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[881] Registres du Conseil du 2 janvier 1532.
[882] Registres du Conseil des 7, 8, 9 janvier 1532. Savyon,
Annales.
[883] Calvin on 1 Peter i. 7.
[884] Acts xvi. 23, 24.
[885] Revelation i. 15.
[886] Calvin.
[887] Registres du Conseil des 4, 7, 8 février 1532.
[888] History of the Reformation of the Sixteenth Century, bk.
xv. ch. iii. Ruchat, ii. p. 83. Galiffe fils, B. Hugues, p. 442.
 CHAPTER XIV.
AN EMPEROR AND A SCHOOLMASTER. (Spring 1532.)

=THE EMPEROR'S NEW SCHEME.=

J UST as the noble citizen, who had defended with such

devotedness the independence of his country, had retired from
the stage of the world, new plots were got up against Geneva; but
new strength came also to her help. An emperor was rising against
the city, and a schoolmaster was bringing it the everlasting Word.
The imperial court was then at Ratisbon, where the Germanic diet
was to assemble. The Duke and Duchess of Savoy, who could not
make up their minds to resign Geneva, had ordered their
ambassador accredited to Charles V. to solicit the influence of that
prince in order to induce the bishop, his partisan, to cede his
temporal principality to the duke's second son. The duchess, who
appears to have been anxious to bring about this cession, made
every possible exertion to attain her object. The emperor, who was
very fond of Beatrice, answered: 'I desire this arrangement, because
of the singular love, goodwill, and affection I feel towards my dearly
beloved cousin and sister-in-law.' He added, moreover, that he
desired it also 'in the interest of the holy faith and for the
preservation of mother Church.' He undertook to persuade Pierre de
la Baume to transfer his temporality to the young prince; and, that
he might bring the negotiation to a favourable issue, he applied to
the Count of Montrevel, the head of the bishop's family. On the 14th
of April, 1532, he dictated and forwarded the following letter to that
nobleman: 'The emperor, king, duke, and count of Burgundy, to his
very dear liegeman: We require and order you very expressly, that
as soon as possible, and at the earliest opportunity and convenience,
you proceed to the Bishop of Geneva, and tell him, as you may see
most fitting, the desire we have that he should please our said
cousins, the duke and duchess; employing with him soft words of
persuasion, according to your accustomed prudence. He can all the
easier yield to our prayer, because, as the successor-designate of the
Archbishop of Besançon, he must necessarily leave Geneva to reside
in that city.' The emperor, moreover, used his influence with the
Marshal of Burgundy, the Baron of St. Sorlin, Pierre de la Baume's
brother. The prelate was to be attacked on every side. Charles's
recommendations could hardly have been more urgent if the safety
of the German empire had been at stake.[889]
The duke, who was delighted at these letters of the emperor,
began to take such measures as would enable him to profit by them.
Since the puissant Charles V. gives Geneva to his son, he will go in
quest of the young prince's new states. In the following month (May
1532) everything foreboded that some new attack was preparing
against Geneva. There was great commotion in the castles; trumpets
were sounding, banners flying, and priests raising loud their voices.
It might have been imagined that they were preparing for a crusade
like those which had taken place of yore against the Albigenses or
the Saracens. The Genevans, who had not a moment's repose,
mournfully told one another the news. 'In the states of Savoy there
are loud rumours of war,' they said; 'the nobles are enraged against
the evangelicals, whom they call Lutherans; and some of the gentry
are assembled already, and going to and fro under arms.' The
citizens did not give way to dejection; on the contrary, the
knowledge of these intrigues and preparations made them long the
more earnestly for the emancipation of Geneva. They said that from
the day when the pope had deprived the citizens of the choice of
their ruler, and had nominated creatures or members of the house of
Savoy as bishops at Geneva, there had been in the city nothing but
disorders, violence, extortion, imprisonment, confiscations, tortures,
and cruel punishments. They asked if it was not time to return to the
primitive form of Christianity, to the popular organisation of the
Church; they repeated that Geneva would never secure her
independence and her liberty, except by trusting to the great
principles of the Reformation. 'Zurich,' they said, 'has resumed the
rights which Rome had taken away: it is time that Geneva followed
her example.'[890]
=NEGATIVE PROTESTANTISM INSUFFICIENT.=
The Reformation was neither a movement of liberty nor a
philosophical development, but a christian, a heavenly renewal. It
sought after God, and, having found him, restored him to man: that
was its work. But, at the same time, wherever it was established, at
least under the Calvinistic form, civil liberty followed it. We must
acknowledge, however, that the reformers, with the exception of
Zwingle, did not trouble themselves much about this. It was grace
that filled them with enthusiasm. It was the great idea of a free
pardon, and not artillery, which shattered the power of the pope.
Every man was then invited to the foot of the cross, to receive
immediately from Christ, and through no sacerdotal channel, an
inestimable gift. But Christianity, which the priesthood had
monopolised, vitiated, and made a trade of during the middle ages,
