(Ebook PDF) Practices of Looking An Introduction To Visual Culture 3rd Editioninstant Download
(Ebook PDF) Practices of Looking An Introduction To Visual Culture 3rd Editioninstant Download
https://ebooksecure.com/product/ebook-pdf-practices-of-looking-
an-introduction-to-visual-culture-3rd-edition/
http://ebooksecure.com/product/ebook-pdf-media-culture-an-
introduction-to-mass-communication-12th-edition/
http://ebooksecure.com/product/media-culture-an-introduction-to-
mass-communication-11th-edition-ebook-pdf/
http://ebooksecure.com/product/ebook-pdf-microsoft-visual-c-an-
introduction-to-object-oriented-programming-7th-edition/
http://ebooksecure.com/product/ebook-pdf-an-introduction-to-
visual-communication-from-cave-art-to-second-life-2nd-edition/
(eBook PDF) Through the Lens of Anthropology: An
Introduction to Human Evolution and Culture, Second
Edition
http://ebooksecure.com/product/ebook-pdf-through-the-lens-of-
anthropology-an-introduction-to-human-evolution-and-culture-
second-edition/
http://ebooksecure.com/product/ebook-pdf-themes-in-roman-society-
and-culture-an-introduction-to-ancient-rome/
http://ebooksecure.com/product/ebook-pdf-an-introduction-to-
developmental-psychology-3rd/
http://ebooksecure.com/product/ebook-pdf-an-introduction-to-
political-philosophy-3rd-edition/
http://ebooksecure.com/product/ebook-pdf-an-introduction-to-
payroll-administration-3rd-edition-2/
•
•
THIRD EDITION
OXFORD
UNIVERSITY PRESS
chapter 7 Brand Culture: The Images
and Spaces of Consumption 257
Brands as Image, Symbol, and Icon 260
The Spaces of Modern Consumerism 265
Brand Ideologies 272
Commodity Fetishism and the Rise of the
Knowing Consumer 278
Social Awareness and the Selling of Humanitarianism 283
Social Media, Consumer Data, and the Changing
Spaces of Consumption 288
DIY Culture, the Share Economy,
and New Entrepreneurism 293
CONTENTS I VII
The World Image 39 1
Global Television 397
The Global Flow of Film 399
Social Movements. Indigenous Media, and Visua l Activism 402
The Global Museum and Contests of Culture 406
Refugees and Borders 4 15
glossary 425
credits 459
in~ 4~
VIII I CONTENTS
acknowledgments
I IX
Jawad Ali Art Institute of California, Hollywood
Brian Carroll Berry College
Ross F. Collins North Dakota State University
Jacob Groshek Erasmus University. Rotterdam
Danny Hoffman University of Washington
Whitney Huber Columbia College. Chicago
Russell L. Kahn SUNY Institute of Technology
William H. Lawson University of Maryland, College Park
Kent N. Lowry Texas Tech University
Julianne Newmark New Mexico Institute of Mining and Technology
Sheryl E. Reiss University of Southern California
Beth Rhodes Art Institute of California, Los Angeles
Shane Tilton Ohio University, Lancaster
Emily E. West University of Massachusetts Amherst
Richard Yates University of Minnesota
x I ACKNOWL EDCM EN TS
Introduction
ow do you look? This question is loaded with possible meanings. How you
look is, in one sense, how you appear. This is in part about how you con-
struct yourself for others to see, through practices of the self that involve grooming,
fashion, and social media. The selfie is a powerful symbol of this era in which not only
images but also imaging practices are used as primary modes of expression and com-
munication in everyday life. These days, you may be as li kely to make images as you
are to view them. How you look to others, and whether and where you appear, has to
do with your access to such things as cameras, personal electronic devices and tech-
nologies, and social media. It is also contingent upon your place within larger struc-
tures of authority and in conventions of belief. Technical literacy as well as nationality,
class, religion, age, gender, and sexual identity may impact your right to appear, as
well as your ability to make and use images and imaging technologies. Nobody is
free to look as they please, not in any context. We all perform within (and against)
the conventions of cultural frameworks that incl ude nation, religion, politics, family,
school, work, and health. These frameworks inform our taste and self-fashioning, and
they give rise to the conventions that shape how we look and where and how we
appear. How you look, even when deeply personal, is also always political.
