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OCEAN SCIENCE DATA

COLLECTION,
MANAGEMENT,
NETWORKING
AND SERVICES

Edited by

GIUSEPPE MANZELLA
OceanHis SrL, Torino, Italy
ANTONIO NOVELLINO
ETT SpA - Gruppo SCAI, Genova, Italy
Elsevier
Radarweg 29, PO Box 211, 1000 AE Amsterdam, Netherlands
The Boulevard, Langford Lane, Kidlington, Oxford OX5 1GB, United Kingdom
50 Hampshire Street, 5th Floor, Cambridge, MA 02139, United States

Copyright Ó 2022 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means,
electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage and
retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. Details on how to seek
permission, further information about the Publisher’s permissions policies and our
arrangements with organizations such as the Copyright Clearance Center and the Copyright
Licensing Agency, can be found at our website: www.elsevier.com/permissions.

This book and the individual contributions contained in it are protected under copyright by the
Publisher (other than as may be noted herein).

Notices
Knowledge and best practice in this field are constantly changing. As new research and
experience broaden our understanding, changes in research methods, professional practices, or
medical treatment may become necessary.

Practitioners and researchers must always rely on their own experience and knowledge in
evaluating and using any information, methods, compounds, or experiments described herein.
In using such information or methods they should be mindful of their own safety and the safety
of others, including parties for whom they have a professional responsibility.

To the fullest extent of the law, neither the Publisher nor the authors, contributors, or editors,
assume any liability for any injury and/or damage to persons or property as a matter of products
liability, negligence or otherwise, or from any use or operation of any methods, products,
instructions, or ideas contained in the material herein.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

A catalog record for this book is available from the Library of Congress

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A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

ISBN: 978-0-12-823427-3

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Publisher: Candice Janco

Acquisitions Editor: Louisa Munro
Editorial Project Manager: Sara Valentino
Production Project Manager: Debasish Ghosh
Cover Designer: Mark Rogers

Typeset by TNQ Technologies

List of acronyms

AATSR Advanced Along Track Scanning Radiometer

ABDC Access to Biological Collection Data
ADP Arctic Data Portal
ADU Associated Data Unit
AfReMaS African Register of Marine Species
AIS Automatic Identification System
ALA Atlas of Living Australia
AniBOS Animal Borne Ocean Sensors
AODN Australian Ocean Data Network
AOML Atlantic Oceanographic and Meteorological Laboratory
API Application Program Interface
APM Application Performance Matrix
ASCII American Standard Code for Information Interchange
ATSR Along Track Scanning Radiometer
AVHRR Advanced Very High Resolution Radiometer
BAMS Bulletin of the American Meteorological Society
BGC-Argo BioGeoChemical Argo
BHL Biodiversity Heritage Library
BODC British Oceanographic Data Centre
BOLD Barcode of Life Data System
BOOS Baltic Operational Oceanographic System
C3S Copernicus Climate Change Service
CAFF Conservation of Arctic Flora and Fauna
CAMS Copernicus Atmospheric Service
CBD Convention on Biological Diversity
CCHDO Carbon Hydrographic Data Office
CCI Climate Change Initiative
CDI Common Data Index
CDS Climate Data Store
CEC Commission of the European Communities
CETAF Consortium of European Taxonomic Facilities
CF Climate and Forecast
CIMR Copernicus Imaging Microwave Radiometer
CLMS Copernicus Land Service
CMEMS Copernicus Marine Environment Monitoring Service
CO2 Carbon Dioxide
CODATA Committee on Data
CoL Catalogue of Life
COL-PLUS Innovating the Catalogue of Life Systems
CoML Census of Marine Life
COP Conference of the Parties
CPR Continuous Plankton Recorder
CRM Certified Reference Materials

369 j
370 List of acronyms

CRS Coordinate Reference System

CSIRO Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organization
CSR Cruise Summary Reports
CSV Comma Separated Values
CTD Conductivity Temperature Depth sonde
CV Curriculum Vitae
D4Science Data infrastructure for science
DAB Discovery and Access Broker
DATAMEQ Data Management, Exchange and Quality
DataONE Data Observation Network for Earth
DBCP Data Buoy Cooperation Panel
DCDB Data Centre for Digital Bathymetry
DG MARE Directorate-General for Maritime Affairs and Fisheries
DG Directorate General
DGPM Directorate General for Maritime Policy (Portugal)
DIAS Data and Information Access Services
DIC Dissolved Inorganic Carbon
DIGI TWIN digital twin “a realistic digital representation of assets, processes or
systems in the built or natural environment” (“The Gemini Princi-
ples” (PDF). www.cdbb.cam.ac.uk. Centre for Digital Built Britain.
2018. Retrieved 2020-01-01.)
DIKW Data-Information-Knowledge-Wisdom
DiSSCo Distributed System of Scientific Collections
DIVA Data-Interpolating Variational Analysis
DIVAnd Data-Interpolating Variational Analysis in n dimensions
DM Delayed Mode
DMP Data Management Plan
DOI Digital Object Identifier
DPSIR Driver-Pressure-State-Impact-Response
DQ Data Quality
DSA Data Seal of Approval
DTM Digital Terrain Model
DTO Digital Twin of the Ocean
EBSA Ecologically or Biologically Significant Area
EBV Essential Biodiversity Variables
EBWBL EMODnet Bathymetry released a World Base Layer Service
EC European Commission
ECV Essential Climate Variables
EDIOS European DIrectory of the Ocean Observing Systems
EDMED European Directory of Marine Environmental Data
EDMERP European Directory of Marine Environmental Research Projects
EDMO European Directory of Marine Organizations
EEA European Environment Agency
EEI Earth’s Energy Imbalance
EGO Everyone’s Gliding Observatories
EIONET European Environment Information and Observation Network
ELIXIR European Life-Science Infrastructure
eLTER European part of the global Long-Term Ecosystem Research
List of acronyms 371

EMB European Marine Board

EBMI Inhaca Marine Biology Research Station
EMBRC European Marine Biological Research Centre
EMODnet European Marine Observation and Data Network
EMSO European Multidisciplinary Seafloor and water column Observatory
ENA European Nucleotide Archive
ENSO El Ni~ no-Southern Oscillation
ENVRI ENVironmental Research Infrastructure
EO Earth Observation
EoL Encyclopaedia of Life
EOSC European Open Science Cloud
EOV Essential Ocean Variables
ERDAPP Environmental Research Division’s Data Access Program
ERIC European Research Infrastructure Consortium
ERMS European Register of Marine Species
ESA European Space Agency
ESFRI European Strategy Forum on Research Infrastructures
ESIP Earth Science Information Partners
EU European Union
EUDAT pan-European network of research organizations, data and
computing centers.
EUMETSAT European Organization for the Exploitation of Meteorological
Satellites
EUNIS European Nature Information System
EuroArgo European component of Argo program
EuroBioImaging- European Research Infrastructure for Imaging Technologies in Bio-
logical and Biomedical Sciences
EurOBIS European Ocean Biodiversity Information System
EuroFLEETS An alliance of European marine research infrastructure to meet the
evolving needs of the research and industrial communities
EuroGOOS European component of GOOS
EuroSEA European Ocean Observing and Forecasting System
Eurostat European Statistical Office
EUSeaMap Seabed habitat map for Europe
EV Essential Variables
FAIR Principles Findable, Accessible, Interoperable, and Reusable
FAO Food and Agriculture Organization
FGDC Federal Geographic Data Committee
G7 Group of Seven, Intergovernmental Organization
GACS Global Alliance of Continuous plankton recorder Surveys
GBIF Global Biodiversity Information Facility - An international body
dedicated to providing free access to biodiversity data
GCI GEOSS common infrastructure
GCMD Global Change Master Directory
GCOS Global Climate Observing System
GDAC Global Data Assembly Centre
GEBCO General Bathymetric Chart of the Oceans
GEF Global Environment Facility
372 List of acronyms

GEO Global Environment Outlook

GEO BON Group on Earth Observations Biodiversity Observation Network
GEO Group of Earth Observation
GEOMAR Helmholtz Centre for Ocean Research Kiel
GEOSS Global Earth Observation System of Systems
GEOTRACES International program which aims to improve the understanding of
biogeochemical cycles and large-scale distribution of trace elements
and their isotopes in the marine environment.
GES Good Environmental Status
GGBN Global Genome Biodiversity Network
GHRSST Group for High Resolution SST
GIS Geographic Information System
Globe GLobal Oceanographic Bathymetry Explorer
GLODAP Global Ocean Data Analysis Project
GLOSS Global Sea Level Observing System
GO-SHIP Global Ocean Ship-Based Hydrographic Investigations Program
GODAR Global Oceanographic Data Archeology and Rescue
GOMON Global Ocean Macroalgal Observing Network
GOOS Global Ocean Observing System
GOSUD Global Ocean Surface Underway Data
GRA GOOS Regional Alliances
GTS Global Telecommunication System
GTSPP Global Temperature and Salinity Profile Program
HadISST Hadley Center Sea Ice and Sea Surface Temperature
HarmoNIA Harmonization and Networking for contaminant assessment in the
Ionian and Adriatic Seas
HELCOM HELsinki COMmission
HF High Frequency
HFR High Frequency Radar
HMAP History of Marine Animal Populations
HTML HyperText Markup Language
IAPB International Arctic Buoy Program
IAPSO International Association for the Physical Sciences of the Oceans
IBI-ROOS Ireland Biscay Iberian Regional Operational Oceanographic System
ICEDIG Innovation and consolidation for large scale digitization of natural
heritage
ICES International Council for the Exploration of the Sea
ICOS Integrated Carbon Observation System
ICSU International Council for Science
ICSU-WDS ICSU World Data System
ICZM Integrated Coastal Zone Management
ID Input Data(set)
iDigBio Integrated Digitized Biocollections
IDOE International Decade of Ocean Exploration
IGY International Geophysical Year
IHO International Hydrographic Organization
IJI International Joint Initiatives
IK Indigenous Knowledge
List of acronyms 373

