Journal of Sustainable Tourism

ISSN: 0966-9582 (Print) 1747-7646 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rsus20

Indigenous tourism research, past and present:

where to from here?

Michelle Whitford & Lisa Ruhanen

To cite this article: Michelle Whitford & Lisa Ruhanen (2016): Indigenous tourism
research, past and present: where to from here?, Journal of Sustainable Tourism, DOI:
10.1080/09669582.2016.1189925

To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09669582.2016.1189925

Published online: 16 Jun 2016.

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 JOURNAL OF SUSTAINABLE TOURISM, 2016
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09669582.2016.1189925

Indigenous tourism research, past and present:

where to from here?
Michelle Whitforda and Lisa Ruhanenb
a
Department of Tourism Sport and Hotel Management, Griffith University, Nathan, Australia; bTourism Cluster, UQ
Business School, The University of Queensland, St Lucia, Australia

ABSTRACT ARTICLE HISTORY

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Indigenous tourism is a global phenomenon, encompassing a range of Received 7 September 2015

complex, multi-layered issues. The foci of Indigenous tourism research Accepted 9 May 2016
are multifaceted, reflecting a plethora of stakeholders with differing KEYWORDS
perspectives and values about the direction, development and Indigenous tourism;
sustainability of the sector. The academic literature consistently highlights development; Indigenous
the need for a more comprehensive understanding of Indigenous tourism tourism research; sustainable
and, specifically, one that takes into account the interests and values of its Indigenous tourism
stakeholders. This paper provides a global overview of Indigenous tourism
development and its international and national institutional links,
concomitantly identifying and examining the trajectory of scholarly
interest in Indigenous tourism from 1980 to 2014. An analysis of 403
published journal articles is supplemented with the perspectives of
Indigenous tourism researchers. The results reveal that sustainability
issues underpin and shape a substantive proportion of published
Indigenous tourism research to date. The challenge now is to gain a more
comprehensive understanding of Indigenous tourism from the
perspective of Indigenous stakeholders, approaching its complexity in an
iterative, adaptive and flexible style, and with affected stakeholders
involved in the research process, knowledge creation and its outcomes.
This is both an ethical imperative and a pragmatic approach to ensure the
outcomes of research facilitate the sustainability of Indigenous tourism.

Introduction
As early as the mid-1800s, Indigenous peoples were becoming involved (to varying degrees) in tour-
ism, including the Sami in Scandinavia, ethnic minority groups in Asia, including the Montagnards, or
“people of the mountains” (PATA, 2014), Indigenous guides, porters and servants in Africa (Hall,
M€ uller, & Saarinen, 2009; Laing, Wheeler, Reeves, & Frost, 2014) and Aboriginals in Australia who
were allowing visitors to experience cultural ceremonies called corroborees (Cahir & Clark, 2010; Kirk-
land, 1845). Concomitantly, some First Nations people in Canada were assuming the roles of guides,
hunters and interpreters to assist early travellers and immigrants in the region (Nicholson, 2001) and,
later, they began producing and selling tourist souvenirs in the areas surrounding Niagara Falls to sat-
isfy travellers’ desire for Indigenous collectibles (Phillips, 1998).
Later in the 1880s, the explorations of a few “dare devil” adventurers were the mainstay of Kenya’s
tourism market. The establishment of colonial rule in Kenya at that time, first by Germany and then
by Britain, and the subsequent development of transport and communication infrastructures,

CONTACT Michelle Whitford m.whitford@griffith.edu.au

© 2016 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group
 2 M. WHITFORD AND L. RUHANEN

resulted in the emergence of a tourism market primarily comprising elite Western travellers (Manyara
& Jones, 2005) seeking enjoyment and exploration opportunities (McLaren, 1999, p. 1) from “primi-
tive” and “uncivilised” Indigenous tribes (Beteille, 1998). Also in the 1880s, the “romantic, ethno-
graphic, mythological representation of Indigenous culture” (Meadows, 2001, p. 43) motivated many
travellers to endure a three-month journey by ship to New Zealand to experience the Pink and White
Terraces in Rotorua, the geothermal activities of the region and Maori cultural performances (Rotorua
Travel, 2015) or to seek out “real, genuine and authentic Indigenous peoples” (United Nations, 2009,
p. 73) in destinations including the “surviving and authentic Paradises” of the Pacific islands and the
“latter-day Gardens of Eden” (Harrison, 2003, p. 4).
At the beginning of the 1900s, curiosity and interest in “exotic” destinations and their Indigenous
inhabitants continued to ignite the imaginations of wealthy European adventurers who travelled to
see, experience and document exotic and unknown cultures (Craik, 1994). The socio-economic
potential of Indigenous tourism resulted in increasing government involvement in the niche sector.
For example, the New Zealand government established the first tourist bureau in Rotorua in 1903
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and promoted Maori culture as the main tourist attraction of the region, despite the fact that “Maori
peoples had limited roles in owning and managing tourist businesses” (Diamond, 2012, p. 2). Also
around the turn of the century, the Sami were featured in Scandinavian promotional materials (Pet-
tersson, 2004), while in the south western USA, First Nations peoples were experiencing increasing
numbers of visitors to reservations (Lew, 1996). In Canada, Aboriginal involvement in tourism was
occurring in areas close to tourist attractions and Aboriginal staged performances were becoming
increasingly common at cultural events and festivals as they were deemed part of an “assimilation
approach underpinning successive government policies” (Nicholson, 2001, p. 190). By the mid-1990s,
there were 182 Aboriginal tourism businesses operating in Canada (Zeppel, 1998), triggering the
Canadian Federal government to help initiate the formation of national organisations (including the
Aboriginal Tourism Association of Canada: see http://aboriginalcanada.ca/), to facilitate the develop-
ment of a coordinated industry voice and policies (Henry, 2013; Henry & Hood, 2012).
Post-World War II Asia also attracted travellers and Christian missionaries for the purpose of explo-
ration and religious propaganda (Leepreecha, 2005). There are hundreds of Indigenous groups
throughout Asia, extending from Indonesia, the Philippines and Myanmar to the northern Mekong
sub-region taking in Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, Thailand and Vietnam. Indigenous peoples also live
in China’s far south-west region of Yunnan and in the Chinese autonomous region of Guangxi which
is located in south-central China and boasts the Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region Museum,
opened in 1978 and dedicated to the culture, customs and relics of Guangxi’s myriad of ethnic minor-
ities (for more detail on Indigenous peoples of Asia, see PATA, 2014; World Bank, 2006). However, it
was media images of Thailand’s hill tribes in the 1960s that led to increased interest in the “exotic
tribes” of Asia. In the 1970s, it was Thailand that led the development of Asian Indigenous tourism
through public and private investment in infrastructure (e.g. road construction), to enhance access to
the hill tribe villages of northern Thailand (Leepreecha, 2005).
The widespread use of the automobile and jet aircraft in the second half of the twentieth century
facilitated the continuing growth of global tourism and provided increased access to ex-colonies
where “exotic’ Indigenous peoples with intriguing customs, artefacts, arts and crafts, lifestyles, heri-
tage and histories lived (Hall & Tucker, 2004). This was backed by the universal growth of television
documentaries and travel programmes. From the 1980s onwards, “integrating” Indigenous peoples
into the tourism industry was increasingly mentioned in a range of government policy documents
and reports in Australia (Whitford, 2009; Whitford, Bell, & Watkins, 2001). Overall, these policies were
underpinned by a common objective to utilise tourism as a development tool to provide a pathway
to “much needed opportunities for employment, social stability and preservation of culture and tradi-
tions” (Commonwealth of Australia, 2003, p. 41). The focus underpinning Australian government poli-
cies was indicative of a wider global movement centred on addressing Indigenous issues and which
gained increased momentum from 1984 to 1993. The UN Voluntary Fund for Indigenous Populations
was established in 1985, the Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention (ILO) No. 169 on Indigenous
 JOURNAL OF SUSTAINABLE TOURISM 3

