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Contents vii
The idea for Statistics for Social Understand- more than sixty combined years of teach-
ing: With Stata and SPSS began with our ing experience in this area. We drew on
desire to offer a different kind of book to our teaching experience and research on
our statistics students. We wanted a book the teaching and learning of statistics
that would introduce students to the way to write what we think will be a more
statistics are actually used in the social effective textbook for fostering student
sciences: as a tool for advancing under- learning.
standing of the social world. We wanted In addition, we are excited to share
thorough coverage of statistical topics, our experiences teaching statistics to
with a balanced approach to calculation social science students by authoring the
and the use of statistical software, and book’s ancillary materials, which include
we wanted the textbook to cover the use not only practice problems, test banks,
of software as a way to explore data and and data sets but also suggested class ex-
answer exciting questions. We also wanted ercises, P owerPoint slides, assignments,
a textbook that incorporated Stata, which lecture notes, and class exercises.
is widely used in graduate programs and Statistics for Social Understanding is dis-
is increasingly used in undergraduate tinguished by several features: (1) It is the
classes, as well as SPSS, which remains only major introductory statistics book to
widespread. We wanted a book designed integrate Stata and SPSS, giving instruc-
for introductory students in the social sci- tors a choice of which software package
ences, including those with little quantita- to use. (2) It teaches statistics the way
tive background, but one that did not talk they are used in the social sciences. This
down to students and that covered the includes beginning every chapter with
conceptual aspects of statistics in detail examples from real research and taking
even when the mathematical details were students through research questions as
minimized. We wanted a clearly written, we cover statistical techniques or software
engaging book, with plenty of practice applications. It also includes extensive
problems of every type and easily avail- discussion of relationships between vari-
able data sets for classroom use. ables, through the earlier placement of the
We are excited to introduce this book chapter on cross-tabulation, the addition
to students and instructors. We are three of a dedicated chapter on causality, and
experienced instructors of statistics, two comparative examples throughout every
sociologists and a political scientist, with chapter of the book. (3) It is informed by
viii
Preface ix
doing, and the book provides numer- World Values Survey, and School Survey
ous opportunities for problem-solving. on Crime and Safety. Applied questions
• The book avoids the “busy” layout draw from sociology, political science,
used by some textbooks, which can criminology, and related fields. Several
distract students’ attention from the data sets, including all of those used in
content, particularly those with learn- the software sections, are available to stu-
ing differences. Drawing on the prin- dents and instructors (in both Stata and
ciples of universal design, our book SPSS formats) through the textbook’s
utilizes a clean, streamlined layout website. By using and making available
that will allow all students to focus on major social science data sets, we engage
the content without unnecessary dis- students in a problem-focused effort to
tractions.4 Boxes are clearly labeled make sense of real and engaging data
as either “In Depth,” which provide and enable them to ask and answer their
more detailed discussion or coverage own questions. Robust ancillary mate-
of more complex topics, or “Applica- rials, such as sample class exercises and
tion,” which provide additional exam- assignments, make it easy for instructors
ples. We avoid sidebars; terms defined to structure students’ engagement with
in the glossary are bolded and defined these data. The SPSS and Stata sections at
in the text, not in a sidebar. the end of each chapter allow students to
follow along.
• In keeping with principles of universal
Throughout the book, we discuss
design, we use both text and images to
issues and questions that working social
explain material (with more figures
scientists routinely confront, such as how
and illustrations than in many books).
to use missing data, recode variables
(including conceptual and statistical con-
3) Incorporates real-world siderations), combine variables into new
research and a real-world measures, think about outliers or atypi-
approach to the use of cal cases, choose appropriate measures,
statistics weigh considerations of causation, and
interpret results.
