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Loading JavaScript Arrays with MySQL Data
By Alex Ressi
All materials Copyright © 1997−2002 Developer Shed, Inc. except where otherwise noted.
Loading JavaScript Arrays with MySQL Data
Table of Contents
Introduction &Explaination..............................................................................................................................1
Source Reference.................................................................................................................................................6
i
Introduction &Explaination
We have all seen pages that use JavaScript for better or for worse. In many cases JavaScript can improve a
site's functionality and ease of use. Unfortunately administrating some of the complicated arrays that
JavaScript depends on for things like heirarchichal menus and dynamic forms can be a pain in the rear. That's
why were going to turn the task over to PHP and MySQL. We can use this combination to load data into the
JavaScript for us. This is particularly useful if information contained in the array is likely to change.
In this exercise we will build a selection component for a resource management system. The component will
tie people and project together based on staffing needs and employee skill. It will also illustrate how PHP and
MySQL can be used to dynamically build JavaScript. The static component code is below.
Use the drop down menu below to select the skills required for the
project. The list of personnel will change according to skill. Use the
arrows arrows to control the addition or subtraction or people to the
project.
This component uses two popular JavaScripts which are readily avialable on the web. I grabbed the JavaScript
for the 'menu swapper' from www.javascriptsource.com, and I picked up a script to handle the drop down
menu change from www.webreference.com.. With a little time, I managed to get the two scripts to work
together as planned. View the source to see the resulting code. One of the first things you will notice is the
following JavaScript array.
The above code will serve as a model while we write our PHP code. Let's take a quick look at the anatomy of
an array. The first set of brackets, ar[x], in this multi−dimentional array refers to the skill. The second set of
brackets ar[x][x] is the array index of the item, which will always begin by default with 0. The item in this
case is the employee. This array will be replaced by PHP code which will dynamcally build it. Now that we
have played around with the component and had a look at the source code, it would be a good idea to build
and populate that database.
Once the database has been built and populated, we need to do the following things to make our JavaScript
dynamic. Note: The only portion of the source code that will be dynamic is the array, the rest of the JavaScript
will remain static.
1. The database needs to be queried for employee names, and employee skills (two separate tables). The
results need to be ordered by skill.
2. We will then need to loop through the skills printing the employee names associated with the skill
3. A mechanism then needs to be built to pass the employee id, skill id and project id to the form
processing component.
Let's begin with the query. Have a look at the database schema to see how the information is stored. There are
3 tables involved in this component. Personnel, Skill, and person_skill.
$sql = "SELECT
p.person_id,
s.person_id,
CONCAT(last_name,', ',first_name) AS name,
skill_id";
$sql .= "FROM
personnel p,
person_skill s
WHERE
p.person_id = s.person_id
ORDER BY
skill_id, name";
$result = mysql_query($sql);
The SQL statement is pretty straightforward. If you are unsure about what is going on here, you can always go
to the MySQL site where there are numerous tutorials. The important thing to note in this query is the
ORDER BY clause, which will properly setup the arrangement of the resulting data. After performing our
SQL we then initialize two variables:
$type = "";
$number2 = "0";
We then will perform the while loop which will actually build the JavaScript array.
A series of "If then" statements will control the proper formation of the array.
if ($myrow[3] != $type) {
The first if statement checks to see if the variable $myrow[3] which is the skill_id from our SQL statement, is
NOT equal to the variable $type. $type was set outside of the loop to nothing. The two values are not equal, so
the next expression will be evaluated.
if ($number2 != NULL) {
We have a new variable to start with, $newnumber2 which is given a value of 1. (0 + 1 = 1) The first line of
the JavaScript array is then printed. ar[0] = new Array();
$number2 which was initially set to 0, now takes on the value of $newnumber2 which is 1. $type now is given
a value. Initally set with no value and now $type has the value of $myrow[3] which is 0.
From this code block we get the first part of the next line, namely ar[0][0]. The first '[0]' refers to the skill, so
it will be repeated for each person that is associated with that particular skill. The next '[0]' refers to an
individual possessing the skill. There is an "if statement." that increments the number in the second set of
square brackets for each row in the database.
Before closing the while loop, we are going to append "= new makeOption("Crown, Tom", "151");" to the
"ar[0][0]", thus completing one pass through the loop. The loop will be run for each row in the database
query, which is in this case is 21. You can view the entire unbroken source code here. The next challenge will
be passing multiple values to the form processing script. This will be done using a combination of JavaScript
and PHP, and will be the focus of a seperate upcoming article.
In addition to building JavaScript arrays, this code can be hacked up for a number of other uses . What this
Plug this in place of the JavaScript array in the source code of the refering page and go! PHP can be inbeded
in JavaScript tags.
<?php
$db = mysql_connect("localhost", "root", "");
// This establishes a link to MySQL
mysql_select_db("extranet",$db); // The database is specified
$sql = "SELECT
p.person_id,
s.person_id,
CONCAT(last_name,', ',first_name) AS name,
skill_id ";
$sql .= "FROM
personnel p,
person_skill s
WHERE
p.person_id = s.person_id
ORDER BY
skill_id, name";
$result = mysql_query($sql);
$type = "";
$number2 = "0";
while ($myrow = mysql_fetch_row($result)) {
if ($myrow[3] != $type) {
if ($number2 != NULL) {
$newnumber2 = ($number2 + "1");
print ("ar[$number2] = new Array();\n");
$number2 = $newnumber2;
$type = $myrow[3];
$number = "0";
}
}
print "ar[" . ($number2 − "1") . "]";
if ($number != NULL) {
$newnumber = ($number + "1");
print ("[$number]");
$number = $newnumber;
}
print (" = new makeOption(\"$myrow[2]\",
\"$myrow[1]$myrow[3]\");\n");
Source Reference 6
Loading JavaScript Arrays with MySQL Data
}
?>
The drop down menu with skills is also database driven so that new skills can easily be added to the database.
Here is the code that was used to generate it.
$sql2 .= "FROM
skill s,
person_skill p
WHERE
s.skill_id = p.skill_id
ORDER BY
s.skill_id";
$result2 = mysql_query($sql2);
The following is the code to build and populate the the tables that are used in this module. It can be cut out of
the web page and then pasted into a text file on your database server where it can then be imported by MySQL
using the mysqlimport command.