IMIS Integrated Marine Information System

IMOS Australia’s Integrated Marine Observing System
INSPIRE INfrastructure for SPatial Information in the euRopEan Community
InSTAC In Situ Thematic Assembling Centre
IOC Intergovernmental Oceanographic Commission of UNESCO
IOC-ODIS Ocean Data and Information System
IOCCp International Ocean Carbon Coordination Project
IODE International Oceanographic Data and information Exchange
IOOS US Integrated Ocean Observing System
IPBES Intergovernmental Science-Policy Platform on Biodiversity and
Ecosystem Services
IPCC Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change
IQuOD International Quality Controlled Ocean Database
ISC International Science Council
ISO International Organization for Standardization
ISSC International Social Science Council
IT Information Technology
ITIS- Integrated Taxonomic Information System
IUBS International Union of Biological Sciences
JAVA class-based, object-oriented programming language
JCOMM Joint technical Commission for Oceanography and Marine
Meteorology
JCOMMOPS Joint WMO-IOC Centre for in situ Ocean and Marine Meteorolog-
ical Observing Program Support
JERICO Joint European Research Infrastructure of Coastal Observatories
JERICOS3 Joint European Research Infrastructure of Coastal Observatories Sci-
ence, Service, Sustainability
JGOFS Joint Global Ocean Flux Study
JRC Joint Research Center
JSON JavaScript Object Notation
KBP Kenya-Belgium Project
KMFRI Kenya Marine and Fisheries Research Institute
LAT Lowest Astronomical Tide
LEO Local Environmental Observer
LifeWatch European AgroEcology Living Lab and Research Infrastructure
Network
LSID Life Science Identifier
LTER Long-Term Ecosystem Research
MacroBen Integrated database on soft-bottom benthos
MANUELA Meiobenthic and Nematode biodiversity Unravelling Ecological and
Latitudinal Aspects
MAP Mediterranean Action Plan
MARBEF Marine Biodiversity and Ecosystem Functioning
MARPOL International Convention for the Prevention of Pollution from Ships
MASDEA Marine Species Database for Eastern Africa
MAT Binary MATLAB file
MBA Marine Biological Association
MBON Marine Biodiversity Observation Network
374 List of acronyms

MCDS Marine Climate Data System

MDT Mean Dynamic Topography
MEDAR MEditerranean oceanographic Data Archeology and Rescue
MedAtlas Mediterranean Atlas
MEDI Marine Environmental Data Information Referral Catalogue
MEDPOL Marine pollution assessment and control component of MAP
MEOP Marine Mammals Exploring the Oceans Pole to Pole
MFC Monitoring and Forecasting Center
MHHW Mean Higher High Water
MIxS Minimum Information about any (x) Sequence
MLLT Mean Lower Low Tide
MODB Mediterranean Oceanographic Data Base
MONGOOS Mediterranean Operational Network for the Global Ocean
Observing System
MSFD Marine Strategy Framework Directive
MSP Marine Spatial Planning
NaGISA Natural Geography in Shore Areas
NASA National Aeronautics and Space Administration
NASA - CMR NASA Common Metadata Repository
NASA - GCMD NASA Global Change Master Directory
NCEAS National Center for Ecological Analysis and Synthesis
NCEI NOAA’s National Centers for Environmental Information
NDBC US National Data Buoy Center
NERC Natural Environment Research Council
NESDIS National Environmental Satellite, Data, and Information Service
NetCDF Network Common Data Form
NOAA National Oceanographic and Atmospheric Administration
NODC National Oceanographic Data Center
NoE Network of Excellence
NOOS North Sea Operational Oceanographic System
NRT Near Real Time
NSBP North Sea Benthos Project
NSBS North Sea Benthos Survey
NVS NERC Vocabulary Server
O&M Observations and Measurements
O2 Oxygen
OAI Open Archives Initiative
OBIS Ocean Biodiversity Information System
OBPS Ocean Best Practices System
OceanOPS Ocean Observations Programs Support
OceanSITES international system of long-term, open-ocean reference stations
OCG Observations Coordination Group
ODINAFRICA Ocean Data and Information Network for Africa
ODIP Ocean Data Interoperability Platform
ODIS Ocean Data and Information System
ODSBPP Ocean Data Standards and Best Practices Project
List of acronyms 375

ODV Ocean Data View

OECD Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development
OGC Open Geospatial Consortium - Define standards for sharing
geographical data
OGDMTT Ocean Glider Data Management Task Team
OISST Optimum Interpolation Sea Surface Temperature
OMB Office of Management and Budget
OOPC Ocean Observations Physics and Climate Panel
OOPS Operational Oceanographic Products and Services
OPeNDAP Open-source Project for a Network Data Access Protocol
ORCID Open Researcher and Contributor ID
OSGeo Open Source GEOspatial foundation
OSPAR OSlo-PARis Convention for the Protection of the Marine Environ-
ment of the North-East Atlantic
OSSE Observing System Simulation Experiments
OSTIA Operational Sea Surface Temperature and Ice Analysis
OSTP Office of Science and Technology Policy
P2P Pole to Pole
PACE PArtnership for China and Europe
PANGAEA Data Publisher for Earth and Environmental Science
pCO2 Partial pressure of carbon dioxide
pH Power of Hydrogen
PID Personal Identifiable Data
PIDoc Product Information Document
PIRATA PredIction and Research moored Array in The Atlantic
POP Persistent Organic Pollutant
PSMSL Permanent Service for Mean Sea Level
QA Quality Assurance
QAS Quality Assurance Strategy
QC Quality Control
QF Quality Flag
QI Quality Indicator
RAMA Research moored Array for African-Asian-Australian Monsoon
Analysis and prediction
RDA Research Data Alliance
RDLF Research Data Life Cycle
RECOSCIX-WIO Regional Cooperation in Scientific Information Exchange in the
West Indian Ocean
RI Research Infrastructures
RMP Responsive Mode Programs
RMSD Root Mean Square Difference
ROC Regional Dispatch Centre
ROOS Regional Operational Oceanographic System
RT Real Time
RTD Research and Technological Development
SARCE South American Research Group on Coastal Ecosystems
SBSTTA Subsidiary Body on Scientific, Technical and Technological Advice
SCOR Scientific Committee on Oceanic Research
376 List of acronyms

SD Sustainable Development
SDG Sustainable Development Goals
SDN SeaDataNet
SeaDataCloud Advanced SeaDataNet services
SeaDataNet Pan-European Infrastructure for Ocean and Marine Data
Management
sensorML Standard models and an XML encoding for describing any process
SI Systeme Internationale or International System
SKOS Simple Knowledge Organization System
SLS IOC Sea Level Station Monitoring (SLS)
SLSTR Sea and Land Surface Temperature Radiometer
SMM System Maturity Matrix
SOAP Simple Object Access Protocol
SOCAT Surface Ocean CO2 ATlas
SONEL Systeme d’Observation du Niveau des Eaux Litorales
SOOP Ship of Opportunity Program
SOOS Southern Oceans Observing System
SOP Standard Operating Procedures
SOS Sensor Observation Service
SPARQL Sparql Protocol And Rdf Query Language
SST Sea Surface Temperature
SWE Sensor Web Enablement
SYNTHESIS Synthesis of Systematic Resources
TAC Thematic Assembling Center
TAO Tropical Atmosphere Ocean
Tb Brightness Temperature
TDS THREDDS Data Server
TDWG Biodiversity information standards (formally Taxonomic Databases
Working Group)
TG-ML MSFD Technical Group on Marine Litter
THREDDS Thematic Real-time Environmental Distributed Data Services
TKIP Traditional Knowledge Information Portal
TRITON TRIangle Trans-Ocean buoy Network
TRUST Transparency - Responsibility - User community - Sustainability e
Technology
TXT TeXT
UD Upstream Data(set)
UHSLC University of Hawaii Sea Level Center
UN United Nations
UNDP United Nations Development Program
UNEP United Nations Environment Program
UNESCO United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organization
UNFCCC United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change
UNSD United Nations Sustainable Development
URI Universal Resource Identifier
URMO UNESCO-IOC Register of Marine Organisms
US United States
VLIZ Flanders Marine Institute
List of acronyms 377

VOS Voluntary Observing Ship

VRE Virtual Research Environment
VTS Vessel Traffic Services
W3C World Wide Web Consortium
WAF Web Accessible Folder
WCS Web Coverage Service
WDC World Data Centre
webODV on line Ocean Data View
WEkEO Copernicus DIAS service
WFD Water Framework Directive - EU Project to provide cleaner fresh
water in Europe
WFS Web Feature Service
WG Working Group
WIPO World Intellectual Property Organization
WISE Water Information System for Europe (also WISE-Marine for the
marine specific bit)
WMO World Meteorological Organization
WMS Web Map Service
WMTS Web Map Tile Service
WOA World Ocean Assessment
WOA World Ocean Atlas
WOCE World Ocean Circulation Experiment
WOD World Ocean Database
WoRMS World Register of Marine Species
WxS W3C xml Schema
XBT eXpendable BathyThermograph
Contributors

