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www.ebook3000.com
CHAPTER 5 CONFIGURING AND MANAGING THE NETWORK
INFRASTRUCTURE 188
Chapter Outline 189
Objectives 189
Key Terms 189
Introduction 190
5-1 DOMAIN NAME AND IP ASSIGNMENT 190
5-2 IP MANAGEMENT WITH DHCP 195
DHCP Data Packets 197
DHCP Deployment 201
5-3 SCALING THE NETWORK WITH NAT AND PAT 204
Configuring NAT 205
5-4 DOMAIN NAME SERVICE (DNS) 209
DNS Tree Hierarchy 210
DNS Resource Records 214
Summary 220
Questions and Problems 220

CHAPTER 6 Analyzing Network Data Traffic 226

Chapter Outline 227
Objectives 227
Key Terms 227
INTRODUCTION 228
6-1 PROTOCOL ANALYSIS/FORENSICS 228
Basic TCP/UDP Forensics 234
ARP and ICMP 236
6-2 WIRESHARK PROTOCOL ANALYZER 239
Using Wireshark to Capture Packets 243
6-3 ANALYZING NETWORK DATA TRAFFIC 244
Configuring SNMP 244
NetFlow 250
6-4 FILTERING 251
FTP Filtering 256
Right-Click Filtering Logic Rules 258
Filtering DHCP 260
Summary 262
Questions and Problems 262

CONTENTS vii
CHAPTER 7 Network Security 266
Chapter Outline 267
Objectives 267
Key Terms 267
INTRODUCTION 268
7-1 DENIAL OF SERVICE 268
Distributed Denial of Service Attacks (DDoS) 270
7-2 FIREWALLS AND ACCESS LISTS 270
Network Attack Prevention 272
Access Lists 272
7-3 Router Security 279
Router Access 280
Router Services 282
Router Logging and Access-List 283
7-4 Switch Security 285
Switch Port Security 286
Switch Special Features 288
7-5 Wireless Security 289
7-6 VPN Security 292
VPN Tunneling Protocols 293
Configuring a VPN Virtual Interface (Router to Router) 294
Troubleshooting the VPN Tunnel Link 299
Summary 302
Questions and Problems 302

CHAPTER 8 IPv6 306

Chapter Outline 307
Objectives 307
Key Terms 307
Introduction 308
8-1 Comparison of IPv6 and IPv4 308
8-2 IPV6 ADDRESSING 311
8-3 IPv6 Network Settings 315
8-4 Configuring a Router for IPv6 320
8-5 IPv6 Routing 324
IPv6: Static 324
IPv6: RIP 324
IPv6: OSPF 325

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 IPv6: EIGRP 325
IPv6: IS-IS 326
8-6 Troubleshooting IPv6 Connection 327
Summary 329
Questions and Problems 329

CHAPTER 9 Linux Networking 336

Chapter Outline 337
Objectives 337
Key Terms 337
INTRODUCTION 338
9-1 LOGGING ON TO LINUX 339
Adding a User Account 340
9-2 LINUX FILE STRUCTURE AND FILE COMMANDS 344
Listing Files 344
Displaying File Contents 346
Directory Operations 348
File Operations 351
Permissions and Ownership 353
9-3 LINUX ADMINISTRATION COMMANDS 357
The man (manual) Command 358
The ps (processes) Command 359
The su (substitute user) Command 362
The mount Command 362
The shutdown Command 364
Linux Tips 364
9-4 ADDING APPLICATIONS TO LINUX 365
9-5 LINUX NETWORKING 371
Installing SSH 375
The FTP Client 376
DNS Service on Linux 376
Changing the Hostname 377
9-6 TROUBLESHOOTING SYSTEM AND NETWORK PROBLEMS WITH LINUX 378
Troubleshooting Boot Processes 378
Listing Users on the System 380
Network Security 382
Enabling and Disabling Boot Services 382

CONTENTS ix
 9-7 MANAGING THE LINUX SYSTEM 385
Summary 390
Questions and Problems 391

CHAPTER 10 Internet Routing 396

Chapter Outline 397
Objectives 397
Key Terms 397
INTRODUCTION 398
10-1 INTERNET ROUTING—BGP 398
Configuring a WAN Connection 398
Configuring an Internet Connection 400
10-2 CONFIGURING BGP 401
Configuring BGP 401
Networking Challenge: BGP 409
10-3 BGP BEST PATH SELECTION 410
10-4 IPv6 OVER THE INTERNET 412
10-5 CONFIGURE BGP ON JUNIPER ROUTERS 415
Summary 421
Questions and Problems 421

CHAPTER 11 Voice over IP 428

Chapter Outline 429
Objectives 429
Key Terms 429
INTRODUCTION 430
11-1 THE BASICS OF VOICE OVER IP 430
11-2 VOICE OVER IP NETWORKS 433
Replacing an Existing PBX Tie Line 433
Upgrading Existing PBXs to Support IP Telephony 435
Switching to a Complete IP Telephony Solution 436
11-3 QUALITY OF SERVICE 438
Jitter 438
Network Latency 439
Queuing 439
QOS Configuration Example 440

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11-4 ANALYZING VoIP DATA PACKETS 442
Analyzing VoIP Telephone Call Data Packets 446
11-5 VoIP SECURITY 449
Summary 452
Questions and Problems 452

Key Terms Glossary 456

Index 472

CONTENTS xi
ABOUT THE AUTHORS
Jeffrey S. Beasley is with the Department of Engineering Technology and Surveying Engineering at New
Mexico State University. He has been teaching with the department since 1988 and is the co-author of Modern
Electronic Communication and Electronic Devices and Circuits, and the author of Networking.
Piyasat Nilkaew is a network engineer with 15 years of experience in network management and consulting,
and has extensive expertise in deploying and integrating multiprotocol and multivendor data, voice, and video
network solutions on limited budgets.

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DEDICATIONS
This book is dedicated to my family, Kim, Damon, and Dana. —Jeff Beasley

This book is dedicated to Jeff Harris and Norma Grijalva. Not only have you given me my networking career, but
you are also my mentors. You inspire me to think outside the box and motivate me to continue improving my
skills. Thank you for giving me the opportunity of a lifetime. I am very grateful. —Piyasat Nilkaew

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I am grateful to the many people who have helped with this text. My sincere thanks go to the following technical
consultants:
• Danny Bosch and Matthew Peralta for sharing their expertise with optical networks and unshielded twisted-
pair cabling, and Don Yates for his help with the initial Net-Challenge Software.
• Abel Sanchez, for his review of the Linux Networking chapter.
I also want to thank my many past and present students for their help with this book:
• David Potts, Jonathan Trejo, and Nate Murillo for their work on the Net-Challenge Software. Josiah Jones,
Raul Marquez Jr., Brandon Wise, and Chris Lascano for their help with the Wireshark material. Also,
thanks to Wayne Randall and Iantha Finley Malbon for the chapter reviews.

Your efforts are greatly appreciated.

I appreciate the excellent feedback of the following reviewers: Phillip Davis, DelMar College, TX; Thomas D.
Edwards, Carteret Community College, NC; William Hessmiller, Editors & Training Associates; Bill Liu, DeVry
University, CA; and Timothy Staley, DeVry University, TX.
My thanks to the people at Pearson for making this project possible: Dave Dusthimer, for providing me with the
opportunity to work on this book, and Vanessa Evans, for helping make this process enjoyable. Thanks to Brett
Bartow, Christopher Cleveland, and all the people at Pearson, and to the many technical editors for their help with
editing the manuscript.
Special thanks to our families for their continued support and patience.
—Jeffrey S. Beasley and Piyasat Nilkaew

xiii
ABOUT THE TECHNICAL REVIEWERS
Wayne Randall started working in the Information Technology field in 1994 at Franklin Pierce College (now
Franklin Pierce University) in Rindge, NH, before becoming a Microsoft Certified Trainer and a consultant at
Enterprise Training and Consulting in Nashua, NH.
Wayne acquired his first certification in Windows NT 3.51 in 1994, became an MCSE in NT 4.0 in 1996, was a
Certified Enterasys Network Switching Engineer in 2000, and then worked as a networking and systems consul-
tant from 2001 to 2006 before becoming a director of IT for a privately held company. Wayne currently works for
Bodycote, PLC, as a network engineer/solutions architect. Bodycote has 170 locations across 27 countries with
43 locations in North America. Wayne has taught for Lincoln Education since 2001 and developed curricula for it
since 2011. Mr. Randall holds a BA in American Studies from Franklin Pierce University.
Iantha Finley Malbon’s teaching career has spanned 20 years from middle school to collegiate settings and
is currently a CIS professor at Virginia Union University. She is also an adjunct professor at ECPI University,
having previously served as CIS Department Chair, teaching Cisco routing, networking, and Information Tech-
nology courses. She implemented the Cisco Academy for Hanover Schools and was the CCAI for the Academy.
She earned her master’s degree in Information Systems from Virginia Commonwealth University and bachelor’s
degree in Technology Education from Virginia Tech. She holds numerous certifications including CCNA,
Network+, A+, and Fiber Optic Technician.

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WE WANT TO HEAR FROM YOU!
As the reader of this book, you are our most important critic and commentator. We value your opinion and want
to know what we’re doing right, what we could do better, what areas you’d like to see us publish in, and any other
words of wisdom you’re willing to pass our way.
As the associate publisher for Pearson IT Certification, I welcome your comments. You can email or write me
directly to let me know what you did or didn’t like about this book—as well as what we can do to make our
books better.
Please note that I cannot help you with technical problems related to the topic of this book. We do have a User
Services group, however, where I will forward specific technical questions related to the book.
When you write, please be sure to include this book’s title and author as well as your name, email address, and
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Pearson IT Certification
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Visit our website and register this book at www.pearsonitcertification.com/register for convenient access to any
updates, downloads, or errata that might be available for this book.

xv
INTRODUCTION
This book looks at advanced computer networking. It first guides readers through network infrastructure design.
The readers are then introduced to configuring static, RIPv2, OSPF, ISIS, EIGRP routing protocols, techniques
for configuring Juniper router, managing the network infrastructure, analyzing network data traffic using
Wireshark, network security, IPv6, Linux networking, Internet routing, and Voice over IP. After covering the
entire text, readers will have gained a solid knowledge base in advanced computer networks.
In my years of teaching, I have observed that technology students prefer to learn “how to swim” after they have
gotten wet and taken in a little water. Then, they are ready for more challenges. Show the students the technology,
how it is used, and why, and they will take the applications of the technology to the next level. Allowing them to
experiment with the technology helps them to develop a greater understanding. This book does just that.

