WEEK 9 Human Memory
WEEK 9 Human Memory
The information processing theory is a cognitive approach to understanding how the human
mind transforms sensory information. The model assumes that information that comes from the
environment is subject to mental processes beyond a simple stimulus-response pattern. "Input"
from the environment goes through the cognitive systems which is then measured by the "output".
Information that is received can take several paths depending on attention, encoding, recognition,
and storage. The central executive feature controls how much information is being processed,
though more primitive sensory areas of the brain first accept environmental input. The theory looks
at real time responses to presented stimuli and how the mind transforms that information. The
model is used in several areas of research such as; cognitive development, neuroscience, social
learning, and artificial intelligence
Pause a bit
How do attention, encoding, recognition, and storage work according to the Information
processing theory?
The first is the assumption of a limited capacity of the mental system. This means that the
amount of information that can be processed by the system is constrained in some very important
ways. Bottlenecks, or restrictions in the flow and processing of information, occur at very
specific points.
A third principle is that there is a two-way flow of information as we try to make sense of the
world around us. We constantly use information that we gather through the senses (often referred
to as bottom-up processing) and information we have stored in memory (often called top-down
processing) in a dynamic process as we construct meaning about our environment and our
relations to it. This is somewhat analogous to the difference between inductive reasoning (going
from specific instances to a general conclusion) and deductive reasoning (going from a general
principle to specific examples.) A similar distinction can be made between using information we
derive from the senses and that generated by our imaginations.
A fourth principle generally accepted by cognitive psychologists is that the human organism has
been genetically prepared to process and organize information in specific ways. For example, a
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human infant is more likely to look at a human face than any other stimulus. Given that the field
of focus of a human infant is 12 to 18 inches, one can surmise that this is an important aspect of
the infant's survival. Other research has discovered additional biological predispositions to
process information. For example, language development is similar in all human infants
regardless of language spoken by adults or the area in which they live (e.g., rural versus urban,
Africa versus Europe.) All human infants with normal hearing babble and coo, generate first
words, begin the use of telegraphic speech (e.g., ball gone), and overgeneralize (e.g., using "goed
to the store" when they had previously used "went to the store") at approximately the same ages.
The issue of language development is an area where cognitive and behavioral psychologists as
well as cognitive psychologists with different viewpoints have fought many battles regarding the
processes underlying human behavior. Needless to say the disussion continues.
One of the major issues in cognitive psychology is the study of memory. The dominant view is
labeled the "stage theory" and is based on the work of Atkinson and Shiffrin (1968).
Sensory memory (STSS). Sensory memory is affiliated with the transduction of energy (change
from one energy from to another). The environment makes available a variety of sources of
information (light, sound, smell, heat, cold, etc.), but the brain only understands electrical
energy. The body has special sensory receptor cells that transduce (change from one form of
energy to another) this external energy to something the brain can understand. In the process of
transduction, a memory is created. This memory is very short (less than 1/2 second for vision;
about 3 seconds for hearing).
It is absolutely critical that the learner attend to the information at this initial stage in order to
transfer it to the next one. There are two major concepts for getting information into STM:
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First, individuals are more likely to pay attention to a stimulus if it has an interesting feature. We
are more likely to get an orienting response if this is present.
Second, individuals are more likely to pay attention if the stimulus activates a known pattern. To
the extent we have students call to mind relevant prior learning before we begin our
presentations, we can take advantage of this principle.
Short-term memory (STM). Short-term memory is also called working memory and relates to
what we are thinking about at any given moment in time. In Freudian terms, this is conscious
memory. It is created by our paying attention to an external stimulus, an internal thought, or
both. It will initially last somewhere around 15 to 20 seconds unless it is repeated (called
maintenance rehearsal) at which point it may be available for up to 20 minutes. The
hypothalamus is a brain structure thought to be involved in this shallow processing of
information. The frontal lobes of the cerebral cortex is the structure associated with working
memory. For example, you are processing the words you read on the screen in your frontal lobes.
However, if I ask, "What is your telephone number?" your brain immediately calls that from
long-term memory and replaces what was previously there.
Another major limit on information processing in STM is in terms of the number of units that
can be processed an any one time. Miller (1956) gave the number as 7 + 2, but more recent
research suggests the number may be more like 5 + 2 for most things we are trying to remember.