became common property in the sixteenth century. It passed from
the pomps of the altar to men of humble and contrite heart, from
the gloomy and solitary cloisters to the domestic hearth, from
isolated Rome to universal society. Once more launched into the
midst of the nations, it everywhere restored to man faith, hope, and
morality, light, liberty, and life.
=OLIVÉTAN ARRIVES AT GENEVA.=
At the very time when a beautiful princess was coveting Geneva,
an ambitious duke intriguing, and courtiers agitating, and when a
puissant monarch was granting his imperial favours, a humble
schoolmaster arrived in the city. And while all those pomps and
ceremonies were among the number of things worn out and passing
away, this teacher brought with him the principles of a new life.
Farel, as we have seen, ardently desired that the Word of God
should be circulated and even publicly preached at Geneva. He
thought that then only would the Reformation be truly established
and independence secured. It is probable that the person who
arrived in this city, and whom he had long known, was sent by him;
but we have no proof that such was the case. However, this man
was not, properly speaking, a preacher; he was merely a
schoolmaster, and yet he was to perform a work greater than that of
the emperor. At that time Geneva passed for protestant; but her
protestantism was limited to throwing off despotism and
superstition. But it is not sufficient to reject what is false; the truth
preached by Christ and the apostles must be believed. Faith is the
principle of the Reformation. There was at Geneva, to some extent,
that negative protestantism which rejects not only the abuses of
popery, but also evangelical truth itself; which can create nothing,
and which is little else than a form—and certainly one of the least
interesting forms—of philosophy. If Geneva was to be reformed, to
become a centre of light and morality, and to maintain her political
independence, she must have a positive and living christianity; and it
was this that Olivétan, Farel, and Calvin were about to bring her.
=CHARACTER OF CHAUTEMPS.=
In the street of the Croix d'Or, not far from the Place du Molard,
lived an enlightened, wealthy, and influential citizen, Jean
Chautemps, a member of council. He was a quiet and conscientious
man, yielding unhesitatingly to his convictions. Chautemps valued
learning highly, and having sons desired to see them well educated.
People spoke to him of a Frenchman, born at Noyon, in Picardy,
who, after a long residence at Paris, had been compelled to leave
France in consequence of one of the attacks so frequently made
upon the Lutherans at that time. 'Besides,' added his informant, 'he
is a very learned man.' Indeed, without being either a Reuchlin in
Hebrew or a Melanchthon in Greek, he had a sound knowledge of
both languages; it was his practice to read the Holy Scriptures in the
original text, and he was fond of inserting in his writings passages
from the Old Testament, where they still appear in beautiful Hebrew
characters, in the midst of his antiquated French. His name was
Peter Robert Olivétan—the same who, during his residence in Paris,
had had the happiness of bringing to a knowledge of evangelical
truth one of his cousins and fellow-townsmen, John Calvin.
Chautemps, considering it fortunate to have such a master for his
children, received him into his house.
Calvin's cousin boldly set to work. He taught his patron's children,
and, as it would appear, some others that had been placed with
them. He taught with love and clearness, according to 'the right
mode' of Mathurin Cordier, whom he had known at Paris. He
believed, as Calvin says, that 'roughness and servile austerity excite
children to rebellion, and extinguish in them the holy affections of
love and reverence,' and he strove 'by moderate and kind treatment
to increase in them the will and readiness to obey.'[891]
The schoolmaster, as he is termed in the Registers of the Council
of Geneva, did not restrict himself to teaching Latin and Greek. He
was simple and modest, and calls himself, in the preface to the book
which has immortalised him (the translation of the Bible), 'the
humble and lowly translator.' But God had kindled a divine fire in his
heart. He believed that the christian ought to carry a lighted lamp in
his hand to show others the way of life, and he never failed to do so.
He sometimes accompanied Chautemps to the churches, and was
observed to be deeply moved by the errors which he heard there; he
would leave the temple in agitation, return home, and, seated with
his patron, refute by Holy Scripture the opinions of the priests, and
faithfully explain the true Christian doctrine. The councillor, who had
early sided with those who inclined towards the Reformation, was
struck with these conversations, and, far from resisting the truth that
was set before him, joyfully yielded himself to it. He presently
displayed, according to Froment's testimony, 'if not a perfect
knowledge, at least a great desire for learning, with much love and
zeal to show himself as a friend of the Reformation.'[892] From that
hour the pious councillor always came forward whenever there was
a question of upholding the evangelical cause in Geneva. When that
great missionary, Farel, arrived, Chautemps was among the first to
welcome him. When a dispute occurred with the curate of St.
Magdalen's, he was one of those who defended the teaching of the
Scriptures.[893] And subsequently he boldly declared, in full council,
that he desired to live according to the Gospel and the Word of God.
[894]