A. Barth
University of Liege, Liege, Belgium
Joana Beja
Flanders Marine Institute (VLIZ), Oostende, Belgium
Abigail Benson
U.S. Geological Survey, Lakewood, CO, United States
T. Boyer
National Centers for Environmental Information, National Oceanic and Atmospheric
Administration, Asheville, NC, United States
Jan-Bart Calewaert
Seascape Belgium bvba, Brussels, Belgium; European Marine Observation and Data
Network (EMODnet) Secretariat, Ostend, Belgium
C. Coatanoan
Ifremer Centre de Bretagne, Plouzané, Brest, France
Tim Collart
Seascape Belgium bvba, Brussels, Belgium; European Marine Observation and Data
Network (EMODnet) Secretariat, Ostend, Belgium
Conor Delaney
Seascape Belgium bvba, Brussels, Belgium; European Marine Observation and Data
Network (EMODnet) Secretariat, Ostend, Belgium
Daphnis De Pooter
Commission for the Conservation of Antarctic Marine Living Resources, (CCAMLR),
Hobart, TAS, Australia
Federico De Strobel
The Historical Oceanography Society, La Spezia, Italy
S. Diggs
Scripps Institution of Oceanography, University of California San Diego, La Jolla, CA,
United States
William Emery
University of Colorado, Boulder, CO, United States
Michele Fichaut
IFREMER/SISMER, Brest, France
Vasilis Gerovasileiou
Hellenic Centre for Marine Research (HCMR), Institute of Marine Biology,
Biotechnology and Aquaculture (IMBBC), Heraklion, Greece

ix j
x Contributors

Kate E. Larkin
Seascape Belgium bvba, Brussels, Belgium; European Marine Observation and Data
Network (EMODnet) Secretariat, Ostend, Belgium
Dan Lear
Marine Biological Association, Plymouth, United Kingdom
Helen Lillis
Joint Nature Conservation Committee (JNCC), Peterborough, United Kingdom
M. Lipizer
Istituto Nazionale di Oceanografia e di Geofisica Sperimentale e OGS, Trieste, Italy
Eleonora Manca
Joint Nature Conservation Committee (JNCC), Peterborough, United Kingdom
Giuseppe M.R. Manzella
The Historical Oceanography Society, La Spezia, Italy; OceanHis SrL, Torino, Italy
Andrée-Anne Marsan
Seascape Belgium bvba, Brussels, Belgium; European Marine Observation and Data
Network (EMODnet) Secretariat, Ostend, Belgium
Patricia Miloslavich
Scientific Committee on Oceanic Research (SCOR), University of Delaware, College of
Earth, Ocean and Environment, Newark, DE, United States; Departamento de Estudios
Ambientales, Universidad Sim
on Bolívar, Caracas, Miranda, Venezuela
Gwenaëlle Moncoiffé
British Oceanographic Data Centre, National Oceanography Centre, Liverpool, United
Kingdom
V. Myroshnychenko
Middle East Technical University, Institute of Marine Sciences, Erdemli-Mersin, Turkey
John Nicholls
Norfish Project, Centre for Environmental Humanities, Trinity College Dublin, Dublin,
Ireland
Antonio Novellino
ETT SpA, Genova, Italy
Nadia Pinardi
The Historical Oceanography Society, La Spezia, Italy; Department of Physics and
Astronomy, Universita di Bologna, Bologna, Italy
A. Pisano
Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche - Istituto di Scienze Marine (CNR-ISMAR), Rome,
Italy
A. Pititto
COGEA, Rome, Italy
Contributors xi

Dick M.A. Schaap

Mariene Informatie Service MARIS B.V., Nootdorp, the Netherlands
R. Schlitzer
Alfred Wegener Institute, Bremerhaven, Germany
S. Simoncelli
Istituto Nazionale di Geofisica e Vulcanologia, Sezione di Bologna, Italy
A. Storto
Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche - Istituto di Scienze Marine (CNR-ISMAR), Rome,
Italy
Nathalie Tonné
Seascape Belgium bvba, Brussels, Belgium; European Marine Observation and Data
Network (EMODnet) Secretariat, Ostend, Belgium
C. Troupin
University of Liege, Liege, Belgium
Leen Vandepitte
Flanders Marine Institute (VLIZ), Oostende, Belgium
Anton Van de Putte
Royal Belgian Institute for Natural Sciences, Brussels, Belgium; Université Libre de
Bruxelles, Brussels, Belgium
Nathalie Van Isacker
Seascape Belgium bvba, Brussels, Belgium; European Marine Observation and Data
Network (EMODnet) Secretariat, Ostend, Belgium
Mickaël Vasquez
Ifremer, Brest, France
Nina Wambiji
Kenya Marine and Fisheries Research Institute, Mombasa, Kenya
Discovering Diverse Content Through
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At times of census, Sivadvija and Siva Brāhman have been given as
synonyms of Stānika.

Sthāvara.—Recorded, at times of census, as a sub-division of Jangam. The

lingam, which Lingāyats carry on some part of the body, is called the
jangama lingam or moveable lingam, to distinguish it from the sthāvara or
fixed lingam of temples.

Subuddhi.—A title, meaning one having good sense, among several Oriya
castes.

Sudarmān.—See Udaiyān.

Suddho.—Two distinct castes go by this name, viz., the Savaras who have
settled in the plains, and a small class of agriculturists and paiks (servants)
in the low country of Ganjam. The Suddhos who live in the hills eat fowls
and drink liquor, which those in the plains abstain from. The caste name
Suddho means pure, and is said to have its origin in the fact that Suddho
paiks used to tie the turbans of the kings of Gumsūr. Like other Oriya
castes, the Suddhos have Podhāno, Bissōyi, Bēhara, etc., as titles. The caste
has apparently come into existence in recent times.

Sūdra.—The fourth of the traditional castes of Manu. The Sūdra Nāyars

supply the female servants in the houses of Nambūtiris.

Sūdra Kāvutiyān.—A name adopted by barbers who shave Nāyars, to

distinguish them from other barbers.

Sudugādusiddha.—The name is derived from sudugādu, a burning-

ground. In the Mysore Census Report, 1901, they are described as being
“mendicants like the Jōgis, like whom they itinerate. They were once lords
of burning-grounds, to whom the Kulavādi (see Holeya), who takes the
cloth of the deceased and a fee for every dead body burned, paid something
as acknowledging their overlordship.” These people are described by Mr. J.
S. F. Mackenzie,62 under the name Sudgudu Siddha, or lords of the
burning-ground, as agents who originally belonged to the Gangadikāra
Vakkaliga caste, and have become a separate caste, called after their head
Sudgudu Siddharu. They intermarry among themselves, and the office of
agent is hereditary. They have particular tracts of country assigned to them,
when on tour collecting burial fees. They can be recognised by the wooden
bell in addition to the usual metal one, which they always carry about.
Without this no one would acknowledge the agent’s right to collect the fees.

Sugāli.—Sugāli and Sukāli are synonyms of Lambādi.

Sugamanchi Balija.—A name said to mean the best of Balijas, and used as
a synonym for Gāzula Balija.

Sukka (star).—An exogamous sept of Yerukala. The equivalent Sūkra

occurs as a gōtra of Oriya Kālinjis.

Sūlē.—A Canarese name for professional prostitutes. Temple dancing-girls

object to the name, as being low. They call themselves Vēsyas or Bēsyas,
Naiksāni, or Naikini (Naik females).

Sullokondia.—The highest sub-division of the Gaudos, from whose hands

Oriya Brāhmans will accept water.

Sunar.—See Sonar. <b>Sundarattān.—A sub-division of Nāttukōttai

Chetti.

Sundi.—See Sondi.

Sunkari.—The Sunkari or Sunkara-vāndlu are cultivators, fishermen, and

raftsmen in the Godāvari district. According to the Rev. J. Cain63 they come
from some part of the Central Provinces, and are not regarded as outcasts,
as stated in the Central Provinces Gazetteer.

Sunna Akki (thin rice).—A family name or bedagu of Donga Dāsari.

Sunnambukkāran (lime man).—An occupational name for Paravas,

Paraiyans, and other classes, who are employed as lime (chunam) burners.
Sunnapu, meaning shell or quick-lime, occurs as an exogamous sept of
Balija.
Sunnata.—A sub-division of Kurumbas, who are said to make only white
blankets.

Sūrakkudi.—A section or kōvil (temple) of Nāttukōttai Chetti.

Sūrti.—The name for domestic servants of Europeans in Bombay, who

come from Surat.

Sūrya (the sun).—Recorded as a sept of Dōmb, Kuruba, and Pentiya, and a

sub-division of Ambalakkāran. The equivalent Sūryavamsam (people of the
solar race) occurs as a sub-division of Rāzu, and as a synonym of the Konda
Doras or Konda Kāpus, some of whom style themselves Raja (= Rāzu)
Kāpus or Reddis.

Sūtakulam.—A name by which the Besthas call themselves. They claim

descent from the Rishi Sūta Mahamuni. It has been suggested64 as probable
that the Besthas gained the name from their superiority in the culinary art,
sūta meaning cook.

Sūtarlu.—Recorded by the Rev. J. Cain65 as bricklayers and masons in the

Godāvari district.

Sūthala (needle).—An exogamous sept of Kamma.

Svārūpam.—Svārūpam has been defined66 as “a dynasty, usually confined

to the four principal dynasties, termed the Kōla, Nāyaririppu,
Perimbadappu, and Trippa Svarupam, represented by the Kōlatiri or
Chirakal Rājah, the Zamorin, and the Cochin and Travancore Rājahs.”
Svārūpakkar or Svarūpathil, meaning servants of Svārūpams or kingly
houses, is an occupational sub-division of Nāyar.

Swāyi.—A title of Alia, Aruva, Kālinji, and other Oriya classes.

Swetāmbara (clad in white).—One of the two main divisions of the Jains.