Because of the variability in how much individuals can work with (for some it may be three, for
others seven) it is necessary to point out important information. If some students can only
process three units of information at a time, let us make certain it is the most important three.
What is the relationship (similarities and differences) between the human STM and the RAM in a
computer?
There are two major concepts for retaining information in STM: organization and repetition.
There are four major types of organization that are most often used in instructional design:
A related issue to organization is the concept of chunking or grouping pieces of data into units.
For example, the letters "b d e" constitute three units of information while the word "bed"
represents one unit even though it is composed of the same number of letters. Chunking is a
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major technique for getting and keeping information in short-term memory; it is also a type of
elaboration that will help get information into long-term memory.
Repetition or rote rehearsal is a technique we all use to try to "learn" something. However, in
order to be effective this must be done after forgetting begins. Researchers advise that the learner
should not repeat immediately the content (or skill), but wait a few minutes and then repeat. For
the most part, simply memorizing something does not lead to learning (i.e., relatively permanent
change). We all have anecdotal evidence that we can remember something we memorized (a
poem for example), but just think about all the material we tried to learn this way and the little
we are able to remember after six months or a year.
Long-term memory (LTM). Long-term memory is also called preconscious and unconscious
memory in Freudian terms. Preconscious means that the information is relatively easily recalled
(although it may take several minutes or even hours) while unconscious refers to data that is not
available during normal consciousness. It is preconscious memory that is the focus of cognitive
psychology as it relates to long-term memory. The levels-of-processing theory, however, has
provided some research that attests to the fact that we "know" more than we can easily recall.
The two processes most likely to move information into long-term memory are elaboration and
distributed practice (referred to as periodic review in the direct instruction model).
There are several examples of elaboration that are commonly used in the teaching/learning
process:
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o Proposition -- interconnected set of concepts and relationships; if/then
statements (smallest unit of information that can be judged true or false)
o Script -- "declarative knowledge structure that captures general
information about a routine series of events or a recurrent type of social
event, such as eating in a restaurant or visiting the doctor" (Stillings et al.,
1987)
o Frame -- complex organization including concepts and visualizations that
provide a reference within which stimuli and actions are judged (also
called "Frame of Reference")
o Scheme -- an organization of concepts, principles, rules, etc. that define a
perspective and presents specific action patterns to follow
o Program -- set of rules that define what to do in a particular situation
o Paradigm -- the basic way of perceiving, thinking, valuing, and doing
associated with a particular vision of reality (Harman, 1970)
o Model -- a set of propositions or equations describing in simplified form
some aspects of our experience. Every model is based upon a theory or
paradigm, but the theory or paradigm may not be stated in concise form.
(Umpleby in Principia Cybernetica Web, no date)
Imagery -- pictures
Concept formation
One of the most important issues in cognitive psychology is the development or formation of
concepts. A concept is the set of rules used to define the categories by which we group similar
events, ideas or objects. There are several principles that lend themselves to concept
development:
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Principle Example
7. Show students how to use Make up silly sentence with first letter of each word in the list.
coding when memorizing lists. Use mental imagery techniques such as the keyword method.
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Remembering and Forgetting
First, the memory has disappeared - it is no longer available. Second, the memory is still stored in the
memory system but, for some reason, it cannot be retrieved.
These two answers summaries the main theories of forgetting developed by psychologists. The first
answer is more likely to be applied to forgetting in short term memory, the second to forgetting in long
term memory.
Forgetting information from short term memory (STM) can be explained using the theories of trace decay
and displacement.
Forgetting from long term memory (LTM) can be explained using the theories of interference and lack of
consolidation.
Trace decay theory states that forgetting occurs as a result of the automatic decay or fading of the memory
trace. Trace decay theory focuses on time and the limited duration of short term memory.
This theory suggests short term memory can only hold information for between 15 and 30 seconds unless
it is rehearsed. After this time the information / trace decays and fades away.
No one disputes the fact that memory tends to get worse the longer the delay between learning and recall,
but there is disagreement about the explanation for this effect.
According to the trace decay theory of forgetting, the events between learning and recall have no effect
whatsoever on recall. It is the length of time the information has to be retained that is important. The
longer the time, the more the memory trace decays and as a consequence more information is forgotten.
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There are a number of methodological problems confronting researchers trying to investigate the trace
decay theory. One of the major problems is controlling for the events that occur between learning and
recall.