Each chapter begins with an engaging The focus in every chapter on relation-
real-world social science question and ships between variables or comparisons
examples from research. Chapters inte- across groups also reflects our commit-
grate examples and applications through- ment to showing students the power of
out. Chapters raise real-world questions statistics to answer important real-world
that can be addressed using a given tech- questions.
nique, explain the technique, provide an
example using the same question, and 4) Uses accessible, non-
show how related questions can also be condescending approach
addressed using Stata or SPSS. We use and tone
data sets that are widely used in the social
sciences, including the General Social Sur- We have written a text that is student-friendly
vey, American National Election Study, but not condescending. We have found that,
Preface xi
in an effort to assuage students’ anxiety for topics that are most important to
about statistics, some texts strike a tone that understanding statistical social sciences.
communicates the expectation that students Our aim is to give students the tools
lack confidence in their abilities. We are they might use as working researchers
conscious of the possibility that addressing in a variety of professions (from jobs in
students with the assumption that they hate small organizations where they might be
or are intimidated by statistics could acti- reading and writing up external data or
vate stereotype threat—the well-established doing program evaluation, to research
fact that, when students feel that they are or data analysis jobs) and prepare them
expected to perform poorly, their anxiety for higher-level statistics classes if they
over disproving that stereotype makes their choose to take them.
performance worse than it otherwise would
be. In selecting examples, we have remained
alert to the risk of stereotype threat, choos-
ing examples that do not activate (or even
For Instructors
challenge) gender or racial stereotypes Organization of the Text
about academic performance.
The textbook begins with descriptive sta-
tistics in chapters 2 through 5. One key dif-
5) Balances calculation
ference from many introductory statistics
and concepts
texts is that we introduce cross-tabulations
This book is aimed at courses that teach early, after frequency distributions and
statistics from the perspective of social before central tendency and variability.
science. Thus, the book frames the point In our experience as instructors, we have
of learning statistics as the analysis of noticed that students often begin think-
important social science questions. While ing about relationships between variables
we include some formulas and hand cal- at the very beginning of the class, asking
culation, we do so in order to help stu- questions about how groups differ in their
dents understand where the numbers frequency distributions of some variable,
come from. We believe students need to for example. Cross-tabulations follow nat-
be able to reason statistically, not simply urally at this point in the class and allow
use software to produce results, but we students to engage in real-world data anal-
recognize that most working research- ysis and investigate questions of causality
ers rely on statistical software, and we relatively early in the course. Chapters
strike a balance among these skills. At the 6 and 7 lay the foundation for inferential
same time, we spend more time on con- statistics, covering probability, the nor-
ceptual understanding, including more mal distribution, and sampling distribu-
in-depth consideration of topics relating tions. We cover elementary probability
to causality, and we include topics often in the context of the normal distribution,
omitted from other texts such as the use with a focus on the logic of probability
of confidence intervals as a follow-up to and probabilistic reasoning in order to lay
a hypothesis test. A lighter focus on hand the groundwork for an understanding of
calculation opens up time in the semester inferential statistics. Chapters 8 through
xii Preface
12 cover the basics of inferential statistics, don’t understand and ask questions or
including confidence intervals, hypothesis attend especially to that material in class.
testing, z- and t-tests, analysis of v ariance, After class, look back at the “Chapter
and chi-square. C hapter 13, unusual Summary” and work the practice prob-
among introductory statistics texts, focuses lems to consolidate your understanding.
on the logic of causality and control vari- If you found a chapter especially difficult
ables. Most existing texts address this topic on your first pass through, try to reread
more briefly (or not at all), but, in our expe- it after you have covered the material in
rience, it is an important topic that we all class. This may seem time-consuming, but
supplement in lecture. Finally, chapter 14 you not only will improve your under-
covers correlation and regression. While standing (and your grade) but will save
that chapter is pitched to an introductory time when it comes to studying for mid-
level, we pay more attention to multiple term and final exams or completing class
regression than do many texts, because it projects. As another student explained:
is so widely used, and we have a box on
logistic regression to introduce students The textbook format let me go through
to the range of models that working social the material from class at a slower
scientists employ. pace and I could turn to it for step-by-
step help in doing the assignments.
Instructors who wish to cover chap-
ters in a different order—for example,
Similarly, you should look through the
delaying cross-tabulations until later in
software sections before you conduct
the semester—can readily do so. Some
these exercises in class or lab. You do not
courses may not cover probability or
need to try to memorize the SPSS or Stata
analysis of variance, and those chapters
commands, but familiarize yourself with
can be omitted. For instructors who want
the procedures and the reasons for them.
to follow the order of this book in their
As with the rest of the chapter, hands-on
class, the ancillary materials make it easy
practice is key here, too.
to do so.