and Tribal Peoples in Independent Countries was adopted in 1989, the proclamation of the Interna-
tional Year of the World’s Indigenous People occurred in 1993 followed by the proclamation of two
separate International Decades of the World’s Indigenous People (1995 2004 and 2005 2014) (see
United Nations, 2009).
The start of the New Millennium saw increased international efforts to improve the rights and live-
lihoods of Indigenous peoples. In the First Decade of the World’s Indigenous People (1995 2004),
the United Nations created the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues as well as the
Special Rapporteur on the rights of Indigenous peoples. The Second International Decade of the
World’s Indigenous People was initiated on 1 January 2005. However, in 2007, after 20 years of nego-
tiations between States and Indigenous peoples, new benchmarks were set when the General
Assembly adopted the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP), which (among
other things) identified minimum standards for the survival, dignity, and well-being of the Indigenous
peoples of the world. The UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (Outcome docu-
ment of the Durban Review Conference, 24 April 2009, para 73) “Welcome[d] the adoption of the UN
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Declaration on the rights of Indigenous peoples and …urge[d] States to take all necessary measures
to implement the rights of Indigenous peoples in accordance with international human rights instru-
ments without discrimination… .” In 2012, the Larrakia Declaration and the World Indigenous Tour-
ism Alliance (WINTA) were established. The Larrakia Declaration comprises six principles
(underpinned by the UNDRIP) to guide the development of Indigenous tourism, while the WINTA is a
global network made up of over 170 Indigenous and non-Indigenous organisations in 40 countries
(see http://www.winta.org/the-larrakia-declaration/).
The acknowledgment of the need to effectively implement the human rights of Indigenous peo-
ples, coupled with travellers’ sustained interest in the “exotic other”, have been, and continue to be,
fundamental drivers in the continued development of Indigenous tourism by governments, develop-
ment organisations and entrepreneurial Indigenous communities. For instance, during 2008 2009,
the World Bank’s renewed interest in tourism emanated from its roles in reducing poverty and
achieving the United Nations Millennium Development Goals. For many reasons then, Indigenous
tourism is increasingly seen as a vehicle to address numerous problems experienced by more than
5000 different groups of Indigenous people living in more than 70 countries, with c. 5% of the world’s
population, yet accounting for about 15% of the world’s poor who continue to suffer discrimination,
marginalisation, extreme poverty and conflict (United Nations, 2009).
Indigenous tourism, however, can be a double-edged sword. On the one hand, tourism can be a
vehicle for preserving, safeguarding and promoting ancient cultures, while socially and economically
empowering marginalised and/or remote Indigenous communities. For instance, tourism is the only
sector in Sub-Saharan Africa’s trade showing growth. In 1980, tourism accounted for only 2% of
exports of goods and services compared to almost 12% in 2005 (Ankomah & Larson, 2009). The Ugan-
dan Bigodi tribe, supported by government, utilised tourism to underpin development which
included new schools and increased sales of agricultural products and which, Lepp (2007) claimed,
led them to be optimistic about their future.
On the other hand, however, tourism may not only impinge on Indigenous peoples’ rights to self-
determination (PATA, 2014) but it may also result in further commodification of “Indigenous tourism
products” as Indigenous peoples and their cultures are increasingly deemed to be desirable tourism
resources. Other negative impacts include racism, exploitation, disrupted lifestyles, battered ecosys-
tems, inconsistent profit, eviction from traditional lands, destruction of habitat and inequity in project
planning (United Nations, 2009, p. 72) (see The Harvard Project, 2008).
The extent to which tourism has facilitated the development of positive socio-economic circum-
stances of Indigenous peoples remains questionable (Whitford & Ruhanen, 2010). Too often, tourism
has done little to reverse the socio-economic disadvantage faced by Indigenous people who are still
hindered by (among other things) the legacies of colonial history, ineffective and misguided govern-
ment policies and a lack of access to education, health services and employment. Yet, since the
advent of the sustainable development agenda in the late 1980s and its increasing adoption in
 4 M. WHITFORD AND L. RUHANEN