Clearly, in any real-life situation, the time between learning something and recalling it will be filled with
all kinds of different events. This makes it very difficult to be sure that any forgetting which takes place
is the result of decay rather than a consequence of the intervening events.
Support for the idea that forgetting from short-term memory might be the result of decay over time came
from research carried out by Brown (1958) in the United Kingdom, and Peterson and Peterson (1959) in
the United States. The technique they developed has become known as the Brown-Peterson task.
Evaluation
There is very little direct support for decay theory as an explanation for the loss of information from
short-term and long-term memory. One of the problems with decay theory is that it is more or less
impossible to test it. In practice, it is not possible to create a situation in which there is a blank period of
time between presentation of material and recall. Having presented information participants will rehearse
it. If you prevent rehearsal by introducing a distracter task, it results in interference.
Decay theory has difficulty explaining the observation that many people can remember events that
happened several years previously with great clarity, even though they haven't thought about them during
the intervening period. If our memories gradually decayed over time, then people should not have clear
memories of distant events which have lain dormant for several years. However, there is evidence to
suggest that information is lost from sensory memory through the process of decay (Sperling, 1960).
When STM is 'full', new information displaces or 'pushes out’ old information and takes its
place. The old information which is displaced is forgotten in STM.
It was also assumed that the information that had been in the short-term store for the longest was
the first to be displaced by new information, similar to the way in which boxes might fail off the
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end of a conveyor belt - as new boxes are put on one end, the boxes which have been on the
conveyor belt the longest drop off the end.
Support for the view that displacement was responsible for the loss of information from short-term
memory came from studies using the 'free-recall' method.
A typical study would use the following procedure: participants listen to a list of words read out a steady
rate, usually two seconds per word; they are then asked to recall as many of words as possible. They are
free to recall the words in any order, hence the term 'free recall'.
The findings from studies using free recall are fairly reliable and they produce similar results on each
occasion. If you take each item in the list and calculate the probability of participants recalling it (by
averaging recall of the word over all participants) and plot this against the item's position in the list, it
results in the serial position curve (Figure 1).
Fig 1. Simplified representation of the serial position curve for immediate recall
Good recall of items at the beginning of the list is referred to as the primacy effect and good recall if
items at the end of the list are referred to as the recency effect. The displacement theory of forgetting from
short-term memory can explain the recency effect quite easily. The last few words that were presented in
the list have not yet been displaced from short-term memory and so are available for recall.
The primacy effect can be explained using Atkinson & Shiffrin's (1968) multi-store model which
proposes that information is transferred into long-term memory by means of rehearsal.
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The first words in the list are rehearsed more frequently because at the time they are presented they do not
have to compete with other words for the limited capacity of the short-term store. This means that words
early in the list are more likely to be transferred to long-term memory.
So the primacy effect reflects items that are available for recall from long-term memory. However, words
in the middle of the list used to be in short term memory until they were pushed out - or displaced by the
words at the end of the list.
Evaluation
Displacement theory provided a good account of how forgetting might take place in Atkinson & Shiffrin's
(1968) model of short-term memory. However, it became clear that the short-term memory store is much
more complex than proposed in Atkinson and Shiffrin's model (re: working memory).
Murdock’s (1962) serial position experiment supports the idea of forgetting due to displacement from
short term memory, although it could be due to decay. Forgetting from short term memory can occur due
to displacement or due to decay, but it is often very difficult to tell which one it is.
Interference Theory
If you had asked psychologists during the 1930s, 1940s, or 1950s what caused forgetting you would
probably have received the answer "Interference".
It was assumed that memory can be disrupted or interfered with by what we have previously learned or by
what we will learn in the future. This idea suggests that information in long term memory may become
confused or combined with other information during encoding thus distorting or disrupting memories.
Interference theory states that forgetting occurs because memories interfere with and disrupt one another,
in other words forgetting occurs because of interference from other memories (Baddeley, 1999). There are
two ways in which interference can cause forgetting:
1. Proactive interference (pro=forward) occurs when you cannot learn a new task because of an old task
that had been learnt. When what we already know interferes with what we are currently learning – where
old memories disrupt new memories.
2. Retroactive interference (retro=backward) occurs when you forget a previously learnt task due to the
learning of a new task. In other words, later learning interferes with earlier learning - where new
memories disrupt old memories.