#
# Table structure for table 'personnel'
#
CREATE TABLE personnel (
person_id int(11) DEFAULT '0' NOT NULL auto_increment,
first_name varchar(15),
last_name varchar(15),
company varchar(30),
PRIMARY KEY (person_id)
);
Source Reference 7
Loading JavaScript Arrays with MySQL Data
# Dumping data for table 'personnel'
#
#
# Table structure for table 'person_skill'
#
CREATE TABLE person_skill (
person_id int(11) DEFAULT '0' NOT NULL,
skill_id tinyint(2),
level tinyint(1)
);
#
# Dumping data for table 'person_skill'
#
Source Reference 8
Loading JavaScript Arrays with MySQL Data
INSERT INTO person_skill (person_id, skill_id, level)
VALUES (27,3,NULL);
INSERT INTO person_skill (person_id, skill_id, level)
VALUES (30,6,NULL);
INSERT INTO person_skill (person_id, skill_id, level)
VALUES (32,1,NULL);
INSERT INTO person_skill (person_id, skill_id, level)
VALUES (32,2,NULL);
INSERT INTO person_skill (person_id, skill_id, level)
VALUES (34,1,NULL);
INSERT INTO person_skill (person_id, skill_id, level)
VALUES (34,2,NULL);
INSERT INTO person_skill (person_id, skill_id, level)
VALUES (34,7,NULL);
INSERT INTO person_skill (person_id, skill_id, level)
VALUES (36,1,NULL);
INSERT INTO person_skill (person_id, skill_id, level)
VALUES (36,2,NULL);
INSERT INTO person_skill (person_id, skill_id, level)
VALUES (42,1,NULL);
INSERT INTO person_skill (person_id, skill_id, level)
VALUES (42,2,NULL);
INSERT INTO person_skill (person_id, skill_id, level)
VALUES (42,7,NULL);
INSERT INTO person_skill (person_id, skill_id, level)
VALUES (43,4,NULL);
INSERT INTO person_skill (person_id, skill_id, level)
VALUES (43,2,NULL);
INSERT INTO person_skill (person_id, skill_id, level)
VALUES (43,3,NULL);
INSERT INTO person_skill (person_id, skill_id, level)
VALUES (44,2,NULL);
INSERT INTO person_skill (person_id, skill_id, level)
VALUES (44,3,NULL);
#
# Table structure for table 'skill'
#
CREATE TABLE skill (
skill_id int(11) DEFAULT '0' NOT NULL auto_increment,
skill_name varchar(20),
skill_desc varchar(250),
PRIMARY KEY (skill_id)
);
#
# Dumping data for table 'skill'
#
Source Reference 9
Loading JavaScript Arrays with MySQL Data
INSERT INTO skill (skill_id, skill_name, skill_desc)
VALUES (6,'Oracle',NULL);
INSERT INTO skill (skill_id, skill_name, skill_desc)
VALUES (5,'ASP',NULL);
INSERT INTO skill (skill_id, skill_name, skill_desc)
VALUES (4,'Cold Fusion',NULL);
INSERT INTO skill (skill_id, skill_name, skill_desc)
VALUES (3,'Vignette',NULL);
INSERT INTO skill (skill_id, skill_name, skill_desc)
VALUES (2,'JavaScript',NULL);
INSERT INTO skill (skill_id, skill_name, skill_desc)
VALUES (1,'HTML',NULL);
INSERT INTO skill (skill_id, skill_name, skill_desc)
VALUES (7,'MySQL',NULL);
Source Reference 10
Other documents randomly have
different content
same obvious reason; because our man and their woman is habituated to labor, and formed by it. With
both races the sex which is indulged with ease is the least athletic. An Indian man is small in the hand
and wrist, for the same reason for which a sailor is large and strong in the arms and shoulders, and a
porter in the legs and thighs. They raise fewer children than we do. The causes of this are to be found,
not in a difference of nature, but of circumstance. The women very frequently attending the men in
their parties of war and of hunting, child-bearing becomes extremely inconvenient to them. It is said,
therefore, that they have learned the practice of procuring abortion by the use of some vegetable; and
that it even extends to prevent conception for a considerable time after. During these parties they are
exposed to numerous hazards, to excessive exertions, to the greatest extremities of hunger. Even at
their homes the nation depends for food, through a certain part of every year, on the gleanings of the
forest; that is, they experience a famine once in every year. With all animals, if the female be badly fed,
or not fed at all, her young perish; and if both male and female be reduced to like want, generation
becomes less active, less productive. To the obstacles, then, of want and hazard, which nature has
opposed to the multiplication of wild animals, for the purpose of restraining their numbers within certain
bounds, those of labor and of voluntary abortion are added with the Indian. No wonder, then, if they
multiply less than we do. Where food is regularly supplied, a single farm will show more of cattle, than a
whole country of forests can of buffaloes. The same Indian women, when married to white traders, who
feed them and their children plentifully and regularly, who exempt them from excessive drudgery, who
keep them stationary and unexposed to accident, produce and raise as many children as the white
women. Instances are known, under these circumstances, of their rearing a dozen children. An inhuman
practice once prevailed in this country, of making slaves of the Indians. It is a fact well known with us,
that the Indian women so enslaved produced and raised as numerous families as either the whites or
blacks among whom they lived. It has been said that Indians have less hair than the whites, except on
the head. But this is a fact of which fair proof can scarcely be had. With them it is disgraceful to be
hairy on the body. They say it likens them to hogs. They therefore pluck the hair as fast as it appears.
But the traders who marry their women, and prevail on them to discontinue this practice, say, that
nature is the same with them as with the whites. Nor, if the fact be true, is the consequence necessary
which has been drawn from it. Negroes have notoriously less hair than the whites; yet they are more
ardent. But if cold and moisture be the agents of nature for diminishing the races of animals, how
comes she all at once to suspend their operation as to the physical man of the new world, whom the
Count acknowledges to be "à peu près de même stature que l'homme de notre monde," and to let loose
their influence on his moral faculties? How has this "combination of the elements and other physical
causes, so contrary to the enlargement of animal nature in this new world, these obstacles to the
development and formation of great germs,"[38] been arrested and suspended, so as to permit the
human body to acquire its just dimensions, and by what inconceivable process has their action been
directed on his mind alone? To judge of the truth of this, to form a just estimate of their genius and
mental powers, more facts are wanting, and great allowance to be made for those circumstances of
their situation which call for a display of particular talents only. This done, we shall probably find that
they are formed in mind as well as in body, on the same module with the[39] "Homo sapiens
Europæus." The principles of their society forbidding all compulsion, they are to be led to duty and to
enterprise by personal influence and persuasion. Hence eloquence in council, bravery and address in
war, become the foundations of all consequence with them. To these acquirements all their faculties are
directed. Of their bravery and address in war we have multiplied proofs, because we have been the
subjects on which they were exercised. Of their eminence in oratory we have fewer examples, because
it is displayed chiefly in their own councils. Some, however, we have, of very superior lustre. I may
challenge the whole orations of Demosthenes and Cicero, and of any more eminent orator, if Europe has
furnished more eminent, to produce a single passage, superior to the speech of Logan, a Mingo chief, to
Lord Dunmore, then governor of this State. And as a testimony of their talents in this line, I beg leave
to introduce it, first stating the incidents necessary for understanding it.
In the spring of the year 1774, a robbery was committed by some Indians on certain land-adventurers
on the river Ohio. The whites in that quarter, according to their custom, undertook to punish this
outrage in a summary way. Captain Michael Cresap, and a certain Daniel Greathouse, leading on these
parties, surprised, at different times, travelling and hunting parties of the Indians, having their women
and children with them, and murdered many. Among these were unfortunately the family of Logan, a
chief celebrated in peace and war, and long distinguished as the friend of the whites. This unworthy
return provoked his vengeance. He accordingly signalized himself in the war which ensued. In the
autumn of the same year a decisive battle was fought at the mouth of the Great Kanhaway, between
the collected forces of the Shawanese, Mingoes and Delawares, and a detachment of the Virginia militia.
The Indians were defeated and sued for peace. Logan, however, disdained to be seen among the
suppliants. But lest the sincerity of a treaty should be disturbed, from which so distinguished a chief
absented himself, he sent, by a messenger, the following speech, to be delivered to Lord Dunmore.