Remember, you are taking this class
because you want to understand the social
world. As another of our students wrote:
For Students
If you are not too familiar with work-
In a course evaluation, one of our students ing with numbers, that is just fine!
offered advice to future students: This course is designed as an analyt-
Use the textbook! it is incredibly specific ical course which means that you will
and helpful. be focusing more so on the meaning
behind numbers and statistics rather
We agree, and not just because we wrote than just focusing on finding “correct”
it! We suggest reading the assigned sec- answers.
tion of the chapter before class and work-
ing the example problems, pencil in hand, The companion website contains more
as you read. Make a note of anything you study materials and gives you access to
Preface xiii
the data sets used for the software sections PowerPoint® Slides. The PowerPoint
in the textbook. You can use these data sets presentation provides lecture slides for
and your newfound skill in SPSS or Stata every chapter. In addition, multiple choice
to investigate questions you are interested review slides for classroom use are avail-
in, beyond those we cover. able for each chapter. The presentation is
Chapter 1 contains more tips on study- available to adopters for download on the
ing and learning as well as overcoming text’s catalog page at https://rowman.
math anxiety. com/ISBN/9781538109830.
For Students
Ancillaries
Companion Website. Accompanying the
This book is accompanied by a learning text is an open-access Companion Website
package, written by the authors, that is designed to reinforce key topics and con-
designed to enhance the experience of
cepts. For each chapter, students will have
both instructors and students. access to:
Publicly available data sets used in the
For Instructors Stata and SPSS sections
Instructor’s Manual with Solutions. Flashcards of key concepts
This valuable resource includes a sam-
Discussion questions
ple course syllabus and links to the pub-
licly available data sets used in the Stata Students can access the Companion
and SPSS sections of the text. For each Website from their computers or mobile
chapter, it includes lecture notes, sug- devices at https://textbooks.rowman.
gested classroom activities, discussion com/whittier.
questions, and the solutions to the prac-
tice problems. The Instructor’s Manual
with Solutions is available to adopt- Acknowledgements
ers for download on the text’s catalog
page at https://rowman.com/ISBN/ We are grateful to many manuscript
9781538109830. reviewers, both those who are identified
here and those who chose to remain anon-
Test Bank. The Test Bank includes both ymous, for their in-depth and thoughtful
short answer and multiple choice items comments as we developed this text. We
and is available in either Word or Respon- are fortunate to have benefited from their
dus format. In either format, the Test Bank knowledgeable and helpful input. We
can be fully edited and customized to best thank the following reviewers:
meet your needs. The Test Bank is avail-
able to adopters for download on the text’s Jacqueline Bergdahl, Department of
catalog page at https://rowman.com/ Sociology and Anthropology, Wright
ISBN/9781538109830. State University
xiv Preface
Notes
1
S. Friel. 2007. “The Research Frontier: Where Tech- 3
J. Garfield and D. Ben-Zvi. 2007. “How Students Learn
nology Interacts with the Teaching and Learning of Statistics Revisited: A Current Review of Research on
Data Analysis.” In M. K. Heid and G. W. Blume (eds.), Teaching and Learning Statistics.” International Statisti-
Research on Technology and the Teaching and Learn- cal Review 75: 372–396.
ing of Mathematics: Syntheses and Perspectives, 4
S. E. Burgstahler. 2015. Universal Design in Higher
Volume 2 (pp. 279–331). Greenwich: Information Age Education: From Principles to Practice. Cambridge, MA:
Publishing, Inc. Harvard Education Press.
2
J. R. Star. 2016. “Small Steps Forward: Improving Math- 5
S. J. Spencer, C. Logel, and P. G. Davies. 2016.
ematics Instruction Incrementally.” Phi Delta Kappan 97: “Stereotype Threat.” Annual Review of Psychology 67:
58–62. 415–437.
About the Authors
xvi
Introduction
Chapter 1 Using Statistics to Study the
Social World
1
2 CHAPTER 1 Introduction
Statistics and quantitative data are important tools for understanding large-scale
social and political processes and institutions as well as how these structures shape
individual lives. They help us to comprehend trends and patterns that are too large for
us to see in other ways. Statistics do this in three main ways. First, they help us simply
to describe large-scale patterns. For example, what is the average income of residents in
a given state? Second, statistics help us determine the factors that shape these patterns.