tourism contexts, increased emphasis has been placed on developing a sustainable Indigenous tour-
ism sector, evidenced in government policies in countries such as Australia, Canada and New Zea-
land, among others (Weaver, 2010; Whitford & Ruhanen, 2010). Concurrently, academic interest in
Indigenous tourism across a range of disciplines including political ecology, sociology, geography
and anthropology has also become firmly entrenched in advocating the sustainable development
paradigm (Weaver, 2010). Therefore, this qualitative study provides an overview of Indigenous tour-
ism development, examines trends in Indigenous tourism research over a 35-year period
(1980 2014) and, concomitantly, identifies directions for future research that could contribute
towards the development of a more sustainable Indigenous tourism sector.

Methodology
A mixed methods approach was utilised to, first, set the context by providing an overview of the
development of Indigenous tourism across two periods: 1980 2000 and 2000 2014; second, to
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identify the research trends in Indigenous tourism over these same periods and, finally, to augment
the results of the literature review with the perspectives of Indigenous tourism researchers and sub-
ject experts about directions for future Indigenous tourism research. This involved the identification
of 153 journals covering disciplines including management, anthropology, geography, political econ-
omy, policy, sociology, economics, environment and tourism. The search terms used to identify jour-
nal articles were limited to Indigenous, Aboriginal, First Nation, ethnic and minority. A total of 403
published articles were identified that specifically incorporated and/or identified Indigenous tourism
as a research focus (to varying degrees), during the 35-year period. An Excel spread sheet was devel-
oped to catalogue the articles and facilitate the coding and analysis of themes. The spreadsheet iden-
tified the article’s title, the journal it was in, the underpinning discipline/field of the research, the
country the research focused on, the focus of the abstract, the keywords and, finally, the coded
themes. To ensure the literature search was comprehensive, we followed Lane and Kastenholz’s
(2015) approach and utilised Scopus as a supplementary “checking” tool. Importantly, the Scopus
search for articles published from 1980 to 2014 and focusing on Indigenous tourism only revealed
there were no new articles to add to the existing 403 articles focusing specifically on Indigenous tour-
ism (as at 29 January 2016).
The second stage investigated the perspectives of academic researchers on current themes and
future directions for Indigenous tourism research. A purposive sampling technique was employed
and inclusion was based on previous publications on Indigenous tourism in an academic outlet/s.
Fifty potential respondents were contacted by email and two broad open-ended questions were
asked in relation to: (1) their perspectives on current themes and future trends in Indigenous tourism
research (i.e. respondents were asked to identify what they believed is the most commonly
researched area(s) in Indigenous tourism (i.e. marketing, visitor motivation, supply and demand,
authenticity, etc.) and (2) what they believe are the most important area/s of research for Indigenous
tourism (i.e. policy and planning, impacts, evaluation, land rights, identity, capacity building, etc.). A
total of 27 responses were received, representing a response rate of 54%. An initial round of thematic
coding and analysis (Gibbs, 2007) revealed data saturation had been achieved. Data from stage 1 and
stage 2 were used to identify the directions for Indigenous tourism research.
The study’s limitations and delimitations include:

 Not all relevant papers may have been captured despite an exhaustive and systematic literature
search.
 Published journal articles (only) were included in this analysis.
 Inherent biases of Anglo-Celtic authorship are acknowledged.
 For the purpose of this paper, Indigenous tourism is resource-based tourism (Hinch &
Butler, 1996) and occurs in the context of Indigenous groups and/or societies. According
to UNDP (2004), “Indigenous groups are typically seen to be distinct in terms of their
 JOURNAL OF SUSTAINABLE TOURISM 5

cultural and social identities and institutions relative to dominant groups in society.”
(PATA, 2014, p. 6)
 A paper was only included in the study if the focus of the research was explicitly stated as Indig-
enous tourism with resultant discussion pertaining specifically to issues falling within the scope
of Indigenous tourism.
 A paper was not included in this study if the research context was a form of tourism that might
intersect with Indigenous tourism but was categorised and/or focused on another area of study,
e.g. cultural tourism in Thailand; community-based tourism in Ethiopia; ecotourism in Latin
America; island tourism in Fiji, cultural heritage tourism in Korea; pro-poor tourism in Tanzania;
safari tourism in Kenya; diaspora tourism in Sub Sahara Africa; beach tourism in Bali; parks and
wildlife tourism in Rwanda (for more information on tourism in these countries, see World Bank
(2006, 2015), Ortiz and Solo (2009), Christie, Fernandes, Messerli, and Twining-Ward (2014)).
 Not all of the 403 papers that were identified and analysed are cited in this paper due to space
limitations.
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Indigenous tourism practice and research: 1980 2000