Olivétan's zeal was not confined to the house in which he lived; he

laboured to make the Gospel known to the councillor's friends, and
even to everybody whom he found accessible to the Divine Word. He
exerted himself, and overcame obstacles; by means of the Scriptures
he endeavoured to 'point out with gentleness' to the priests the
errors which they taught, and would not allow himself to be
hindered by any fear. Such zeal was not without danger, for the
priests had still much power in Geneva. Chautemps and his friends
accordingly advised Olivétan to be prudent, lest he should come to
harm; but the schoolmaster said like his cousin: 'It is God's will that
his truth should be proclaimed, happen what may; it must be
published, even should the depths of hell pour forth their rage
against it.[895] Olivétan once reproved a priest with so much boldness
that the latter stirred up all the clergy against him, and he was
ordered (without being brought to trial) to leave the city; but this
belongs to a later time.
Conversation did not suffice, and if any persons showed a desire
to learn the new doctrine, Olivétan explained it to them. He did not
do so before large audiences; it was generally to small parties. Yet a
document speaks of assemblies held not only in private houses, but
in public, in the open places, and in front of the churches.[896]
Olivétan, therefore, like his illustrious relative, called to mind that in
the beginning of christianity the doctrine of the Lord did not remain
'hidden as it were in little comers, and that never was thunder heard
so loud and so piercing as the sound of the preaching of the Gospel,
reverberating from one end of the world to the other.'[897] He
sometimes quitted the humble conventicle and preached the Word of
truth under the vault of heaven. Alarmed at the great disorders in
which those men indulged who were one day to bear the name of
'libertines,' he attacked the conscience with holy intrepidity.
=OLIVÉTAN'S MISSION.=
 One day, one of those 'private assemblies' was held, of which the
emperor had complained to the syndics. It was, we may suppose, in
the house of Chautemps or some other huguenot (public meetings
were, I think, rare exceptions) in the street of the Croix d'Or or of
the Allemands, so called because some German Switzers, friends of
the Reformation, lived in it. A few men and women, most of them
known to the master of the house, came and took their seats on the
benches in front of the evangelist. Olivétan, who saw before him
souls slumbering in false security and heedless of the Supreme
Judge, 'magnificently discharged the embassy intrusted to him'
(according to Calvin's expression). 'One day,' he said, 'when thou
shalt hear the Lord calling thee to judgment, will there be found
anything in thee but fear and trembling, flight and concealment?
Look! Access to the Lord is cut off, because of sin. With whom wilt
thou take refuge? In what place wilt thou find relief? God, the
avenger of sin, from whom nothing can be hid, is everywhere
present ... and everywhere terrifies the guilty conscience.'
Then, imagining that he saw some of those Genevans, whose
morals, as depraved as those of the monks, alienated them from the
Gospel, he exclaimed: 'The flesh excludes the Spirit, and stops the
way, so that the entrance of the heart is not opened to it. The flesh
desires present pleasures, it follows vanity, it carefully seeks after
the delights of the body, by eating and drinking, by idleness,
licentious pursuits, and other such things, in which it is entirely
absorbed. Reason, illumined by the Spirit, strives after good things,
and fights against the flesh; but the sensual man is nothing more
than a brute, and gives himself up entirely to things that belong to
brutes.'
Among those who sat on the humble benches and listened to the
preacher, were also some of those intellectual men, numerous in
Geneva, who would have liked to come to the faith, but whom the
doctrine of Christ astonished and even alarmed. 'You believe,' said
the evangelist, 'and yet you do not believe. You willingly hear the
words of salvation, and yet you are terrified at them. There is
nothing that we hear from the mouth of the Saviour which, without
a mediator, should not be terrifying to us, and the flesh is quite
dismayed that it should be necessary to possess such faith.'
Then the schoolmaster raised the trumpet of the Gospel to his lips
and announced the great mystery of Redemption, without
concealing what the Greeks would have called its foolishness. 'Let us
turn then,' he exclaimed, 'to the Mediator, who has consummated
the alliance and purified us by his own blood, with which our
consciences are sprinkled and watered. The Old Covenant always
depended on the blood of beasts; the New Covenant depends on
new blood. Eternal Redemption was effected by an eternal sacrifice.
The alliance is indissoluble, perpetual, and perfect through the
eternal blood which was of God.... The kingdom of the Messiah has
no end; its king must therefore be immortal; and the new men, also
immortal, are citizens of an everlasting kingdom.'
The huguenots were fond of debating, even unseasonably. Some
of those seated in front of Olivétan were astonished at hearing this
doctrine of Christ's sacrifice set forth, and maintained that, if they
were to judge from facts, it did not do much to free man from sin.
'No doubt,' said Olivétan, 'if the Holy Ghost does not teach us. We
cannot attain true holiness if the Holy Ghost, who is the reformer of
hearts, is absent. By the Spirit of Jesus Christ the remains of sin in
us diminish little by little. The Spirit of Christ burns gently and
cleanses away the stains of the heart.... What a profound mystery!
He who was hung upon the cross, who even ascended into heaven
to finish everything, comes and dwells in us, and there accomplishes
the perfect work of eternal Redemption.'[898]
Thus spoke the tutor of Councillor Chautemps' children.
Olivétan was a mysterious personage, a singular reformer. At Paris
he called Calvin to the Gospel, and gave him to Christianity as the
apostle of the new times. At Geneva, he was the forerunner of his
illustrious relative; like a pioneer in the forest, he cut down the
secular trees, and prepared the soil into which his pious and mighty
successor so copiously scattered the seed. Later, as we shall see, he
gave to the reformed French Church its first Bible, a translation
which, revised by Calvin, so greatly advanced the kingdom of God.
Perhaps Olivétan, during his residence in Geneva, may have thought
that his cousin would hereafter occupy this post. He appears in
history only as the precursor of the reformer, and Calvin had hardly
set foot in this city when Olivétan crossed the Alps, went to Italy,
even to the city of the pontiffs, as if he desired now to accomplish a
new work, to come to close quarters with the papacy, and prepare
Rome for the Reformation as he had prepared Geneva. But there he
suddenly disappeared—poisoned, as some say. There is a veil over
his death as over his life. He is spoken of no more, and scarcely any
one appears to know either his work or his name. But we must not
anticipate: we shall meet him again erelong.
Olivétan certainly played an important part in the great change
which has renewed modern society, and his name deserves to be
enrolled among those which are carved on the foundation-stones of
the vast temple of the Reformation.
[889] The emperor's letter to the Count of Montrevel. Galiffe
fils, B. Hugues, Pièces Justificatives, p. 494.
[890] Zwinglii Opp. iii. p. 439. Archives de Genève. James
Fazy, Précis de l'Histoire de la République de Genève, pp. 183-
191.
[891] Calvini Opera.
[892] Froment, Actes et Gestes de Genève, p. 4.
[893] Registres du Conseil du 31 décembre 1532.
[894] Ibid. du 8 janvier 1534.
[895] Calvin, Comm. sur les Actes.
[896] Archives de Genève, Pièces Historiques, nᵒ 7069, 8
juillet 1532.
[897] Calvin, on Matthew x. 36.
[898] Olivétan. Introduction to his French translation of the
Bible. Fol. Neuchatel, 1535.
 CHAPTER XV.
THE PARDON OF ROME AND THE PARDON OF HEAVEN.