This includes simple comparisons, such as how income varies by gender or by age.
It also includes more complicated mathematical models that can show how multiple
forces shape a given outcome. How do gender, age, race, and education interact to
shape income, for example? Third, statistics help us understand how and whether we
can generalize from data gathered from only some members of a group to draw con-
clusions about all members of that group. This aspect of statistics, called inferential sta-
tistics, uses ideas about probability to determine what kinds of generalizations we can
make. It is what allows researchers to draw meaningful conclusions from data about
relatively small numbers of people.
In this book, we emphasize what we can do with statistics, focusing on real social
science research and analyzing real data. Readers of this book will develop a strong
sense of how quantitative social scientists conduct their research and will get plenty
of practice in analyzing social science data. Not all of this book’s readers will pursue
careers as researchers, but many of you will have careers that include analyzing and
presenting information. And, all of you face the task of making sense of mountains
of information, including social science research findings, communicated by various
media. This book provides essential tools for doing so.
Recently, some commentators have noted that we have entered a “post-fact,” or
“post-truth,” era. People mean different things by this, but one meaning is that the
sheer volume of people and agencies producing facts has multiplied to the point that
an expert can be found to attest to the accuracy of just about any claim.1 Just think of
the amount of information that you are exposed to on a weekly basis from various
social media platforms, websites, television, and other forms of media. How do you
make sense of it? How do you, for example, decide whether a claim you read online is
true or false? Statistics can powerfully influence opinion because they use numerical
data, which American culture assumes are objective and legitimate. But not all claims
are equally factual, even those that appear to be backed up by statistics. This book will
equip you with an understanding of how statistics work so that you can evaluate the
meaning and credibility of statistical data for yourself.
When quantitative research is carefully conceived and conducted, the results
of statistical analyses can yield valuable information not only about how the social
world works but also about how to effectively address social problems. For example,
in her 2007 book Marked, sociologist Devah Pager examined how having a criminal
record affects men’s employment prospects in blue collar jobs.2 She conducted a study
in which she hired paid research assistants, called testers, to submit fake résumés in
person to potential employers. The résumés were the same, with the only difference
Research Questions and the Research Process 3
being that some of them listed a parole officer as a reference, indicating that the appli-
cant had spent time in prison, while the others did not have a parole officer as a ref-
erence. Did résumés without the parole officer reference fare better in the job search
process? Yes, they did. On average former offenders were 46% less likely to receive
a callback about the job, and the results of the analysis suggested that this difference
could be generalized to the overall population of men applying for blue collar jobs,
not just the testers in her study.3 Pager also varied the race of the testers applying
for jobs—half were white, and half were black. She found that having the mark of a
criminal record reduced the chances of a callback by 64% for black testers and 50%
for white testers, indicating that the damage of a criminal record is particularly acute
for black men.
By varying only whether the applicant had a criminal record, Pager controlled for
alternative explanations of the negative effect of a criminal record on the likelihood of
receiving a callback for a job. In other words, employers were reacting to the criminal
record itself, not factors that might be associated with a criminal record, such as erratic
work histories.
Pager’s study contains many of the key elements of statistical analysis that we dis-
cuss in this book: assessment of the relationship between two variables (criminal record
and employer callbacks); a careful investigation of whether one of the variables (crimi-
nal record) has a causal impact on the other (employer callback) and, if so, whether that
causal impact varies by another factor (race); and examination of the generalizability of
the results.
that sponsor them, whether they include violence, as well as their size, in order to
explore what shapes media coverage. Statistical methods can support both approaches
to research.
This book focuses on quantitative analysis—that is, analyses that use statistical
techniques to analyze numerical data. Many social scientists also use qualitative meth-
ods. Qualitative methods start with data that are not numerical, such as the text of
documents, interviews, or field observations. Qualitative data analysis often focuses on
meanings, processes, and interactions; like quantitative research, it may test hypotheses
or be more exploratory in nature. Qualitative research analysis often uses specialized
software programs. Increasingly, many researchers use mixed methods, which employ
both qualitative and quantitative data and analysis. While this book focuses on quan-
titative analysis, combining both methods can yield a richer and more accurate under-
standing of social phenomena than either approach alone.