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Proactive and retroactive Interference is thought to be more likely to occur where the memories are
similar, for example: confusing old and new telephone numbers. Chandler (1989) stated that students
who study similar subjects at the same time often experience interference.
Previous learning can sometimes interfere with new learning (e.g. difficulties we have with foreign
currency when travelling abroad). Also new learning can sometimes cause confusion with previous
learning. (Starting French may affect our memory of previously learned Spanish vocabulary).
In the short term memory interference can occur in the form of distractions so that we don’t get the
chance to process the information properly in the first place. (e.g. someone using a loud drill just outside
the door of the classroom.)
Evaluation
Although proactive and retroactive interference are reliable and robust effects, there are a number of
problems with interference theory as an explanation of forgetting.
First, interference theory tells us little about the cognitive processes involved in forgetting. Secondly, the
majority of research into the role of interference in forgetting has been carried out in a laboratory using
lists of words, a situation which is likely to occur fairly infrequently in everyday life (i.e. low ecological
validity). As a result, it may not be possible to generalize from the findings.
Baddeley (1990) states that the tasks given to subjects are too close to each other and, in real life; these
kinds of events are more spaced out. Nevertheless, recent research has attempted to address this by
investigating 'real-life' events and has provided support for interference theory. However, there is no
doubt that interference plays a role in forgetting, but how much forgetting can be attributed to interference
remains unclear (Anderson, 2000).
Lack of Consolidation
The previous accounts of forgetting have focused primarily on psychological evidence, but memory also
relies on biological processes. For example, we can define a memory trace as:
'some permanent alteration of the brain substrate in order to represent some aspect of a past experience'.
When we take in new information, a certain amount of time is necessary for changes to the nervous
system to take place – the consolidation process – so that it is properly recorded. During this period
information is moved from short term memory to the more permanent long term memory.
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The brain consists of a vast number of cells called neurons, connected to each other by synapses.
Synapses enable chemicals to be passed from one neuron to another. These chemicals, called
neurotransmitters, can either inhibit or stimulate the performance of neurons.
So if you can imagine a network of neurons all connected via synapses, there will be a pattern of
stimulation and inhibition. It has been suggested that this pattern of inhibition and stimulation can be
used as a basis for storing information. This process of modifying neurons in order form new permanent
memories is referred to as consolidation (Parkin, 1993).
There is evidence that the consolidation process is impaired if there is damage to the hippocampus (a
region of the brain). In 1953, HM had brain surgery to treat his epilepsy, which had become extremely
severe. The surgery removed parts of his brain and destroyed the hippocampus, and although it relieved
his epilepsy, it left him with a range of memory problems. Although his STM functioned well, he was
unable to process information into LTM.
The main problem experienced by HM is his inability to remember and learn new things. This inability to
form new memories is referred to as anterograde amnesia. However, of interest in our understanding of
the duration of the process of consolidation is HM's memory for events before his surgery. In general, his
memory for events before the surgery remains intact, but he does have some memory loss for events
which occurred in the two years leading up to surgery.
Pinel (1993) suggests that this challenges Hebb's (1949) idea that the process of consolidation takes
approximately 30 minutes. The fact that HM's memory is disrupted for the two-year period leading up to
the surgery indicates that the process of consolidation continues for a number of years.
Evaluation
The research into the processes involved in consolidation reminds us that memory relies on biological
processes, although the exact manner by which neurons are altered during the formation of new memories
has not yet been fully explained. However, there is no doubt that investigating the role of neurons and
neurotransmitters will provide new and important insights into memory and forgetting.
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Retrieval failure is where the information is in long term memory, but cannot be accessed. Such
information is said to be available (i.e. it is still stored) but not accessible (i.e. it cannot be retrieved). It
cannot be accessed because the retrieval cues are not present.
When we store a new memory we also store information about the situation and these are known as
retrieval cues. When we come into the same situation again, these retrieval cues can trigger the memory
of the situation. Retrieval cues can be:
External / Context - in the environment, e.g. smell, place etc.
Internal / State- inside of us, e.g. physical, emotional, mood, drunk etc.
There is considerable evidence that information is more likely to be retrieved from long-term memory if
appropriate retrieval cues are present. This evidence comes from both laboratory experiments and
everyday experience. A retrieval cue is a hint or clue that can help retrieval.