Syrian Christian.—The following note, containing a summary of the

history of a community in connection with which the literature is
considerable, is mainly abstracted from the Cochin Census Report, 1901,
with additions.

St. Thomas cross, Kōttayam.

The Syrian Christians have “sometimes been called the Christians of the
Serra (a Portuguese word, meaning mountains). This arose from the fact of
their living at the foot of the ghauts.”67 The glory of the introduction of the
teachings of Christ to India is, by time-honoured tradition, ascribed to the
apostle Saint Thomas. According to this tradition so dearly cherished by the
Christians of this coast, about 52 A.D. the apostle landed at Malankara, or,
more correctly, at Maliankara near Cranganūr (Kodungallūr), the Mouziris
of the Greeks, or Muyirikode of the Jewish copper plates. Mouziris was a
port near the mouth of a branch of the Alwaye river, much frequented in
their early voyages by the Phœnician and European traders for the pepper
and spices of this coast, and for the purpose of taking in fresh water and
provisions. The story goes that Saint Thomas founded seven churches in
different stations in Cochin and Travancore, and converted, among others,
many Brāhmans, notably the Cally, Calliankara, Sankarapuri, and
Pakalomattam Nambūdri families, the members of the last claiming the rare
distinction of having been ordained as priests by the apostle himself. He
then extended his labours to the Coromandel coast, where, after making
many converts, he is said to have been pierced with a lance by some
Brāhmans, and to have been buried in the church of St. Thomé, in
Mylapore, a suburb of the town of Madras. Writing concerning the
prevalence of elephantiasis in Malabar, Captain Hamilton records68 that
“the old Romish Legendaries impute the cause of those great swell’d legs to
a curse Saint Thomas laid upon his murderers and their posterity, and that
was the odious mark they should be distinguished by.” “Pretty early
tradition associates Thomas with Parthia,69 Philip with Phrygia, Andrew
with Syria, and Bartholomew with India, but later traditions make the
apostles divide the various countries between them by lot.”70 Even if the
former supposition be accepted, there is nothing very improbable in Saint
Thomas having extended his work from Parthia to India. Others argue that,
even if there be any truth in the tradition of the arrival of Saint Thomas in
India, this comprised the countries in the north-west of India, or at most the
India of Alexander the Great, and not the southern portion of the peninsula,
where the seeds of Christianity are said to have been first sown, because the
voyage to this part of India, then hardly known, was fraught with the
greatest difficulties and dangers, not to speak of its tediousness. It may,
however, be observed that the close proximity of Alexandria to Palestine,
and its importance at the time as the emporium of the trade between the
East and West, afforded sufficient facilities for a passage to India. If the
Roman line of traffic viâ Alexandria and the Red Sea was long and tedious,
the route viâ the Persian Gulf was comparatively easy.

When we come to the second century, we read of Demetrius of Alexandria

receiving a message from some natives of India, earnestly begging for a
teacher to instruct them in the doctrines of Christianity. Hearing this,
Pantænus, Principal of the Christian College of Alexandria, an Athenian
stoic, an eminent preacher and “a very great gnosticus, who had penetrated
most profoundly into the spirit of scripture,” sailed from Berenice for
Malabar between 180 and 190 A.D. He found his arrival “anticipated by
some who were acquainted with the Gospel of Mathew, to whom
Bartholomew, one of the apostles, had preached, and had left them the same
Gospel in Hebrew, which also was preserved until this time. Returning to
Alexandria, he presided over the College of Catechumens.” Early in the
third century, St. Hippolytus, Bishop of Portus, also assigns the conversion
of India to the apostle Bartholomew. To Thomas he ascribes Persia and the
countries of Central Asia, although he mentions Calamina, “a city of India,”
as the place where Thomas suffered death. The Rev. J. Hough71 observes
that “it is indeed highly problematical that Saint Bartholomew was ever in
India.” It may be remarked that there are no local traditions associating the
event with his name, and, if Saint Bartholomew laboured at all on this
coast, there is no reason why the earliest converts of Malabar should have
preferred the name of Thomas to that of Bartholomew. Though Mr. Hough
and Sir W. W. Hunter,72 among others, discredit the mission of St. Thomas
in the first century, they both accept the story of the mission of Pantænus.
Mr. Hough says that “it is probable that these Indians (who appealed to
Demetrius) were converts or children of former converts to Christianity.” If,
in the second century, there could be children of former converts in India, it
is not clear why the introduction of Christianity to India in the first century,
and that by St. Thomas, should be so seriously questioned and set aside as
being a myth, especially in view of the weight of the subjoined testimony,
associating the work with the name of the apostle.
In the Asiatic Journal (Vol. VI), Mr. Whish refutes the assertions made by
Mr. Wrede in the Asiatic Researches (Vol. VII) that the Christians of
Malabar settled in that country “during the violent persecution of the sect of
Nestorius under Theodosius II, or some time after,” and says, with reference
to the date of the Jewish colonies in India, that the Christians of the country
were settled long anterior to the period mentioned by Mr. Wrede. Referring
to the acts and journeyings of the apostles, Dorotheus, Bishop of Tyre (254–
313 A.D.), says “the Apostle Thomas, after having preached the Gospel to
the Parthians, Medes, Persians, Germanians, Bactrians, and Magi, suffered
martyrdom at Calamina, a town of India.” It is said that, at the Council of
Nice held in 325 A.D., India was represented by Johannes, Bishop of India
Maxima and Persia. St. Gregory of Nazianzen (370–392 A.D.), in
answering the reproach of his being a stranger, asks “Were not the apostles
strangers? Granting that Judæa was the country of Peter, what had Paul in
common with the Gentiles, Luke with Achaia, Andrew with Epirus, John
with Ephesus, Thomas with India, Mark with Italy”? St. Jerome (390 A.D.)
testifies to the general belief in the mission of St. Thomas to India. He too
mentions Calamina as the town where the apostle met with his death.
Baronius thinks that, when Theodoret, the Church historian (430–458 A.D.),
speaks of the apostles, he evidently associates the work in India with the
name of St. Thomas. St. Gregory of Torus relates that “in that place in
India, where the body of Thomas lay before it was transferred to Edessa,
there is a monastery and temple of great size.” Florentius asserts that
“nothing with more certainty I find in the works of the Holy Fathers than
that St. Thomas preached the Gospel in India.” Rufinus, who stayed twenty-
five years in Syria, says that the remains of St. Thomas were brought from
India to Edessa. Two Arabian travellers of the ninth century, referred to by
Renaudot, assert that St. Thomas died at Mailapur.

Coming to modern times, we have several authorities, who testify to the

apostolic origin of the Indian Church, regarded as apocryphal by Mr. Milne
Rae, Sir W. W. Hunter, and others. The historian of the ‘Indian Empire,’
while rejecting some of the strongest arguments advanced by Mr. Milne
Rae, accepts his conclusions in regard to the apostolic origin. The Romanist
Portuguese in their enthusiasm coloured the legends to such an extent as to
make them appear incredible, and the Protestant writers of modern times,
while distrusting the Portuguese version, are not agreed as to the rare
personage that introduced Christianity to India. Mr. Wrede asserts that the
Christians of Malabar settled in that country during the violent persecution
of the sect of Nestorius under Theodosius II, or some time after. Dr. Burnell
traces the origin to the Manichæan Thomas, who flourished towards the end
of the third century. Mr. Milne Rae brings the occurrence of the event down
to the sixth century of the Christian era. Sir William Hunter, without
associating the foundation of the Malabar Church with the name of any
particular person, states the event to have taken place some time in the
second century, long before the advent of Thomas the Manichæan, but
considers that the name St. Thomas Christians was adopted by the
Christians in the eighth century. He observes that “the early legend of the
Manichæan Thomas in the third century and the later labours of the
Armenian Thomas, the rebuilder of the Malabar Church in the eighth
century, endeared that name to the Christians of Southern India.” [It has
recently been stated, with reference to the tradition that it was St. Thomas
the apostle who first evangelised Southern India, that, “though this tradition
is no more capable of disproof than of proof, those authorities seem to be on
safer ground, who are content to hold that Christianity was first imported
into India by Nestorian or Chaldæan missionaries from Persia and
Mesopotamia, whose apostolic zeal between the sixth and twelfth centuries
ranged all over Asia, even into Tibet and Tartary. The seat of the Nestorian
Patriarchate of Babylon was at Bagdad, and, as it claimed to be par
excellence the Church of St. Thomas, this might well account for the fact
that the proselytes it won over in India were in the habit of calling
themselves Christians of St. Thomas. It is, to say the least, a remarkable
coincidence that one of the three ancient stone crosses preserved in India
bears an inscription and devices, which are stated to resemble those on the
cross discovered near Singanfu in China, recording the appearance of
Nestorian missionaries in Shenshi in the early part of the seventh century.”]