"I appeal to any white man to say, if ever he entered Logan's cabin hungry, and he gave him not meat;
if ever he came cold and naked, and he clothed him not. During the course of the last long and bloody
war Logan remained idle in his cabin, an advocate for peace. Such was my love for the whites, that my
countrymen pointed as they passed, and said, "Logan is the friend of white men." I had even thought to
have lived with you, but for the injuries of one man. Colonel Cresap, the last spring, in cold blood, and
unprovoked, murdered all the relations of Logan, not even sparing my women and children. There runs
not a drop of my blood in the veins of any living creature. This called on me for revenge. I have sought
it: I have killed many: I have fully glutted my vengeance: for my country I rejoice at the beams of
peace. But do not harbor a thought that mine is the joy of fear. Logan never felt fear. He will not turn on
his heel to save his life. Who is there to mourn for Logan?—Not one."[40]
Before we condemn the Indians of this continent as wanting genius, we must consider that letters have
not yet been introduced among them. Were we to compare them in their present state with the
Europeans, north of the Alps, when the Roman arms and arts first crossed those mountains, the
comparison would be unequal, because, at that time, those parts of Europe were swarming with
numbers; because numbers produce emulation, and multiply the chances of improvement, and one
improvement begets another. Yet I may safely ask, how many good poets, how many able
mathematicians, how many great inventors in arts or sciences, had Europe, north of the Alps, then
produced? And it was sixteen centuries after this before a Newton could be formed. I do not mean to
deny that there are varieties in the race of man, distinguished by their powers both of body and mind. I
believe there are, as I see to be the case in the races of other animals. I only mean to suggest a doubt,
whether the bulk and faculties of animals depend on the side of the Atlantic on which their food
happens to grow, or which furnishes the elements of which they are compounded? Whether nature has
enlisted herself as a Cis- or Trans-Atlantic partisan? I am induced to suspect there has been more
eloquence than sound reasoning displayed in support of this theory; that it is one of those cases where
the judgment has been seduced by a glowing pen; and whilst I render every tribute of honor and
esteem to the celebrated zoologist, who has added, and is still adding, so many precious things to the
treasures of science, I must doubt whether in this instance he has not cherished error also, by lending
her for a moment his vivid imagination and bewitching language. (4.)
So far the Count de Buffon has carried this new theory of the tendency of nature to belittle her
productions on this side the Atlantic. Its application to the race of whites transplanted from Europe,
remained for the Abbé Raynal. "On doit etre etonné (he says) que l'Amerique n'ait pas encore produit
un bon poëte, un habile mathematicien, un homme de genie dans un seul art, ou seule science." Hist.
Philos. p. 92, ed. Maestricht, 1774. "America has not yet produced one good poet." When we shall have
existed as a people as long as the Greeks did before they produced a Homer, the Romans a Virgil, the
French a Racine and Voltaire, the English a Shakespeare and Milton, should this reproach be still true,
we will inquire from what unfriendly causes it has proceeded, that the other countries of Europe and
quarters of the earth shall not have inscribed any name in the roll of poets.[41] But neither has America
produced "one able mathematician, one man of genius in a single art or a single science." In war we
have produced a Washington, whose memory will be adored while liberty shall have votaries, whose
name shall triumph over time, and will in future ages assume its just station among the most celebrated
worthies of the world, when that wretched philosophy shall be forgotten which would have arranged
him among the degeneracies of nature. In physics we have produced a Franklin, than whom no one of
the present age has made more important discoveries, nor has enriched philosophy with more, or more
ingenious solutions of the phenomena of nature. We have supposed Mr. Rittenhouse second to no
astronomer living; that in genius he must be the first, because he is self-taught. As an artist he has
exhibited as great a proof of mechanical genius as the world has ever produced. He has not indeed
made a world; but he has by imitation approached nearer its Maker than any man who has lived from
the creation to this day.[42] As in philosophy and war, so in government, in oratory, in painting, in the
plastic art, we might show that America, though but a child of yesterday, has already given hopeful
proofs of genius, as well as of the nobler kinds, which arouse the best feelings of man, which call him
into action, which substantiate his freedom, and conduct him to happiness, as of the subordinate, which
serve to amuse him only. We therefore suppose, that this reproach is as unjust as it is unkind: and that,
of the geniuses which adorn the present age, America contributes its full share. For comparing it with
those countries where genius is most cultivated, where are the most excellent models for art, and
scaffoldings for the attainment of science, as France and England for instance, we calculate thus: The
United States contains three millions of inhabitants; France twenty millions; and the British islands ten.
We produce a Washington, a Franklin, a Rittenhouse. France then should have half a dozen in each of
these lines, and Great Britain half that number, equally eminent. It may be true that France has; we are
but just becoming acquainted with her, and our acquaintance so far gives us high ideas of the genius of
her inhabitants. It would be injuring too many of them to name particularly a Voltaire, a Buffon, the
constellation of Encyclopedists, the Abbé Raynal himself, &c. &c. We, therefore, have reason to believe
she can produce her full quota of genius. The present war having so long cut off all communication with
Great Britain, we are not able to make a fair estimate of the state of science in that country. The spirit
in which she wages war, is the only sample before our eyes, and that does not seem the legitimate
offspring either of science or of civilization. The sun of her glory is fast descending to the horizon. Her
philosophy has crossed the channel, her freedom the Atlantic, and herself seems passing to that awful
dissolution whose issue is not given human foresight to scan.[43]
Having given a sketch of our minerals, vegetables, and quadrupeds, and being led by a proud theory to
make a comparison of the latter with those of Europe, and to extend it to the man of America, both
aboriginal and emigrant, I will proceed to the remaining articles comprehended under the present
query.
Between ninety and a hundred of our birds have been described by Catesby. His drawings are better as
to form and attitude than coloring, which is generally too high. They are the following:
BIRDS OF VIRGINIA.
And doubtless many others which have not yet been described and classed.
To this catalogue of our indigenous animals, I will add a short account of an anomaly of nature, taking
place sometimes in the race of negroes brought from Africa, who, though black themselves, have, in
rare instances, white children, called Albinos. I have known four of these myself, and have faithful
accounts of three others. The circumstances in which all the individuals agree are these. They are of a
pallid cadaverous white, untinged with red, without any colored spots or seams; their hair of the same
kind of white, short, coarse, and curled as is that of the negro; all of them well formed, strong, healthy,
perfect in their senses, except that of sight, and born of parents who had no mixture of white blood.
Three of these Albinos were sisters, having two other full sisters, who were black. The youngest of the
three was killed by lightning, at twelve years of age. The eldest died at about 27 years of age, in child-
bed, with her second child. The middle one is now alive, in health, and has issue, as the eldest had, by
a black man, which issue was black. They are uncommonly shrewd, quick in their apprehensions and in
reply. Their eyes are in a perpetual tremulous vibration, very weak, and much affected by the sun; but
they see much better in the night than we do. They are of the property of Colonel Skipwith, of
Cumberland. The fourth is a negro woman, whose parents came from Guinea, and had three other
children, who were of their own color. She is freckled, her eye-sight so weak that she is obliged to wear
a bonnet in the summer; but it is better in the night than day. She had an Albino child by a black man.
It died at the age of a few weeks. These were the property of Col. Carter, of Albemarle. A sixth instance
is a women the property of a Mr. Butler, near Petersburg. She is stout and robust, has issue a daughter,
jet black, by a black man. I am not informed as to her eye-sight. The seventh instance is of a male
belonging to a Mr. Lee of Cumberland. His eyes are tremulous and weak. He is tall of stature, and now
advanced in years. He is the only male of the Albinos which have come within my information.