Sustainable development became a significant item on the agenda of governments around the world
following the 1987 Brundtland Commission, yet the extent to which the principles of sustainability
underpinned Indigenous tourism policy and practice was limited. The apparent lack of awareness
and/or buy in to sustainable development was, arguably, a reflection of the neo-liberal political
agenda of countries such as Australia, New Zealand and Canada, whose focus during this period was
primarily on facilitating the socio-economic improvement of Indigenous people. For instance, in New
Zealand, Indigenous tourism was not only stimulated by the New Zealand Tourist Board and their
emphasis on Maori culture but also with the establishment of the Aotearoa Maori Tourism Federation
in 1988, which aimed to represent Maori interests and protect their culture (Smith, 2009). Meanwhile,
in Australia, Indigenous tourism was gaining recognition as an emergent sector of the Australian
tourism industry; yet, with the exception of the appointment of an Aboriginal Tourism Development
officer in the Northern Territory in 1984 (Schmiechen, 2006), government involvement with Indige-
nous tourism was relatively limited. However, by the late 1990s, the situation changed considerably
with the publication of the National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Tourism Strategy in 1997
and its call to foster better links between Indigenous tourism and the mainstream tourism industry
as a means of growing the Indigenous tourism sector (Schmiechen, 2006; Whitford et al., 2001). Argu-
ably, these actions at the Australian Federal Government level provided an important catalyst for the
subsequent development of diverse strategies and initiatives to facilitate Indigenous tourism at the
state government level with plans emerging soon after for Queensland, Victoria and the Northern
Territory.
Elsewhere in the southern hemisphere, the changing nature of global tourism demand resulted in
many developing countries in Asia enjoying significantly higher international arrivals and tourism
receipts (e.g. the island of Bali in Indonesia received 95,000 international tourists in 1973; in 2010, it
attracted 1.96 million tourists, who spent $1.9 billion (World Bank, 2015). In many Asian countries,
tourism became a major economic sector and was aggressively promoted by respective govern-
ments as a means for economic development and poverty alleviation (Telfer & Sharpley, 2008). Tour-
ism, frequently under the guise of ecotourism, became popular in Thailand, Indonesia and Malaysia,
and by 1999, Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia and Yunnan provinces in China were also promoting ecotour-
ism experiences to visitors (for more detail on Asia and the Pacific region, see PATA, 2014). This eco-
nomic growth strategy was formally recognised with the publication of national ecotourism
strategies by Thailand, the Philippines and Laos Governments in 1998, 2001 and 2004, respectively
(Zeppel, 2006).
In the northern hemisphere, Indigenous tourism in the United States of America was gaining
momentum. In 1999, the American Indian Alaska Native Tourism Association (AIANTA) was
 6 M. WHITFORD AND L. RUHANEN

established as a non-profit association of Native American tribes and tribal businesses, with the aim
of helping “tribes build for their future while sustaining and strengthening their cultural legacies”
(AIANTA, 2015, p. 1). In Canada, Indigenous tourism began to attract significantly more political atten-
tion as a result of a growing presence of the First Nation peoples in the Canadian political system (see
Henry & Hood, 2012; World Bank, 2015). While government(s) in Canada viewed Indigenous tourism
as a viable option to address poor social-economic conditions in Indigenous communities, many
Aboriginal leaders used tourism as a means for the First Nations to achieve greater social-political jus-
tice and favourable legal claims to land settlement (Boldt, 1993). Thus, the 1980s in Canada marked
the starting point for the long-term growth of Indigenous tourism, attributable to comprehensive
government support (e.g. funding, advisory services and training schemes) for new rural-based and
Indigenous tourism businesses across the country. By the 1990s, Indigenous tourism activities in Can-
ada continued to diversify and expand, fuelled by the Canadian tourism industry’s fear of losing
global market share. A competitive global tourism market stimulated players in the Canadian tourism
industry to widen their product ranges beyond the traditional offerings of “mountain, moose, Moun-
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ties and pioneer history” and Indigenous tourism was increasingly seen as an attractive option for
tourists (Nicholson, 2001, p. 187). Thus, the 1990s witnessed more concerted efforts from govern-
ments at both federal and provincial levels to develop and promote Indigenous tourism. For exam-
ple, at the provincial level, the governments of North West Territories, Yukon and British Columbia
incorporated Indigenous tourism as part of their tourism development strategies (Williams & Stewart,
1997) and 1997 saw the establishment of the Aboriginal Tourism Association of British Columbia. At
the federal level, some of the major milestones for Indigenous tourism included: the formation of the
Canadian National Aboriginal Tourism Association in 1990 to promote, protect and preserve the
integrity of Indigenous tourism (Getz & Jamieson, 1997), the formation of the Aboriginal Tourism Pro-
gramme which was a strategic initiative of the Canadian Tourism Commission in 1994 and the estab-
lishment of Aboriginal Tourism Team Canada in 1996 (Nicholson, 2001).
The tourism industry’s growing interest in Indigenous tourism was mirrored by academic output
on Indigenous tourism which “increased exponentially since the early 1970s” (Weaver, 2010, p. 44).
For instance, of the 403 papers analysed in this study, 3% were published in the 1980s, 13% in the
1990s, 58% from 2000 to 2009 and 25% from 2010 to 2014.
While Indigenous tourism emerged as a legitimate field of academic inquiry, in part stimulated by
Smith’s 1977 publication of Hosts and Guests: The Anthropology of Tourism “which heralded a period
of mainly anthropological investigation of the subject” (Hinch & Butler, 1996, cited by Weaver, 2010,
p. 44), it was not until the 1990s that a range of exploratory and predominantly case study-focused
research emerged that arguably set the foundations for the field with the examination of topics such
as the impacts of tourism on Indigenous peoples and communities (i.e. colonisation, cultural com-
modification, and identity) (Altman & Finlayson, 1992; Blundell, 1993; Hinch & Butler, 1996; Loverseed,
1998; Notzke, 1999; Steinberg, 1994; White, Williams, & Hood, 1998; Williams & Stewart, 1997), Indige-
nous control and development of tourism (Brown, 1999; Hemming, 1994; King & Stewart, 1996;
Loverseed, 1998; Wall, 1996; Wesche, 1993; White, 1993; White et al., 1998) and, more broadly, plan-
ning and development issues (i.e. economic leakage, land tenure) (Dragovich, 1993; Hemming, 1994;
Hohl & Tidsell, 1995; King, 1994; King, 1994; King & Stewart, 1996; Ross, 1991; Schuler, Aberdeen, &
Dyer, 1999; Wells, 1996; Zeppel, 1998). There was also a growing focus on the need for appropriate
management of cultural resources, the maintenance of product authenticity (Adams, 1997; Hinch,
Delamere, & Reid, 1993) and cultural preservation (Dragovich, 1993). Interestingly, in 1989, Altman
warned that tourism should not be regarded as a panacea for improving the marginal economic sta-
tus of Indigenous peoples. Arguably, this erudite caution was (amongst other things) a precursor to
calls for underpinning Indigenous tourism with the principles of sustainability.
Although sustainability was still not a common feature of government policies in the last decade
of the twentieth century, researchers in the field began to link sustainability to the Indigenous tour-
ism context. For instance, publications began to emerge in the 1990s that critiqued the extent to
which the development of Indigenous tourism was compatible with the ideals of sustainable
 JOURNAL OF SUSTAINABLE TOURISM 7