As already said, there are those who attribute the introduction of the Gospel
to a certain Thomas, a disciple of Manes, who is supposed to have come to
India in 277 A.D., finding in this an explanation of the origin of the
Manigrāmakars (inhabitants of the village of Manes) of Kayenkulam near
Quilon. Coming to the middle of the fourth century, we read of a Thomas
Cana, an Aramæan or Syrian merchant, or a divine, as some would have it,
who, having in his travels seen the neglected conditions of the flock of
Christ on the Malabar coast, returned to his native land, sought the
assistance of the Catholics of Bagdad, came back with a train of clergymen
and a pretty large number of Syrians, and worked vigorously to better their
spiritual condition. He is said to have married two Indian ladies, the
disputes of succession between whose children appear, according to some
writers, to have given rise to the two names of Northerners
(Vadakkumbagar) and Southerners (Thekkumbagar)—a distinction which is
still jealously kept up. The authorities are, however, divided as to the date
of his arrival, for, while some assign 345 A.D., others give 745 A.D. It is
just possible that this legend but records the advent of two waves of
colonists from Syria at different times, and their settlement in different
stations; and Thomas Cana was perhaps the leader of the first migration.
The Syrian tradition explains the origin of the names in a different way, for,
according to it, the foreigners or colonists from Syria lived in the southern
street of Cranganūr or Kodungallūr, and the native converts in the northern
street. After their dispersion from Cranganūr, the Southerners kept up their
pride and prestige by refusing to intermarry, while the name of Northerners
came to be applied to all Native Christians other than the Southerners. At
their wedding feasts, the Southerners sing songs commemorating their
colonization at Kodungallūr, their dispersion from there, and settlement in
different places. They still retain some foreign tribe names, to which the
original colony is said to have belonged. A few of these names are Baji,
Kojah, Kujalik, and Majamuth. Their leader Thomas Cana is said to have
visited the last of the Perumāls and to have obtained several privileges for
the benefit of the Christians. He is supposed to have built a church at
Mahādēvarpattanam, or more correctly Mahodayapūram, near Kodungallūr
in the Cochin State, the capital of the Perumāls or Viceroys of Kērala, and,
in their documents, the Syrian Christians now and again designate
themselves as being inhabitants of Mahādēvarpattanam.

In the Syrian seminary at Kōttayam are preserved two copper-plate charters,

one granted by Vīra Rāghava Chakravarthi,and the other by Sthānu Ravi
Gupta, supposed to be dated 774 A.D. and 824 A.D. Specialists, who have
attempted to fix approximately the dates of the grants, however, differ, as
will be seen from a discussion of the subject by Mr. V. Venkayya in the
Epigraphia Indica.73

Concerning the plate of Vīra Rāghava, Mr. Venkayya there writes as

follows. “The subjoined inscription is engraved on both sides of a single
copper-plate, which is in the possession of the Syrian Christians at
Kōttayam. The plate has no seal, but, instead, a conch is engraved about the
middle of the left margin of the second side. This inscription has been
previously translated by Dr. Gundert.74 Mr. Kookel Keloo Nair has also
attempted a version of the grant.75 In the translation I have mainly followed
Dr. Gundert.”

Translation.

Hari! Prosperity! Adoration to the great Ganapati! On the day of (the

Nakshatra) Rōhini, a Saturday after the expiration of the twenty-first (day)
of the solar month Mina (of the year during which) Jupiter (was) in Makara,
while the glorious Vīra-Rāghava-Chakravartin,—(of the race) that has been
wielding the sceptre for several hundred thousands of years in regular
succession from the glorious king of kings, the glorious Vīra-Kērala-
Chakravartin—was ruling prosperously:—

While (we were) pleased to reside in the great palace, we conferred the title
of Manigrāmam on Iravikorttan, alias Sēramānlōka-pperun-jetti of
Magōdaiyarpattinam.

We (also) gave (him the right of) festive clothing, house pillars, the income
that accrues, the export trade (?), monopoly of trade, (the right of)
proclamation, forerunners, the five musical instruments, a conch, a lamp in
day-time, a cloth spread (in front to walk on), a palanquin, the royal parasol,
the Telugu (?) drum, a gateway with an ornamental arch, and monopoly of
trade in the four quarters.

We (also) gave the oilmongers and the five (classes of) artisans as (his)
slaves.
We (also) gave, with a libation of water—having (caused it to be) written on
a copper-plate—to Iravikorttan, who is the lord of the city, the brokerage on
(articles) that may be measured with the para, weighed by the balance or
measured with the tape, that may be counted or weighed, and on all other
(articles) that are intermediate—including salt, sugar, musk (and) lamp oil
—and also the customs levied on these (articles) between the river mouth of
Kodungallūr and the gate (gōpura)—chiefly between the four temples (tali)
and the village adjacent to (each) temple.

We gave (this) as property to Sêramân-lôka-pperun-jetti, alias Iravikorttan,

and to his children’s children in due succession.

(The witnesses) who know this (are):—We gave (it) with the knowledge of
the villagers of Panniyûr and the villagers of Sôgiram. We gave (it) with the
knowledge (of the authorities) of Vênâdu and Odunâdu. We gave (it) with
the knowledge (of the authorities) of Ēranâdu and Valluvanâdu. We gave
(it) for the time that the moon and the sun shall exist.

The hand-writing of Sêramân-lôka-pperun-dattān Nambi Sadeyan, who

wrote (this) copper-plate with the knowledge of these (witnesses).

Mr. Venkayya adds that “it was supposed by Dr. Burnell76 that the plate of
Vîra-Râghava created the principality of Manigrāmam, and the Cochin
plates that of Anjuvannam.77 The Cochin plates did not create Anjuvannam,
but conferred the honours and privileges connected therewith to a Jew
named Rabbân. Similarly, the rights and honours associated with the other
corporation, Manigrâmam, were bestowed at a later period on Ravikkorran.
It is just possible that Ravikkorran was a Christian by religion. But his
name and title give no clue in this direction, and there is nothing Christian
in the document, except its possession by the present owners. On this name,
Dr. Gundert first said78 ‘Iravi Corttan must be a Nasrani name, though none
of the Syrian priests whom I saw could explain it, or had ever heard of it.’
Subsequently he added: ‘I had indeed been startled by the Iravi Corttan,
which does not look at all like the appellation of a Syrian Christian; still I
thought myself justified in calling Manigrâmam a Christian principality—
whatever their Christianity may have consisted in—on the ground that,
from Menezes’ time, these grants had been regarded as given to the Syrian
colonists.’ Mr. Kookel Keloo Nair considered Iravikkorran a mere title, in
which no shadow of a Syrian name is to be traced.”

Nestorius, a native of Germanicia, was educated at Antioch, where, as

Presbyter, he became celebrated, while yet very young, for his asceticism,
orthodoxy, and eloquence. On the death of Sisinnius, Patriarch of
Constantinople, this distinguished preacher of Antioch was appointed to the
vacant See by the Emperor Theodosius II, and was consecrated as Patriarch
in 428 A.D. The doctrine of a God-man respecting Christ, and the mode of
union of the human and the divine nature in Him left undefined by the early
teachers, who contented themselves with speaking of Him and regarding
Him as “born and unborn, God in flesh, life in death, born of Mary, and
born of God,” had, long before the time of Nestorius, begun to tax the
genius of churchmen, and the controversies in respect of this double nature
of Christ had led to the growth and spread of important heretical doctrines.
Two of the great heresies of the church before that of Nestorius are
associated with the names of Arius and Apollinaris. Arius “admitted both
the divine and the human nature of Christ, but, by making Him subordinate
to God, denied His divinity in the highest sense.” Apollinaris, undermining
the doctrine of the example and atonement of Christ, argued that “in Jesus
the Logos supplied the place of the reasonable soul.” As early as 325 A.D.
the first Œcumenical Council of Nice had defined against the Arians, and
decreed that “the Son was not only of like essence, but of the same essence
with the Father, and the human nature, maimed and misinterpreted by the
Apollinarians, had been restored to the person of Christ at the Council of
Constantinople in 381.” Nestorius, finding the Arians and Apollinarians,
condemned strongly though they were, still strong in numbers and influence
at Constantinople, expressed in his first sermon as Patriarch his
determination to put down these and other heretical sects, and exhorted the
Emperor to help him in this difficult task. But, while vigorously engaged in
the effectual extinction of all heresies, he incurred the displeasure of the
orthodox party by boldly declaring, though in the most sincerely orthodox
form, against the use of the term Theotokos, that is, Mother of God, which,
as applied to the Virgin Mary, had then grown into popular favour,
especially amongst the clergy at Constantinople and Rome. While he
himself revered the Blessed Virgin as the Mother of Christ, he declaimed
against the use of the expression Mother of God in respect of her, as being
alike “unknown to the Apostles, and unauthorised by the Church,” besides
its being inherently absurd to suppose that the Godhead can be born or
suffer. Moreover, in his endeavour to avoid the extreme positions taken up
by Arians and Apollinarians, he denied, while speaking of the two natures
in Christ, that there was any communication of attributes. But he was
understood on this point to have maintained a mechanical rather than a
supernatural union of the two natures, and also to have rent Christ asunder,
and divided Him into two persons. Explaining his position, Nestorius said
“I distinguish the natures, but I unite my adoration.” But this explanation
did not satisfy the orthodox, who understood him to have “preached a
Christ less than divine.” The clergy and laity of Constantinople, amongst
whom Nestorius had thus grown unpopular, and was talked of as a heretic,
appealed to Cyril, Bishop of the rival See of Alexandria, to interfere on their
behalf. Cyril, supported by the authority of the Pope, arrived on the scene,
and, at the Council of Ephesus, hastily and informally called up,
condemned Nestorius as a heretic, and excommunicated him. After
Nestorianism had been rooted out of the Roman Empire in the time of
Justinian, it flourished “in the East,” especially in Persia and the countries
adjoining it, where the churches, since their foundation, had been following
the Syrian ritual, discipline, and doctrine, and where a strong party, among
them the Patriarch of Seleucia or Babylon, and his suffragan the
Metropolitan of Persia, with their large following, revered Nestorius as a
martyr, and faithfully and formally accepted his teachings at the Synod of
Seleucia in 448 A.D. His doctrines seem to have spread as far east as China,
so that, in 551, Nestorian monks who had long resided in that country are
said to have brought the eggs of the silkworm to Constantinople. Cosmos,
surnamed Indicopleustes, the Indian traveller, who, in 522 A.D., visited
Male, “the country where the pepper grows,” has referred to the existence
of a fully organised church in Malabar, with the Bishops consecrated in
Persia. His reference, while it traces the origin of the Indian church to the
earlier centuries, also testifies to the fact that, at the time of his visit, the
church was Nestorian in its creed “from the circumstance of its dependence
upon the Primate of Persia, who then unquestionably held the Nestorian
doctrines.”
The next heresy was that of Eutyches, a zealous adherent of Cyril in
opposition to Nestorius at the Council of Ephesus in 431 A.D. But
Eutyches, in opposing the doctrine of Nestorius, went beyond Cyril and
others, and affirmed that, after the union of the two natures, the human and
the divine, Christ had only one nature the divine, His humanity being
absorbed in His divinity. After several years of controversy, the question
was finally decided at the Council of Chalcedon in 451, when it was
declared, in opposition to the doctrine of Eutyches, that the two natures
were united in Christ, but “without any alteration, absorption, or
confusion”; or, in other words, in the person of Christ there were two
natures, the human and the divine, each perfect in itself, but there was only
one person. Eutyches was excommunicated, and died in exile. Those who
would not subscribe to the doctrines declared at Chalcedon were
condemned as heretics; they then seceded, and afterwards gathered
themselves around different centres, which were Syria, Mesopotamia, Asia
Minor, Cyprus and Palestine, Armenia, Egypt, and Abyssinia. The
Armenians embraced the Eutychian theory of divinity being the sole nature
in Christ, the humanity being absorbed, while the Egyptians and
Abyssinians held in the monophysite doctrine of the divinity and humanity
being one compound nature in Christ. The West Syrians, or natives of Syria
proper, to whom the Syrians of this coast trace their origin, adopted, after
having renounced the doctrines of Nestorius, the Eutychian tenet. Through
the influence of Severus, Patriarch of Antioch, they gradually became
Monophysites. The Monophysite sect was for a time suppressed by the
Emperors, but in the sixth century there took place the great Jacobite revival
of the monophysite doctrine under James Bardæus, better known as Jacobus
Zanzalus, who united the various divisions, into which the Monophysites
had separated themselves, into one church, which at the present day exists
under the name of the Jacobite church. The head of the Jacobite church
claims the rank and prerogative of the Patriarch of Antioch—a title claimed
by no less than three church dignitaries. Leaving it to subtle theologians to
settle the disputes, we may briefly define the position of the Jacobites in
Malabar in respect of the above controversies. While they accept the
qualifying epithets pronounced by the decree passed at the Council of
Chalcedon in regard to the union of the two natures in Christ, they object to
the use of the word two in referring to the same. So far they are practically
at one with the Armenians, for they also condemn the Eutychian doctrine;
and a Jacobite candidate for holy orders in the Syrian church has, among
other things, to take an oath denouncing Eutyches and his teachers.