Whatever be the cause of the disease in the skin, or in its coloring matter, which produces this change,
it seems more incident to the female than male sex. To these I may add the mention of a negro man
within my own knowledge, born black, and of black parents; on whose chin, when a boy, a white spot
appeared. This continued to increase till he became a man, by which time it had extended over his chin,
lips, one cheek, the under jaw, and neck on that side. It is of the Albino white, without any mixture of
red, and has for several years been stationary. He is robust and healthy, and the change of color was
not accompanied with any sensible disease, either general or topical.
Of our fish and insects there has been nothing like a full description or collection. More of them are
described in Catesby than in any other work. Many also are to be found in Sir Hans Sloane's Jamaica, as
being common to that and this country. The honey-bee is not a native of our continent. Marcgrave,
indeed, mentions a species of honey-bee in Brazil. But this has no sting, and is therefore different from
the one we have, which resembles perfectly that of Europe. The Indians concur with us in the tradition
that it was brought from Europe; but when, and by whom, we know not. The bees have generally
extended themselves into the country, a little in advance of the white settlers. The Indians, therefore,
call them the white man's fly, and consider their approach as indicating the approach of the settlements
of the whites. A question here occurs, How far northwardly have these insects been found? That they
are unknown in Lapland, I infer from Scheffer's information, that the Laplanders eat the pine bark,
prepared in a certain way, instead of those things sweetened with sugar. "Hoc comedunt pro rebus
saccharo conditis." Scheff. Lapp. c. 18. Certainly if they had honey, it would be a better substitute for
sugar than any preparation of the pine bark. Kalm tells us[44] the honey-bee cannot live through the
winter in Canada. They furnish then an additional fact first observed by the Count de Buffon, and which
has thrown such a blaze of light on the field of natural history, that no animals are found in both
continents, but those which are able to bear the cold of those regions where they probably join.
QUERY VII.
Though by this table it appears we have on an average forty-seven inches of rain annually, which is
considerably more than usually falls in Europe, yet from the information I have collected, I suppose we
have a much greater proportion of sunshine here than there. Perhaps it will be found, there are twice as
many cloudy days in the middle parts of Europe, as in the United States of America. I mention the
middle parts of Europe, because my information does not extend to its northern or southern parts.
In an extensive country, it will of course be expected that the climate is not the same in all its parts. It
is remarkable, that proceeding on the same parallel of latitude westwardly, the climate becomes colder
in like manner as when you proceed northwardly. This continues to be the case till you attain the
summit of the Alleghany, which is the highest land between the ocean and the Mississippi. From thence,
descending in the same latitude to the Mississippi, the change reverses; and, if we may believe
travellers, it becomes warmer there than it is in the same latitude on the sea-side. Their testimony is
strengthened by the vegetables and animals which subsist and multiply there naturally, and do not on
the sea-coast. Thus Catalpas grow spontaneously on the Mississippi, as far as the latitude of 37°, and
reeds as far as 38°. Parroquets even winter on the Scioto, in the 39th degree of latitude. In the summer
of 1779, when the thermometer was at 90° at Monticello, and 96° at Williamsburg, it was 110° at
Kaskaskia. Perhaps the mountain, which overhangs this village on the north side, may, by its reflection,
have contributed somewhat to produce this heat. The difference of temperature of the air at the sea-
coast, or on the Chesapeake bay, and at the Alleghany, has not been ascertained; but contemporary
observations, made at Williamsburg, or in its neighborhood, and at Monticello, which is on the most
eastern ridge of the mountains, called the South-West, where they are intersected by the Rivanna, have
furnished a ratio by which that difference may in some degree be conjectured. These observations make
the difference between Williamsburg and the nearest mountains, at the position before mentioned, to
be on an average 6⅓° of Fahrenheit's thermometer. Some allowance, however, is to be made for the
difference of latitude between these two places, the latter being 38° 8' 17", which is 52' 22" north of
the former. By contemporary observations of between five and six weeks, the averaged and almost
unvaried difference of the height of mercury in the barometer, at those two places, was .784 of an inch,
the atmosphere at Monticello being so much the lightest, that is to say, about one-thirty-seventh of its
whole weight. It should be observed, however, that the hill of Monticello is of five hundred feet
perpendicular height above the river which washes its base. This position being nearly central between
our northern and southern boundaries, and between the bay and Alleghany, may be considered as
furnishing the best average of the temperature of our climate. Williamsburg is much too near the south-
eastern corner to give a fair idea of our general temperature.
But a more remarkable difference is in the winds which prevail in the different parts of the country. The
following table exhibits a comparative view of the winds prevailing at Williamsburg, and at Monticello. It
is formed by reducing nine months' observations at Monticello to four principal points, to wit, the north-
east, south-east, south-west, and north-west; these points being perpendicular to, or parallel with our
coast, mountains, and rivers; and by reducing in like manner, an equal number of observations, to wit,
four hundred and twenty-one from the preceding table of winds at Williamsburg, taking them
proportionably from every point:
By this it may be seen that the south-west wind prevails equally at both places; that the north-east is,
next to this, the principal wind towards the sea-coast, and the north-west is the predominant wind at
the mountains. The difference between these two winds to sensation, and in fact, is very great. The
north-east is loaded with vapor, insomuch, that the salt-makers have found that their crystals would not
shoot while that blows; it brings a distressing chill, and is heavy and oppressive to the spirits. The
north-west is dry, cooling, elastic, and animating. The eastern and south-eastern breezes come on
generally in the afternoon. They have advanced into the country very sensibly within the memory of
people now living. They formerly did not penetrate far above Williamsburg. They are now frequent at
Richmond, and every now and then reach the mountains. They deposit most of their moisture, however,
before they get that far. As the lands become more cleared, it is probable they will extend still further
westward.
Going out into the open air, in the temperate, and warm months of the year, we often meet with bodies
of warm air, which passing by us in two or three seconds, do not afford time to the most sensible
thermometer to seize their temperature. Judging from my feelings only, I think they approach the
ordinary heat of the human body. Some of them, perhaps, go a little beyond it. They are of about
twenty to thirty feet diameter horizontally. Of their height we have no experience, but probably they are
globular volumes wafted or rolled along with the wind. But whence taken, where found, or how
generated? They are not to be ascribed to volcanos, because we have none. They do not happen in the
winter when the farmers kindle large fires in clearing up their grounds. They are not confined to the
spring season, when we have fires which traverse whole counties, consuming the leaves which have
fallen from the trees. And they are too frequent and general to be ascribed to accidental fires. I am
persuaded their cause must be sought for in the atmosphere itself, to aid us in which I know but of
these constant circumstances: a dry air; a temperature as warm, at least, as that of the spring or
autumn; and a moderate current of wind. They are most frequent about sun-set; rare in the middle
parts of the day; and I do not recollect having ever met with them in the morning.
The variation in the weight of our atmosphere, as indicated by the barometer, is not equal to two inches
of mercury. During twelve months' observation at Williamsburg, the extremes 29 and 30.86 inches, the
difference being 1.86 of an inch; and in nine months, during which the height of the mercury was noted
at Monticello, the extremes were 28.48 and 29.69 inches, the variation being 1.21 of an inch. A
gentleman, who has observed his barometer many years, assures me it has never varied two inches.
Contemporary observations made at Monticello and Williamsburg, proved the variations in the weight of
air to be simultaneous and corresponding in these two places.
Our changes from heat to cold, and cold to heat, are very sudden and great. The mercury in
Fahrenheit's thermometer has been known to descend from 92° to 47° in thirteen hours.
