient
treatise which goes by the name of the “Teaching of the Twelve Apostles”
without its influence on Christian archæology. It confirms what the
examination of the ancient liturgies of ancient altars and altar vessels—a
distinct branch of your science—teaches us, the testimony of a Pliny and a
Justin as to what primitive Christian worship really was; it assures the
Churchman of the nineteenth century that in all essentials of faith and
worship he is one with the Church of the first century, the Church of the
Apostles, the Church of Pentecost, the Church of Christ from the beginning.
But you are British archæologists; if it pleases you to visit my native
county of York, you will doubtless direct your steps to Goodmanham, or
Godmundenham, as its ancient name betokened—the Protection of the
Gods. There in that little East Riding village archæology verified the
identity of the font in which Paulinus baptized the heathen priest Coifi, with
a trough out of which for years farmers had fed their swine. What a
commentary on the spread of Christianity, and the need of Christianity, so
early as the seventh century in the northern parts of our island is the
beautiful story told by the Venerable Bede.[73] “The present life of man,”
said the aged counsellor Coifi to his sovereign, “O king, seems to me in
comparison of that time which is unknown to us, like the swift flight of the
sparrow through the room wherein you sit at supper in winter with your
commanders and ministers, and a good fire in the midst, whilst the storms
of rain and snow prevail abroad; the sparrow, I say, flying in at one door
and immediately out at another, whilst he is within is safe from the wintry
storm, but after a short space of fair weather he immediately vanishes out of
your sight into the dark winter from which he had emerged. So this life of
man appears for a short space, but of what went before or what is to follow
we are utterly ignorant. If, therefore, the new doctrine contains something
more certain, it seems justly to deserve to be followed.” In contempt of his
former superstition, the king and his counsellors assenting, we are told, the
arch-priest mounted the royal war-horse, armed himself with a spear, things
otherwise unlawful, and profaned the temple by casting at the idol his spear;
and then both king and counsellor were baptized and professed the faith of
Christ.[74]
Authorities have been divided as to the diffusion of Christianity in
Britain, and as to the independence of the ancient British Church.
Archæology, on the other hand, by its identification of sacred sites by the
nomenclature of native saints, by the designation of parishes and churches,
has done much to settle these questions. The science of archæology has
discovered Christian symbols, traced British bishops to far-distant Councils;
[75] as at Carleon, and Bangor, and elsewhere, it has unfolded the records of
a community acting under its own prelates and arch-prelates, enjoying its
own native customs, adhering to its own independent rites.
Archæology is, in its widest sense, no mere question of curious
antiquities, it is a confirmation of historic and religious truth. It aids the
devout in the inquiry after the old ways in which the saints of God have
trod. It is a teaching and a walking in that good way in which patriarchs and
prophets, apostles and martyrs, found rest to their souls. To the Jews of
Jeremiah’s days God promised rest from their enemies in their own land of
promise, rest in the assured favour of Jehovah. To us Christ promises rest,
rest from disquieting doubts and fears, rest in the sense of sins forgiven, rest
in communion and union with God and Christ, in the mystical fellowship of
His Body, the Church, rest hereafter in our heavenly home.
Brethren, the appeal of Christ is to the individual heart, the witness to the
Saviour is in the testimony of conscience, the heart and life, the presence of
His Spirit within the soul. May I beg you, then, to ask for the old paths of
repentance and faith, for the good way that leadeth to life, to walk therein;
to consecrate your researches to the highest and noblest of purposes, the
furtherance of truth and the glory of God; and so, to use again the words of
the prophet in the text, “ye shall find rest for your souls.”
Johnson and Garrick.
A JEU D’ESPRIT[76] BY SIR JOSHUA REYNOLDS.
PART II.
(Continued from p. 175.)
C ONTINUING the dialogue between Dr. Johnson and Mr. Gibbon from
the point where we broke off in our last, the jeu d’esprit proceeds:—
Gibbon.—Garrick had some flippancy of parts, to be sure, and was brisk
and lively in company, and by the help of mimickry and story-telling made
himself a pleasant companion; but here, the whole world gave the
superiority to Foote, and Garrick himself appears to have felt as if his
genius was rebuked by the superior powers of Foote. It has been often
observed, that Garrick never dared to enter into competition with him, but
was content to act an under part to bring Foote out.
Johnson.—That this conduct of Garrick’s might be interpreted by the
gross minds of Foote and his friends as if he was afraid to encounter him, I
can easily imagine. Of the natural superiority of Garrick over Foote, this
conduct is an instance; he disdained entering into competition with such a
fellow, and made him the buffoon of the company, or, as you may say,
brought him out, and what was at last brought out but coarse jests and
vulgar merriment, indecency, and impiety, a relation of events which, upon
the face of them, could never have happened, characters grossly conceived
and as coarsely represented. Foote was even no mimick; he went out of
himself, it is true, but without going into another man; he was excelled by
Garrick even in this, which is considered as Foote’s greatest excellence.