We have digressed a little in order to show briefly the position of the

Malabar church in its relation to Eastern Patriarchs in the early, mediæval,
and modern times. To resume the thread of our story, from about the middle
of the fourth century until the arrival of the Portuguese, the Christians of
Malabar in their spiritual distress generally applied for Bishops
indiscriminately to one of the Eastern Patriarchs, who were either Nestorian
or Jacobite; for, as observed by Sir W. W. Hunter, “for nearly a thousand
years from the 5th to the 15th century, the Jacobite sect dwelt in the middle
of the Nestorians in the Central Asia,” so that, in response to the requests
from Malabar, both Nestorian and Jacobite Bishops appear to have visited
Malabar occasionally, and the natives seem to have indiscriminately
followed the teachings of both. We may here observe that the simple folk of
Malabar, imbued but with the primitive form of Christianity, were neither
conversant with nor ever troubled themselves about the subtle disputations
and doctrinal differences that divided their co-religionists in Europe and
Asia Minor, and were, therefore, not in a position to distinguish between
Nestorian or any other form of Christianity. Persia also having subsequently
neglected the outlying Indian church, the Christians of Malabar seem to
have sent their applications to the Patriarch of Babylon, but, as both prelates
then followed the Nestorian creed, there was little or no change in the
rituals and dogmas of the church. Dr. Day79 refers to the arrival of a
Jacobite Bishop in India in 696 A.D. About the year 823 A.D., two
Nestorian Bishops, Mar Sapor and Mar Aprot, appear to have arrived in
Malabar under the command of the Nestorian Patriarch of Babylon. They
are said to have interviewed the native rulers, travelled through the country,
built churches, and looked after the religious affairs of the Syrians.

We know but little of the history of the Malabar Church for nearly six
centuries prior to the arrival of the Portuguese in India. We have, however,
the story of the pilgrimage of the Bishop of Sherborne to the shrine of St.
Thomas in India about 883 A.D., in the reign of Alfred the Great; and the
reference made to the prevalence of Nestorianism among the St. Thomas’
Christians of Malabar by Marco Polo, the Venetian traveller.

The Christian community seem to have been in the zenith of their glory and
prosperity between the 9th and 14th centuries, as, according to their
tradition, they were then permitted to have a king of their own, with
Villiarvattam near Udayamperūr (Diamper) as his capital. According to
another version, the king of Villiarvattam was a convert to Christianity. The
dynasty seems to have become extinct about the 14th century, and it is said
that, on the arrival of the Portuguese, the crown and sceptre of the last
Christian king were presented to Vasco da Gama in 1502. We have already
referred to the high position occupied by the Christians under the early
kings, as is seen from the rare privileges granted to them, most probably in
return for military services rendered by them. The king seems to have
enjoyed, among other things, the right of punishing offences committed by
the Christian community, who practically followed his lead. A more
reasonable view of the story of a Christian king appears to be that a
Christian chief of Udayamperūr enjoyed a sort of socio-territorial
jurisdiction over his followers, which, in later times, seems to have been so
magnified as to invest him with territorial sovereignty. We see, in the
copper-plate charters of the Jews, that their chief was also invested with
some such powers.

Mention is made of two Latin Missions in the 14th century, with Quilon as
head-quarters, but their labours were ineffectual, and their triumphs but
short-lived. Towards the end of the 15th, and throughout the whole of the
16th century, the Nestorian Patriarch of Mesopotamia seems to have
exercised some authority over the Malabar Christians, as is borne out by the
occasional references to the arrival of Nestorian Bishops to preside over the
churches.

Until the arrival of the Portuguese, the Malabar church was following
unmolested, in its ritual, practice and communion, a creed of the Syro-
Chaldæan church of the East. When they set out on their voyages, conquest
and conversion were no less dear to the heart of Portuguese than enterprise
and commerce. Though, in the first moments, the Syrians, in their neglected
spiritual condition, were gratified at the advent of their co-religionists, the
Romanist Portuguese, and the Portuguese in their turn expected the most
beneficial results from an alliance with their Christian brethren on this
coast, “the conformity of the Syrians to the faith and practice of the 5th
century soon disappointed the prejudices of the Papist apologists. It was the
first care of the Portuguese to intercept all correspondence with the Eastern
Patriarchs, and several of their Bishops expired in the prisons of their Holy
Office.” The Franciscan and Dominican Friars, and the Jesuit Fathers,
worked vigorously to win the Malabar Christians over to the Roman
Communion. Towards the beginning of the last quarter of the 16th century,
the Jesuits built a church at Vaippacotta near Cranganūr, and founded a
college for the education of Christian youths. In 1584, a seminary was
established for the purpose of instructing the Syrians in theology, and
teaching them the Latin, Portuguese and Syriac languages. The dignitaries
who presided over the churches, however, refused to ordain the students
trained in the seminary. This, and other causes of quarrel between the
Jesuits and the native clergy, culminated in an open rupture, which was
proclaimed by Archdeacon George in a Synod at Angamāli. When Alexes
de Menezes, Archbishop of Goa, heard of this, he himself undertook a
visitation of the Syrian churches. The bold and energetic Menezes carried
all before him. Nor is his success to be wondered at. He was invested with
the spiritual authority of the Pope, and armed with the terrors of the
Inquisition. He was encouraged in his efforts by the Portuguese King,
whose Governors on this coast ably backed him up. Though the ruling
chiefs at first discountenanced the exercise of coercive measures over their
subjects, they were soon won over by the stratagems of the subtle
Archbishop. Thus supported, he commenced his visitation of the churches,
and reduced them in A.D. 1599 by the decrees of the Synod of Diamper
(Udayamperūr), a village about ten miles to the south-east of the town of
Cochin. The decrees passed by the Synod were reluctantly subscribed to by
Archdeacon George and a large number of Kathanars, as the native priests
are called; and this practically converted the Malabar Church into a branch
of the Roman Church. Literature sustained a very great loss at the hands of
Menezes, “for this blind and enthusiastic inquisitor destroyed, like a second
Omar, all the books written in the Syrian or Chaldæan language, which
could be collected, not only at the Synod of Diamper, but especially during
his subsequent circuit; for, as soon as he had entered into a Syrian Church,
he ordered all their books and records to be laid before him, which, a few
indifferent ones excepted, he committed to the flames, so that at present
neither books nor manuscripts are any more to be found amongst the St.
Thomé Christians.”80