Concept
Theorecal
Well-being
Definion:
Sense of overall, health, sasfacon, and
comfort in life
Dimensions
Variables
Empirical
Frequency Number Rang of Frequency Sense of Sense of
Stress View of
of sick healthy of meaning purpose
of exercise level self
days eang habits depression in life in life
predefined response categories. The number of categories can range from as little as
two (e.g., yes or no) to very many (e.g., a feeling thermometer that asks respondents to
rate their feeling about something on a scale from 0 to 100 degrees). With closed-ended
survey items, the researcher decides on the measurement of the concept before admin-
istering the survey. Open-ended survey items do not provide response categories. For
example, an item might ask respondents to name the issue that is most important to
them in casting a vote for a candidate. Open-ended items give respondents more lee-
way in answering questions. Once the researcher has all responses to an open-ended
item, the researcher often devises response categories informed by the responses them-
selves and then assigns respondents to those categories based on their responses. For
example, with an open-ended question about which issues are important to voters, the
researcher might combine various responses having to do with jobs or the economy
into one category.
Units of Analysis
In the social sciences, researchers are interested in studying the characteristics of
individuals but also the characteristics of groups. Who or what is being studied is
the unit of analysis. A study of people’s voting patterns and political party affiliation
focuses on understanding individuals. But a study of counties that voted for a
Republican vs. Democratic candidate focuses on understanding characteristics of a
group, in this case counties. In the first case, researchers might seek to understand
what explains people’s votes; in the second case, researchers might seek to understand
what characteristics are associated with Republican vs. Democratic counties. When
the unit of measurement is the group, we sometimes also refer to it as aggregate level.
Aggregate-level units that researchers might be interested in include geographic
areas, organizations, religious congregations, families, sports teams, musical groups,
or businesses. One must be careful about making inferences across different levels
of measurement. A county may be Republican, but at the individual level, there are
both Democratic and Republican residents of that county. Drawing conclusions about
individuals based on the groups to which they belong is an error in logic known as the
ecological fallacy.
track of the income produced by each of them. Still others might purposefully report a
number that is higher or lower than their actual income. Researchers never know for
sure how much error their variables contain, but we can evaluate and minimize error in
measurement by assessing the validity and reliability of our variables.
Validity indicates the extent to which variables actually measure what they claim
to measure. When measures have a high degree of validity, this means that there is a
strong connection between the measurement of a concept and its conceptual definition.
In other words, valid measures are accurate indicators of the underlying concept. Imag-
ine a researcher who claims that he has found that happiness declines as people exercise
more. How is that researcher measuring happiness? It turns out that he has operational-
ized happiness through responses to two survey questions: “How much energy do you
feel you have?” and “How much do you look forward to participating in family activ-
ities?” Do you think answers to these questions are good measures of happiness? They
may get at elements of happiness—happier people may have more energy or look for-
ward to participating in activities more. But they are not direct measures of happiness,
and we could argue that they measure other things instead (such as how busy people
are or their health). What about a researcher who wants to measure the prevalence of
food insecurity, in which people do not have consistent access to sufficient food? This
could be operationalized in a survey question such as, “How often do you have insuf-
ficient food for yourself and your family” or “How often do you go hungry because
of inability to get sufficient food for yourself or your family?” It could also be oper-
ationalized by the number and size of food pantries per capita or food stamp usage.
Which way of operationalizing food insecurity is more accurate? The survey questions
have greater validity because both food pantries and food stamp usage are affected by
forces other than food insecurity (urban areas may have more food pantries per capita
than rural areas, not all people eligible for food stamps use them, and so forth). If the
researcher were interested instead in social services to reduce food insecurity, looking
at food pantries and food stamps would be a valid measure.