(June and July 1532.)

O LIVÉTAN'S teaching had not been fruitless. There occurred

erelong an evangelical manifestation in Geneva, which was an
important step, and the first public act of Reform. Calvin's cousin
may have been the instrument, though Clement VII. was the
proximate cause.
=THE JUBILEE.=
The pope was preparing at that time to publish, not a local pardon
like that of St. Claire, but a universal jubilee. It was the general topic
of conversation in many places, and some told how it had originated.
'On the eve of the new year, 1300,' said a scholar, jeeringly, 'a report
spread suddenly through Rome (no one knew from whence it came)
that a plenary indulgence would be granted to all who should go
next morning to St. Peter's. A great crowd of Romans and foreigners
hurried there, and in the midst of the multitude was an aged man
who, stooping and leaning on his staff, wished also to take part in
the festival. He was a hundred and seven years old, people said. He
was conducted to the pope, the proud and daring Boniface VIII. The
old man told him how, a century before, an indulgence of a hundred
years had been granted on account of the jubilee; he remembered it
well, he said. Boniface, taking advantage of the declaration of this
man, whose mind was weakened by age, decreed that there should
be a plenary indulgence every hundred years.'[899] The great gains
which were made out of it, led to the jubilee being appointed to be
held successively every fifty years, thirty-three years, and twenty-
five years. But the jubilee of the twenty-fifth year did not always
hinder that of the thirty-third.[900]
 At Geneva people were already beginning to talk much about the
coming jubilee. Olivétan and his friends were scandalised at it. The
heart of this just and upright man was distressed at seeing the
pardon of God set aside in favour of a festival of human invention, in
which, in order to obtain remission of sins, it was necessary to
frequent the churches during a fixed number of days, and perform
certain works, and whose surest effect was a large increase to the
revenues of the pope. The schoolmaster maintained that if any one
sought to find repose of conscience in such inventions, he would
waste his time; his heart would be lulled to sleep in forgetfulness of
God, or be full of fear and trembling until it had found repose in
Jesus Christ. 'Christ alone is our peace,' he said, 'and alone gives our
conscience the assurance that God is appeased and reconciled with
it.'
Men's minds were soon in a great ferment in Geneva. People met
and talked about it in the streets, and everywhere began to murmur.
'A fine tariff is the pope's!' said the more decided of the huguenots.
'Do you want an indulgence for a false oath? Pay 29 livres 5 sols. Do
you want an indulgence for murder? A man's life is cheaper; a
murder will only cost you 15 livres 2 sols 6 deniers.' They added,
'that the pretended treasury of indulgences, from which the pope
took the wares he sold to every comer, was an invention of the
devil.'
=ENCROACHMENTS OF THE CLERGY.=
It was thus that the christians, whom preceding ages had kept
down, began to reappear in the Church. The lay spirit was
manifested in Geneva. Baudichon de la Maison-Neuve, one of the
most determined huguenots, had frequent conversations with other
good Lutherans, all of whom complained of the domineering spirit of
the clergy, who had monopolised everything. Such complaints were,
however, universal throughout christendom. In the earliest times,
said the people, the priests began by confiscating the rights of the
laity; and erelong these shepherds had nothing but silly sheep under
their crooks.... But while the priests were engrossed in this work,
another was going on behind their backs which they did not observe.
The bishops did to the priests what the priests had done to the laity;
and when the inferior functionaries of the Church had succeeded in
catching the flocks in their trap, they found in their turn that they
had fallen into the bishops' pitfall. At the Council of Cologne (A.D.
346) there were ten priests, presbyters, or elders, in addition to the
fourteen bishops; but that was the last time. At the Councils of
Poitiers, Vaison, Paris, and Valence (all held in the latter half of the
fourth century), none but bishops were present. Subsequently,
indeed, a delegated priest was found in three councils; but at last
this single priest was politely dismissed. While the bishops were
busied with this conquest, another was going on; and they had no
sooner confiscated the rights of the priests (as the priests had
confiscated those of the laity), than they found their own confiscated
by the pope. All rights had come to an end. Flocks, priests, bishops
—all had lost their liberty. The pope was the Church. One monster
had swallowed the other, to be swallowed in its turn. Nothing is
more sad, nothing more disastrous, than this tragic history. Quod
des devorat.[901] The Romish hierarchy devours everything that is
given to it. The Reformation was to restore that christian society
which the clerical society had put out of sight.
=GOD'S PARDON.=
And so it happened at Geneva. Their rights as christians were
among the first claimed by these Genevans, who were so
enamoured of their rights as citizens. 'If the pope sells indulgences,'
said they, 'the Gospel gives a free pardon. Since Rome advertises her
pardon, let us advertise that of the Lord.' These reformers, who
were probably among the number of Olivétan's hearers, drew up,
conjointly, a 'heavenly proclamation,' in simple and evangelical
terms: it is possible that Olivétan himself was the author. Baudichon
de la Maison-Neuve took the draft, hurried off with it to a printer,
and ordered him to print it in bold characters. After that, certain
huguenots, the most zealous of whom were Maison-Neuve and
Goulaz, arranged their plans; and early in the morning of the 9th of
June they posted on the walls, in different parts of the city, the great
general pardon of Jesus Christ,[902] at such a height that every one
could read it. At that time there was in front of St. Pierre's a pillar on
which the clerical notices were displayed; Goulaz went to it, and
over one of the announcements of the Roman jubilee he fastened
the proclamation of Gospel pardon.
The sun had risen above the Alps: it was already broad daylight;
the city woke from its slumbers; windows and doors were opened,
and the people began to pass through the streets. They stared and
stood still in surprise before these proclamations.... Men and women,
priests and friars, crowded in front of the placards, and read with
amazement the following words, which sounded strange to them:—

GOD, OUR HEAVENLY FATHER

PROMISES

A GENERAL PARDON OF ALL HIS SINS

TO EVERY ONE WHO FEELS SINCERE REPENTANCE,
AND POSSESSES

A LIVELY FAITH IN THE DEATH AND PROMISES

OF

JESUS CHRIST.