Immediately after the Synod of Diamper, a Jesuit Father, Franciscus Roz, a

Spaniard by birth, was appointed Bishop of Angamāli by Pope Clement
VIII. The title was soon after changed to that of Archbishop of Cranganūr.
By this time, the rule of the Jesuits had become so intolerable to the Syrians
that they resolved to have a Bishop from the East, and applied to Babylon,
Antioch, Alexandria, and other ecclesiastical head-quarters for a Bishop, as
if the ecclesiastical heads who presided over these places professed the
same creed. The request of the Malabar Christians for a Bishop was readily
responded to from Antioch, and Ahattala, otherwise known as Mar Ignatius,
was forthwith sent. Authorities, however, differ on this point, for, according
to some, this Ahattala was a Nestorian, or a protégé of the Patriarch of the
Copts. Whatever Ahattala’s religious creed might have been, the Syrians
appear to have believed that he was sent by the Jacobite Patriarch of
Antioch. The Portuguese, however, intercepted him, and took him prisoner.
The story goes that he was drowned in the Cochin harbour, or condemned
to the flames of the Inquisition at Goa in 1653. This cruel deed so infuriated
the Syrians that thousands of them met in solemn conclave at the Coonen
Cross at Mattāncheri in Cochin, and, with one voice, renounced their
allegiance to the Church of Rome. This incident marks an important epoch
in the history of the Malabar Church, for, with the defection at the Coonen
Cross, the Malabar Christians split themselves up into two distinct parties,
the Romo-Syrians who adhered to the Church of Rome, and the Jacobite
Syrians, who, severing their connection with it, placed themselves under the
spiritual supremacy of the Patriarch of Antioch. The following passage
explains the exact position of the two parties that came into existence then,
as also the origin of the names since applied to them. “The Pazheia
Kūttukar, or old church, owed its foundation to Archbishop Menezes and
the Synod of Diamper in 1599, and its reconciliation, after revolt, to the
Carmelite Bishop, Joseph of St. Mary, in 1656. It retains in its services the
Syrian language, and in part the Syrian ritual. But it acknowledges the
supremacy of the Pope and his Vicars Apostolic. Its members are now
known as Catholics of the Syrian rite, to distinguish them from the converts
made direct from heathenism to the Latin Church by the Roman
missionaries. The other section of the Syrian Christians of Malabar is called
the Puttan Kūttukar, or new church. It adheres to the Jacobite tenets
introduced by its first Jacobite Bishop, Mar Gregory, in 1665.”81 We have
at this time, and ever after, to deal with a third party, that came into
existence after the advent of the Portuguese. These are the Catholics of the
Latin rite, and consist almost exclusively of the large number of converts
gained by the Portuguese from amongst the different castes of the Hindus.
To avoid confusion, we shall follow the fortunes of each sect separately.

When the Portuguese first came to India, the Indian trade was chiefly in the
hands of the Moors, who had no particular liking for the Hindus or
Christians, and the arrival of the Portuguese was therefore welcome alike to
the Hindus and Christians, who eagerly sought their assistance. The
Portuguese likewise accepted their offers of friendship very gladly, as an
alliance, especially with the former, gave them splendid opportunities for
advancing their religious mission, while, from a friendly intercourse with
the latter, they expected not only to further their religious interests, but also
their commercial prosperity. In the work of conversion they were
successful, more especially among the lower orders, the Illuvans,
Mukkuvans, Pulayans, etc. The labours of Miguel Vaz, afterwards Vicar-
General of Goa, and of Father Vincent, in this direction were continued with
admirable success by St. Francis Xavier.

We have seen how the strict and rigid discipline of the Jesuit Archbishops,
their pride and exclusiveness, and the capture and murder of Ahattala
brought about the outburst at the Coonen Cross. Seeing that the Jesuits had
failed, Pope Alexander VII had recourse to the Carmelite Fathers, who were
specially instructed to do their best to remove the schism, and to bring
about a reconciliation; but, because the Portuguese claimed absolute
possession of the Indian Missions, and as the Pope had despatched the
Carmelite Fathers without the approval of the King of Portugal, the first
batch of these missionaries could not reach the destined field of their
labours. Another body of Carmelites, who had taken a different route,
however, succeeded in reaching Malabar in 1656, and they met Archdeacon
Thomas who had succeeded Archdeacon George. While expressing their
willingness to submit to Rome, the Syrians declined to place themselves
under Archbishop Garcia, S.J., who had succeeded Archbishop Roz, S.J.
The Syrians insisted on their being given a non-Jesuit Bishop, and, in 1659,
Father Joseph was appointed Vicar Apostolic of the “Sierra of Malabar”
without the knowledge of the King of Portugal. He came out to India in
1661, and worked vigorously for two years in reconciling the Syrian
Christians to the Church of Rome. But he was not allowed to continue his
work unmolested, because, when the Dutch, who were competing with the
Portuguese for supremacy in the Eastern seas, took the port of Cochin in
1663, Bishop Joseph was ordered to leave the coast forthwith. When he left
Cochin, he consecrated Chandy Parambil, otherwise known as Alexander de
Campo.

By their learning, and their skill in adapting themselves to circumstances,

the Carmelite Fathers had continued to secure the good-will of the Dutch,
and, returning to Cochin, assisted Alexander de Campo in his work. Father
Mathew, one of their number, was allowed to build a church at Chatiath
near Ernakulam. Another church was built at Varapuzha (Verapoly) on land
given rent-free by the Rāja of Cochin. Since this time, Varapuzha, now in
Travancore, has continued to be the residence of a Vicar Apostolic.

The history of a quarter of a century subsequent to this is uneventful, except

for the little quarrels between the Carmelite Fathers and the native clergy. In
1700, however, the Archbishop of Goa declined to consecrate a Carmelite
Father nominated by the Pope to the Vicariate Apostolic. But Father
Anjelus, the Vicar Apostolic elect, got himself consecrated by one Mar
Simon, who was supposed to be in communion with Rome. The Dutch
Government having declined admission to Archbishop Ribeiro, S.J., the
nominee of the Portuguese King to their dominions, Anjelus was invested
with jurisdiction over Cochin and Cranganūr. Thereupon, the Jesuit Fathers
sought shelter in Travancore, and in the territories of the Zamorin. With the
capture of Cranganūr by the Dutch, which struck the death-blow to
Portuguese supremacy in the East, the last vestige of the church, seminary
and college founded by the Jesuits disappeared. As the Dutch hated the
Jesuits as bigoted Papists and uncompromising schismatics, several of the
Jesuit Fathers, who were appointed Archbishops of Cranganūr, never set
foot within their diocese, and such of them as accepted the responsibility
confined themselves to the territories of the Rāja of Travancore. It was only
after the establishment of British supremacy that the Jesuit Fathers were
able to re-enter the scene of their early labours. An almost unbroken line of
Carmelite Fathers appointed by the Pope filled the Vicariate till 1875,
though the Archbishop of Goa and the Bishop of Cochin now and then
declined to consecrate the nominee, and thus made feeble attempts on
behalf of their Faithful King to recover their lost position.

Salvador, S.J., Archbishop of Cranganūr, died in 1777. Five years after this,
the King of Portugal appointed Joseph Cariatil and Thomas Paramakal, two
native Christians, who had been educated at the Propaganda College at
Rome, as Archbishop and Vicar-General, respectively, of the diocese of
Cranganūr.

The native clergy at the time were mostly ignorant, and the discipline
amongst them was rather lax. The Propaganda attempted reforms in this
direction, which led to a rupture between the Latin and the native clergy.
The Carmelite Fathers, like the Jesuits, had grown overbearing and haughty,
and an attempt at innovation made by the Pope through them became
altogether distasteful to the natives. Serious charges against the Carmelites
were, therefore, formally laid before the Pope and the Rāja of Travancore
by the Syrians. They also insisted that Thomas should be consecrated
Bishop. At this time, the Dutch were all-powerful at the courts of native
rulers, and, though the Carmelite missionaries who had ingratiated
themselves into the good graces of the Dutch tried their best to thwart the
Syrians in their endeavours, Thomas was permitted to be consecrated
Bishop, and the Syrians were allowed the enjoyment of certain rare
privileges. It is remarkable that, at this time and even in much earlier times,
the disputes between the foreign and the native clergy, or between the
various factions following the lead of the native clergy, were often decided
by the Hindu kings, and the Christians accepted and abided by the decisions
of their temporal heads.
In 1838, Pope Gregory XVI issued a Bull abolishing the Sees of Cranganūr
and Cochin, and transferring the jurisdiction to the Vicar Apostolic of
Varapuzha. But the King of Portugal questioned the right of the Pope, and
this led to serious disputes. The abolition of the smaller seminaries by
Archbishop Bernardin of Varapuzha, and his refusal to ordain candidates for
Holy Orders trained in these seminaries by the Malpans or teacher-priests,
caused much discontent among the Syrian Christians, and, in 1856, a large
section of the Syrians applied to the Catholic Chaldæan Patriarch of
Babylon for a Chaldæan Bishop. This was readily responded to by the
Patriarch, who, though under the Pope, thought that he had a prescriptive
right to supremacy over the Malabar Christians. Bishop Roccos was sent
out to Malabar in 1861, and though, owing to the charm of novelty, a large
section of the Christians at once joined him, a strong minority questioned
his authority, and referred the matter to the Pope. Bishop Roccos was
recalled, and the Patriarch was warned by the Pope against further
interference.

Subsequently, the Patriarch, again acting on the notion that he had

independent jurisdiction over the Chaldæan Syrian church of Malabar, sent
out Bishop Mellus to Cochin. The arrival of this Bishop in 1874 created a
distinct split among the Christians of Trichūr, one faction acknowledging
the supremacy of the Pope, and the other following the lead of Bishop
Mellus. This open rupture had involved the two factions in a costly
litigation. The adherents of Bishop Mellus contend that their church, ever
since its foundation in 1810 or 1812, has followed the practice, ritual, and
communion of the Chaldæan church of Babylon, without having ever been
in communion with Rome. The matter is sub judice. They are now known
by the name of Chaldæan Syrians. The Pope, in the meanwhile,
excommunicated Bishop Mellus, but he continued to exercise spiritual
authority over his adherents independently of Rome. In 1887 the Patriarch
having made peace with the Pope, Bishop Mellus left India, and submitted
to Rome in 1889. On the departure of Bishop Mellus, the Chaldæan Syrians
chose Anthony Kathanar, otherwise known as Mar Abdeso, as their
Archbishop. He is said to have been a Rome Syrian priest under the
Archbishop of Varapuzha. It is also said that he visited Syria and Palestine,
and received ordination from the anti-Roman Patriarch of Babylon. Before
his death in 1900, he ordained Mar Augustine, who, under the title of
Chorepiscopus, had assisted him in the government of the Chaldæan
church, and he now presides over the Chaldæan Syrian churches in the
State.