development (Dearden, 1991; de Chavez, 1999; Grahn, 1991; Johnston, 1990; Robinson, 1999; Robin-
son & Twynam, 1996; Simpson, 1993; Sofield, 1991, 1993). The academic interest in sustainability and
Indigenous tourism was also evident in country-specific studies such as New Zealand (Cloher & John-
ston, 1999), Canada (Blundell, 1993) and Australia (Altman, 1989; Altman & Finlayson, 1992; Gale,
Luebbers, Gillen, & Scott, 1988). While the foci of these papers covered a variety of issues aligned
with sustainability (i.e. Indigenous control, ownership and management rights, cultural preservation
and product authenticity, globalisation, land rights), the common thread amongst the papers was
the recognition of the need to adopt and implement a bottom-up approach to Indigenous tourism
development that provided legitimate Indigenous community and/or individual participation in plan-
ning, management and ownership of Indigenous tourism products and services.

Indigenous tourism practice and research: 2000 2014

It was these late twentieth century studies that shaped the agenda for Indigenous tourism research in
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the twenty-first century and fuelled academic interests in better understanding the increasingly com-
plex array of “wicked problems” (Head, 2008; Scherrer & Doonan, 2014) associated with the sustain-
ability of Indigenous tourism development (i.e. issues pertaining to authenticity, commodification,
representation and identity, socio-economic impacts, education, entrepreneurship, management,
marketing, policy planning and government, product development, visitor experience, motivation,
preference, satisfaction, gender, neo-colonialism). The research at the time focused on barriers and
impacts (Altman & Finlayson, 2003; Sharma & Carson, 2001; Smith, Scherrer, & Dowling, 2009),
Aboriginal rights (Sofield, 2002), cultural communication and inclusion (Clark & Chahir, 2003; Higgins-
Desbiolles, 2009), Indigenous heritage (Clark, 2009; Hinkson, 2003), management and capacity (Fuller,
Buultjens, & Cummings, 2005; Pforr & Locher, 2004; Simonsen, 2006), employment opportunities
(Buultjens, Brereton, et al., 2010), accreditation (Buultjens, Gale, & White, 2010), and policy (Whitford
& Ruhanen, 2010).
While, to date, the majority (75.5%) of the 403 research articles analysed in this study focused on
Indigenous tourism in Australia (25%), the United States (20%), Canada (14%), New Zealand (9%),
China and Taiwan (7.5%), there was also a small cache of research focusing on Indigenous tourism in
a range of other countries.
In Australia, much of the work during this period focused on integrating sustainability into Indige-
nous tourism in the context of a range of areas including branding (Pomering, 2013; Pomering &
White, 2011), festivals/events visitor motivations and impacts (Rowe, 2012; Ruhanen & Whitford,
2011; Savinovic, Kim, & Long, 2012), visitor impacts and satisfaction (Carson, Carson, & Taylor, 2013;
Clark & McRae-Williams, 2014; Ho & Ali, 2013; Scherrer, Smith, Randall, & Dowling, 2011), research
methods (Blangy, Donohoe, & Mitchell, 2012; Nielsen & Wilson, 2012), heritage management (Clark,
2002a, 2002b) and policy (Higgins-Desbiolles, Trevorrow, & Sparrow, 2014). There was also an increas-
ing focus on the need for empowerment by (amongst other things), ensuring the autonomy of Indig-
enous peoples in tourism activities (Lemelin et al., 2013; Peters & Higgins-Desbiolles, 2012; Scherrer,
& Doohan, 2013; Strickland-Munro & Moore, 2013).
This substantial body of Australian-based research is not surprising, given that tourism in Australia
was identified as an industry with the potential to generate employment and economic development
opportunities for Indigenous communities. Moreover, during this period, Australian Federal and some
state governments developed a range of policies focusing on Indigenous tourism development,
while advocating the need for increased government funding for Indigenous tourism activities (Whit-
ford, 2009). Adding to the momentum, in 2005, the government established Indigenous Tourism Aus-
tralia to develop and market Indigenous tourism and, in 2006, AUD$4 million in funding was
allocated to an Indigenous Tourism Business Ready Programme with a goal of facilitating the contin-
ued development of Indigenous tourism.
While enhanced government-level support was evident, unfortunately visitor demand was not.
Australia’s international and national visitor surveys showed an 18.7% average annual decline in
 8 M. WHITFORD AND L. RUHANEN