ORGANIZATION OF THE TEXT

This textbook is adapted from the second edition of Networking. This third volume has been revised and reorga-
nized around the needs of advanced networking students. This book assumes that the students have been intro-
duced to the basics of computer networking. Throughout the text, the students are introduced to more advanced
computer networking concepts. This involves network infrastructure design, advanced router configuration, net-
work security, analyzing data traffic, Internet routing, and Voice over IP.

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Key Pedagogical Features
• Chapter Outline, Key Terms, and Introduction at the beginning of each chapter clearly outline specific goals
for the reader. An example of these features is shown in Figure P-1.

Introduction: Chapter openers

Chapter Outline Chapter Objectives clearly outline specific goals

Chapter Outline INTRODUCTION

Introduction 4-4 Configuring Route Redistribution on
Juniper Routers JUNOS This chapter examines the steps for basic configuration of a Juniper router.
4-1 Operational Mode
The operating system There are distinct differences between the Juniper router configurations com-
4-2 Router Configuration Mode Summary
used by Juniper routers. pared to Cisco IOS; however, many of the steps and prompts are similar to
4-3 Configuring Routes on Juniper Routers Questions and Problems
Cisco router configuration, as you’ll learn. The operating system (OS) used by
Juniper routers is called JUNOS. The JUNOS software has two different com-
Objectives mand modes:

• Understand and identify the difference be- • Understand the steps for configuring the rout- • Operational mode
tween the operational and configuration er’s interface • Configuration mode
modes • Explain how to configure static, RIP, OSPF,
• Understand the basic steps for working in the and IS-IS routing
operational mode • Understand the steps for route redistribution The basic commands used in the operational mode of the JUNOS command-line
interface (CLI) are presented in Section 4-1. In this chapter, you learn about the
{master} prompt and the >, indicating you are now in the operational mode. You
Key Terms also learn about the re0 { and re1 { .. notations that are used to identify the system
configuration for the routing engines 0 and 1. In Section 4-2, the steps for config-
JUNOS Internal Ethernet interface area interface interface uring the router interface are examined. In addition, the commands for displaying
{master} transient interfaces hello-interval seconds the router interface, configuring the hostname, and assigning an IP address to an
re0 { and re1 { .. Inet dead-interval seconds interface are examined. Section 4-3 introduces route configuration featuring static,
Out of Band Management preferred set metric value RIP, OSPF, and IS-IS. Section 4-4 examines route redistribution. Juniper takes a
PIC edit routing-options set protocols isis inter- different approach when it comes to route redistribution. In the JUNOS software,
static face interface there is no redistribute command. Unlike Cisco where a route distribution is done in
multi-services card
edit protocols rip show isis adjancency a routing process, Juniper uses its routing policy to inject routing protocols.
t3/ds3 card
show rip neighbor edit policy-options
at
commit set policy-statement
oc-3
oc-12 commit and- quit top 4-1 OPERATIONAL MODE
show route export
permanent interfaces The operational mode is the first mode encountered after logging in to the Juniper
Management Ethernet show route protocol rip router. This mode allows for the following:
Interface set protocols ospf area
1. Monitoring network connectivity (for example, using the ping command)
2. Troubleshooting the router interface and network connections
3. Entry point for router configuration

The following examples demonstrate the basic commands used in the operational
mode of the JUNOS command-line interface (CLI). The connection to the Juni-
per router demonstrated in this section is being made via an SSH session (secure
telnet); however, a console serial connection can also be made directly with the
Juniper router, and this connection is used to make the initial router interface con-
figurations.

159 160 CHAPTER 4: CONFIGURING JUNIPER ROUTERS

Key Terms for this Chapter

FIGURE P-1

xvii
 • Net-Challenge Software provides a simulated, hands-on experience in configuring routers and switches.
Exercises provided in the text (see Figure P-2) and on the CD challenge readers to undertake certain router/
network configuration tasks. The challenges check the students’ ability to enter basic networking commands
and set up router function, such as configuring the interface (Ethernet and Serial) and routing protocols (that
is, static, RIPv2, OSPF, ISIS, EIGRP, BGP, and VLANs). The software has the look and feel of actually being
connected to the router’s and switch console port.

Net-Challenge exercises are found Exercises challenge readers

throughout the text where applicable to undertake certain tasks

Networking Challenge—OSPF
Use the Net-Challenge Simulator Software included with the text’s companion CD-ROM to demon-
strate that you can configure OSPF for Router A in the campus LAN (the campus LAN is shown in
Figure 3-2 and is displayed by clicking the View Topology button when the software is started). Place
the Net-Challenge CD-ROM in your computer’s drive. Open the Net-Challenge folder and click
NetChallenge V3-2.exe. When the software is running, click the Select Router Challenge button to
open a Select Router Challenge drop-down menu. Select Chapter 3—OSPF. This opens a checkbox
that can be used to verify that you have completed all the tasks:
1. Enter the privileged EXEC mode on the router.
2. Enter the router’s terminal configuration mode: Router(config).
3. Set the hostname to Router A.
4. Configure the FastEthernet0/0 interface with the following:
IP address: 10.10.20.250
Subnet mask: 255.255.255.0
5. Enable the FA0/0 interface.
6. Configure the FastEthernet0/1 interface with the following:
IP address: 10.10.200.1
Subnet mask: 255.255.255.0
7. Enable the FA0/1 interface.
8. Configure the FastEthernet0/2 interface with the following:
IP address: 10.10.100.1
Subnet mask: 255.255.255.0

FIGURE P-2

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 • The textbook features and introduces how to use the Wireshark Network Protocol Analyzer. Examples of us-
ing the software to analyze data traffic are included throughout the text, as shown in Figure P-3.

Examples using the Wireshark

protocol analyzer are included
throughout the text where applicable

FTP Filtering
The following example demonstrates the process by which Wireshark filtering can
be used to isolate File Transfer Protocol (FTP) out of a large list of packets. This
can be useful for several reasons. You can use filtering rules to help us find user-
names and passwords being used to connect to the FTP servers as well as get an
idea of the kind of data that is being transferred.
Start this exercise by opening the capture file 5-A.cap in Wireshark. This is not a
huge file, but it’s a little difficult to sort through all of it just by looking. Click
Expression and scroll down until you reach FTP—File Transfer Protocol (FTP).
Click OK and the Filter for FTP is now displayed, as shown in Figure 6-30.

FIGURE 6-30 Adding the FTP filter

Click Apply, and the packet list is thinned out to 15 total packets relating to the
FTP protocol, as shown in Figure 6-31. From this, we are able to view the username
and password used to establish the FTP connection. In this case, the username and
passwords are listed in plaintext, as well as the file that was accessed. Most times, a
secure version of FTP (SFTP) will be used and this information will be encrypted.
This same rule can also be applied by using the right-click method as previously
shown.
Find a packet that is using the FTP protocol (for example, packet 44). Navigate to
the datagram field and select the FTP row. Right click -> Apply as Filter -> Se-
lected. This will generate the same results provided in Figure 6-32 that are used for
the FTP filter.

256 CHAPTER 6: ANALYZING NETWORK DATA TRAFFIC

FIGURE P-3

xix
 • Numerous worked-out examples are included in every chapter to reinforce key concepts and aid in subject
mastery, as shown in Figure P-4.

Configuring, analyzing, and Screen captures and network

troubleshooting sections guide topologies guide students
readers through advanced through different hands-on
techniques in networking activities

10.10.200.0 NET

LAN A LAN B

10.10.20.0 NET 10.10.10.0 NET

(a)

192.168.10.0 NET

LAN A LAN B
must be a
“10” network
10.10.20.0 NET 10.10.10.0 NET
(b)

FIGURE 2-11 An example of (a) a contiguous network and (b) a discontiguous network

FIGURE 11-15 The exchange of voice packets (code 41) between the two IP phones

Configuring Routes with RIP

Analyzing VoIP Telephone Call Data Packets
The first step in configuring the router for RIP is to set up the interfaces. This
This section examines the data packets that are being exchanged in a VoIP telephone
includes assigning an IP address and a subnet mask to the interface using the com-
call. The test setup for the VoIP telephone call is shown in Figure 11-16. This picture
mand ip address A.B.C.D. subnet-mask. Next, the interface is enabled using the
shows that the network consists of two VoIP telephones, two call processors, and two
no shut command. The following are the steps for configuring the FastEthernet0/1
routers. The data packets were captured using a network protocol analyzer. The com-
interface on Router A in the campus network shown previously in Figure 2-10:
puter running the protocol analyzer and the two call processors were connected to a
Router con0 is now available networking hub so that each share the Ethernet data link. This was done so that all the
Press RETURN to get started. VoIP data packets being exchanged between the telephones, the call processors, and
RouterA>en the routers could be captured at the same time with one protocol analyzer.
Password:
RouterA# conf t LAN A LAN B
192.168.10.0 169.169.3.0
Enter configuration commands, one per line. End with CNTL/Z. 192.168.10.1
Router(config)#int fa0/1
Router(config-if)#ip address 10.10.200.1 255.255.255.0
Router(config-if)#no shut FA0/0 FA0/0
Call Processor Call Processor
00:59:03: %LINEPROTO-5-UPDOWN: Line protocol on Interface 00:e0:bb:1c:27:c9 00:0F0:8F:5D:87:40
FastEthernet1, changed state to up

VoIP VoIP
Next, enter the router’s configuration mode [Router(config)#] and input the com- Phone Phone
Hub
mand router rip to use the RIP routing protocol. The next step is to specify the Phone (# 1006) Phone (# 2010)
network that uses RIP for routing. These two steps are shown here: 00:e0:bb:1c:07:0a
Dial 62 – for accessing
00:e0:bb:1c:06:87

Router(config)#router rip an outside line

Router(config-router)#network 10.0.0.0

192.168.10.5
Protocol Analyzer

FIGURE 11-16 The test setup for the VoIP telephone call

2-3: CONFIGURING RIPV2 77 446 CHAPTER 11: VOICE OVER IP

FIGURE P-4

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 • Key Terms and their definitions are highlighted in the margins to foster inquisitiveness and ensure retention.
This is illustrated in Figure P-5.