'This cannot surely be a papal indulgence,' said certain huguenots,

'for money is not mentioned in it. Salvation given gratuitously must
certainly come from heaven.' But the priests thought differently;
they looked upon the placard as a defiance of the pope's pardon,
and their wrath grew fiercer than ever. They insulted those whom
they believed to be the authors of the proclamation, overwhelmed
them with abuse, and attacked them not only with their fists, but
with the weapons which they had provided.[903] 'The clergy made a
great uproar,' says the pseudo-Bonivard; 'and when the priests tried
to tear down the said placards, the believers, whom they called
Lutherans, showed themselves and prevented them, which caused a
great commotion among the people.'[904] In a short time the parties
were organised: the burghers gathered together in groups. On one
side were the citizens, who defended the placards; on the other, the
priests and their followers, who wanted to pull them down.
A canon, named Wernly, a native of Friburg, had remained in
Geneva; he was a stout active man, of hasty temper, a fanatical
papist, who could handle the sword as skilfully as the censer, and
give a blow as readily as he gave holy water. Having heard the
tumult, he ran out of his house, went towards the cathedral, and
just as he was about to enter he caught sight of the placard which
Goulaz had fastened to the pillar. He flew into a rage, rushed up to
the paper, and tore it down with a coarse oath. Goulaz, one of those
bold spirits who brave those whom they despise, was standing close
by, watching all that took place. Seeing what the canon had done,
he went up to the pillar, and calmly put another paper in the place of
that which Wernly had pulled down. Immediately the Friburger lost
all self-control: the heretic and not the paper was the object of his
rage. He rushed at Goulaz, dealt him a violent blow; and then, not
content with this chastisement, drew his sword (for the canons wore
swords at that time), and would have struck him. Goulaz was by no
means a man of patient temper, and, seeing the canon's sword,
immediately drew his own, put himself on the defensive, and in the
struggle wounded Wernly in the arm. There was a great uproar
immediately; the partisans of the priests fell upon the audacious
man who had dared defend himself against that holy personage; the
huguenots, on their part, rallied round Goulaz, and defended him.
=STRUGGLE BETWEEN THE TWO POWERS.=
A battle between the priest and the layman, a struggle between
clerical and secular society, then occurred in Geneva. The priests had
determined that the placards should be torn down everywhere; and,
accordingly, there was a loud noise of discord and battle, not only in
front of the porch of St. Pierre's, but through great part of the city.
'Nothing could be seen,' says a writer, 'but strife, conflicts, and
drawn swords.'[905] Two men of the priests' party were wounded in
the Bourg de Four. The magistrates, being informed of what was
going on, hurried to the spot, and separated the combatants.
 Goulaz certainly did not represent the Reform; he was merely a
Genevese patriot, and somewhat hasty; but the Romish Church
could not disown a canon; he was truly its representative, and men
asked whether the Church intended to combat the Gospel with
sword and fist. During this sharp skirmish between the
ultramontanes and the huguenots, one party held aloof and rejoiced
in secret: they were the partisans of Savoy. They imagined that since
the two great Genevan parties were quarrelling, they would be
found erelong, wearied with civil discord, bending the knee to the
absolute government of his most serene highness. Division would be
their strength.[906]
The news of this battle soon reached Friburg. People there had
already begun to talk of a certain schoolmaster who was preaching
the Gospel at Geneva, and the placard which had set all the city in
commotion was (they thought) the result of his sermons. Friburg
was excited, for in this matter there was something far more
alarming than a blow dealt at a Friburger—it was a blow aimed
against the papacy.
=THE INTERDICT OF THE COUNCIL.=
On the 24th of June, Councillor Laurent Brandebourg arrived at
Geneva, and having been introduced to the council, he complained,
in the name of the catholic canton, of what had taken place, and
particularly of the books and placards which led men to 'the new
law,' and threw contempt on the authority of the bishop and the
pope. 'Everybody assures us,' he said, 'that you belong to the
Lutheran party. If it be so, gentlemen, we shall tear up the act of
alliance and throw the pieces at your feet.' These words,
accompanied by a corresponding gesture, alarmed the council. 'The
Friburg alliance has never been more necessary than now,' they
whispered to one another. There were still among the Genevans
many zealous Roman-catholics; the evangelicals were the rare
exceptions; a great number, as we have said, held to a certain
negative middle way. The threats of Friburg disturbed the
magistrates. 'We are not Lutherans,' answered the premier syndic.
'Well, then,' resumed the catholic Brandebourg, 'summon Goulaz
before the ecclesiastical court.' The council replied that the general
pardons had been stuck up without their knowledge, that they
disapproved of such excesses, that Goulaz had only struck the canon
in self-defence, after having received a blow and seen him draw his
sword, and that, nevertheless, he had been fined. The council added
that they would go further to satisfy Friburg. Immediately they
forbade, by sound of trumpet, any papers to be posted up without
their permission; and then, as the priests cried out louder against