domestic overnight Indigenous tourism visitors and a 4.9% average annual decline in international
Indigenous tourism visitors between 2006 and 2010 (Tourism Research Australia, 2011). In spite of
these figures, Australian federal and state governments strongly maintained that Indigenous tourism
remained a key opportunity for Indigenous Australians. As a result of debate pertaining to the
demand (or lack thereof) for Indigenous tourism in Australia, in 2012, Ruhanen, Whitford, and
McLennan (2015a, 2015b) undertook a comprehensive investigation into supply and demand for
Indigenous tourism Australia. The results confirmed low levels of demand and low levels of interest
in Australia’s Indigenous tourism product, and thus the study’s recommendations echoed the senti-
ments of Altman (1989), warning that tourism should not be viewed as a panacea for disadvantaged
Indigenous communities and/or individuals. Certainly, the issue of demand for Indigenous tourism in
Australia has been a focus of the academic research undertaken in Australia (Beck & Somerville, 2002;
James, 2007; Galliford, 2010; Ruhanen et al., 2015a, 2015b; Ryan & Huyton, 2000a, 2000b, 2002), while
other researchers have sought to explore supply-side explanations for the issues confronting the sec-
tor (Buultjens, Brereton, et al., 2010; Clark, 2002a; Kirkpatrick, 2001; Leader-Elliott, 2002; Mulvaney &
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Jones, 2002; Nursey-Bray & Rist, 2009; Richards, 2004; Waitt, Figueroa, & McGee, 2007; Wearing &
Huyskens, 2001).
Contrary to the significant output of Indigenous tourism research in Australia, Martinez (2012) said
examination of the Indigenous response to the demands of tourism in New Zealand was not so evi-
dent in the tourism literature. However, there are exceptions: a body of work examined issues sur-
rounding Maori tourism (Bremner, 2013; Carr, 2004; McIntosh, 2004; McIntosh & Zahra, 2007;
McIntosh, Zygadlo, & Matunga, 2004; Orams, 2002), demand (Ryan, 2002; Ryan & Higgins, 2006; Ryan
& Pike, 2003), post-colonialism and tourism promotion (Amoamo & Thompson, 2010) and Maori tour-
ism businesses (Barnett, 2001). While the research was emerging, Maori tourism in New Zealand was
expanding from 2000 onwards as a result of collaborative work between government and various
Maori tourism stakeholders. For instance, two iterations of the New Zealand National Tourism Strat-
egy (2010, 2015) highlighted the importance of Maori active participation and engagement in the
tourism industry. This led the way for an increase in the number of Maori Regional Tourism Organisa-
tions (MRTOs), from four to thirteen organisations between 2001 and 2015. Another major milestone
was the formation of the New Zealand Maori Tourism Council (NZMTC) in 2004, which represented
all MRTOs and the majority of Maori tourism businesses in New Zealand. By 2008, NZMTC noted that
there were more than 350 Indigenous themed or Maori owned and managed operations across the
country. Ongoing support is evident with the 2011 Maori Tourism Action Plan, led by NZMTC, to
guide the investment of NZD$16 million to strengthen and promote Indigenous tourism (Maori
Tourism, 2014).
In the United States, the focus of Indigenous tourism research grew considerably over this period
with a concentration of papers focusing on Indigenous participation in ecotourism development
(Cusack & Dixon, 2006; Garcia-Frapolli, Toledo, & Martinez-Alier, 2008; Hearne & Tuscherer, 2008;
Ramos & Prideaux, 2014; Wilken-Robertson, 2006), gaming (Piner & Paradis, 2010), policy, planning
and development (Barkin & Bouchez, 2002; Greathouse-Amador, 2005a, 2005b; Spencer, 2010; Whit-
ford, 2008; Zorn & Farthing, 2007), land-use management (Kent, 2006; McAvoy, 2002), economic and
socio-cultural impacts (Cohen, 2001; Henshall & Momsen, 2002; Ingles, 2001; Juarez, 2002; Nesper,
2003; Phipps, 2010; Snow & Wheeler, 2000; Wu, Wall, & Tsou, 2014), identity, ethnicity and indigeneity
(Picard, Pocock, & Trigger, 2014; Stronza, 2008; van den Berghe & Ochoa, 2000) and authenticity and
commodification (Brulotte, 2009; Coronado, 2004). This expanding literature appears to reflect the
increase in activity that was being undertaken at the time in relation to the facilitation of socio-eco-
nomic development for Native Americans (see The Harvard Project, 2008; Henry & Hood, 2012). For
instance, more and more of the 566 independent, federally recognised Native American tribes began
embracing tourism as a socio-economic development tool (see AIANTA, 2015), and according to
AIANTA, Native American tourist destinations were “…seeing more and more visitors each year.”
Indeed, “2012 was the busiest year since we started tracking people about 20 years ago” (cited Easter,
2015, p. 1).
 JOURNAL OF SUSTAINABLE TOURISM 9