Key terms are

highlighted in the
text and defined
Link State Protocols
in the margin Link State Protocol
Link state protocols establish a relationship with a neighboring router. The rout-
ers exchange LSAs to update neighbors regarding route status. The LSAs are sent
Establishes a relationship only if there is a change or loss in the network routes and the link state protocols
with a neighboring
converge to route selection quickly. This is a distinct advantage over distance vec-
router and uses route
tor protocols that exchange updated routing tables at fixed time intervals and are
advertisements to build
routing tables. slow to converge. In fact, link state routing protocols are replacing distance vector
protocols in most modern networks. Link state protocols are also called shortest-
path first protocols, based on the algorithm developed by E. W. Dijkstra. Link state
protocols use “Hello” packets to verify that communication is still established with
neighbor routers. The key issues of link state protocols are summarized as follows:
• Finds neighbors/adjacencies
• Uses route advertisements to build routing table
• Sends “Hello” packets
• Sends updates when routing changes

OSPF sends small “Hello” packets at regular time intervals to adjacent routers to
Hello Packets
verify that the link between two routers is active and the routers are communicat-
Used in the OSPF ing. If a router fails to respond to a Hello it is assumed that the link or possibly the
protocol to verify
router is down. The OSPF Hello packet captured with a network protocol analyzer
that the links are still
communicating.
is discussed in Section 3-5.

Areas OSPF uses the concept of areas to partition a large network into smaller networks.
The partition of a large
The advantage of this is that the routers have to calculate routes only for their area.
OSPF network into If a route goes down in a given area, only the routers in that area have to calculate
smaller OSPF networks. new routes. Any number between 0 and 4,294,967,295 (232 – 1) can be used; how-
ever, area 0 is reserved for the root area, which is the backbone for the network.
Backbone The backbone is the primary path for data traffic to and from destinations and
The primary path for sources in the campus network. All areas must connect to area 0, and area 0 cannot
data traffic to and from be split. The area numbers can also be expressed in IP notation—for example, area
destinations and sources
0 could be 0.0.0.0—or you can specify an area as 192.168.25.0 or in subnet nota-
in the campus network.
tion. Hence, the need for the large upper-area number (232 – 1) = 255.255.255.255
when converted to a decimal number.
OSPF allows the use of variable length subnet masks (VLSM), which enable dif-
Variable Length ferent size subnets in the network to better meet the needs of the network and more
Subnet Masks (VLSM) efficiently use the network’s limited IP address space. For example, point-to-point
Enables the use of inter-router links don’t need a large block of addresses assigned to them. Figure 3-1
subnet masks to better
illustrates an example of an inter-router link.
fit the needs of the
network, thereby
minimizing the waste FA0/0 FA0/1
of IP addresses when 10.10.250.1 10.10.250.2
interconnecting subnets.
10.10.250.0 Network address
10.10.250.3 Broadcast address
10.10.25.0 Subnet

FIGURE 3-1 An inter-router link subnetted to provide for two host IP addresses, a network
address, and a broadcast address

102 CHAPTER 3: ADVANCED ROUTER CONFIGURATION II

FIGURE P-5

xxi
 • Extensive Summaries, Questions, and Problems, as well as Critical Thinking Questions, are found at the end
of each chapter, as shown in Figure P-6.

Summary of Questions and problems Critical Thinking questions and problems

key concepts are organized by section further develop analytical skills

SUMMARY 62. OSPF multicasts are sent out as what class of address?
a. Class A
This chapter presented examples of configuring routing protocols. The network
challenge exercises provided the opportunity for the student to test her or his con- b. Class B
figuration skill prior to actually configuring a real router. The student should be c. Class C
able to configure and verify operation of the following protocols:
d. Class D
Static
RIP/RIPv2 e. Class E
OSPF 63. OSPF Hello packets are sent out every
ISIS a. 30 seconds
EIGRP
b. 90 seconds
Additionally, this chapter examined the steps for route redistribution. The last sec- c. 10 seconds
tion examined the OSPF Hello packets.
d. None of these answers are correct
64. The Router ID (RID) in OSPF Hello packets is chosen from
QUESTIONS AND PROBLEMS a. Loopback addresses
b. OSPF 16P_Router
Section 3-1
c. Highest IP address on an interface
1. OSPF is (select all that apply)
d. a and c
a. Open Shortest Path First routing protocol
e. b and c
b. An open protocol
c. Developed specifically for TCP/IP networks Critical Thinking
d. Developed specifically for IPX networks 65. You are configuring a router connection to a remote network. What protocol
would you select if there is only one network route to the remote network?
e. A distance vector protocol Explain why you selected the protocol.
f. A dynamic routing protocol 66. You are configuring the routing protocols for a small network. What routing
g. A link state protocol protocol would you select and why?
h. A high consumer of bandwidth 67. Router A and Router B are connected and both are running OSPF protocol. The
following is a sample configuration from Router A:
2. In OSPF, route updates are sent in the form of
interface FastEthernet0/0
a. Link state advertisements ip address 10.10.3.1 255.255.255.252
duplex auto
b. Exchanging routing tables every 30 seconds
speed auto
c. Exchanging routing tables every 90 seconds !
interface FastEthernet0/1
d. IETF packets ip address 10.100.1.1 255.255.255.0
3. The OSPF routing protocol uses these to verify that a link between two routers duplex auto
is active and the routers are communicating speed auto
!
a. LSAs ip route 172.16.0.0 255.255.0.0 Null 0
!
b. Hello packets router ospf 200
c. ARP messages network 10.0.0.0 0.255.255.255 area 0

d. Ping

QUESTIONS AND PROBLEMS 147 154 CHAPTER 3: ADVANCED ROUTER CONFIGURATION II

FIGURE P-6

xxii

www.ebook3000.com
 • An extensive Glossary is found at the end of this book and offers quick, accessible definitions to key terms
and acronyms, as well as an exhaustive Index (see Figure P-7).

Complete Glossary of terms and Exhaustive Index provides

acronyms provide quick reference quick reference

6to4 Prefix A technique that enables IPv6 hosts to Area 0 In OSPF, this is the root area and is the back- Address field (show ip eigrp neighbors command), 125
Numbers
communicate over the IPv4 Internet. bone for the network. administration (Linux), 389
3DES (Triple Data Encryption Standard), ESP, 301 Is system-config- * command, 385
802.1Q This standard defines a system of VLAN tag- Area ID Analogous to OSPF area number, and it is
6to4 prefix (IPv6 addresses), 314 security, 387
ging for Ethernet frames. used by L2 routers.
802.1Q, 18, 24-26 system-config- [tool-name] command, 385
2001:DB8::/32 Prefix This IPv6 address prefix is Areas The partition of a large OSPF network into 2001, DB8::/32 prefix and IPv6 router configuration, 324 system-config-date command, 386
reserved for documentation. This is recommended by smaller OSPF networks. system-config-network command, 388
RFC3849 to reduce the likelihood of conflict and administration commands (Linux)
confusion when using the IPv6 address in examples,
ARIN American Registry for Internet Numbers. Symbols
Allocates Internet Protocol resources, develops df command, 363
books, documentation, or even in test environments. ? (question mark), JUNOS operating system, 161
consensus-based policies, and facilitates the advance- df -kh command, 364
.int Intergovernmental domain registries is used for ment of the Internet through information and educa- history command, 364
registering organizations established by international tional outreach.
treaties between or among national governments.
A kill [PID] command, 361
ARP Address Resolution Protocol, used to map an IP kill -9 [PID] command, 361
{master} The prompt indicating you are in the address to its MAC address. AAA (Authentication, Authorization, and Accounting), 281 man command, 358-359
master routing engine mode on a Juniper router. ABR (area border routers), 112 mount command, 358, 362
arp –a The command used to view the ARP cache. access layer, 6 ps command, 358-361
A Record (Address Record) This maps a hostname to access-list 100 deny udp any any eq 161 command, ACL
ARP Broadcast Used to inform everyone on the shutdown command, 358, 364
an IP address. configuration, 273
network that it now is the owner of the IP address. shutdown -h now command, 364
AAA Authentication, Authorization, and Accounting. access-list 100 deny udp any any eq snmp command, ACL su command, 358, 362
ARP Reply A network protocol where the MAC configuration, 274
ABR Area border routers. address is returned. Tab key shortcut, 364
access-list permit ip any any command, ACL configura-
umount command, 364
Access Layer Where the networking devices in a LAN AS Autonomous System. These numbers are used by tion, 274
up arrow shortcut, 364
connect together. various routing protocols and are a collection of accounting (security), 281
advertise_connected policies, Juniper router route redis-
connected Internet Protocol (IP) routing prefixes. ACK (Acknowledgment) packets, TCP three-way hand-
Access Lists (ACL) A basic form of firewall protec- tribution, 179
Autonomous systems separate organizational networks. shakes, 230
tion used to tell a networking device who and what are advertise_isis policies, Juniper router route redistribu-
ACL (Access Lists), 270-272. See also filter lists
allowed to enter or exit a network. ASN Autonomous systems number is used to distin- tion, 179
access-list 100 deny udp any any eq 161 command, 273
guish separate networks and to prevent routing loops. advertise_rip policies, Juniper router route redistribu-
ACK Acknowledgment packet. access-list 100 deny udp any any eq snmp command, 274 tion, 179
at Asynchronous Transmission Mode (ATM) connec- access-list permit ip any any command, 274 advertise_static policies, Juniper router route redistribu-
address-family ipv6 The command used to
tion for a Juniper router. configure terminal command, 273 tion, 180
specify that IPv6 is specified.
edge routers, 273-275 advertising networks, 75
ATM Asynchronous transfer mode.
Administrative Distance (AD) A number assigned to extended ACL, 273 AES (Advance Encryption Standard)
a protocol or route to declare its reliability. Authoritative Name Server A name server that is false TCP headers, 278 ESP, 301
authorized and configured to answer DNS queries for a hosts, 277
Advertise The sharing of route information. WPA2, 291
particular domain or zone. ip access-group 100 out command, 274 AF33 (Assured Forwarding class 3), VoIP class maps, 441
AES Advance Encryption Standard. A 128-bit block
Automatic Private IP Addressing (APIPA) A IP addresses, stopping data traffic from, 277-278 AH (Authentication Headers), troubleshooting VPN tun-
data encryption technique.
self-assigned IP address in the range of 169.254.1.0– permit ip any any command, 274-276 nels, 300
AF33 Assured Forwarding class 3. Created to ensure 169.254.254.255. placement of, 274 allow-snmp term (filter lists), 279
the VoIP signaling or handshake. remote data hosts, stopping data traffic from, 277 AMI (alternate mark inversion), 38
autonomous-system [AS_Number] This command
AH Authentication Header. A security protocol used is used in JUNOS to define the BGP AS for the router. router logging, 283-285 anycast IPv6 addresses, 314
by IPsec that guarantees the authenticity of the IP show access-list 100 command, 274 AP (access points), NSEL and IS-IS, 113
B8ZS Bipolar 8 zero substitution. A data encoding show access-list command, 275-276 APIPA (Automatic Private IP Addressing), 196
packets.
format developed to improve data transmission over T1 SMB, 273-275 Area ID, IS-IS, 112
AMI Alternate mark inversion. A fundamental line circuits.
standard ACL, 273 areas (OSPF), 102, 105
coding scheme developed for transmission over T1
Backbone The primary path for data traffic to and UDP, 276 A records (Address records), DNS, 214, 218-219
circuits.
from destinations and sources in the campus network. AD (Administrative Distance), 71 ARIN (American Registry for Internet Numbers), IP ad-
Anycast Address Obtained from a list of addresses. address family ipv6 command, IPv6 Internet routing via dress assignments, 191
Backup Designated Router (BDR) The router or
BGP4+, 413
routers with lower priority.