It was taken for granted, that the preceding table of average heat will not give a false idea on this
subject, as it proposes to state only the ordinary heat and cold of each month, and not those which are
extraordinary. At Williamsburg, in August 1766, the mercury in Fahrenheit's thermometer was at 98°,
corresponding with 29⅓ of Reaumur. At the same place in January 1780, it was 6°, corresponding with
11½ below zero of Reaumur. I believe[45] these may be considered to be nearly the extremes of heat
and cold in that part of the country. The latter may most certainly, as that time York river, at Yorktown,
was frozen over, so that people walked across it; a circumstance which proves it to have been colder
than the winter of 1740, 1741, usually called the cold winter, when York river did not freeze over at that
place. In the same season of 1780, Chesapeake bay was solid, from its head to the mouth of Potomac.
At Annapolis, where it is 5¼ miles over between the nearest points of land, the ice was from five to
seven inches thick quite across, so that loaded carriages went over on it. Those, our extremes of heat
and cold, of 6° and 98°, were indeed very distressing to us, and were thought to put the extent of the
human constitution to considerable trial. Yet a Siberian would have considered them as scarcely a
sensible variation. At Jenniseitz in that country, in latitude 58° 27', we are told that the cold in 1735
sunk the mercury by Fahrenheit's scale to 126° below nothing; and the inhabitants of the same country
use stove rooms two or three times a week, in which they stay two hours at a time, the atmosphere of
which raises the mercury to 135° above nothing. Late experiments show that the human body will exist
in rooms heated to 140° of Reaumur, equal to 347° of Fahrenheit's, and 135° above boiling water. The
hottest point of the twenty-four hours is about four o'clock, P. M., and the dawn of day the coldest.
The access of frost in autumn, and its recess the spring, do not seem to depend merely on the degree
of cold; much less on the air's being at the freezing point. White frosts are frequent when the
thermometer is at 47°, have killed young plants of Indian corn at 48°, and have been known at 54°.
Black frost, and even ice, have been produced at 38½°, which is 6½ degrees above the freezing point.
That other circumstances must be combined with this cold to produce frost, is evident from this also, on
the higher parts of mountains, where it is absolutely colder than in the plains on which they stand,
frosts do not appear so early by a considerable space of time in autumn, and go off sooner in the
spring, than in the plains. I have known frosts so severe as to kill the hickory trees round about
Monticello, and yet not injure the tender fruit blossoms then in bloom on the top and higher parts of the
mountain; and in the course of forty years, during which it had been settled, there have been but two
instances of a general loss of fruit on it; while in the circumjacent country, the fruit has escaped but
twice in the last seven years. The plants of tobacco, which grow from the roots of those which have
been cut off in the summer, are frequently green here at Christmas. This privilege against the frost is
undoubtedly combined with the want of dew on the mountains. That the dew is very rare on their
higher parts, I may say with certainty, from twelve years' observations, having scarcely ever, during that
time, seen an unequivocal proof of its existence on them at all during summer. Severe frosts in the
depth of winter prove that the region of dews extends higher in that season than the tops of the
mountains; but certainly, in the summer season, the vapors, by the time they attain that height, are so
attenuated as not to subside and form a dew when the sun retires.
The weavil has not yet ascended the high mountains.
A more satisfactory estimate of our climate to some, may perhaps be formed, by noting the plants
which grow here, subject, however, to be killed by our severest colds. These are the fig, pomegranate,
artichoke, and European walnut. In mild winters, lettuce and endive require no shelter; but, generally,
they need a slight covering. I do not know that the want of long moss, reed, myrtle, swamp laurel,
holly, and cypress, in the upper country proceeds from a greater degree of cold, nor that they were ever
killed with any degree of cold, nor that they were ever killed with any degree of cold in the lower
country. The aloe lived in Williamsburg, in the open air, through the severe winter of 1779, 1780.
A change in our climate, however, is taking place very sensibly. Both heats and colds are become much
more moderate within the memory even of the middle-aged. Snows are less frequent and less deep.
They do not often lie, below the mountains, more than one, two, or three days, and very rarely a week.
They are remembered to have been formerly frequent, deep, and of long continuance. The elderly
inform me, the earth used to be covered with snow about three months in every year. The rivers, which
then seldom failed to freeze over in the course of the winter, scarcely ever do so now. This change has
produced an unfortunate fluctuation between heat and cold, in the spring of the year, which is very fatal
to fruits. From the year 1741 to 1769, an interval of twenty-eight years, there was no instance of fruit
killed by the frost in the neighborhood of Monticello. An intense cold, produced by constant snows, kept
the buds locked up till the sun could obtain, in the spring of the year, so fixed an ascendency as to
dissolve those snows, and protect the buds, during their development, from every danger of returning
cold. The accumulated snows of the winter remaining to be dissolved all together in the spring,
produced those overflowings of our rivers, so frequent then, and so rare now.
Having had occasion to mention the particular situation of Monticello for other purposes, I will just take
notice that its elevation affords an opportunity of seeing a phenomenon which is rare at land, though
frequent at sea. The seamen call it looming. Philosophy is as yet in the rear of the seamen, for so far
from having accounted for it, she has not given it a name. Its principal effect is to make distant objects
appear larger, in opposition to the general law of vision, by which they are diminished. I knew an
instance, at Yorktown, from whence the water prospect eastwardly is without termination, wherein a
canoe with three men, at a great distance was taken for a ship with its three masts. I am little
acquainted with the phenomenon as it shows itself at sea; but at Monticello it is familiar. There is a
solitary mountain about forty miles off in the South, whose natural shape, as presented to view there, is
a regular cone; but by the effect of looming, it sometimes subsides almost totally in the horizon;
sometimes it rises more acute and more elevated; sometimes it is hemispherical; and sometimes its
sides are perpendicular, its top flat, and as broad as its base. In short, it assumes at times the most
whimsical shapes, and all these perhaps successively in the same morning. The blue ridge of mountains
comes into view, in the north-east, at about one hundred miles distance, and approaching in a direct
line, passes by within twenty miles, and goes off to the south-west. This phenomenon begins to show
itself on these mountains, at about fifty miles distance, and continues beyond that as far as they are
seen. I remark no particular state, either in the weight, moisture, or heat of the atmosphere, necessary
to produce this. The only constant circumstances are its appearance in the morning only, and on objects
at least forty or fifty miles distant. In this latter circumstance, if not in both, it differs from the looming
on the water. Refraction will not account for the metamorphosis. That only changes the proportions of
length and breadth, base and altitude, preserving the general outlines. Thus it may make a circle
appear elliptical, raise or depress a cone, but by none of its laws, as yet developed, will it make a circle
appear a square, or a cone a sphere.
QUERY VIII.
Here I will beg leave to propose a doubt. The present desire of America is to produce rapid population
by as great importations of foreigners as possible. But is this founded in good policy? The advantage
proposed is the multiplication of numbers. Now let us suppose (for example only) that, in this state, we
could double our numbers in one year by the importation of foreigners; and this is a greater accession
than the most sanguine advocate for emigration has a right to expect. Then I say, beginning with a
double stock, we shall attain any given degree of population only twenty-seven years, and three months
sooner than if we proceed on our single stock. If we propose four millions and a half as a competent
population for this State, we should be fifty-four and a half years attaining it, could we at once double
our numbers; and eighty-one and three quarter years, if we rely on natural propagation, as may be
seen by the following tablet:
Proceeding on our present stock. Proceeding on a double stock.