Garrick, besides his exact imitation of the voice and gestures of his original,
to a degree of refinement of which Foote had no conception, exhibited the
mind and mode of thinking of the person imitated. Besides, Garrick
confined his powers within the limits of decency: he had a character to
preserve, Foote had none. By Foote’s buffoonery and broadfaced
merriment, private friendship, public decency, and everything estimable
amongst men, were trod under foot. We all know the difference of their
reception in the world. No man, however high in rank or literature, but was
proud to know Garrick, and was glad to have him at his table; no man ever
considered or treated Garrick as a player; he may be said to have stepped
out of his own rank into an higher, and by raising himself he raised the rank
of his profession. At a convivial table his exhilarating powers were
unrivalled; he was lively, entertaining, quick in discerning the ridicule of
life, and as ready in representing it, and on graver subjects there were few
topics on which he could not bear a part. It is injurious to the character of
Garrick to be named in the same breath with Foote. That Foote was
admitted sometimes into good company (to do the man what credit I can) I
will allow, but then it was merely to play tricks; Foote’s merriment was that
of a buffoon, and Garrick’s that of a gentleman.
G.—I have been told, on the contrary, that Garrick in company had not
the easy manners of a gentleman.
J.—Sir, I do not know what you may have been told, or what your ideas
may be of the manners of gentlemen. Garrick had no vulgarity in his
manners; it is true, he had not the airiness of a fop, nor did he assume an
affected indifference to what was passing; he did not lounge from the table
to the window, and from thence to the fire, or whilst you were addressing
your discourse to him, turn from you, and talk to his next neighbour, or give
any indication that he was tired of your company. If such manners form
your ideas of a fine gentleman, Garrick certainly had them not.
G.—I mean that Garrick was more overawed by the presence of the
great, and more obsequious to rank than Foote, who considered himself as
their equal, and treated them with the same familiarity as they treated each
other.
J.—He did so, and what did the fellow get by it? The grossness of his
mind prevented him from seeing that this familiarity was merely suffered as
they would play with a dog. He got no ground by affecting to call peers by
their surnames. The foolish fellow fancied, that lowering them was raising
himself to their level. This affectation of familiarity with the great, this
childish ambition of momentary exaltation, obtained by the neglect of those
ceremonies which custom has established as the barriers between one order
of society and another, only showed his folly and meanness; he did not see
that by encroaching on others’ dignity, he puts himself in their power, either
to be repelled with helpless indignity, or endured by clemency and
condescension. Garrick by paying due regard to rank respected himself;
what he gave was returned, and what was returned he kept for ever. His
advancement was on firm ground; he was recognised in public as well as
respected in private, and as no man was ever more courted or better
received by the public, so no man was ever less spoiled by its flattery.
Garrick continued advancing to the last, till he had acquired every
advantage that high birth could bestow, except the precedence of going into
the room, but when he was there he was treated with as much attention as
the first man at the table. It is to the credit of Garrick that he never laid any
claim to this distinction; it was as voluntarily allowed as if it had been his
birthright. In this, I confess, I looked on David with some degree of envy,
not so much for the respect he received as for the manner of its being
acquired: what fell into his lap unsought, I have been forced to claim. I
began the world by fighting my way. There was something about me that
invited insult, or at least a disposition to neglect, and I was equally disposed
to repel insult, and to claim attention, and, I fear, continue too much in this
disposition now it is no longer necessary; I receive at present as much
favour as I have a right to expect. I am not one of the complainers of the
neglect of merit.
G.—Your pretensions, Dr. Johnson, nobody will dispute; I cannot place
Garrick on the same footing: your reputation will continue increasing after
your death. When Garrick will be totally forgot, you will be for ever
considered as a classic.
J.—Enough, sir, enough; the company will be better pleased to see us
quarrel than bandying compliments.
G.—But you must allow, Dr. Johnson, that Garrick was too much a slave
to fame, or rather to the mean ambition of living with the great, terribly
afraid of making himself cheap with them; by which he debarred himself
from much pleasant society. Employing so much attention and so much
management upon such little things, implies, I think, a little mind. It was
observed by his friend Coleman that he never went into company but with a
plot how to get out of it; he was every minute called out, and went off or
returned as there was, or was not, a probability of his shining.
J.—In regard to his mean ambition, as you call it, of living with the
great, what was the boast of Pope, and is every man’s wish, can be no
reproach to Garrick; he who says he despises it, knows he lies. That Garrick
husbanded his fame, the fame which he had justly acquired, both at the
theatre and at the table, is not denied; but where is the blame either in the
one or the other of leaving as little as possible to chance? Besides, sir,
consider what you have said; you first deny Garrick’s pretensions to fame,
and then accuse him of too great an attention to preserve what he never
possessed.
G.—I don’t understand.
J.—I can’t help that, sir.
G.—Well but, Dr. Johnson, you will not vindicate him in his over and
above attention to his fame, his inordinate desire to exhibit himself to new
men, like a coquet ever seeking after new conquests, to the total neglect of
old friends and admirers:
which implies at least that he possessed a power over other men’s minds
approaching to fascination. But consider, sir, what is to be done. Here is a
man, whom every other man desired to know. Garrick could not receive and
cultivate all, according to each man’s conception of his own value: we are
all apt enough to consider ourselves as possessing a right to be exempted
from the common crowd. Besides, sir, I do not see why that should be
imputed to him as a crime which we all so irresistibly feel and practise; we
all make a greater exertion in the presence of new men than old
acquaintance; it is undoubtedly true that Garrick divided his attention
among so many, that but little remained to the share of an individual: like
the extension and dissipation of water into dew, there was not quantity
united sufficiently to quench any man’s thirst; but this is the inevitable state
of things; Garrick no more than any other man could unite what was in their
nature incompatible.
G.—But Garrick was by this means not only excluded from real
friendship, but also accused of treating those whom he called friends with
insincerity and double dealings.