Tulving (1974) argued that information would be more readily retrieved if the cues present when the
information was encoded were also present when its retrieval is required. For example, if you proposed to
your partner when a certain song was playing on the radio, you will be more likely to remember the
details of the proposal when you hear the same song again. The song is a retrieval cue - it was present
when the information was encoded and retrieved.
Tulving suggested that information about the physical surroundings (external context) and about the
physical or psychological state of the learner (internal context) is stored at the same time as information is
learned. Reinstating the state or context makes recall easier by providing relevant information, while
retrieval failure occurs when appropriate cues are not present. For example, when we are in a different
context (i.e. situation) or state.
Context also refers to the way information is presented. For example, words may be printed, spoken or
sung, they may be presented in meaningful groups - in categories such as lists of animals or furniture - or
as a random collection without any link between them. Evidence indicates that retrieval is more likely
when the context at encoding matches the context at retrieval.
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You may have experienced the effect of context on memory if you have ever visited a place where you
once lived (or an old school). Often such as visit helps people recall lots of experiences about the time
they spent there which they did not realize were stored in their memory.
A number of experiments have indicated the importance of context-based cues for retrieval. An
experiment conducted by Tulving and Pearlstone (1966) asked participants to learn lists of words
belonging to different categories, for example names of animals, clothing and sports.
Participants were then asked to recall the words. Those who were given the category names recalled
substantially more words than those who were not. The categories provided a context, and naming the
categories provided retrieval cues. Tulving and Pearlstone argued that cue-dependent forgetting explains
the difference between the two groups of participants. Those who recalled fewer words lacked appropriate
retrieval cues.
An interesting experiment conducted by Baddeley (1975) indicates the importance of setting for
retrieval. Baddeley (1975) asked deep-sea divers to memorize a list of words. One group did this on the
beach and the other group underwater. When they were asked to remember the words half of the beach
learners remained on the beach, the rest had to recall underwater.
Half of the underwater group remained there and the others had to recall on the beach. The results show
that those who had recalled in the same environment (i.e. context) which that had learned recalled 40%
more words than those recalling in a different environment. This suggests that the retrieval of information
is improved if it occurs in the context in which it was learned.
The basic idea behind state-dependent retrieval is that memory will be best when a person's physical or
psychological state is similar at encoding and retrieval. For example, if someone tells you a joke on
Saturday night after a few drinks, you'll be more likely to remember it when you're in a similar state - at a
later date after a few more drinks. Stone cold sober on Monday morning, you'll be more likely to forget
the joke.
State Retrieval clues may be based on state-the physical or psychological state of the person when
information is encoded and retrieved. For example, a person may be alert, tired, happy, sad, drunk or
sober when the information was encoded. They will be more likely to retrieve the information when they
are in a similar state.
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Tulving and Pearlstone’s (1966) study involved external cues (e.g. presenting category names). However,
cue-dependent forgetting has also been shown with internal cues (e.g. mood state). Information about
current mood state is often stored in the memory trace, and there is more forgetting if the mood state at
the time of retrieval is different. The notion that there should be less forgetting when the mood state at
learning and at retrieval is the same is generally known as mood-state-dependent memory.
A study by Goodwin et al. (1969) investigated the effect of alcohol on state-dependent retrieval. They
found that when people encoded information when drunk, they were more likely to recall it in the same
state. For example, when they hid money and alcohol when drunk, they were unlikely to find them when
sober. However, when they were drunk again, they often discovered the hiding place. Other studies found
similar state-dependent effects when participants were given drugs such as marijuana.
People tend to remember material better when there is a match between their mood at learning and at
retrieval. The effects are stronger when the participants are in a positive mood than a negative mood.
They are also greater when people try to remember events having personal relevance.
Evaluation
According to retrieval-failure theory, forgetting occurs when information is available in LTM but is not
accessible. Accessibility depends in large part on retrieval cues. Forgetting is greatest when context and
state are very different at encoding and retrieval. In this situation, retrieval cues are absent and the likely
result is cue-dependent forgetting.
There is considerable evidence to support this theory of forgetting from laboratory experiments. The
ecological validity of these experiments can be questioned, but their findings are supported by evidence
from outside the laboratory. For example, many people say they can't remember much about their
childhood or their school days. But returning to the house in which they spent their childhood or
attending a school reunion often provides retrieval cues which trigger a flood of memories.
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