1781 567,614 1,135,228
1808¼ 1,135,228 2,270,456
1835½ 2,270,456 4,540,912
1862¾ 4,540,912
In the first column are stated periods of twenty-seven and a quarter years; in the second are our
numbers at each period, as they will be if we proceed on our actual stock; and in the third are what
they would be, at the same periods, were we to set out from the double of our present stock. I have
taken the term of four million and a half of inhabitants for example's sake only. Yet I am persuaded it is
a greater number than the country spoken of, considering how much inarable land it contains, can
clothe and feed without a material change in the quality of their diet. But are there no inconveniences
to be thrown into the scale against the advantage expected from a multiplication of numbers by the
importation of foreigners? It is for the happiness of those united in society to harmonize as much as
possible in matters which they must of necessity transact together. Civil government being the sole
object of forming societies, its administration must be conducted by common consent. Every species of
government has its specific principles. Ours perhaps are more peculiar than those of any other in the
universe. It is a composition of the freest principles of the English constitution, with others derived from
natural right and natural reason. To these nothing can be more opposed than the maxims of absolute
monarchies. Yet from such we are to expect the greatest number of emigrants. They will bring with
them the principles of the governments they leave, imbibed in their early youth; or, if able to throw
them off, it will be in exchange for an unbounded licentiousness, passing, as is usual, from one extreme
to another. It would be a miracle were they to stop precisely at the point of temperate liberty. These
principles, with their language, they will transmit to their children. In proportion to their numbers, they
will share with us the legislation. They will infuse into it their spirit, warp and bias its directions, and
render it a heterogenous, incoherent, distracted mass. I may appeal to experience, during the present
contest, for a verification of these conjectures. But, if they be not certain in event, are they not
possible, are they not probable? Is it not safer to wait with patience twenty-seven years and three
months longer, for the attainment of any degree of population desired or expected? May not our
government be more homogeneous, more peaceable, more durable? Suppose twenty millions of
republican Americans thrown all of a sudden into France, what would be the condition of that kingdom?
If it would be more turbulent, less happy, less strong, we may believe that the addition of half a million
of foreigners to our present numbers would produce a similar effect here. If they come of themselves
they are entitled to all the rights of citizenship; but I doubt the expediency of inviting them by
extraordinary encouragements. I mean not that these doubts should be extended to the importation of
useful artificers. The policy of that measure depends on very different considerations. Spare no expense
in obtaining them. They will after a while go to the plough and the hoe; but, in the mean time, they will
teach us something we do not know. It is not so in agriculture. The indifferent state of that among us
does not proceed from a want of knowledge merely; it is from our having such quantities of land to
waste as we please. In Europe the object is to make the most of their land, labor being abundant; here
it is to make the most of our labor, land being abundant.
It will be proper to explain how the numbers for the year 1782 have been obtained; as it was not from
a perfect census of the inhabitants. It will at the same time develope the proportion between the free
inhabitants and slaves. The following return of taxable articles for that year was given in.
53,289 free males above twenty-one years of age.
211,698 slaves of all ages and sexes.
23,766 not distinguished in the returns, but said to be tytheable slaves.
195,439 horses.
609,734 cattle.
5,126 wheels of riding-carriages.
191 taverns.
There were no returns from the eight counties of Lincoln, Jefferson, Fayette, Monongahela, Yohogania,
Ohio, Northampton, and York. To find the number of slaves which should have been returned instead of
the 23,766 tytheables, we must mention that some observations on a former census had given reason
to believe that the numbers above and below sixteen years of age were equal. The double of this
number, therefore, to wit, 47,532 must be added to 211,698, which will give us 259,230 slaves of all
ages and sexes. To find the number of free inhabitants we must repeat the observation that those
above and below sixteen are nearly equal. But as the number 53,289 omits the males below sixteen and
twenty-one we must supply them from conjecture. On a former experiment it had appeared that about
one-third of our militia, that is, of the males between sixteen and fifty, were unmarried. Knowing how
early marriage takes place here, we shall not be far wrong in supposing that the unmarried part of our
militia are those between sixteen and twenty-one. If there be young men who do not marry till after
twenty-one, there are many who marry before that age. But as men above fifty were not included in the
militia, we will suppose the unmarried, or those between sixteen and twenty-one, to be one-fourth of
the whole number above sixteen, then we have the following calculation:
53,289 free males above twenty-one years of age.
17,763 free males between sixteen and twenty-one.
17,052 free males under sixteen.
142,104 free males of all ages.
284,208 free inhabitants of all ages.
259,230 slaves of all ages.
543,438 inhabitants, exclusive of the eight counties from which were no returns. In these eight
counties in the years 1779 and 1780, were 3,161 militia. Say then,
3,161 free males above the age of sixteen.
3,161 free males under sixteen.
6,322 free females.
12,644 free inhabitants in these eight counties. To find the number of slaves, say, as 284,208
to 259,230, so is 12,644 to 11,532. Adding the third of these numbers to the first, and
the fourth to the second, we have,
296,852 free inhabitants.
270,762 slaves.
567,614 inhabitants of every age, sex and condition.
But 296,852, the number of free inhabitants, are to 270,762, the number of slaves, nearly as 11 to 10.
Under the mild treatment our slaves experience, and their wholesome, though coarse food, this blot in
our country increases as fast, or faster than the whites. During the regal government we had at one
time obtained a law which imposed such a duty on the importation of slaves as amounted nearly to a
prohibition, when one inconsiderate assembly, placed under a peculiarity of circumstance, repealed the
law. This repeal met a joyful sanction from the then reigning sovereign, and no devices, no expedients,
which could ever be attempted by subsequent assemblies, and they seldom met without attempting
them, could succeed in getting the royal assent to a renewal of the duty. In the very first session held
under the republican government, the assembly passed a law for the perpetual prohibition of the
importation of slaves. This will in some measure stop the increase of this great political and moral evil,
while the minds of our citizens may be ripening for a complete emancipation of human nature.
QUERY IX.
The number and condition of the Militia and Regular Troops, and their Pay?
The following is a state of the militia, taken from returns of 1780 and 1781, except in those counties
marked with an asterisk, the returns from which are somewhat older.
Every able-bodied freeman, between the ages of sixteen and fifty, is enrolled in the militia. Those of
every county are formed into companies, and these again into one or more battalions, according to the
numbers in the county. They are commanded by colonels, and other subordinate officers, as in the
regular service. In every county is a county-lieutenant, who commands the whole militia of his county,
but ranks only as a colonel in the field. We have no general officers always existing. These are
appointed occasionally, when an invasion or insurrection happens, and their commission determines
with the occasion. The governor is head of the military, as well as civil power. The law requires every
militia-man to provide himself with the arms usual in the regular service. But this injunction was always
indifferently complied with, and the arms they had, have been so frequently called for to arm the
regulars, that in the lower parts of the country they are entirely disarmed. In the middle country a
fourth or fifth part of them may have such firelocks as they had provided to destroy the noxious animals
which infest their farms; and on the western side of the Blue ridge they are generally armed with rifles.
The pay of our militia, as well as of our regulars, is that of the continental regulars. The condition of our
regulars, of whom we have none but continentals, and part of a battalion of state troops, is so
constantly on the change, that a state of it at this day would not be its state a month hence. It is much
the same with the condition of the other continental troops, which is well enough known.
Situation. Counties. Militia.
Westward of the Lincoln 600
Alleghany 4,458. Jefferson 300
Fayette 156
Ohio ..