457 473

FIGURE P-7

xxiii
Accompanying CD-ROM
The CD-ROM packaged with the text includes the captured data packets used in the text. It also includes the
Net-Challenge Software, which was developed specifically for this text.

Instructor Resources
The Instructor’s Manual to accompany A Practical Guide to Advanced Networking, (ISBN: 978-0-132-88303-0)
provides the entire book in PDF format along with instructor notes for each section within each chapter, recom-
mending key concepts that should be covered in each chapter. Solutions to all Chapter Questions and Problems
sections are also included. In addition, the instructor can also access 13 lab and lab-related exercises and a test
bank with which to generate quizzes on the material found within the student edition of the book.

xxiv

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Discovering Diverse Content Through
Random Scribd Documents
 157 Lun Yü, xii. 22. Mencius, vii. 1. 45. Douglas, Confucianism
and Taouism, pp. 108, 205.

158 Edkins, Religion in China, p. 119. Legge, Chinese Classics, ii.

476, n. 45. de Groot, Religious System of China, (vol. ii. book) i.
684.

159 Thâi-Shang, 3.

160 Quoted by Rhys Davids, Hibbert Lectures on the History of

Buddhism, p. 111.

161 Muir, Religious and Moral Sentiments rendered from Sanskrit

Writers, p. 109.

162 Stobæus, Florilegium, xl. 7, vol. ii. 80. Cf. Natorp, Die Ethika
des Demokritos, p. 117, n. 41.

163 Diogenes Laertius, Vitæ philosophorum, ii. 98 sq.

164 Ibid. vi. 12, 63, 72, 98. Epictetus, Dissertationes, iii. 24. 66.
Stobæus, xlv. 28, vol. ii. 252.

165 Zeller, Socrates and the Socratic Schools, p. 326 sq. Idem,
Stoics, Epicureans, and Sceptics, p. 327.

166 Cf. Plutarch, De Alexandri Magni fortuna aut virtute, i. 6, p.

329.

167 See Zeller, Stoics, &c. p. 327 sq.

168 Seneca, Epistulæ, xcv. 52.

169 Marcus Aurelius, Commentarii, iv. 4. Cf. ibid. vi. 44, and ix.
9; Cicero, De legibus, i. 7 (23); Epictetus, Dissertationes, i. 13. 3.

170 Marcus Aurelius, iii. 11.

171 Seneca, De otio, iv. 1. Idem, Epistulæ, lxviii. 2. Epictetus,

Dissertationes, iii. 22. 83 sqq.

But the Roman ideal of patriotism, with its utter disregard for
foreign nations,172 was not opposed by philosophy alone: it met with
an even more formidable antagonist in the new religion. The
Christian and the Stoic rejected it on different grounds: whilst the
Stoic felt himself as a citizen of the world, the Christian felt himself
as a citizen of heaven, to whom this planet was only a place of exile.
Christianity was not hostile to the State.173 At the very time when
Nero committed his worst atrocities, St. Paul declared that there is
no power but of God, and that whosoever resists the power resists
the ordinance of God and shall be condemned;174 and Tertullian says
that all Christians send up their prayers for the life of the emperors,
for their ministers, for magistrates, for the good of the State and the
peace of the Empire.175 But the emperor should be obeyed only so
long as his commands do not conflict with the law of God—a
Christian ought rather to suffer like Daniel in the lions’ den than sin
against his religion;176 and nothing is more entirely foreign to him
than affairs of State.177 Indeed, in the whole Roman Empire there
were no men who so entirely lacked patriotism as the early
Christians. They had no affection for Judea, they soon forgot Galilee,
they cared nothing for the glory of Greece and Rome.178 When the
judges asked them which was their country they said in answer, “I
am a Christian.”179 And long after Christianity had become the
religion of the Empire, St. Augustine declared that it matters not, in
respect of this short and transitory life, under whose dominion a
mortal man lives, if only he be not compelled to acts of impiety or
injustice.180 Later on, when the Church grew into a political power
independent of the State, she became a positive enemy of national
interests. In the seventeenth century a Jesuit general called
patriotism “a plague and the most certain death of Christian love.”181
172 Cf. Lactantius, Divinæ Institutiones, vi. (‘De vero cultu’), 6
(Migne, Patrologiæ cursus, vi. 655).

173 St. Matthew, xxii. 21. 1 Peter, ii. 13 sq.

174 Romans, xiii. 1 sq. See also Titus, iii. 1.

175 Tertullian, Apologeticus, 39 (Migne, op. cit. i. 468). See also

Ludwig, Tertullian’s Ethik, p. 98 sq.
 176 Tertullian, De idololatria, 15 (Migne, op. cit. i. 684).

177 Tertullian, Apologeticus, 38 (Migne, op. cit. i. 465):—“Nec

ulla magis res aliena, quam publica.”

178 See Renan, Hibbert Lectures on the Influence of Rome on

Christianity, p. 28.

179 Le Blant, Inscriptions chrétiennes, i. 128.

180 St. Augustine, De Civitate Dei, v. 17.

181 von Eicken, Geschichte und System der mittelalterlichen

Weltanschauung, p. 809.

With the fall of the Roman Empire patriotism died out in Europe,
and remained extinct for centuries. It was a feeling hardly
compatible either with the migratory life of the Teutonic tribes or
with the feudal system, which grew up wherever they fixed their
residence. The knights, it is true, were not destitute of the natural
affection for home. When Aliaumes is mortally wounded by Géri li
Sors he exclaims, “Holy Virgin, I shall never more see Saint-Quentin
nor Néèle”;182 and the troubadour Bernard de Ventadour touchingly
sings, “Quan la doussa aura venta—Deves nostre païs,—M’es veiaire
que senta—Odor de Paradis.”183 But to a man of the Middle Ages
“his country” meant little more than the neighbourhood in which he
lived.184 Kingdoms existed, but no nations. The first duty of a vassal
was to be loyal to his lord;185 but no national spirit bound together
the various barons of one country. A man might be the vassal of the
king of France and of the king of England at the same time; and
often, from caprice, passion, or sordid interest, the barons sold their
services to the enemies of the kingdom. The character of his
knighthood was also perpetually pressing the knight to a course of
conduct distinct from all national objects.186 The cause of a
distressed lady was in many instances preferable to that of the
country to which he belonged—as when the Captal de Bouche,
though an English subject, did not hesitate to unite his troops with
those of the Compte de Foix to relieve the ladies in a French town,
where they were besieged and threatened with violence by the
insurgent peasantry.187 When a knight’s duties towards his country
are mentioned in the rules of Chivalry they are spoken of as duties
towards his lord:—“The wicked knight,” it is said, “that aids not his
earthly lord and natural country against another prince, is a knight
without office.”188 Far from being, as M. Gautier asserts,189 the
object of an express command in the code of Chivalry, true
patriotism had there no place at all. It was not known as an ideal,
still less did it exist as a reality, among either knights or commoners.
As a duke of Orleans could bind himself by a fraternity of arms and
alliance to a duke of Lancaster,190 so English merchants were in the
habit of supplying nations at war against England with provisions
bought at English fairs, and weapons wrought by English hands.191
If, as M. Gaston Paris maintains, a deep feeling of national union had
inspired the Chanson de Roland,192 it is a strange, yet undeniable,
fact that no distinct trace of this feeling displayed itself in the
mediæval history of France before the English wars.
182 Li Romans de Raoul de Cambrai, 210, p. 185.

183 Quoted by Gautier, La Chevalerie, p. 64.

184 See Cibrario, Della economia politica del medio eve, i. 263;
de Crozals, Histoire de la civilization, ii. 287.

185 Ordre of Chyualry, foll. 13 b. 32 b.

186 See Mills, History of Chivalry, i. 140 sq.

187 Scott, Essay on Chivalry, p. 31.

188 Ordre of Chyualry, fol. 14 b.

189 Gautier, op. cit. p. 33.

190 Sainte-Palaye, Mémoires sur l’ancienne Chevalerie, ii. 72.

191 Pike, History of Crime in England, i. 264 sq.

192 Paris, La poésie du moyen age, p. 107. M. Gautier says (op.

cit. p. 61) that Roland is “la France faite homme.”
 Besides feudalism and the want of political cohesion, there were
other factors that contributed to hinder the development of national
personality and patriotic devotion. This sentiment presupposes not
only that the various parts of which a country is composed shall
have a vivid feeling of their unity, but also that they, united, shall
feel themselves as a nation clearly distinct from other nations. In the
Middle Ages national differences were largely obscured by the
preponderance of the Universal Church, by the creation of the Holy
Roman Empire, by the prevalence of a common language as the sole
vehicle of mental culture, and by the undeveloped state of the
vernacular tongues. To make use of the native dialect was a sign of
ignorance, and to place worldly interests above the claims of the
Church was impious. When Macchiavelli declared that he preferred
his country to the safety of his soul, people considered him guilty of
blasphemy; and when the Venetians defied the Papal thunders by
averring that they were Venetians in the first place, and only
Christians in the second, the world heard them with amazement.193
193 ‘National Personality,’ in Edinburgh Review, cxciv. 133.