Olivétan than against Goulaz, the syndics ordered that, 'for the
present, the schoolmaster should discontinue preaching the
Gospel.'[907] They fancied they had thus completely rooted out the
evil. The ultramontane party, delighted at this triumph, thought the
moment had arrived for effecting a thorough reaction. The priests
began to search after the Holy Scriptures, visiting every family, and
demanding the surrender of their New Testaments.
The people began to murmur. 'The priests want to rob us of the
Gospel of Jesus Christ,' said the huguenots, 'and in its place they will
give us ... what?... Romish fables.... We must begin again to read
the stories in the Golden Legend. Really it is quite enough to hear
them at church.' Baudichon de la Maison-Neuve and his friends
urged the council to show themselves christians. They represented
that it was shameful to see priests and monks set so little store by
the gospels and epistles, and fill the ears of their congregations with
human inventions. Olivétan had often told them that there was no
intention of introducing a new religion, but of reestablishing an old
one—that of the apostles. This idea, so simple and so true, was
easily understood. The triumph of which the priests had dreamt was
changed into a triumph for the Gospel. 'The party of the Lutherans,'
says an ancient manuscript, 'or, as they called themselves, of the
evangelicals, became more numerous and stronger every day among
the magistrates and people.'[908] The friends of the Reformation who
were on the council began to speak out boldly of the rights of the
Word of God. Others who were not Lutherans were generally honest
men, and they thought it very christian-like, and even quite catholic,
to preach the Gospel, and not mere fables. They were unwilling that
it should be said of the Church to which they belonged, that it was
supported by visions and sham miracles. The council therefore
ordered (unanimously, as it would appear) the grand vicar, De
Gingins of Bonmont, 'to take measures that in every parish and
convent the Gospel should be preached according to the truth,
without any mixture of fables or other human inventions.'[909] The
evangelicals, in their turn, were delighted at this order. They knew
that the magistrates did not intend abolishing the Roman worship;
yet it was the first official act in Geneva in a direction favourable to
the Reformation. They accordingly showed great respect for the
syndics under whom this decree was passed: they were Guillaume
Hugues, Besançon's brother; Claude Savoie, a man of great energy;
Claude du Molard, and Ami Porral, a clever, intelligent man, already
gained to the Gospel.
=NUNCIO AND ARCHBISHOP AT CHAMBÉRY.=
Without the city, men's opinions were very different. The
preachings 'in the houses of Geneva, the abominable Lutheran
heresy that was taught even in the schools,'[910] had caused a lively
emotion in the catholic provinces adjoining the city, which was
increased by the general pardon of Jesus Christ. At Chambéry
people's minds were greatly agitated. Some, losing all self-control,
would have liked to see the thunderbolts of heaven hurled against
Geneva; others, more merciful and perhaps more prudent, would
have entreated the Genevese, even with tears, to remain faithful to
the papacy. There happened at this time to be a great crowd of
priests at the palace of the Bishop of Chambéry; a papal nuncio was
passing through that city, and the archbishop, the nuncio, and his
attendants had some conversation about Geneva, loudly deploring
its apostasy. The nuncio, a violent Romanist, would immediately
have brought the facts to the knowledge of the pope, in order that
the court of Rome should take proceedings in conformity with the
severity of the ecclesiastical laws. The archbishop checked him; he
preferred making a prior application to the council. Accordingly he
wrote a letter to the syndics, in which, after mentioning the various
charges against the Genevese, he added: 'Can it be true that such
things are taking place in a city so long renowned for its faith?...
This would be so serious a matter that we should be compelled to
report it immediately to Rome.... Put it in our power to tell the holy
father that you will preserve a perpetual confidence in the holy
apostolic see.'[911]
The syndics, who had no desire to declare either in favour of
Rome or of Wittemberg, were greatly embarrassed. One of them,
however, found a way of getting out of the difficulty. 'Let us make no
reply,' he said. When the archbishop's messenger came for their
answer, the syndics called him before them, and gave him this verbal
message: 'Tell Monseigneur that we desire to live in a christian
manner, and in accordance with the law of Christ.' The archbishop,
the nuncio, and the pope might understand that as they pleased. It
was soon seen that Rome and Savoy had no intention of permitting
Geneva to live according to that law of Christ which the city had
invoked.
But if the papacy was uneasy, evangelical christians rejoiced. They
believed that an important position had been gained by the
Reformation, and, supposing the Genevese to be more advanced in
the faith than they really were, rejoiced in anticipation over the
victories which these new members of the evangelical body would
win for their common standard. 'The Genevans,' said one of them,
'are true christian knights, who, having no respect for men who will
soon pass away, do not fear to offend their superiors, the enemies of
truth.'—'The Genevans,' said another, 'are energetic men: if they
embrace the Gospel, they will know how to propagate it
elsewhere.'[912]
The old evangelicals went further than this: they felt full of love