Even if a measure is valid, it may not yield consistent answers. This is the ques-
tion of reliability. Reliable measures are those whose values are unaffected by the
measurement process or the measurement instrument itself (e.g., the survey). Imagine
asking the same group of college students to rate how often in a typical week they
spend time with friends, with the following response choices: “often,” “a few times,”
“occasionally,” and “rarely.” These response choices are likely to lead to problems with
reliability, because they are not precise. A student who gets together with friends about
five times a week might choose “often” or “a few times,” and if you asked her the
question again a week later she might choose the other option, even if her underlying
estimate of how often she spent time with friends was unchanged. In other words, the
same students may give quite different, or inconsistent, responses if asked the ques-
tion repeatedly.
Measures also tend not to be reliable when they ask questions that respondents may
not have detailed understanding or information about. For example, a survey might ask
how many minutes a week people spend doing housework, or a survey of Americans
8 CHAPTER 1 Introduction
might ask their opinion of Britain’s foreign policy toward Chile. Because people do not
generally precisely track minutes spent doing housework, and Americans are unlikely
to know much about British foreign policy, their responses to such questions will be
inconsistent.
Reliability and validity do not necessarily coincide. For example, the time shown on
a clock may be reliable without being valid. Some households may deliberately set their
clocks to be a few minutes fast, ensuring that when the alarm goes off at what the clock
says is 6:45, the actual time is 6:30. In this case, the clock consistently—that is, reliably—
tells time, but that time is always wrong (or invalid).
Figure 1.2 uses a feeling thermometer, which asks people to rate their feeling about
something on a scale from 0 to 100 degrees, to illustrate how reliability and validity
can coincide or not. Imagine these are an individual’s responses to the same feeling
thermometer item asked five separate times. The true value of the person’s feeling is
42 degrees. In scenario A, the responses have a high degree of validity, or accuracy,
because they are all near 42 degrees, the accurate value. There is also a high degree of
reliability because the responses are consistent. Researchers strive to attain scenario A
by obtaining accurate and consistent measures. In scenario B, there is still a high degree
of consistency, and therefore reliability, in the measure. However, validity is low because
the responses are far from the true value of 42 degrees. Finally, scenario C reflects both
low reliability and low validity. The responses are inconsistent, or scattered across the
A. High Reliability, High Validity B. High Reliability, Low Validity C. Low Reliability, Low Validity
50 50 50
True value: 42 True value: 42 True value: 42
0 0 0
Language: English
Larger Image
VOL. I
By CHARLES G. HARPER
London:
CHAPMAN & HALL, Limited
1906
All rights reserved
PRINTED AND BOUND BY
HAZELL, WATSON AND VINEY, LD.,
LONDON AND AYLESBURY.
I. Introductory 1
II. The Ancient History of Inns 13
III. General History of Inns 28
IV. The Eighteenth Century 42
V. Latter Days 57
VI. Pilgrims’ Inns and Monastic Hostels 76
VII. Pilgrims’ Inns and Monastic Hostels (continued) 117
VIII. Historic Inns 144
IX. Inns of Old Romance 188
X. Pickwickian Inns 210
XI. Dickensian Inns 265
XII. Highwaymen’s Inns 303
LIST of
ILLUSTRATIONS
SEPARATE PLATES
The Roadside Inn Frontispiece
FACING PAGE
ILLUSTRATIONS IN TEXT
Vignette, The Old-time Innkeeper Title-page
PAGE
Preface v
List of Illustrations xi
The Old Inns of Old England, The “Black Bear,” 1
Sandbach
The Oldest Inhabited House in England: The “Fighting 5
Cocks,” St. Albans
The “Dick Whittington,” Cloth Fair 6
“Ye Olde Rover’s Return,” Manchester 7