In England the national feeling developed earlier than on the

Continent, no doubt owing to her insular position and freer
institutions; as Montesquieu observes, patriotism thrives best in
democracies.194 At the time of the English Reformation the sense of
corporate national life had evidently gained considerable strength,
and the love of England has never been expressed in more exquisite
form than it was by Shakespeare. At the same time the sense of
patriotism was often grossly perverted by religious bigotry and party
spirit.195 Even champions of liberty, like Lord Russell and Algernon
Sidney, accepted French gold in the hope of embarrassing the King;
and Sidney went so far as to try to instigate De Witt to invade
England. Loyalism, in particular, proved a much stronger incentive
than love of country. A loyalist like Strafford would have employed
half-savage Irish troops against his own countrymen, and the Scotch
Jacobites invited a French invasion.
194 Montesquieu, De l’esprit des Lois, iv. 5 (Œuvres, p. 206 sq.).
 195 See Edinburgh Review, cxciv. 133, 136 sq.; Pearson,
National Life and Character, p. 190.

In France the development of the national feeling was closely

connected with the strengthening of the royal power and its gradual
victory over feudalism. The word patrie was for the first time used
by Charles VII.’s chronicler, Jean Chartier, and he also condemned as
renégats those Frenchmen who, at the end of the hundred years
war, fought on the side of the English.196 But patriotism was for a
long time inseparably confounded with loyalty to the sovereign.
According to Bossuet “tout l’État est en la personne du prince”;197
and Abbé Coyer observes that Colbert believed royaume and patrie
to signify one and the same thing.198 In the eighteenth century the
spirit of rebellion succeeded that of devotion to the king; but the
key-note of the great movement which led to the Revolution was the
liberty and equality of the individual, not the glory or welfare of the
nation. Men were looked upon as members of the human race,
rather than as citizens of any particular country. To be a citizen of
every nation, and not to belong to one’s native country alone, was
the dream of French writers in the eighteenth century.199 “The true
sage is a cosmopolitan,” says a writer of comedy.200 Diderot asks
which is the greater merit, to enlighten the human race, which
remains for ever, or to save one’s fatherland, which is perishable.201
According to Voltaire patriotism is composed of self-love and
prejudice,202 and only too often makes us the enemies of our fellow-
men:—“Il est clair qu’un pays ne peut gagner sans qu’un autre
perde, et qu’il ne peut vaincre sans faire des malheureux. Telle est
donc la condition humaine, que souhaiter la grandeur de son pays,
c’est souhaiter du mal à ses voisins.”203 In Germany, Lessing,
Goethe, and Schiller felt themselves as citizens of the world, not of
the German Empire, still less as Saxons or Suabians; and Klopstock,
with his enthusiasm for German nationality and language, almost
appeared eccentric.204 Lessing writes point-blank:—“The praise of
being an ardent patriot is to my mind the very last thing that I
should covet; … I have no idea at all of love of the Fatherland, and it
seems to me at best but an heroical weakness, which I can very
readily dispense with.”205
 196 Guibal, Histoire du sentiment national en France pendant la
guerre de Cent ans, p. 526 sq.

197 Legrand, L’idée de patrie, p. 20.

198 Block, Dictionnaire général de la politique, ii. 518.

199 Texte, Jean-Jacques Rousseau and the Cosmopolitan Spirit in

Literature, p. 79.

200 Palissot de Montenoy, Les philosophes, iii. 4, p. 75.

201 Diderot, Essai sur les règnes de Claude et de Néron, ii. 75

(Œuvres, vi. 244).

202 Voltaire, Pensées sur l’administration publique, 14 (Œuvres

complètes, v. 351).

203 Idem, Dictionnaire philosophique, art. Patrie (Œuvres

complètes, viii. 118).

204 See Strauss, Der alte und der neue Glaube, p. 259 sq.

205 Lessing, quoted by Ziegler, Social Ethics, p. 121.

The first French revolution marks the beginning of a new era in

the history of patriotism. It inspired the masses with passion for the
unity of the fatherland, the Republic “one and indivisible.” At the
same time it declared all nations to be brothers, and when it made
war on foreign nations the object was only to deliver them from their
oppressors.206 But gradually the interest in the affairs of other
countries grew more and more selfish, the attempt to emancipate
was absorbed in the desire to subjugate; and this awoke throughout
Europe a feeling which was destined to become the most powerful
force in the history of the nineteenth century, the feeling of
nationality. When Napoleon introduced French administration in the
countries whose sovereigns he had deposed or degraded, the people
resisted the change. The resistance was popular, as the rulers were
absent or helpless, and it was national, being directed against
foreign institutions. It was stirred by the feeling of national rather
than political unity, it was a protest against the dominion of race
over race. The national element in this movement had in a manner
been anticipated by the French Revolution itself. The French people
was regarded by it as an ethnological, not as an historic, unit;
descent was put in the place of tradition; the idea of the sovereignty
of the people uncontrolled by the past gave birth to the idea of
nationality independent of the political influence of history. But, as
has been truly remarked, men were made conscious of the national
element of the revolution by its conquests, not in its rise.207
206 Block, op. cit. ii. 376.

207 See ‘Nationality,’ in Home and Foreign Review, i. 6 sqq.

Ever since, the racial feeling has been the most vigorous force in
European patriotism, and has gradually become a true danger to
humanity. Beginning as a protest against the dominion of one race
over another, this feeling led to a condemnation of every state which
included different races, and finally developed into the complete
doctrine that state and nationality should so far as possible be
coextensive.208 According to this theory the dominant nationality
cannot admit the inferior nationalities dwelling within the boundaries
of the state to an equality with itself, because, if it did, the state
would cease to be national, and this would be contrary to the
principle of its existence; or the weaker nationalities are compelled
to change their language, institutions, and individuality, so as to be
absorbed in the dominant race. And not only does the leading
nationality assert its superiority in relation to all others within the
body politic, but it also wants to assert itself at the expense of
foreign nations and races. To the nationalist all this is true
patriotism; love of country often stands for a feeling which has been
well described as love of more country.209 But at the same time
opposite ideals are at work. The fervour of nineteenth century
nationalism has not been able to quench the cosmopolitan spirit. In
spite of loud appeals made to racial instincts and the sense of
national solidarity, the idea has been gaining ground that the aims of
a nation must not conflict with the interests of humanity at large;
that our love of country should be controlled by other countries’ right
to prosper and to develop their own individuality; and that the
oppression of weaker nationalities inside the state and
aggressiveness towards foreign nations, being mainly the outcome
of vainglory and greed, are inconsistent with the aspirations of a
good patriot, as well as of a good man.
208 Ibid. p. 13 sq.

209 Robertson, Patriotism and Empire, p. 138.

Our long discussion of moral ideas regarding such modes of

conduct as directly concern other men’s welfare has at last come to
an end. We have seen that they may be ultimately traced to a
variety of sources: to the influence of habit or education, to egoistic
considerations of some kind or other which have given rise to moral
feelings, to notions of social expediency, to disinterested likings or
dislikes, and, above all, to sympathetic resentment or sympathetic
approval springing from an altruistic disposition of mind. But how to
account for this disposition? Our explanation of that group of moral
ideas which we have been hitherto investigating is not complete until
we have found an answer to this important question. I shall
therefore in the next chapter examine the origin and development of
the altruistic sentiment.
CHAPTER XXXIV
 THE ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE ALTRUISTIC SENTIMENT

THERE is one form of the altruistic sentiment which man shares

with all mammals and many other animals, namely, maternal
affection. As regards its origin various theories have been set forth.
According to Aristotle, parents love their children as being portions
of themselves.1 A similar explanation of maternal affection has been
given by some modern writers.2 Thus Professor Espinas regards this
sentiment as modified self-love and love of property. The female, he
says, at the moment when she gives birth to little ones resembling
herself, has no difficulty in recognising them as the flesh of her flesh;
the feeling she experiences towards them is made up of sympathy
and pity, but we cannot exclude from it an idea of property which is
the most solid support of sympathy. She feels and understands up to
a certain point that these young ones which are herself at the same
time belong to her; the love of herself, extended to those who have
gone out from her, changes egoism into sympathy and the
proprietary instinct into an affectionate impulse.3 This hypothesis,
however, seems to me to be very inadequate. It does not explain
why, for instance, a bird takes more care of her eggs than of other
matter segregated from her body, which may equally well be
regarded as a part of herself. Nor does it account for a foster-
mother’s affection for her adopted offspring.4 Of this many instances
have been noticed in the lower animals; and among some savage
peoples adopted children are said to be treated by their foster-
parents with the same affection as if they were their own flesh and
blood.5
1 Aristotle, Ethica Nicomachea, viii. 12. 2 sq.

2 Hartley, Observations on Man, i. 496 sq. Fichte, Das System

der Sittenlehre, p. 433.
 3 Espinas, Des sociétés animales (2nd ed.), p. 444 sq., quoted by
Ribot, Psychology of the Emotions, p. 280.

4 Cf. Spencer, Principles of Psychology, ii. 624.

5 Murdoch, ‘Ethnol. Results of the Point Barrow Expedition,’ in

Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethn. ix. 419 (Point Barrow Eskimo). Thomson,
Savage Island, p. 135.

A very different explanation of maternal love has been given by

Professor Bain. He derives parental affection from the “intense
pleasure in the embrace of the young.” He observes that “such a
pleasure once created would associate itself with the prevailing
features and aspects of the young, and give to all of these their very
great interest. For the sake of the pleasure, the parent discovers the
necessity of nourishing the subject of it, and comes to regard the
ministering function as a part or condition of the delight.”6 But if the
satisfaction in animal contact were at the bottom of the maternal
feeling, conjugal affection ought by far to surpass it in intensity; and
yet, among the lower races at least, the case is exactly the reverse,
conjugal affection being vastly inferior in degree to a mother’s love
of her child. It may indeed be fairly doubted whether there is any
“intense pleasure” at all in embracing a new-born baby—unless it be
one’s own. It seems much more likely that parents like to touch their
children because they love them, than that they love them because
they like to touch them. Attraction, showing itself either by
elementary movements of approach, or by contact, or by the
embrace, is the outward expression of tenderness.7 Professor Bain
himself observes that as anger reaches a satisfying term by knocking
some one down, love is completed and satisfied with an embrace.8
But this by no means implies that the embrace is the cause of love;
it only means that love has a tendency to express itself outwardly in
an act of embrace.
6 Bain, Emotions and the Will, p. 140.