for the new brethren. They desired to give them a welcome, to
stretch out the hand of brotherhood to them, to receive them, with
the charity of Christ, into that small and humble Church which was
to increase from year to year and from age to age. They were not
too sanguine, however: they knew the moral state of the Genevans;
they knew that the little flock was still weak, and but just beginning
to pronounce the name of Christ and to walk in his way. These old
christians desired, therefore, to approach it as a father approaches
his child, to take it by the hand, to point out the dangers by which it
was surrounded, and to conjure it to remain firm, and to increase in
that faith which it was beginning to confess boldly.
=LETTER FROM THE BRETHREN AT PAYERNE.=
Between the Alps and the Jura, on the road leading from
Lausanne to Berne, is situated a small town, clustered ages ago
round an abbey which the famous Queen Bertha had declared
exempt from all suzerainty, even from that of the pope, and which,
in 1208, had resisted the Emperor Rodolph of Hapsburg. In one of
the houses of this town of Payerne, some pious christians assembled
in June 1532, under their pastor Anthony Saunier of Moirans, in
Dauphiny, a friend of Farel. They conversed about the destruction of
the papistical realm, and the news they had received from Geneva,
and were full of hope that that city would contribute erelong towards
the so much desired destruction. One of them proposed to send a
letter to the Genevese. They began to write it immediately, and here
are the words which these simple-minded christians addressed to
the episcopal city:—
'We have heard that the glory of God has visited you, of his grace,
as his elect children, and that he is now calling you with his
everlastingly saving voice. Beloved in Jesus Christ, receive the word
of the Great Shepherd, who gave himself once and was offered up a
living host (sacrifice) for the salvation of all believers. God is
manifesting to you the great riches of his glory; he invites us to
forsake the doctrine of men, and to follow that of our only Saviour
Jesus Christ, which makes us new creatures and heirs of the
kingdom of God. Believe in this doctrine with all your heart, without
shame or fear of men; having the assurance that it is good, holy,
and alone able to save, and that all others which are opposed to it
are wicked and damnable. Fear not the great number and power of
your enemies; but, for the love of Jesus Christ, who has perfected
your redemption, and who has granted us remission of all our sins,
be ready not only to abandon your honour, your goods, and your
families, but even to renounce yourselves, declaring with St. Paul,
that neither glory, nor tribulation, nor death, nor life, shall separate
you from the Gospel of salvation....
'Now we, your brethren in the second and spiritual birth, pray the
Father of lights to complete what he has begun in you, and to
illumine the eyes of your heart by the true Gospel light, to the end
that you may know the great and inexpressible riches prepared for
those who are sanctified by the blood of Christ. Renounce, therefore,
the king of this world, and all his followers, under whose banner you
and we once walked, and acknowledge our Lord as your only master,
your only God and Saviour, who gives us the kingdom of heaven
without money and without price. Follow not what appears good and
pleasant to you, but the commandment of God our Father, adding
nothing, and taking nothing away. May his grace be written in your
hearts, and may you impart it to those who are still ignorant and
weak, by means of a meek and tender teaching, so that the flock of
Jesus Christ may be increased by you daily. Our Lord God is for you,
and the whole world cannot prevail against him. Be the standard-
bearers upon earth of the colours of our Saviour, so that by your
means the Holy Gospel may be borne into many countries.'
The council deposited the letter among the city archives, where it
may still be seen.[913]
=STANDARD RAISED AT GENEVA.=
Geneva was still far from the pure and living Christianity which
breathes in this letter. The fight between Goulaz and Wernly, the
tumult occasioned in the city by the placards of Baudichon de la
Maison-Neuve and his friends, had little resemblance (impartiality
compels us to acknowledge) to that picture, so full of gentleness,
which Jesus Christ himself drew for us, when he described the
servant of God: 'He shall not strive nor cry, neither shall any man
hear his voice in the streets.'[914] But it is only by degrees that the
old man disappears and the new man takes his place. It would have
been too much, perhaps, to expect that these energetic huguenots,
who defended their liberty with the courage of lions, should
suddenly become meek as lambs. But already there were to be
found in that city souls who prized above everything the great
pardon of Jesus Christ. The proclamation of salvation by grace,
which we have described, marks an important epoch in the history
of the Reformation of Geneva. All human religions represent
salvation as to be gained by the works and ceremonies of man; the
only divine religion, the Gospel, declares that God gives it, that he
gives it through Jesus Christ, and that whosoever receives this
assurance into his heart becomes a new creature. Such was the
standard raised in Geneva in 1532. The servants of God, whether
natives of that city or refugees, were to be, according to the
beautiful language of the letter from Payerne, 'standard-bearers
upon earth;' and, grasping the banner of the Gospel with a firm
hand, they were to be called, perhaps more than others, in the
sixteenth century 'to bear it into many countries.'