The Oldest Licensed House in Great Britain: The 11
“Seven Stars,” Manchester
An Ale-stake. (From the Louterell Psalter) 15
Elynor Rummyng 21
The “Running Horse,” Leatherhead 25
Facsimile of an Account rendered to John Palmer in 54
1787
The Last Days of the “Swan with Two Necks” 55
Crypt at the “George,” Rochester 83
Sign of the “Falstaff,” Canterbury 88
House formerly a Pilgrims’ Hostel, Compton 91
The “Star,” Alfriston 93
Carving at the “Star,” Alfriston 95
The “Green Dragon,” Wymondham 96
The Pilgrims’ Hostel, Battle 97
The “New Inn,” Gloucester 99
Courtyard, “New Inn,” Gloucester 103
The “George,” Glastonbury 109
High Street, Glastonbury, in the Eighteenth Century 115
(From the etching by Rowlandson)
The “George,” St. Albans 119
The “Angel,” Grantham 121
The “George,” Norton St. Philip 125
Yard of the “George,” Norton St. Philip 131
Yard of the “George,” Winchcombe 135
The “Lord Crewe Arms,” Blanchland 139
The “Old King’s Head,” Aylesbury 141
The “Reindeer,” Banbury 145
Yard of the “Reindeer,” Banbury 149
The Globe Room, “Reindeer” Inn, Banbury 153
The “Music House,” Norwich 157
The “Dolphin,” Potter Heigham 159
The “Nag’s Head,” Thame 161
Yard of the “Greyhound,” Thame 163
The “Crown and Treaty,” Uxbridge 165
The “Treaty Room,” “Crown and Treaty,” Uxbridge 167
The “Three Crowns,” Chagford 169
The “Red Lion,” Hillingdon 170
Yard of the “Saracen’s Head,” Southwell 173
King Charles’ Bedroom, “Saracen’s Head,” Southwell 177
The “Cock and Pymat” 181
Porch of the “Red Lion,” High Wycombe 184
The “White Hart,” Somerton 186
The “Ostrich,” Colnbrook 191
Yard of the “Ostrich,” Colnbrook 199
“Piff’s Elm” 203
The “Golden Cross,” in Pickwickian Days 215
The “Bull,” Rochester 223
The “Swan,” Town Malling: Identified with the “Blue 226
Lion,” Muggleton
Sign of the “Bull and Mouth” 227
The “Leather Bottle,” Cobham 229
The “Waggon and Horses,” Beckhampton 233
“Shepherd’s Shore” 235
“Beckhampton Inn” 239
The “Angel,” Bury St. Edmunds 241
The “George the Fourth Tavern,” Clare Market 243
Doorway of the “Great White Horse,” Ipswich 247
The “Great White Horse,” Ipswich 250
Sign of the “White Hart,” Bath 255
“The Bell,” Berkeley Heath 257
The “Hop-pole,” Tewkesbury 259
The “Pomfret Arms,” Towcester: formerly the 260
“Saracen’s Head”
The Yard of the “Pomfret Arms” 261
“Osborne’s Hotel, Adelphi” 263
The “White Horse,” Eaton Socon 267
The “George,” Greta Bridge 269
The “Coach and Horses,” near Petersfield 271
“Bottom” Inn 273
The “King’s Head,” Chigwell, the “Maypole” of Barnaby 279
Rudge
The “Green Dragon,” Alderbury 283
The “George,” Amesbury 285
Interior of the “Green Dragon,” Alderbury 287
Sign of the “Black Bull,” Holborn 289
The “Crispin and Crispianus,” Strood 293
The “Ship and Lobster” 297
“Jack Straw’s Castle” 301
The “Three Houses Inn,” Sandal 308
The “Crown” Inn, Hempstead 309
“Turpin’s Cave,” near Chingford 311
The “Green Dragon,” Welton 312
The “Three Magpies,” Sipson Green 313
The “Old Magpies” 315
The “Green Man,” Putney 321
The “Spaniards,” Hampstead Heath 323
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTORY
The Old Inns of Old England!—how alluring and how inexhaustible a
theme! When you set out to reckon up the number of those old inns
that demand a mention, how vast a subject it is! For although the
Vandal—identified here with the brewer and the ground-landlord—
has been busy in London and the great centres of population,
destroying many of those famous old hostelries our grandfathers
knew and appreciated, and building in their stead “hotels” of the
most grandiose and palatial kind, there are happily still remaining to
us a large number of the genuine old cosy haunts where the
traveller, stained with the marks of travel, may enter and take his
ease without being ashamed of his travel-stains or put out of
countenance by the modish visitors of this complicated age, who
dress usually as if going to a ball, and whose patronage has rung the
death-knell of many an inn once quaint and curious, but now merely
“replete with every modern convenience.”