7 Ribot, op. cit. p. 234.

8 Bain, op. cit. p. 126.

 In the opinion of Mr. Spencer, again, parental love is essentially
love of the weak or helpless. This instinct, he remarks, is not
adequately defined as that which attaches a creature to its young.
Though most frequently and most strongly displayed in this relation,
the so-called parental feeling is really excitable apart from
parenthood; and the common trait of the objects which arouse it is
always relative weakness or helplessness.9 This hypothesis
undoubtedly contains part of the truth. That the maternal instinct is
in some degree love of the helpless is obvious from the fact that,
among those of the lower animals which are not gregarious, mother
and young separate as soon as the latter are able to shift for
themselves; nay, in many cases they are actually driven away by her.
Moreover, in species which are so constituted that the young from
the very outset can help themselves there is no maternal love. These
facts indicate where we have to look for the source of this
sentiment. When the young are born in a state of utter helplessness
somebody must take care of them, or the species cannot survive, or,
rather, such a species could never have come into existence. The
maternal instinct may thus be assumed to owe its origin to the
survival of the fittest, to the natural selection of useful spontaneous
variations.
9 Spencer, Principles of Psychology, ii. 623 sq. See also Hartley,
op. cit. i. 497.

This is also recognised by Mr. Spencer;10 but his theory fails to

explain the indisputable fact that there is a difference between
maternal love and the mere love of the helpless. Even in a
gregarious species mothers make a distinction between their own
offspring and other young. During my stay among the mountaineers
of Morocco I was often struck by the extreme eagerness with which
in the evening, when the flock of ewes and the flock of lambs were
reunited, each mother sought for her own lamb, and each lamb for
its own mother. A similar discrimination has been noticed even in
cases of conscious adoption. Brehm tells us of a female baboon
which had so capacious a heart that she not only adopted young
monkeys of other species, but stole young dogs and cats which she
continually carried about; yet her kindness did not go so far as to
share food with her adopted offspring, although she divided
everything quite fairly with her own young ones.11 To account for
the maternal sentiment we must therefore assume the existence of
some other stimulus besides the signs of helplessness, which
produces, or at least strengthens, the instinctive motor response in
the mother. This stimulus, so far as I can see, is rooted in the
external relationship in which the offspring from the beginning stand
to the mother. She is in close proximity to her helpless young from
their tenderest age; and she loves them because they are to her a
cause of pleasure.
10 Spencer, op. cit. ii. 623.

11 Darwin, Descent of Man, p. 70.

In various animal species the young are cared for not only by the
mother, but by the father as well. This is the general rule among
birds: whilst the hatching of the eggs and the chief part of the
rearing-duties belong to the mother, the father acts as a protector,
and provides food for the family. Among most of the mammals, on
the other hand, the connections between the sexes are restricted to
the time of the rut, hence the father may not even see his young.
But there are also some mammalian species in which male and
female remain together even after the birth of the offspring and the
father defends his family against enemies.12 Among the
Quadrumana this seems to be the rule.13 All the best authorities
agree that the Gorilla and the Chimpanzee live in families. When the
female is pregnant the male builds a rude nest in a tree, where she
is delivered; and he spends the night crouching at the foot of the
tree, protecting the female and their young one, which are in the
nest above, from the nocturnal attacks of leopards. Passing from the
highest monkeys to the savage and barbarous races of men, we
meet with the same phenomenon. In the human race the family
consisting of father, mother, and offspring is probably a universal
institution, whether founded on a monogamous, polygynous, or
polyandrous marriage. And, as among the lower animals having the
same habit, whilst the immediate care of the children chiefly belongs
to the mother, the father is the guardian of the family.14
12 Westermarck, History of Human Marriage, p. 11 sq.

13 Ibid. p. 12 sqq.

14 Westermarck, History of Human Marriage, p. 14 sqq.

The stimuli to which the paternal instinct responds are apparently

derived from the same circumstances as those which call into activity
the maternal instinct, that is, the helplessness and the nearness of
the offspring. Wherever this instinct exists, the father is near his
young from the beginning, living together with the mother. And here
again the sentimental response is in all probability the result of a
process of natural selection, which has preserved a mental
disposition necessary for the existence of the species. Among birds
paternal care is indispensable. Equal and continual warmth is the
first requirement for the development of the embryo and the
preservation of the young ones; and for this the mother almost
always wants the assistance of the father, who provides her with
necessaries, and sometimes relieves her of the brooding. Among
mammals, again, whilst the young at their tenderest age can never
do without the mother, the father’s aid is generally not required.
That the Primates form an exception to this rule is probably due to
the small number of young, the female bringing forth but one at a
time, and besides, among the highest apes and in man, to the long
period of infancy.15 If this is true we may assume that the paternal
instinct occurred in primitive man, as it occurs, more or less strongly
developed, among the anthropoid apes and among existing savages.
15 See ibid. p. 20 sqq. Fiske, Outlines of Cosmic Philosophy, ii.
342 sq.

By origin closely allied to the paternal feeling is the attachment

between individuals of different sex, which induces male and female
to remain with one another beyond the mere act of propagation till
after the birth of the offspring. It is obvious that, where the
generative power is restricted to a certain season—a peculiarity
which primitive man seems to have shared with other mammals16—it
cannot be the sexual instinct that causes the prolonged union of the
sexes, nor can I conceive any other egoistic motive that could
account for this habit. Considering that the union lasts till after the
birth of the offspring and that it is accompanied with parental care, I
conclude that it is for the benefit of the young that male and female
continue to live together. The tie which joins them seems therefore,
like parental affection, to be an instinct developed through natural
selection. The tendency to feel some attachment to a being which
has been the cause of pleasure—in this case sexual pleasure—is
undoubtedly at the bottom of this instinct. Such a feeling may
originally have induced the sexes to remain united and the male to
protect the female even after the sexual desire was gratified; and if
procuring great advantage to the species in the struggle for
existence, conjugal attachment would naturally have developed into
a specific characteristic.
16 Westermarck, op. cit. ch. ii.

We have reason to believe that the germ of this sentiment

occurred already in our earliest human ancestors, that marriage, in
the natural history sense of the term, is a habit transmitted to man
from some ape-like progenitor.17 In the course of evolution conjugal
affection has increased both in intensity and complexity; but
advancement in civilisation has not at every step been favourable to
its development. When restricted to men only, a higher culture on
the contrary tends to alienate husband and wife, as is the case in
Eastern countries and as was the case in ancient Greece. Another
fact leading to conjugal apathy is the custom which compels the
women before marriage to live strictly apart from the men. In China
it often happens that the parties have not even seen each other till
the wedding day;18 and in Greece Plato urged in vain that young
men and women should be more frequently permitted to meet one
another, so that there should be less enmity and indifference in the
married life.19 Conjugal love is both a cause and an effect of
monogamy; but, as we shall see subsequently, the course of
civilisation does not involve a steady progress towards stricter
monogamy. The notions about women also influence the emotions
felt towards them; and we have noticed that the great religions of
the world have generally held them in little regard.20 In its fully
developed form the passion which unites the sexes is perhaps the
most compound of all human feelings. Mr. Spencer thus sums up the
masterly analysis he has given of it:—“Round the physical feeling
forming the nucleus of the whole, are gathered the feelings
produced by personal beauty, that constituting simple attachment,
those of reverence, of love, of approbation, of self-esteem, of
property, of love of freedom, of sympathy. These, all greatly exalted,
and severally tending to reflect their excitements on one another,
unite to form the mental state we call love.”21
17 Ibid. op. cit. chs. i., iii.

18 Katscher, Bilder aus dem chinesischen Leben, pp. 71, 84.

19 Plato, Leges, vi. 771 sq.

20 Supra, i. 662 sqq.

21 Spencer, Principles of Psychology, i. 488.

The duration of conjugal and parental feelings varies extremely.

Most birds, with the exception of those belonging to the Gallinaceous
family, when pairing do so once for all till either one or the other
dies;22 whereas among the mammals man and possibly some apes23
are the only species whose conjugal unions last any considerable
time after the birth of the offspring. Among many of the lower races
of men lifelong marriages seem to be the rule, and among a few
separation is said to be entirely unknown; but there is abundant
evidence that marriage has, upon the whole, become more durable
with advancing civilisation.24 One cause of this is that conjugal
affection has become more lasting. And the greater duration of this
sentiment may be explained partly from the refinement of the
uniting passion, involving appreciation of mental qualities which last
long after youth and beauty have passed away, and partly also from
the greater durability of parental feelings, which form a tie not only
between parents and children, but between husband and wife.
 22 Westermarck, op. cit. p. 11.

23 Ibid. pp. 13, 14, 535.

24 Ibid. ch. xxiii.

The parental feelings originally only last as long as the young are
unable to shift for themselves—the paternal feeling possibly less. As
Mr. Fiske observes, “where the infancy is very short, the parental
feeling, though intense while it lasts, presently disappears, and the
offspring cease to be distinguished from strangers of the same
species. And in general the duration of the feelings which insure the
protection of the offspring is determined by the duration of the
infancy.”25 Among certain savages parental love is still said to be
restricted to the age of helplessness. We are told that the affection
of a Fuegian mother for her child gradually decreases in proportion
as the child grows older, and ceases entirely when it reaches the age
of seven or eight; thenceforth the parents in no way meddle with the
affairs of their son, who may leave them if he likes.26 When the
parental feelings became more complex, through the association of
other feelings, as those of property and pride, they naturally tended
to extend themselves beyond the limits of infancy and childhood. But
the chief cause of this extension seems to lie in the same
circumstances as made man a gregarious animal. Where the grown-
up children continued to stay with their parents, parental affection
naturally tended to be prolonged, not only by the infusion into it of
new elements, but by the direct influence of close living together. It
was, moreover, extended to more distant descendants. The same
stimuli as call forth kindly emotions towards a person’s own children
evoke similar emotions towards his grand- and great-grandchildren.
25 Fiske, op. cit. ii. 343.