Similarly in Canada, investment in the sector and considerable policy support for Aboriginal tour-
ism was evident. The Aboriginal Tourism Association of Canada (ATAC) was formally established in
2014, representing over 20 Aboriginal tourism industry organisations and government representa-
tives from across the country (ATAC, 2015). ATAC’s 2015 National Aboriginal Tourism Research report
found that Aboriginal tourism employed around 32,000 people and accounted for CAD$2.5 billion in
gross economic output in Canada. Among the provinces, the Aboriginal Tourism Association of Brit-
ish Colombia released an Aboriginal Cultural Tourism Strategy (2012 2017), with the government
committing to invest CAD$10 million over a five-year period to support Indigenous tourism develop-
ment with a projected revenue of $68 million by 2017 (Aboriginal Tourism British Colombia, 2015).
By 2013, British Columbia alone had over 250 Aboriginal tourism businesses, providing employment
to some 3000 people (Henry, 2013). According to Aboriginal Tourism British Colombia (2015, p. 1), a
“sustainable Aboriginal tourism sector with diverse products in communities in every region of the
province is recognized as one of the major focuses for achieving the target set by the Premier to dou-
ble tourism revenues in B.C. by 2015.” Academic research on Canadian Aboriginal tourism during this
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period reflected the public sector emphasis with research focused on sustainable development, plan-
ning policy and management, as well as supply and demand issues (Bennett, Lemelin, Koster, &
Budke, 2012; Colton, 2005; Colton & Whitney-Squire, 2010; Dowsley, 2009; Dressler, Berkes, & Mathias,
2001; Ettenger, 2009; Grimwood & Doubleday, 2013; Hindle, Anderson, Giberson, & Kayseas, 2005;
Koster, Baccar, & Lemelin, 2012; Kutzner & Wright, 2010; Kutzner, Wright, & Stark, 2009; Li, 2004;
Lynch, Duinker, Sheehan, & Chute, 2010, 2011; Mason, 2004, 2008, 2009; Nepal, 2004; Notzke, 2004;
Smith, 2007; Stewart & Draper, 2009; Stewart, Jacobson, & Draper, 2008; Williams & Richter, 2002; Zep-
pel, 2002).
Perhaps, the most significant increase in academic interest (but not necessarily the most output)
on Indigenous tourism during this period was undertaken in the culturally diverse countries of
Taiwan and China. There are 14 officially recognised Aboriginal tribes in Taiwan, all contributing, to
varying degrees, to the development of Indigenous tourism in the country. To date, academic
researchers have focused on the negative impacts associated with Aboriginal tourism in Taiwan (Lui
& Lu, 2014), Indigenous tourism and sustainability issues (Lai & Nepal, 2006; Tao & Wall, 2009; Tsaur,
Lin, & Lin, 2006), marketing aspects of Indigenous tourism (Chang, 2006; Chang, Wall, & Chu, 2006;
Chang, Wall, & Lai, 2005) and authenticity and cultural preservation (Chang & Kao 2008; Chang, Wall,
& Chang, 2008). Despite apparent increased academic interest in Indigenous tourism in Taiwan, Lui
and Lu (2014) claim there is a lack of in-depth analyses of the causes and results of negative impacts
and also a lack of comprehensive studies on tourism, culture and ecology.
In China, the Government regards tourism as an appropriate development tool, and thus numer-
ous Indigenous groups in China including (but not limited to) the Han, Dong, Miao, Yao, Hui, Yi, Shui
and Gin have been encouraged to participate in the development of the sector. For instance, the
Guangxi Museum of Nationalities, opened in 2008, provides visitors with the opportunity to see “tra-
ditional dwellings of the Zhuang, Yao, Miao and Dong peoples and their relics, culture, folk art dem-
onstrations and performances” (PATA, 2014, p. 21). Moreover, since the early 1990s, domestic
tourism in Yunnan has increased to 120 million annual domestic visitors (PATA, 2014) who are pro-
vided with the opportunity to enjoy Indigenous-themed amusement parks set up by entrepreneurial
investors, staffed mostly by Indigenous groups but owned by people from the Han Chinese majority
(PATA, 2014, p. 21). Not surprisingly then, in more recent years, the foci of papers from both China
and Taiwan have been on Indigenous tourism and entrepreneurship alongside other issues including
impacts, management and sustainability (Chang & Huang, 2014; Chang, Wall, & Hung, 2012; Chen,
Lee, Chen, & Chen, 2013; Huang, 2013; Hunter, 2011, 2013, 2014; Liao, 2011; Ma & Lew, 2012; Qian,
Wei, & Zhu, 2012; Tsung-Chiung, Chyong-Ru, & Wan-Chen 2012; Voeller, 2011; Walle, 2011; Yang,
2011, 2012, 2013; Yang, Ryan, & Zhang, 2013a, 2013b; Yi-fong, 2012), issues of authenticity and com-
modification (Wang & Wall, 2007; Xie, 2010; Xie & Lane, 2006; Yang & Wall, 2009a, 2009b), policy and
planning (Li, 2004; Su & Teo, 2008; Xie, 2003; Yang, Wall, & Smith, 2008) and culture and development
 10 M. WHITFORD AND L. RUHANEN

(Chow, 2005; Morais, Dong, & Yang, 2006; Xiong, Ding, Deng, & Zhang, 2008; Yamamura, 2003; Yang &
Wall, 2008, 2009a).
The above discussion reveals that Indigenous tourism and Indigenous tourism research have
grown exponentially over the last 35 years. According to Johnny Edmonds, secretariat coordinator
for WINTA, “Indigenous tourism is very important to Indigenous peoples. It provides them with the
opportunity for self-determination and is typically associated with activity in which Indigenous peo-
ple are directly involved through control and/or by enabling their culture to serve as the essence of
the attraction” (Arthurson, 2015, p. 1). Arguably then, as academics, we should focus on gaining a bet-
ter understanding of Indigenous tourism so that we can facilitate the continued sustainable growth
of the sector.

Indigenous tourism research directions: Conclusions

This study revealed that the vast majority of Indigenous tourism research articles emanate from busi-
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ness disciplines (i.e. tourism studies) and much of this research has been, and continues to be, driven
by case study approaches. One academic respondent noted, “there is far too little primary data col-
lection and far too much that is framed using the ‘tourism as development and opportunity’ script.”
Indeed, the tendency of the research in the late twentieth century reflected that of the policy-makers,
where tourism is advocated as a “silver bullet” for the socio-economic problems of Indigenous peo-
ples. These studies, to varying degrees, discussed the need for a sustainable approach to Indigenous
tourism development; yet during this early stage of development and research, there were, and argu-
ably still are, too few examples of sustainable Indigenous tourism businesses in the marketplace
(Higgins-Desbiolles, Schmiechen, & Trevorrow, 2010; Russell-Mundine, 2007). The studies typically
attributed the scarcity of sustainable businesses to a range of business development inhibitors
including inadequate start-up finance and capital, recruiting and retaining appropriately skilled
labour and managerial skills and capacity (Whitford & Ruhanen, 2014). Additionally, research studies
recognised (to varying degrees), that Indigenous tourism businesses, both past and present, not only
have to contend with racism and discrimination (Shoebridge, Buultjens, & Petersen, 2012) but also
have to continually prove their “legitimacy” as “real” businesses (Foley, 2003).
Thus, a recurring trend of the research “seems to be a continued focus on a very narrow range of
products and services that are discussed in the literature” (academic respondent) and business/prod-
uct-related issues including management (Notzke, 1999), the production of business (Feary, 1988;
King, 1994; Ross, 1991; Wells, 1996) and economic knowledge and marketing (Zeppel, 1998), visitor
experience, motivation, preference, satisfaction (Hughes, 1991; Moscardo & Pearce, 1999; Williams &
Stewart, 1997) and control and development (Altman & Finlayson, 1992; Hemming, 1994; Hohl & Tis-
dell, 1995; King & Stewart, 1996; Loverseed, 1998; White et al., 1998).
As we moved into the twenty-first century with the sustainability agenda firmly embedded in aca-
demia and government, the concept of sustainable development generally, and in tourism specifi-
cally, has become a key driver of the social and political agendas of many countries. Therefore, it is
not surprising that Indigenous tourism research was clearly trending towards a predictable focus on
a range of issues associated with the facilitation of sustainable Indigenous tourism. Yet, according to
one academic respondent, “The researchers have the academic and human responsibility to contrib-
ute better to Indigenous peoples’ development, which at this moment is not the case, as the topics
studied are dragging the inertia of topics that have been important the last 30 years, but today, the
realities are different.” Indeed, the analysis of Indigenous tourism literature from 2010 onwards in par-
ticular indicates that the Indigenous tourism research trajectory might be somewhat jaded as a signif-
icant proportion of research themes are simply replicating those of the twentieth century with,
perhaps, only a slightly more overt focus on sustainability in the twenty-first century.
To avoid Indigenous tourism research inertia then, perhaps, we should heed the advice of an aca-
demic respondent who claimed that academics should turn their attention to focusing on “what con-
stitutes a sustainable approach in an Indigenous tourism context.” Arguably, to gain a more nuanced
 JOURNAL OF SUSTAINABLE TOURISM 11