In 1868, Bishop Marcellinus was appointed Coadjutor to the Vicar

Apostolic of Varapuzha, and entrusted with the spiritual concerns of the
Romo-Syrians. On his death in 1892, the Romo-Syrians were placed under
the care of two European Vicars Apostolic. We have seen how the Jesuits
had made themselves odious to the native Christians, and how reluctantly
the latter had submitted to their rigid discipline. We have seen, too, how the
Carmelites who replaced them, in spite of their worldly wisdom and
conciliatory policy, had their own occasional quarrels and disputes with the
native clergy and their congregations. From the time of the revolt at the
Coonen Cross, and ever afterwards, the Christians had longed for Bishops
of their own nationality, and made repeated requests for the same. For some
reason or other, compliance with these requisitions was deferred for years.
Experience showed that the direct rule of foreign Bishops had failed to
secure the unanimous sympathy and hearty co-operation of the people. The
Pope was, however, convinced of the spiritual adherence of the native
clergy and congregation to Rome. In these circumstances, it was thought
advisable to give the native clergy a fair trial in the matter of local
supremacy. Bishops Medlycott and Lavigne, S.J., who were the Vicars
Apostolic of Trichūr and Kottayam, were therefore withdrawn, and, in
1896, three native Syrian priests, Father John Menacheri, Father Aloysius
Pareparambil, and Father Mathew Mackil, were consecrated by the Papal
Delegate as the Vicars Apostolic of Trichūr, Ernākulam, and
Chenganacheri.

The monopoly of the Indian missions claimed by the Portuguese, and the
frequent disputes which disturbed the peace of the Malabar church, were
ended in 1886 by the Concordat entered into between Pope Leo XIII and
the King of Portugal. The Archbishop of Goa was by this recognised as the
Patriarch of the East Indies with the Bishop of Cochin as a suffragan, whose
diocese in the Cochin State is confined to the seaboard tāluk of Cochin. The
rest of the Latin Catholics of this State, except a small section in the Chittūr
tāluk under the Bishop of Coimbatore, are under the Archbishop of
Varapuzha.

Since the revolt of the Syrians at the Coonen Cross in 1653, the Jacobite
Syrians have been governed by native Bishops consecrated by Bishops sent
by the Patriarch of Antioch, or at least always received and recognised as
such. In exigent circumstances, the native Bishops themselves, before their
death, consecrated their successors by the imposition of hands. Immediately
after the defection, they chose Archdeacon Thomas as their spiritual leader.
He was thus the first Metran or native Bishop, having been formally
ordained after twelve years of independent rule by Mar Gregory from
Antioch, with whose name the revival of Jacobitism in Malabar is
associated. The Metran assumed the title of Mar Thomas I. He belonged to
the family that traced its descent from the Pakalomattom family, held in
high respect and great veneration as one of the Brāhman families, the
members of which are supposed to have been converted and ordained as
priests by the apostle himself. Members of the same family continued to
hold the Metranship till about the year 1815, when the family is supposed to
have become extinct. This hereditary succession is supposed by some to be
a relic of the Nestorian practice. It may, however, be explained in another
way. The earliest converts were high-caste Hindus, amongst whom an
Anandravan (brother or nephew) succeeded to the family estates and titles
in pursuance of the joint family system as current in Malabar. The
succession of a brother or a nephew might, therefore, be quite as much a
relic of the Hindu custom. The Metrans possessed properties. They were,
therefore, interested in securing the succession of their Anandravans, so that
their properties might not pass to a different family. Mar Thomas I was
succeeded by his brother Mar Thomas II, on whose death his nephew
became Metran under the title of Mar Thomas III. He held office only for
ten days. Mar Thomas IV, who succeeded him, presided over the church till
1728. Thomas III and IV are said to have been consecrated by Bishop John,
a scholar of great repute, who, with one Bishop Basil, came from Antioch in
1685. During the régime of Mar Thomas IV, and of his nephew Thomas V,
Mar Gabriel, a Nestorian Bishop, appeared on the scene in 1708. He seems
to have been a man without any definite creed, as he proclaimed himself a
Nestorian, a Jacobite, or a Romanist, according as one or the other best
suited his interests. He had his own friends and admirers among the
Syrians, with whose support he ruled over a few churches in the north till
1731. The consecration of Mar Thomas V by Mar Thomas IV was felt to be
invalid, and, to remedy the defect, the assistance of the Dutch was sought;
but, being disappointed, the Christians had recourse to a Jewish merchant
named Ezekiel, who undertook to convey their message to the Patriarch of
Antioch. He brought from Bassorah one Mar Ivanius, who was a man of
fiery temper. He interfered with the images in the churches. This led to
quarrels with the Metran, and he had forthwith to quit the State. Through
the Dutch authorities at Cochin, a fresh requisition was sent to the Patriarch
of Antioch, who sent out three Bishops named Basil, John, and Gregory.
Their arrival caused fresh troubles, owing to the difficulty of paying the
large sum claimed by them as passage money. In 1761, Mar Thomas V,
supposed to have died in 1765, consecrated his nephew Mar Thomas VI.
About this time, Gregory consecrated one Kurilos, the leader of a faction
that resisted the rule of Thomas VI. The disputes and quarrels which
followed were ended with the flight of Kurilos, who founded the See of
Anjoor in the north of Cochin and became the first Bishop of Tholiyur.
Through the kind intercession of the Maharāja of Travancore, Thomas VI
underwent formal consecration at the hands of the Bishops from Antioch,
and took the title of Dionysius I, known also as Dionysius the Great. In
1775, the great Carmelite father Paoli visited Mar Dionysius, and tried to
persuade him to submit to Rome. It is said that he agreed to the proposal, on
condition of his being recognised as Metropolitan of all the Syrians in
Malabar, but nothing came of it. A few years after this, the struggle for
supremacy between the Dutch and the English had ended in the triumph of
the latter, who evinced a good deal of interest in the Syrian Christians, and,
in 1805, the Madras Government deputed Dr. Kerr to study the history of
the Malabar Church. In 1809, Dr. Buchanan visited Mar Dionysius, and
broached the question of a union of the Syrian Church with the Church of
England. The proposal, however, did not find favour with the Metropolitan,
or his congregation. Mar Dionysius died in 1808. Before his death, he had
consecrated Thomas Kathanar as Thomas VIII. He died in 1816. His
successor, Thomas IX, was weak and old, and he was displaced by Ittoop
Ramban, known as Pulikōt Dionysius or Dionysius II. He enjoyed the
confidence and good-will of Colonel Munro, the British Resident, through
whose good offices a seminary had been built at Kottayam in 1813 for the
education of Syrian youths. He died in 1818. Philixenos, who had
succeeded Kurilos as Bishop of Tholiyur, now consecrated Punnathara
Dionysius, or Dionysius III.

We have now to refer to an important incident in the history of the Jacobite

Syrians. Through the influence of the British Resident, and in the hope of
effecting the union proposed by Dr. Buchanan, the Church Mission Society
commenced their labours in 1816. The English Missionaries began their
work under favourable circumstances, and the most cordial relations existed
between the Syrians and the missionaries for some years, so much so that
the latter frequently visited the Syrian churches, and even preached
sermons. On the death of Dionysius III in 1825, or as some say 1827,
Cheppat Dionysius consecrated by Mar Philixenos again, succeeded as
Metropolitan under the title of Dionysius IV. During his régime, there grew
up among the Syrians a party, who suspected that the missionaries were
using their influence with the Metropolitan, and secretly endeavouring to
bring the Syrians under the Protestant Church. The conservative party of
Syrians stoutly opposed the movement. They petitioned the Patriarch of
Antioch, who at once sent out a Bishop named Athanasius. On arrival in
1825, a large number of Syrians flocked to him. He even went to the length
of threatening Mar Dionysius with excommunication. But the Protestant
missionaries and the British Resident came to the rescue of the
Metropolitan, and exercised their influence with the ruler of Travancore,
who forthwith deported Athanasius. The deportation of Athanasius
strengthened the position of the missionaries. The British Resident, and
through his influence the native ruler, often rendered them the most
unqualified support. The missionaries who superintended the education of
the Syrian students in the seminary, having begun to teach them doctrines
contrary to those of the Jacobite Church, the cordiality and friendship that
had existed between the missionaries and the Metropolitan gradually gave
place to distrust and suspicion. The party that clung to the time-honoured
traditions and practices of their church soon fanned the flame of discord,
and snapped asunder the ties of friendship that had bound the Metropolitan
to the missionaries. Bishop Wilson of Calcutta proceeded to Travancore to
see if a reconciliation could be effected. But his attempts in this direction
proved fruitless, because the Syrians could not accept his proposal to adopt
important changes affecting their spiritual and temporal concerns, such as
doing away with prayers for the dead, the revision of their liturgy, the
management of church funds, etc., and the Syrians finally parted company
with the missionaries in 1838. Soon after this, disputes arose in regard to
the funds and endowments of the seminary, but they were soon settled by
arbitration in 1840, and the properties were divided between the
Metropolitan and the missionaries. The missionaries had friends among the
Jacobites, some of whom became members of the Church of England.
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