26 Bove, Patagonia, Terra del Fuoco, p. 133. See also Wied-

Neuwied, Reise nach Brasilien, ii. 40 (Botocudos), Im Thurn,
Among the Indians of Guiana, p. 219; Scaramucci and Giglioli,
‘Notizie sui Danakil,’ in Archivio per l’antropologia e la etnologia,
xiv. 35.
 It is an old truth that children’s love of their parents is generally
much weaker than the parents’ love of their children. The latter is
absolutely necessary for the subsistence of the species, the former is
not;27 though, when a richer food-supply favoured the formation of
larger communities, filial attachment must have been of advantage
to the race.28 No individual is born with filial love. However, Aristotle
goes too far when saying that, whilst parents love their children from
their birth upward, “children do not begin to love their parents until
they are of a considerable age, and have got full possession of their
wits and faculties.”29 Under normal circumstances the infant from an
early age displays some attachment to its parents. Professor Sully
tells us of a girl, about seventeen months old, who received her
father after a few days absence with special marks of affection,
“rushing up to him, smoothing and stroking his face and giving him
all the toys in the room.”30 Filial love is retributive; the agreeable
feeling produced by benefits received makes the individual look with
pleasure and kindliness upon the giver. And here again the affection
is strengthened by close living together, as appears from the cooling
effect of long separation of children from their parents. But the filial
feeling is not affection pure and simple, it is affection mingled with
regard for the physical and mental superiority of the parent.31 As the
parental feeling is partly love of the weak and young, so the filial
feeling is partly regard for the strong and (comparatively) old.
27 This observation was made already by Hutcheson (Inquiry
into the Original of our Ideas of Beauty and Virtue, p. 219) and
Adam Smith (Theory of Moral Sentiments, p. 199). The latter
wrote, a hundred years before the publication of ‘The Origin of
Species,’ that parental tenderness is a much stronger affection
than filial piety, because “the continuance and propagation of the
species depend altogether upon the former, and not upon the
latter.”

28 Darwin maintains (Descent of Man, p. 105) that the filial

affections have been to a large extent gained through natural
selection.

29 Aristotle, Ethica Nicomachea, viii. 12. 2.

 30 Sully, Studies of Childhood, p. 243.

31 See supra, i. 618 sq.

Besides parental, conjugal, and filial attachment we find among all

existing races of men altruism of the fraternal type, binding together
children of the same parents, relatives more remotely allied, and,
generally, members of the same social unit. But I am inclined to
suppose that man was not originally a gregarious animal, in the
proper sense of the word, that he originally lived in families rather
than in tribes, and that the tribe arose as the result of increasing
food-supply, allowing the formation of larger communities, combined
with the advantages which under such circumstances accrued from a
gregarious life. The man-like apes are not gregarious; and
considering that some of them are reported to be encountered in
greater numbers in the season when most fruits come to maturity,32
we may infer that the solitary life generally led by them is due chiefly
to the difficulty they experience in getting food at other times of the
year. That our earliest human or half-human ancestors lived on the
same kind of food, and required about the same quantities of it as
the man-like apes, seems to me a fairly legitimate supposition; and
from this I conclude that they were probably not more gregarious
than these apes. Subsequently man became carnivorous; but even
when getting his living by fishing or hunting, he may still have
continued as a rule this solitary kind of life, or gregariousness may
have become his habit only in part. “An animal of a predatory kind,”
Mr. Spencer observes, “which has prey that can be caught and killed
without help, profits by living alone: especially if its prey is much
scattered, and is secured by stealthy approach or by lying in
ambush. Gregariousness would here be a positive disadvantage.
Hence the tendency of large carnivores, and also of small carnivores
that have feeble and widely-distributed prey, to lead solitary lives.”33
It is certainly a noteworthy fact that even now there are rude
savages who live rather in separate families than in tribes; and that
their solitary life is due to want of sufficient food is obvious from
several facts which I have stated in full in another place.34 These
facts, as it seems to me, give much support to the supposition that
the kind of food man subsisted upon, together with the large
quantities of it which he wanted, formed in olden times a hindrance
to a true gregarious manner of living, except perhaps in some
unusually rich places.
32 Savage, ‘Observations on the External Characters and Habits
of the Troglodytes Niger, in Boston Journal of Natural History, iv.
384. Cf. von Koppenfels, ‘Meine Jagden auf Gorillas,’ in Die
Gartenlaube, 1877, p. 419.

33 Spencer, Principles of Psychology, ii. 558.

34 Westermarck, op. cit. p. 43 sqq.

But man finally overcame this obstacle. “He has,” to quote Darwin,
“invented and is able to use various weapons, tools, traps, &c., with
which he defends himself, kills or catches prey, and otherwise
obtains food. He has made rafts or canoes for fishing or crossing
over to neighbouring fertile islands. He has discovered the art of
making fire, by which hard and stringy roots can be rendered
digestible, and poisonous roots or herbs innocuous.”35 In short, man
gradually found out new ways of earning his living and more and
more emancipated himself from direct dependence on surrounding
nature. The chief obstacle to a gregarious life was by this means
surmounted, and the advantages of such a life were considerable.
Living together in larger groups, men could resist the dangers of life
and defend themselves much better than when solitary—all the more
so as the physical strength of man, and especially savage man, is
comparatively slight. The extension of the small family group may
have taken place in two different ways: either by adhesion, or by
natural growth and cohesion. In other words, new elements whether
other family groups or single individuals may have united with it
from without, or the children, instead of separating from their
parents, may have remained with them and increased the group by
forming new families themselves. There can be little doubt that the
latter was the normal mode of extension. When gregariousness
became an advantage to man, he would feel inclined to remain with
those with whom he was living even after the family had fulfilled its
object—the preservation of the helpless offspring. And he would be
induced to do so not only from egoistic considerations, but by an
instinct which, owing to its usefulness, would gradually develop,
practically within the limits of kinship—the gregarious instinct.
35 Darwin, Descent of Man, p. 48 sq.

By the gregarious instinct I understand an animal’s proneness to

live together with other members of its own species, apart from
parental, conjugal, and filial attachment. It involves, or leads to,
pleasure in the consciousness of their presence. The members of a
herd are at ease in each other’s company, suffer when they are
separated, and rejoice when they are reunited. By actual living
together the instinct is individualised,36 and it is strengthened by
habit. The pleasure with which one individual looks upon another is
further increased by the solidarity of interests. Not only have they
enjoyments in common, but they have the same enemies to resist,
the same dangers to encounter, the same difficulties to overcome.
Hence acts which are beneficial to the agent are at the same time
beneficial to his companions, and the distinction between ego and
alter loses much of its importance.
36 In mankind we very early recognise the child’s tendency to
sympathise with persons who are familiar to it (Compayré,
L’évolution intellectuelle et morale de l’enfant, p. 288).

But the members of the group do not merely take pleasure in each
other’s company. Associated animals very frequently display a feeling
of affection for each other—defend each other, help each other in
distress and danger, perform various other services for each other.37
Considering that the very object of the gregarious instinct is the
preservation of the species, I think we are obliged to regard the
mutual affection of associated animals as a development of this
instinct. With the pleasure they take in each other’s company is
intimately connected kindliness towards its cause, the companion
himself. In this explanation of social affection I believe no further
step can be made. Professor Bain asks why a more lively feeling
should grow up towards a fellow-being than towards an inanimate
source of pleasure; and to account for this he suggests, curiously
enough, “the primary and independent pleasure of the animal
embrace”38—although embrace even as an outward expression of
affection plays a very insignificant part in the social relations of
gregarious animals. It might as well be asked why there should be a
more lively feeling towards a sentient creature which inflicts pain
than towards an inanimate cause of pain. Both cases call for a
similar explanation. The animal distinguishes between a living being
and a lifeless thing, and affection proper, like anger proper, is
according to its very nature felt towards the former only. The object
of anger is normally an enemy, the object of social affection is
normally a friend. Social affection is not only greatly increased by
reciprocity of feeling, but could never have come into existence
without such reciprocity. The being to which an animal attaches itself
is conceived of as kindly disposed towards it; hence among wild
animals social affection is found only in connection with the
gregarious instinct, which is reciprocal in nature.
37 Darwin, op. cit. p. 100 sqq. Kropotkin, Mutual Aid, ch. i. sq.

38 Bain, op. cit. p. 132.

Among men the members of the same social unit are tied to each
other with various bonds of a distinctly human character—the same
customs, laws, institutions, magic or religious ceremonies and
beliefs, or notions of a common descent. As men generally are fond
of that to which they are used or which is their own, they are also
naturally apt to have likings for other individuals whose habits or
ideas are similar to theirs. The intensity and extensiveness of social
affection thus in the first place depend upon the coherence and size
of the social aggregate, and its development must consequently be
studied in connection with the evolution of such aggregates.
This evolution is largely influenced by economic conditions.
Savages who know neither cattle-rearing nor agriculture, but subsist
on what nature gives them—game, fish, fruit, roots, and so forth—
mostly live in single families consisting of parents and children, or in
larger family groups including in addition a few other individuals
closely allied.39 But even among these savages the isolation of the
families is not complete. Persons of the same stock inhabiting
neighbouring districts hold friendly relations with one another, and
unite for the purpose of common defence. When the younger
branches of a family are obliged to disperse in search of food, at
least some of them remain in the neighbourhood of the parent
family, preserve their language, and never quite lose the idea of
belonging to one and the same social group. And in some cases we
find that people in the hunting or fishing stage actually live in larger
communities, and have a well-developed social organisation. This is
the case with many or most of the Australian aborigines. Though in
Australia, also, isolated families are often met with,40 the rule seems
to be that the blacks live in hordes. Thus the Arunta of Central
Australia are distributed in a large number of small local groups,
each of which occupies a given area of country and has its own
headman.41 Every family, consisting of a man and one or more wives
and children, has a separate lean-to of shrubs;42 but clusters of
these shelters are always found in spots where food is more or less
easily obtainable,43 and the members of each group are bound
together by a strong “local feeling.”44 The local influence makes itself
felt even outside the horde. “Without belonging to the same group,”
say Messrs. Spencer and Gillen, “men who inhabit localities close to
one another are more closely associated than men living at a
distance from one another, and, as a matter of fact, this local bond is
strongly marked…. Groups which are contiguous locally are
constantly meeting to perform ceremonies.”45 At the time when the
series of initiation ceremonies called the Engwura are performed,
men and women gather together from all parts of the tribe, councils
of the elder men are held day by day, the old traditions of the tribe
are repeated and discussed, and “it is by means of meetings such as
this, that a knowledge of the unwritten history of the tribe and of its
leading members is passed on from generation to generation.”46 Nay,
even members of different tribes often have friendly intercourse with
each other; in Central Australia, when two tribes come into contact
with one another on the border-land of their respective territories,
the same amicable feelings as prevail within the tribe are maintained
between the members of the two.47 Now it seems extremely
probable that Australian blacks are so much more sociable than most
other hunting people because the food-supply of their country is
naturally more plentiful, or, partly thanks to their boomerangs, more
easily attainable. A Central Australian native is, as a general rule,
well nourished; “kangaroo, rock-wallabies, emus, and other forms of
game are not scarce, and often fall a prey to his spear and
boomerang, while smaller animals, such as rats and lizards, are
constantly caught without any difficulty by the women.”48
Circumstances of an economic character also account for the
gregariousness of the various peoples on the north-west coast of
North America who are neither pastoral nor agricultural—the
Thlinkets, Haidas, Nootkas, and others. On the shore of the sea or
some river they have permanent houses, each of which is inhabited
by a number of families;49 the houses are grouped in villages, some
of which are very populous;50 and though the tribal bond is not
conspicuous for its strength, there are councils which discuss and
decide all important questions concerning the tribe.51 The territory
inhabited by these peoples, with its bays, sounds, and rivers,
supplies them with food in abundance; “its enormous wealth of fish
allows its inhabitants to enjoy a pampered existence.”52
39 Westermarck, op. cit. p. 43 sqq. Hildebrand, Recht und Sitte,
p. 1 sqq.