I thank Heaven—and it is no small matter, for surely one may be
thankful for a good inn—that there yet remain many old inns in this
Old England of ours, and that it is not yet quite (although nearly) a
misdemeanour for the wayfarer to drink a tankard of ale and eat a
modest lunch of bread and cheese in a stone-flagged, sanded rustic
parlour; or even, having come at the close of day to his halting-
place, to indulge in the mild dissipation and local gossip in the bar of
an old-time hostelry.
This is one of the last surviving joys of travel in these strange times
when you journey from great towns for sake of change and find at
every resort that the town has come down before you, in the shape
of an hotel more or less palatial, wherein you are expected to dine
largely off polished marble surroundings and Turkey carpets, and
where every trace of local colour is effaced. A barrier is raised there
between yourself and the place. You are in it, but not of it or among
it; but something alien, like the German or Swiss waiters themselves,
the manager, and the very directors and shareholders of the big
concern.
At the old-fashioned inn, on the other hand, the whole establishment
is eloquent of the place, and while you certainly get less show and
glitter, you do, at any rate, find real comfort, and early realise that
you have found that change for which you have come.
But, as far as mere name goes, most inns are “hotels” nowadays. It
is as though innkeepers were labouring under the illusion that “inn”
connotes something inferior, and “hotel” a superior order of things.
Even along the roads, in rustic situations, the mere word “inn”—an
ancient and entirely honourable title—is become little used or
understood, and, generally speaking, if you ask a rustic for the next
“inn” he stares vacantly before his mind grasps the fact that you
mean what he calls a “pub,” or, in some districts oftener still, a
“house.” Just a “house.” Some employment for the speculative mind
is offered by the fact that in rural England an inn is “a house” and
the workhouse “the House.” Both bulk largely in the bucolic scheme
of existence, and, as a temperance lecturer might point out,
constant attendance at the one leads inevitably to the other. At all
events, both are great institutions, and prominent among the
landmarks of Old England.
Which is the oldest, and which the most picturesque, inn this
England of ours can show? That is a double-barrelled question
whose first part no man can answer, and the reply to whose second
half depends so entirely upon individual likings and preferences that
one naturally hesitates before being drawn into the contention that
would surely arise on any particular one being singled out for that
supreme honour. Equally with the morning newspapers—and the
evening—each claiming the “largest circulation,” and, like the several
Banbury Cake shops, each the “original,” there are several “oldest
licensed” inns, and very many arrogating the reputation of the “most
picturesque.”
The “Fighting Cocks” inn at St. Albans, down by the river Ver, below
the Abbey, claims to be—not the oldest inn—but the oldest inhabited
house, in the kingdom: a pretension that does not appear to be
based on anything more than sheer impudence; unless, indeed, we
take the claim to be a joke, to which an inscription,
formerly gave the clue. But that has disappeared. The Flood, in this
case, seeing that the building lies low, by the river Ver, does not
necessarily mean the Deluge.
This curious little octagonal building is, however, of a very great age,
for it was once, as “St. Germain’s Gate,” the water-gate of the
monastery. The more ancient embattled upper part disappeared six
hundred years ago, and the present brick-and-timber storey takes its
place.
THE OLDEST INHABITED HOUSE IN ENGLAND: THE “FIGHTING
COCKS,” ST. ALBANS.
The City of London’s oldest licensed inn is, by its own claiming, the
“Dick Whittington,” in Cloth Fair, Smithfield, but it only claims to have
been licensed in the fifteenth century, when it might reasonably—
without much fear of contradiction—have made it a century earlier.
This is an unusual modesty, fully deserving mention. It is only an
“inn” by courtesy, for, however interesting and picturesque the
grimy, tottering old lath-and-plaster house may be to the stranger,
imagination does not picture any one staying either in the house or
in Cloth Fair itself while other houses and other neighbourhoods
remain to choose from; and, indeed, the “Dick Whittington” does not
pretend to be anything else than a public-house. The quaint little
figure at the angle, in the gloom of the overhanging upper storey, is
one of the queer, unconventional imaginings of our remote
forefathers, and will repay examination.
Our next claimant in the way of antiquity is the “Seven Stars” inn at
Manchester, a place little dreamt of, in such a connection, by most
people; for, although Manchester is an ancient city, it is so
modernised in general appearance that it is a place wherein the
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