We can see the poli tics of looking, erasure, and the conventions of looking in
this image. The Bahraini protesters pictured in Figu re I. I hold symbolic coffins with
photographs of victims of the government's crackdown on the opposition. Some of
the photographs appear to be selfies, others family photographs, and still others of-
ficial portraits, perhaps workplace photographs. The faces of women are left blank
out of respect for religious and cultura l prohibitions against represent ing women
in images. We might say that they are erased, but we may also note that they do
appear in the form of a generic graph ic that signifies them through the presence of
the hijab.
How you look can also refer to the practices in which you engage to view, un-
derstand, appreciate, and ma ke meaning of the world. To look, in this sense, is to
use your visual apparatus, which incl udes your eyes and hands, and also technolo-
gies like your glasses, your camera, your computer, and your phone, to engage the
world through sight and image. To loo k in this sense might be to glance, to peer,
to stare, to look up, or to look away. You may give little thought to what you see,
I1
FIG. I. I
or you may analyze it deeply. What you see is likely to appear
Bahraini protesters carry symbolic
coffins wit h pict ures o f victims differently to others. Whereas some may see the hijab graphic
of the government crackdown on in the Bahra ini protest photograph as a sign of women's erasure,
opposition protests in t he Shii te
others may see it as honoring women's presence as activists in
village of Barbar, May 4 , 2 012
this political context.
Practices of Looking is devoted to a critica l understanding
and interpretation of the codes, meanings, rights, and limits that make images and
looking practices matter in our encounters in the world. Visual theorist Nicholas
Mirzoeff tells us that the right to look is not simply about seeing. He emphasizes
that looki ng is an exchange that can establish solidarity or social dominance and
wh ich extends from the connection between self and other. Looki ng can be re-
stricted and controlled- it can be used to ma nipulate ideas and beliefs. but it can
also be used to affirm one's own subjectivity in the face of a political system that
controls and regulates looking. In all of these senses, looking is implicated in the
dynamics of power, though never in straightforward or simple ways. This book
aims to provide an understanding of the specificity of looking practices as social
practices and the place of images in systems of social power. We hope that readers
will use this book to approach making images and studying the ways in which the
visual is negotiated in art practice, in commun ication and information systems, in
journalism, in activism, and in making, doing, and living in nature and the built
2 I I N T RODUC T ION
environment. Practices of Looking supports the development of critical skills that
may inform your negotiation of life in a world where looking, images, and imaging
practices make a difference. Whether you are a maker of visual things and visual
tools, an interpreter and analyst of the visual world. or just someone who is curious
about the roles that looking plays in a world rife with screens. devices, images. and
displays, you engage with the visual. This book is designed to invite you to thi nk
in critical ways about how that engagement unfolds in a world that is increasingly
made. or constituted. th rough visual mediation. Looking is rega rded, throughout
th is book. as a set of practices informed by a range of social arenas beyond art and
media per se. We engage in practices of looking, as consumers and prod ucers, in
doma ins that ra nge from the highly personal to the professional and the public.
from advertisi ng, news media, television. movies. and video games to social med ia
and biogs. We negotiate the world through a multitude of ways of seeing. but
rarely do we stop and ask how we look.
We live in a world in which images proliferate in daily life. Consider pho-
tography. Whereas in the 1970s the home camera was taken out for something
special- those precious "Kodak moments" since the introduction of phone cam-
eras in 2000, taking photographs has become. for many, a da ily habit. Indeed. many
hundreds of billions of photographs are taken each year. Each minute. tens of thou-
sands are uploaded to lnstagra m. and over 200,000 are posted to Facebook. In one
hour. more images are shared than were produced in all of the nineteenth century.
Photographs may be personal, but they are also always potentially public.
Through art, news, and social media, photographs can be a crucial force in the
visual negotiation of politics. the struggle for social justice, and the creation of
celebrity. Increasingly, people are resisting oppression through the use of photo-
graphs and videos marshaled as a form of witnessing. commentary, and protest. as
we can see in the use of photographs on protest placards.
Consider paintings and drawi ngs. How is it different to see an origi nal work
in a museum from viewing it at home, in a print copy that hangs on you r wa ll. or
onli ne, in a digital reproduction on you r computer screen? How does it feel to be in
the presence of an original work you have long appreciated through reproductions
but never before seen in its origina l form? What does it mean to have your cultu re's
original works destroyed or looted in warfa re or as a political act of iconoclasm?