understanding of what constitutes sustainability in the Indigenous tourism context, care should be
taken to avoid tendencies to oversimplify sustainability and its capacity to enhance Indigenous tour-
ism. Moreover, according to an academic respondent, “while there have been many significant
advances and improvements [in Indigenous tourism research], it is still anchored deeply in the colo-
nial pedagogical paradigm, and thus non-Indigenous understanding is limited” and “tourism [non-
Indigenous] researchers need to think outside their own colonial ideals about what Aboriginal people
are and are not and how this in turn affects their own identity.” In short, academic research might be
more beneficial if the propensity to undertake normative research for Indigenous tourism (i.e. pro-
ducing knowledge about how to frame, develop and manage Indigenous tourism) was more consis-
tently supplemented with substantive research of Indigenous tourism (i.e. about how Indigenous
tourism comes to be, and why Indigenous peoples should be involved). As one respondent noted,
“there is far too little assessment of an Indigenous take on tourism, debate within the Indigenous sec-
tor, and openness about the commercial risks inherent in tourism: first and foremost tourism has to
be invited not imposed explicitly as blackmail on impoverished communities and peoples or implic-
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itly as a Hobson’s choice.”

Thus, the results of this study (i.e. the analysis of literature and academic respondents’ replies) sug-
gest this shift in focus (albeit subtle) is occurring in the academic research space as academic
researchers slowly recognise the need to embark upon more “open and exploratory research that is
not too limited by predetermined research agendas responding to the preconceptions of funders”
(academic respondent) (see Figure 1).
Additionally, the shift may be occurring as academics come to understand, appreciate the need
for, and adopt a more collaborative and reciprocal approach to Indigenous tourism research that

Figure 1. Directions for Indigenous tourism research.

 12 M. WHITFORD AND L. RUHANEN

facilitates increased engagement and empowerment of Indigenous peoples and which provides
more opportunities to focus on the potential scope of Indigenous tourism (see Henry et al., 2002).
Put simply, to advocate and/or remain sustainable, “the critical trend ought to be Indigenous people’s
involvement in research and the primary consideration at all times should be how and what do
[Indigenous peoples] want from Indigenous tourism” (academic respondent).
Over the last 35 years, “a lot has been researched but moving from rhetoric to actionable results
and success stories is a major gap” (academic respondent). As such, it seems fair to suggest that
Indigenous tourism globally will continue on a development trajectory which will be influenced and
assisted by government, industry, academia, but most importantly and ultimately, should be driven
by Indigenous peoples because Indigenous tourism “should be guided by Indigenous peoples and
cultures, and those with a deep understanding of its many facets - not the academy” (academic
respondent). We suggest that in the complex, multi-sectoral setting of Indigenous tourism, to facili-
tate more success stories and to mitigate the risk of “reducing Indigenous peoples to simply another
consumer product that is quickly becoming exhaustible” (Cultural Survival Inc., 2015, p. 1), it is imper-
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ative that academic researchers gain a more comprehensive understanding of Indigenous tourism
from the perspective of Indigenous stakeholders because the complexity of Indigenous tourism
should ideally be approached in an iterative, adaptive and flexible style and affected stakeholders
need to be part of the research process, knowledge creation and outcomes. This is both an ethical
imperative and a pragmatic approach to ensure the outcomes of research facilitate the sustainability
of Indigenous tourism.

Acknowledgments
The authors wish to acknowledge the contributions of Megan Axelsen and Giang Phi who assisted in collating the cata-
logue of papers that form the basis of this paper. The authors also gratefully acknowledge the valuable contributions of
Professor Bernard Lane for his insightful and thorough editing of the article.

Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.

Notes on contributors
Dr Michelle Whitford is a senior lecturer and programme director of the Bachelor of international tourism and hotel man-
agement in the Department of Tourism, Sport and Hotel Management at Griffith University. Her research expertise
includes event policy and planning and Indigenous tourism. Dr Whitford’s research work includes co-coordinating proj-
ects in the area of Indigenous tourism and events; she has co-coordinated research projects for organisations including
the Sustainable Tourism Cooperative Research Centre, the Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Island Stud-
ies and numerous Australian Government agencies.

Dr Lisa Ruhanen is an associate professor and programme leader for tourism postgraduate courses in the UQ Business
School, The University of Queensland. She has been involved in over 30 academic and consultancy research projects in
Australia and overseas. Her research areas include Indigenous tourism, sustainable tourism destination policy and plan-
ning, and climate change. Lisa has worked extensively as a consultant, external collaborator and is an executive commit-
tee member in a variety of divisions of the United Nations World Tourism Organisation.

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