Everything gave token that the renovation of Geneva was

advancing; but it had still numerous obstacles to overcome, and
great works to achieve. Powerful instruments were about to appear
to accomplish them.
Hitherto the breath of the Reformation has blown to Geneva from
the plains of France and the mountains of Switzerland. The men of
God who were to labour most at the transformation of this city, Farel
especially, have acted upon it from without only. But yet two months
more, and that great-hearted evangelist will enter the city of the
huguenots; others will follow him; they will be expelled from it by
the friends of Rome; but they will return with fresh determination,
and labour with indefatigable zeal, until, after long darkness, we
shall at last see the light of Jesus Christ shining in it.
=GENEVA ATTACKED BY TWO PARTIES.=
The ancient city had not at this time to contend with a single
party: it was attacked by two antagonistic bands at once, by the
bishop on the one hand, and by the reformers on the other. Which of
these two armies will conquer it?—Geneva, strange to say, rejects
both. Will that city be destined to belong neither to the Gospel nor
to Rome? It could not be so, and various symptoms appeared at this
time to indicate an approaching solution.
The fanaticism of the Genevese clergy, the respect felt by the
magistrates for existing institutions, the energy with which one
portion of the people rejected the Reformation, seemed to show that
the movement by which Geneva was then agitated would end simply
in the abolition of the temporal authority of the bishop.
But other signs appeared to point to another conclusion. In
proportion as the love of God's Word increased in men's hearts,
respect for the Romish religion diminished. The evangelical christians
said that salvation was a thing for eternity, while a government,
even if ecclesiastical, was only a temporal thing; that the rights of
truth took precedence of all clerical pretensions, and that the
authority of Scripture was superior to that of the pontiff.
Moreover, a new element appeared. Ecclesiastical society had sunk
into slumber and death; in the sixteenth century the Reformation
aroused it and restored it to activity and life. Farel is one of the most
remarkable types of this christian animation; his unbounded ardour,
his indefatigable labours were, with God's help, to secure the victory.
It is true that this new force soon turned against the Reform. The
Romish Church woke up also, and put itself in motion, particularly
after the foundation of the order of the Jesuits; but its activity
differed widely from that of the reformers. The latter descended
from on high; that of the Roman clergy came from below. At all
events, popery soon became as energetic as protestantism. There
was danger in this, but there was probably a benefit also. If its
adversaries had continued to slumber, the Reformation might have
ended by falling asleep likewise. Activity is far better than inactivity
without hope. Let us not be afraid then. By struggles the Church is
purified, the christian grows stronger, and the cause of truth and of
humanity triumphs.
=THE STRUGGLE IN GENEVA.=
Geneva was about to have greater experience of such contests,
and the agitation within her walls was to become fiercer from day to
day. Combats without and combats within. The dawning Reformation
and the ancient (yet new) liberty will see arrayed against them the
bishop, the duke, the emperor, the gentry and their vassals, and the
Savoyard troops, besides veteran Italian bands, commanded by
some of the ablest captains of the age.... At the same time the
battle will rage furiously within. Popery, alarmed at seeing one of its
oldest fortresses threatened, will utter a cry of rage; all the friends
of the Romish priesthood will be aroused, will agitate, and fight; a
furious opposition will raise its angry head. There will be not only
secret councils, traitorous conspiracies, fanatical preachings, and
fierce discussions; but also riots in the streets, armed men
endeavouring to stop the preaching of the Word, cannons planted in
the public squares, assaults with the sword, the arquebuse, and the
dagger, imprisonment, exile, and poisoning.... At the sight of these
violent combats and repeated calamities, the thoughts of the
historian become troubled and confused. It appears to him that the
powers of darkness are marshalling their forces in the ancient city.
He fancies he can see that mysterious being, whom a great poet
describes in his immortal verse as plotting the ruin of the world, at
the very moment when, smiling with innocence and glory, it left the
hands of the Creator—he can see Satan descending, as he once did
into Eden, and casting the immense shade of his 'sail-broad vans'
over the gigantic Alps, over their white tops, their calm clear lakes
and smiling hills, and swooping down upon the towers of the old
cathedral to fight against the counsels of the King of Heaven, and,
by scattering his wiles and fury all around, oppose the new creation
of a new world.[915]
But to all these efforts of the powers of darkness the men of the
Gospel will oppose the resplendent army of light. They will proclaim
the love of God, they will announce the work of Christ, they will
publish grace. They will repeat with Jesus Christ that the flesh
profiteth nothing; that is to say, that the grandeur of the proud
hierarchy of Rome, the power of its temporal kingdom, the multitude
of its servants in so many countries and under such various
uniforms, the pomps by which its worship strives to captivate the
senses, the oracles of its traditions, sometimes adorned with the
seductions of human philosophy—that all is profitless; but that
power belongs to God, that salvation is in the foolishness of the
cross, and that it is the Spirit that quickeneth. And, thanks to the
spiritual weapons they employ, two or three humble instruments of
the Word of God will scatter the councils of their terrible adversary,
destroy his fortresses, and humble even to the dust the barriers he
had raised against the knowledge of God. The rough Farel, the
gentle Viret, the weak Froment, will overcome the powers of Rome
in Geneva, even before Calvin, the great captain, appears. God
chooses the weak things of the world to confound the things which
are mighty, and the things which are not to bring to nought things
that are.[916]
[899] See the Bull Antiquorum habet in the Extravagant.
Commun. lib. v. tit. ix. cap. 1.
[900] In our time Leo XII. celebrated a jubilee in 1825, and
Gregory XVI. in 1833.
[901] Plautus.
[902] Roset says positively (liv. ii. chap, lxvi.) that these
placards were printed. See also Berne MSS., Hist. Helvet. v. p.
12.
[903] 'Exarsit hic statim furor, nec verbis tantum erupit, sed et
armis.—Geneva Restituta, p. 37.
[904] History under the name of Bonivard, Berne MSS. Hist.
Helvet. v. p. 12.
[905] 'Hinc rixæ, conflictus, et enses utrinque expediti.'—
Geneva Restituta, p. 37.
[906] 'Dissidiis civilibus fessa imperium acciperet.'—Geneva
Restituta, p. 38.
[907] 'De prædicante Evangelii.'—Registres du Conseil des 24,
27, 30 juin, et du 25 juillet. Spon, Hist. de Genève, ii. p. 463.
[908] Berne MSS. Hist. Helvet. v. p. 12.
[909] Registres du Conseil des 30 juin, 12 juillet, 20 août.
Spon, Hist. de Genève, ii. pp. 464-466.
[910] Archives de Genève, No. 1069.
[911] Archives de Genève, No. 1069. Spon, Hist. de Genève, i.
p. 466. Gaberel, i. p. 110.
[912] Ruchat, iii. pp. 136-140. 'Epître des amateurs de la
sainte Evangile de Payerne à ceux de Genève.' Archives de
Genève, No. 1070. France Protestante, art. Saunier.
[913] Archives, No. 1070. 'Epître des amateurs de la sainte
Evangile de Payerne.'
[914] Matthew xii. 19.
[915]
'He wings his way
Directly towards the new-created world,
And man there placed, with purpose to assay
If him by force he can destroy, or, worse,
By some false guile pervert.'
Paradise Lost, bk. iii.

[916] 1 Corinthians i. 27, 28.

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