Meaning, whether in relationship to culture. politics, data. information, identity,
or emotion. is generated overwhelmingly through the circulation and exchange of
visual images and icons. The idea of the origina l still holds sway in an era of ram-
pant reproduction. Meaning is also generated through visuality, wh ich we perform
in the socially and historically shaped field of exchange in which we negotiate the
world through our senses.
That we live in a world in which seeing and visuality predominate is not a nat-
ural or random fact. Visuality defi nes not only the social conditions of the visible
but also the workings of power in modern societies. Thi nk about some of the ways
I NTRODUCTION I3
FIG. 1.2
Ken Gonzales-Day, Nightfall I,
from Searching/or California Hang
Trees, 2007- 12 (LightJet print on
aluminum, 36 x 46")
4 I IN T RODUC T ION
place, such as a windowless government building surrounded by walls and pro-
tected by gua rds and surveillance cameras. We might ask who has the right to see
and who does not, and who is given the opportunity to exercise that right- when,
and under what conditions.
Of course, having the physical capacity to see is not a given. But whether
you are sighted, bli nd, or visually impaired, your social world is li kely to be orga-
nized around an abu ndance of visual med ia and looking practices. Its navigation
may requ ire adaptive optical devices, such as glasses, or navigational methods that
substitute for sight, such as echolocation. The practices we use to navigate and
communicate in this heavily visually constituted world are increasingly importa nt
components of the ways in which we know, feel, and live as political and cultural
beings. We might say that our world is constituted, or made, through forms of visu-
ality, even as it is co-constituted th rough sound, touch, and smell along with sight.
Visual media are ra rely only visual; they are usually engaged through sound, em-
bedded with text, and integrated with the physical experience of objects we touch.
Practices of Looking draws together a range of theories about vision and visu-
ality form ulated by scholars in visual culture studies, art history, film and med ia
studies, communication, design, and a range of other fields. These theories help
us to rethink the history of the visual and better understand its role after the digital
tu rn. These writers, most of them working in or on the cusp of the era of digital
media and the Internet, have prod uced theories devoted to interpreting and ana-
lyzing visual culture.
Defining Culture
The study of visual culture derives ma ny of its primary theoretical approaches from
cultural studies, an interdisciplinary field that first emerged in the mid-I960s in
Great Britain. One of the aims of cultural studies, at its foundation, was to provide
viewers, citizens, and consumers with the tools to gain a better understanding of
how we are produced as social subjects through the cultural practices that make up
our lives, incl uding those involving everyday visual media such as television and
film. A shared premise of cultural studies' focus on everyday culture was that the
media do not sim ply reflect opinion, taste, reality, and so on; rather, the media are
among the forms through wh ich we are "made" as human subjects- as citizens,
as sexual beings, as political beings, and so on.
Culture was famously characterized by the British scholar Raymond Williams
as one of the most complex words in the English language. It is an elaborate con-
cept, the meanings and uses of which have changed over time among the many
critical theorists who have used it.' Culture, Williams proposed in 1958, is fu nda-
mentally ordinary.2 To understand why this statement was so important , we must
recall that prior to the 1960s, the term culture was used to describe the "fine" arts
I NTRODUCTION I 5
and learned cultures. A "cultured" person engaged in the contemplation of clas-
sic works of art. literature, music, and philosophy. In keeping with this view, the
nineteenth-century British poet and social critic Matthew Arnold defined culture as
the .. best which has been thought and said" in the world.l Culture, in Arnold's un-
derstandi ng, includes writing, art, and other forms of expression in instances that
conform to particular ideals of perfection. If one uses the term this way, a work by
Michelangelo or a composition by Mozart would represent the epitome of culture,
not because these are works of monetary value but because they would be believed
to embody a timeless ideal of aesthetic perfection that transcends class.
The apparent "perfection" of culture, according to the late twentieth-century
French sociological theory of Pierre Bourdieu, is in fact the product of trai ning in
what counts as (quality) cultu re. Taste for particular forms of culture is cultivated
in people through exposure to and education about aesthetics.4 Bourdieu's em-
phasis on culture as something acquired through training (enculturation) involved
making distinctions not only between works (masterworks and amateur paintings.
for example) but also between high and low forms (painting and television, for ex-
ample). As we explore in Chapter 2, "high versus low" was the traditional way of
framing discussions about aesthetic cultures through the first ha lf of the twentieth
century, with high cultu re widely regarded as quality culture and low culture as its
debased counterpart. This division has become obsolete with the complex circula-
tions of contemporary cultural flow.