Monongalia *1,000
Washington *829
Montgomery 1,071
Greenbriar 502
Between the Alleghany Hampshire 930
and Blue Ridge. 7,673. Berkeley *1,100
Frederick 1,143
Shenando *925
Rockingham 875
Augusta 1,375
Rockbridge *625
Boutetourt *700
Between the Blue Ridge Loudoun 1,746
and Tide Waters. 18,828. Faquier 1,078
Culpepper 1,513
Spotsylvania 480
Orange *600
Louisa 603
Goochland *550
Fluvanna *296
Albemarle 873
Amherst 896
Buckingham *625
Bedford 1,300
Henry 1,004
Pittsylvania *725
Halifax *1,139
Charlotte 612
Prince Edward 589
Cumberland 408
Powhatan 330
Amelia *1,125
Lunenburg 677
Mecklenburg 1,100
Brunswick 559
On the Tide Waters, and Between James River and Greensville 500
in that Parallel. 19,012. Carolina. 6,959. Dinwiddie *750
Chesterfield 665
Prince George 328
Surrey 380
Sussex *700
Southampton 874
Isle of White *600
Nansemond *644
Norfolk *880
Prince Anne *594
Between James & York Henrico 619
rivers. 3,009. Hanover 706
New Kent *418
Charles City 286
James City 235
Williamsburgh 129
York *244
Warwick *100
Elizabeth City 182
Bet. York & Caroline 805
Rappahannock. 3,269. King William 436
King and Queen 500
Essex 468
Middlesex *210
Gloucester 850
Betw'n Rappahannock and Fairfax 652
Powtomac. 4,137. Prince William 614
Stafford *500
King George 483
Richmond 412
Westmoreland 544
Northumberland 630
Lancaster 332
East'n Shore. 1,638. Accomac *1,208
Northampton *430
Whole Militia of the State 49,971
QUERY X.
The Marine?
Before the present invasion of this State by the British, under the command of General Phillips, we had
three vessels of sixteen guns, one of fourteen, five small gallies, and two or three armed boats. They
were generally so badly manned as seldom to be in a condition for service. Since the perfect possession
of our rivers assumed by the enemy, I believe we are left with a single armed boat only.
QUERY XI.
The preceding table contains a state of these several tribes, according to their confederacies and
geographical situation, with their numbers when we first became acquainted with them, where these
numbers are known. The numbers of some of them are again stated as they were in the year 1669,
when an attempt was made by assembly to enumerate them. Probably the enumeration is imperfect,
and in some measure conjectural, and that a farther search into the records would furnish many more
particulars. What would be the melancholy sequel of their history, may, however, be argued from the
census of 1669; by which we discover that the tribes therein enumerated were, in the space of sixty-
two years, reduced to about one-third of their former numbers. Spirituous liquors, the small-pox, war,
and an abridgement of territory to a people who lived principally on the spontaneous productions of
nature, had committed terrible havoc among them, which generation, under the obstacles opposed to it
among them, was not likely to make good. That the lands of this country were taken from them by
conquest, is not so general a truth as is supposed. I find in our historians and records, repeated proofs
of purchase, which cover a considerable part of the lower country; and many more would doubtless be
found on further search. The upper country, we know, has been acquired altogether acquired by
purchases made in the most unexceptionable form.
Westward of all these tribes, beyond the mountains, and extending to the great lakes, were the
Maffawomees, a most powerful confederacy, who harassed unremittingly the Powhatans and
Manahoacs. These were probably the ancestors of tribes known at present by the name of the Six
Nations.
Very little can now be discovered of the subsequent history of these tribes severally. The
Chickahominies removed about the year 1661, to Mattapony river. Their chief, with one from each of the
Pamunkies and Mattaponies, attended the treaty of Albany in 1685. This seems to have been the last
chapter in their history. They retained, however, their separate name so late as 1705, and were at
length blended with the Pamunkies and Mattaponies, and exist at present only under their names.
There remain of the Mattaponies three or four men only, and have more negro than Indian blood in
them. They have lost their language, have reduced themselves, by voluntary sales, to about fifty acres
of land, which lie on the river of their own name, and have from time to time, been joining the
Pamunkies, from whom they are distant but ten miles. The Pamunkies are reduced to about ten or
twelve men, tolerably pure from mixture with other colors. The older ones among them preserve their
language in a small degree, which are the last vestiges on earth, as far as we know, of the Powhatan
language. They have about three hundred acres of very fertile land, on Pamunkey river, so
encompassed by water that a gate shuts in the whole. Of the Nottoways, not a male is left. A few
women constitute the remains of that tribe. They are seated on Nottoway river, in Southampton
country, on very fertile lands. At a very early period, certain lands were marked out and appropriated to
these tribes, and were kept from encroachment by the authority of the laws. They have usually had
trustees appointed, whose duty was to watch over their interests, and guard them from insult and
injury.
The Monacans and their friends, better known latterly by the name of Tuscaroras, were probably
connected with the Massawomecs, or Five Nations. For though we are[46] told their languages were so
different that the intervention of interpreters was necessary between them, yet do we also[47] learn that
the Erigas, a nation formerly inhabiting on the Ohio, were of the same original stock with the Five
Nations, and that they partook also of the Tuscarora language. Their dialects might, by long separation,
have become so unlike as to be unintelligible to one another. We know that in 1712, the Five Nations
received the Tuscaroras into their confederacy, and made them the Sixth Nation. They received the
Meherrins and Tuteloes also into their protection; and it is most probable, that the remains of many
other of the tribes, of whom we find no particular account, retired westwardly in like manner, and were
incorporated with one or the other of the western tribes. (5.)
I know of no such thing existing as an Indian monument; for I would not honor with that name arrow
points, stone hatchets, stone pipes, and half-shapen images. Of labor on the large scale, I think there is
no remain as respectable as would be a common ditch for the draining of lands; unless indeed it would
be the barrows, of which many are to be found all over this country. These are of different sizes, some
of them constructed of earth, and some of loose stones. That they were repositories of the dead, has
been obvious to all; but on what particular occasion constructed, was a matter of doubt. Some have
thought they covered the bones of those who have fallen in battles fought on the spot of interment.