40 Westermarck, op. cit. p. 45.

41 Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia, p. 8

sqq.

42 Ibid. p. 18.

43 Ibid. p. 31.

44 Ibid. p. 544.

45 Ibid. p. 14.

46 Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia, p. 272.

 47 Ibid. p. 32.

48 Ibid. pp. 7, 44.

49 Boas, in Fifth Report on the North-Western Tribes of Canada,

p. 22.

50 Krause (Die Tlinkit-Indianer, p. 100) speaks of a Thlinket

village which consisted of sixty-five houses and five or six
hundred inhabitants.

51 Boas, loc. cit. p. 36 sq.

52 Ratzel, History of Mankind, ii. 92.

To pastoral people sociality, up to a certain degree, is of great

importance. They have not only to defend their own persons against
their enemies, but they have also to protect valuable property, their
cattle. Moreover, they are often anxious to increase their wealth by
robbing their neighbours of cattle, and this is best done in company.
But at the same time a pastoral community is never large, and,
though cohesive so long as it exists, it is liable to break up into
sections. The reason for this is that a certain spot can pasture only a
limited stock of cattle. The thirteenth chapter of Genesis well
illustrates the social difficulties experienced by pastoral peoples.
Abraham went up out of Egypt together with his wife and all that he
had, and Lot went with him. Abraham was very rich in cattle, and
Lot also had flocks, and herds, and tents. But “the land was not able
to bear them, that they might dwell together: for their substance
was great, so that they could not dwell together”; they were obliged
to separate.53
53 Genesis, xiii. 1 sqq. See Hildebrand, op. cit. p. 29 sq.; Grosse,
Die Formen der Familie, pp. 99, 100, 124 sq.

The case is different with people subsisting on agriculture. A

certain piece of land can support a much larger number of persons
when it is cultivated than when it consists merely of pasture ground.
Its resources largely depend on the labour bestowed on it, and the
more people the more labour. The soil also constitutes a tie which
cannot be loosened. It is a kind of property which, unlike cattle, is
immovable; hence even where individual ownership in land prevails,
the heirs to an estate have to remain together. As a matter of fact,
the social union of agricultural communities is very close, and the
households are often enormous.54
54 See Grosse, op. cit. p. 136 sqq.

But living together is not the only factor which, among savages,
establishes a social unit. Such a unit may be based not only on local
proximity, but on marriage or a common descent; it may consist not
only of persons who live together in the same district, but of persons
who are of the same family, or who are, or consider themselves to
be, of the same kin. These different modes of organisation often, in
a large measure, coincide. The family is a social unit made up of
persons who are either married or related by blood, and at the same
time, in normal cases, live together. The tribe is a social unit, though
often a very incoherent one,55 consisting of persons who inhabit the
same district and also, at least in many cases, regard themselves as
descendants of some common ancestor. The clan, which is
essentially a body of kindred having a common name, may likewise
on the whole coincide with the population of a certain territory, with
the members of one or more hordes or villages. This is the case
where the husband takes his wife to his own community and descent
is reckoned through the father, or where he goes to live in his wife’s
community and descent is reckoned through the mother. But
frequently the system of maternal descent is combined with the
custom of the husband taking his wife to his own home, and this, in
connection with the rule of clan-exogamy, occasions a great
discrepancy between the horde and the clan. The local group is then
by no means a group of clansmen; the children, live in their father’s
community, but belong to their mother’s clan, whilst the next
generation of children within the community must belong to another
clan.56
55 See Cunow, Die Verwandtschafts-Organisationen der
Australneger, p. 121, n. 1.
 56 Cf. Giddings, Principles of Sociology, p. 259.

Kinship certainly gives rise to special rights and duties, but when
unsupported by local proximity it loses much of its social force.
Among the Australian natives, for instance, the clan rules seem
generally to be concerned with little or nothing else than marriage,
sexual intercourse, and, perhaps, blood-revenge.57 “The object of
caste” (clan), says Mr. Curr, “is not to create or define a bond of
union, but to secure the absence of any blood relationship between
persons proposed to marry. So far from being a bond of friendship,
no Black ever hesitates to kill one of another tribe because he
happens to bear the same caste- (clan-) name as himself.”58 It
appears that the system of descent itself is largely influenced by
local connections.59 Sir E. B. Tylor has found by means of his
statistical method that the number of coincidences between peoples
among whom the husband lives with the wife’s family and peoples
who reckon kinship through the mother only, is proportionally large,
and that the full maternal system never appears among peoples
whose exclusive custom is for the husband to take his wife to his
own home;60 and I have myself drawn attention to the fact that
where the two customs, the woman receiving her husband in her
own hut and the man taking his wife to his, occur side by side
among the same people, descent in the former case is traced
through the mother, in the latter through the father.61 Nay, even
where kinship constitutes a tie between persons belonging to
different local groups, its social force is ultimately derived not merely
from the idea of a common origin, but from near relatives’ habit of
living together. Men became gregarious by remaining in the circle
where they were born; if, instead of keeping together with their
kindred, they had preferred to isolate themselves or to unite with
strangers, there would certainly be no blood-bond at all. The mutual
attachment and the social rights and duties which resulted from this
gregarious condition were associated with the relation in which
members of the group stood to one another—the relation of kinship
as expressed by a common name,—and these associations might
last even after the local tie was broken. By means of the name
former connections were kept up. Even we ourselves are generally
more disposed to count kin with distant relatives who have our own
surname than with relatives who have a different name; and still
greater is the influence which language in this respect exercises on
the mind of a savage, to whom a person’s name is part of his
personality. The derivative origin of the social force in kinship
accounts for its formal character, when personal intercourse is
wanting; it may enjoin duties, but hardly inspires much affection. If
in modern society much less importance is attached to kinship than
at earlier stages of civilisation, this is largely due to the fact that
relatives, except the nearest, have little communication with each
other. And if, as Aristotle observes, friendship between kinsfolk varies
according to the degree of relationship,62 it does so in the first
instance on account of the varying intimacy of their mutual
intercourse.
57 Cunow, op. cit. pp. 97, 136. Dr. Stirling says (Report of the
Horn Expedition to Central Australia, ‘Anthropology,’ p. 43) that
the laws arising out of the “class” (clan) divisions “have
extraordinary force and are, in general, implicitly obeyed whether
in respect of actual marriage, illicit connections, or social
relations”; but I find no further reference to these “social
relations.”

58 Curr, The Australian Race, i. 69.

59 Westermarck, op. cit. p. 107 sqq.

60 Tylor, ‘Method of Investigating the Development of

Institutions,’ in Jour. Anthr. Inst. xviii. 258.

61 Westermarck, op. cit. p. 110.

62 Aristotle, Ethica Nicomachea, viii. 12. 7.

A very different explanation of the social influence of kinship has been given
by Mr. Hartland. He connects it with primitive superstition. A clan, he says, “is
regarded as an unity, literally and not metaphorically one body, the individual
members of which are as truly portions as the fingers or the legs are portions
of the external, visible body of each of them.” Now, a severed limb or lock of
hair is believed by the savage to remain in some invisible but real union with
the body whereof it once, in outward appearance also, formed a part, and any
injury done to it is supposed to affect the organism to which it belonged. “The
individual member of a clan was in exactly the same position as a lock of hair
cut from the head, or an amputated limb. He had no separate significance, no
value apart from his kin…. Injury inflicted on him was inflicted on, and was
felt by, the whole kin, just as an injury inflicted on the severed lock or limb
was felt by the bulk.”63 Mr. Hartland insists upon a literal interpretation of his
words;64 and this implies that the members of a clan are in their behaviour
influenced by the idea that what happens to one of them reacts upon all.

63 Hartland, Legend of Perseus, ii. 277.

64 Ibid. ii. 236, 398, 444.

In support of his theory Mr. Hartland makes reference to the belief of some
savages, that charms may be made from dead bodies against the surviving
relatives of the deceased,65 and to certain rites of healing in which, besides
the patient himself, “other members of his tribe, presumably kinsmen,” take
part.66 But the former belief is a superstition connected with the wonder of
death, from which no conclusion must be drawn as to relations between the
living; and in the ceremonies of healing the medicine-man plays a much more
prominent part than the other bystanders—whose relationship to the patient,
besides, is so little marked that Mr. Hartland only presumes them to be
kindred. He further observes that in the wide-spread custom of the Couvade
we meet with the idea that the child, being a part of the father, is liable to be
affected by various acts committed by him.67 And from Sir J. G. Frazer’s
‘Golden Bough’ might be quoted many instances of a belief in some
mysterious bond of sympathy knitting together absent friends and relations—
especially at critical times of life—which has, in particular, led to rules
regulating the conduct of persons left at home while a party of their friends is
out fishing or hunting or on the war path.68 But all these rules are taboo
restrictions of a definite and altogether special kind, generally, it seems,
referring to members of the same family, and frequently to wives in their
husbands’ absence. In order to make his hypothesis acceptable, Mr. Hartland
ought to have produced a fair number of facts proving that the members of
the same clan really are believed to be connected with each other in such a