Williams drew on anthropology to propose that we embrace a broader definition
of culture as a "whole way of life of a social group or whole society," meaning a broad
range of activities geared toward classifying and communicating symbolically within
a society. Popular music, print media, art, and literature are some of the classificatory
systems and symbolic means of expression through which humans organize their
lives. People make, view, and reuse these med ia in different ways and in different
places. The same can be said of sports, cooking, driving, relationships, and kinship.
Williams's broader, more anth ropological definition of culture leads us to notice ev-
eryday and pervasive activities. helping us to better understand mass and popular
forms of classification, expression, and communication as legitimate and meaningful
aspects of culture and not simply as debased or crude forms of expression.
Following from Williams, cultural studies scholars proposed that culture is not
so much a set of things (television shows or paintings, for example) as a set of pro-
cesses or practices through wh ich individuals and groups produce, consume, and
make sense of things, incl uding their own identities. Culture is produced through
complex networks of making. watching, talking, gesturing. looki ng, and acting-
networks th rough which meani ngs are negotiated among members of a society or
group. Objects such as images and media texts come into play in this network of
exchange as active agents. They draw us to look and to feel or speak in particular
ways. The British cultura l theorist Stuart Hall stated: "It is the participants in a cul-
tu re who give meaning to people, objects, and events . . . . It is by our use of things.
6 I I N T RODUC T I ON
and what we say, think and feel about them- how we represent them- that we
give them a meaning. "5 Following from Ha ll, we can say that just as we give mean-
ing to objects, so too do the objects we create, gaze on, and use for communication
or simply for pleasure give meaning to us. Thi ngs are active agents in the dynam ic
interaction of social networks.
Our use of the term culture throughout this book emphasizes this under-
standing of culture as a fl uid and interactive set of processes and practices. Cultu re
is complex and messy, and not a fixed set of ideals. tastes, practices, or aesthetics.
Meanings are prod uced not in the minds of individua ls so much as through a pro-
cess of negotiation among practices within a particular culture. Visual culture is
made between individua ls and the artifacts , images, technologies, and texts created
by themselves and others. Interpretations of the visual, which vie with one another,
shape a culture's worldview. But visual culture, we emphasize, is grounded in
multimodal and multisensory cultural practices, and not solely in images and visu-
ality. We study visual culture and visuali ty in order to grasp their place in broader,
multisensory networks of meaning and experience.
I NTRODU CTION I7
Berger wrote his book and since our first edition was published. At that time, the in-
formation space known then as "World Wide Web" was a fairly recent innovation,
and it was difficult to transm it image fi les online. Digita l reproduction was not very
advanced, and tra nsmission speed and vol ume were prohibitive. Technological and
cultural changes in place by 2008, when the second edition of Practices of Looking
was produced, had introduced new modes of image production and circulation.
The mix of styles in postmodernism and the increased mixing of different kinds of
images across social doma ins prompted us to further en hance the interdisciplinary
approach at the center of this book. At the same time, the restructuring of the
media industry through the rise of digita l media had blurred many of the bou ndar-
ies that had previously existed between forms of media. Media convergence had
changed the nature of the movies and transformed television and the experience
of the audience. In the first edition we proposed that an interdisciplinary approach
encompassing art, fi lm, media, and the experience of looking was merited because
these doma ins did not exist in isolation from one another. By the second edition,
those social doma ins were even more interconnected, and digital technology had
created increased connections between academic fields of study.
By this third edition, in 2017, cultura l meanings and image practices had un-
dergone significant further transformation. Most significant was the rise of social
media as a platform for visual culture. The Internet, screen culture, mobile phones,
and digital technology dominate modes of communication, political engagement,
and cultural production. Even classical and historical works are impacted as digital
technologies are increasingly incorporated in preservation and display strategies. This
edition has been updated to address changes in the contemporary visual culture la nd-
scape in a host of ways. Images and media now circulate more freq uently and more
quickly than ever before. This is reflected in the proliferation of prosumer and remix
cultures, the ubiquitous presence of smartphones with cameras, the popularity of
the selfie, the use of social media images to advance social movements as well as to
promote brand culture, and the increased intermixing of categories such as science,
education, leisure, and consumerism. Consider this example of science "edutain-
ment": a Lego model of an MRI machine. Created by Ian Moore, a technical support
consultant for Lego in the United Kingdom, the toy was designed to help hospital
personnel better explain the procedure to children at Royal Berkshire Hospital in
Reading. Design innovation, biomedical imaging, popular consumer culture, and
science education converge, and the story is circulated globally on social media, pro-
moting the Lego brand's social contributions across all of these categories of culture.