Some ascribed them to the custom, said to prevail among the Indians, of collecting, at certain periods,
the bones of all their dead, wheresoever deposited at the time of death. Others again supposed them
the general sepulchres for towns, conjectured to have been on or near these grounds; and this opinion
was supported by the quality of the lands in which they are found, (those constructed of earth being
generally in the softest and most fertile meadow-grounds on river sides,) and by a tradition, said to be
handed down from the aboriginal Indians, that, when they settled in a town, the first person who died
was placed erect, and earth put about him, so as to cover and support him; that when another died, a
narrow passage was dug to the first, the second reclined against him, and the cover of earth replaced,
and so on. There being one of these in my neighborhood, I wished to satisfy myself whether any, and
which of these opinions were just. For this purpose I determined to open and examine it thoroughly. It
was situated on the low grounds of the Rivanna, about two miles above its principal fork, and opposite
to some hills, on which had been an Indian town. It was of a spheroidical form, of about forty feet
diameter at the base, and had been of about twelve feet altitude, though now reduced by the plough to
seven and a half, having been under cultivation about a dozen years. Before this it was covered with
trees of twelve inches diameter, and round the base was an excavation of five feet depth and width,
from whence the earth had been taken of which the hillock was formed. I first dug superficially in
several parts of it, and came to collections of human bones, at different depths, from six inches to three
feet below the surface. These were lying in the utmost confusion, some vertical, some oblique, some
horizontal, and directed to every point of the compass, entangled and held together in clusters by the
earth. Bones of the most distant parts were found together, as, for instance, the small bones of the foot
in the hollow of a scull; many sculls would sometimes be in contact, lying on the face, on the side, on
the back, top or bottom, so as, on the whole, to give the idea of bones emptied promiscuously from a
bag or a basket, and covered over with earth, without any attention to their order. The bones of which
the greatest numbers remained, were sculls, jaw-bones, teeth, the bones of the arms, thighs, legs, feet
and hands. A few ribs remained, some vertebræ of the neck and spine, without their processes, and
one instance only of the[48] bone which serves as a base to the vertebral column. The sculls were so
tender, that they generally fell to pieces on being touched. The other bones were stronger. There were
some teeth which were judged to be smaller than those of an adult; a scull, which on a slight view,
appeared to be that of an infant, but it fell to pieces on being taken out, so as to prevent satisfactory
examination; a rib, and a fragment of the under-jaw of a person about half grown; another rib of an
infant; and a part of the jaw of a child, which had not cut its teeth. This last furnishing the most
decisive proof of the burial of children here, I was particular in my attention to it. It was part of the
right half of the under-jaw. The processes, by which it was attenuated to the temporal bones, were
entire, and the bone itself firm to where it had been broken off, which, as nearly as I could judge, was
about the place of the eye-tooth. Its upper edge, wherein would have been the sockets of the teeth,
was perfectly smooth. Measuring it with that of an adult, by placing their hinder processes together, its
broken end extended to the penultimate grinder of the adult. This bone was white, all the others of a
sand color. The bones of infants being soft, they probably decay sooner, which might be the cause so
few were found here. I proceeded then to make a perpendicular cut through the body of the barrow,
that I might examine its internal structure. This passed about three feet from its centre, was opened to
the former surface of the earth, and was wide enough for a man to walk through and examine its sides.
At the bottom, that is, on the level of the circumjacent plain, I found bones; above these a few stones,
brought from a cliff a quarter of a mile off, and from the river one-eighth of a mile off; then a large
interval of earth, then a stratum of bones, and so on. At one end of the section were four strata of
bones plainly distinguishable; at the other, three; the strata in one part not ranging with those in
another. The bones nearest the surface were least decayed. No holes were discovered in any of them,
as if made with bullets, arrows, or other weapons. I conjectured that in this barrow might have been a
thousand skeletons. Every one will readily seize the circumstances above related, which militate against
the opinion, that it covered the bones only of persons fallen in battle; and against the tradition also,
which would make it the common sepulchre of a town, in which the bodies were placed upright, and
touching each other. Appearances certainly indicate that it has derived both origin and growth from the
accustomary collection of bones, and deposition of them together; that the first collection had been
deposited on the common surface of the earth, a few stones put over it, and then a covering of earth,
that the second had been laid on this, had covered more or less of it in proportion to the number of
bones, and was then also covered with earth; and so on. The following are the particular circumstances
which give it this aspect. 1. The number of bones. 2. Their confused position. 3. Their being in different
strata. 4. The strata in one part having no correspondence with those in another. 5. The different states
of decay in these strata, which seem to indicate a difference in the time of inhumation. 6. The existence
of infant bones among them.
But on whatever occasion they may have been made, they are of considerable notoriety among the
Indians; for a party passing, about thirty years ago, through the part of the country where this barrow
is, went through the woods directly to it, without any instructions or inquiry, and having staid about it
for some time, with expressions which were construed to be those of sorrow, they returned to the high
road, which they had left about half a dozen miles to pay this visit, and pursued their journey. There is
another barrow much resembling this, in the low grounds of the south branch of Shenandoah, where it
is crossed by the road leading from the Rockfish gap to Staunton. Both of these have, within these
dozen years, been cleared of their trees and put under cultivation, are much reduced in their height,
and spread in width, by the plough, and will probably disappear in time. There is another on a hill in the
Blue Ridge of mountains, a few miles north of Wood's gap, which is made up of small stones thrown
together. This has been opened and found to contain human bones, as the others do. There are also
many others in other parts of the country.
Great question has arisen from whence came those aboriginals of America? Discoveries, long ago made,
were sufficient to show that the passage from Europe to America was always practicable, even to the
imperfect navigation of ancient times. In going from Norway to Iceland, from Iceland to Greenland,
from Greenland to Labrador, the first traject is the widest; and this having been practised from the
earliest times of which we have any account of that part of the earth, it is not difficult to suppose that
the subsequent trajects may have been sometimes passed. Again, the late discoveries of Captain Cook,
coasting from Kamschatka to California, have proved that if the two continents of Asia and America be
separated at all, it is only by a narrow strait. So that from this side also, inhabitants may have passed
into America; and the resemblance between the Indians of America and the eastern inhabitants of Asia,
would induce us to conjecture, that the former are the descendants of the latter, or the latter of the
former; excepting indeed the Esquimaux, who, from the same circumstance of resemblance, and from
identity of language, must be derived from the Greenlanders, and these probably from some of the
northern parts of the old continent. A knowledge of their several languages would be the most certain
evidence of their derivation which could be produced. In fact, it is the best proof of the affinity of
nations which ever can be referred to. How many ages have elapsed since the English, the Dutch, the
Germans, the Swiss, the Norwegians, Danes and Swedes have separated from their common stock? Yet
how many more must elapse before the proofs of their common origin, which exist in their several
languages, will disappear? It is to be lamented then, very much to be lamented, that we have suffered
so many of the Indian tribes already to extinguish, without our having previously collected and
deposited in the records of literature, the general rudiments at least of the languages they spoke. Were
vocabularies formed of all the languages spoken in North and South America, preserving their
appellations of the most common objects in nature, of those which must be present to every nation
barbarous or civilized, with the inflections of their nouns and verbs, their principles of regimen and
concord, and these deposited in all the public libraries, it would furnish opportunities to those skilled in
the languages of the old world to compare them with these, now, or at any future time, and hence to
construct the best evidence of the derivation of this part of the human race.
But imperfect as is our knowledge of the tongues spoken in America, it suffices to discover the following
remarkable fact: Arranging them under the radical ones to which they may be palpably traced, and
doing the same by those of the red men of Asia, there will be found probably twenty in America, for one
in Asia, of those radical languages, so called because if they were ever the same they have lost all
resemblance to one another. A separation into dialects may be the work of a few ages only, but for two
dialects to recede from one another till they have lost all vestiges of their common origin, must require
an immense course of time; perhaps not less than many people give to the age of the earth. A greater
number of those radical changes of language having taken place among the red men of America, proves
them of greater antiquity than those of Asia.
I will now proceed to state the nations and numbers of the Aborigines which still exist in a respectable
and independent form. And as their undefined boundaries would render it difficult to specify those only
which may be within any certain limits, and it may not be unacceptable to present a more general view
of them, I will reduce within the form of a catalogue all those within, and circumjacent to, the United
States, whose names and numbers have come to my notice. These are taken from four different lists,
the first of which was given in the year 1759 to General Stanwix by George Croghan, deputy agent for
Indian affairs under Sir William Johnson; the second was drawn up by a French trader of considerable
note, resident among the Indians many years, and annexed to Colonel Bouquet's printed account of his
expedition in 1764. The third was made out by Captain Hutchins, who visited most of the tribes, by
order, for the purpose of learning their numbers, in 1768; and the fourth by John Dodge, an Indian
trader, in 1779, except the numbers marked *, which are from other information.
INDIAN TRIBES.
QUERY XII.
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