8 I I N T RODUC T I ON
FI G. 1. 3
designed so that it is com prehensible apart from the whole.
Lego MRI suite model built by Ian
Each accommodates different emphases and trajectories M oore for th e Royal Berkshire hos·
depending on the focus in a given area of interest or course pital in Reading, United Kingdom
INTRODUCTION I9
incorporation, taste, aesthetics, collecting, and display. Prior to the twenty-first cen-
tury, visual media was primarily something made in ind ustry stud ios and watched
by consumers on television sets and movie screens. Today, we experience most
forms of media on the screens of computers and mobile devices, and the consumer
is also a producer of images. In this chapter, we look in depth at the role of the con-
sumer who is also a maker and transmitter of visual images.
Chapter 3,"Modernity: Spectatorship, the Gaze, and Power," examines the
foundational aspects of modernity and theories of power and spectatorship. This
chapter explores the concepts of the modern subject and the gaze in both psycho-
analytic theory and theories of power and "the Other" with enhanced attention to
contemporary colonialism and postcolonial theory. We have incorporated in this
edition a discussion of modernity that emphasizes more pointedly the human sub-
ject's gaze relative to negotiations of politics and power globally and across catego-
ries of race, gender, and sexual ity. Our discussion of art practice add resses recent
works by queer and black women artists, and we have included popular med ia
examples such as the television show Homeland that help us to foreground public
and global contestation about visual mea nings and messages concerning Islam,
connecting these texts to nineteenth-century colonial painting, twentieth-century
journalism, and contemporary neocolonial themes in advertisi ng in order to demon-
strate the historical scope of European and America n colonial imaginings of Islam.
Chapter 4. "Realism and Perspective: From Renaissance Painting to Digital
Media," explores the history of rea lism in representation and maps out the his-
tory of technologies of seeing, emphasizi ng instru ments and tech niques used to
render perspective from the Renaissance to the present. In the third edition we
have updated our discussion of screen cultures and video games in particular, in-
troducing discussion about the confl icts over the politics of gender and sexuality
that have raged in the online gaming community.
Chapter 5, "Visual Technologies, Reproduction, and the Copy," considers the
history of reproduction practices and the status of the copy, as well as intellectual
property law, emphasizing art copyright and brand trademark. This chapter traces
reproduction from mechanical reprod uction to digita l reproduction and 30 mod-
eli ng. In th is edition we have expanded the discussion about computer screens
and perspective in relationship to the history of perspective in classical painting,
bringi ng it up to date with the vital expanding literature on computer game culture
and virtual worlds.
Chapter 6, "Media in Everyday Life," examines the history of mass media,
considering concepts ranging from media and everyday life. mass culture, and the
public sphere to media infrastructures, citizen journalism, and global med ia live-
ness. Since 2000, there has been much written about media convergence, a con-
cept that refers to the way computers have become the primary platforms for med ia
forms. The film and television industries now overlap with each other and with the
computer industry. Boundaries between independent and corporate media cultures
10 I I N T ROD UC T I ON
have become less distinct as access to platforms becomes more ubiqu itous and
social worlds are more readily visible online. In this edition we look at the strategies
used to introd uce margi nal voices across media industries and practices that are
increasingly digital and global in their orientation and scope. We also introduce a
discussion of social media as a source of news.
Chapter 7, "Brand Culture: The Images and Spaces of Consumption," focuses
on the integration of brand culture in the shifting terrain of social media marketing
and consumption. We explore the spaces of consumerism, from nineteenth-century
arcades to on li ne shopping, and note changes in marketing and consumer practices
ranging from the advent of print advertising to the rise of social media brand cul-
tu re and the integration of social cause awareness campaigns into marketing strat-
egies. In this edition we enhance our discussion of humanitarian cause marketing
alongside new discussions of such important phenomena as brand culture and the
share economy. When the first edition of this book was written, consumption and
advertising were targets of critique by cultural studies theorists. Since then, mar-
keting and retail have become sites of alternative practice as people with commit-
ments to environmental sustainabil ity, worker rights, local commerce, and green
business strategies have entered the fields of manufacture, retail, and marketing.
We have included discussion of th is important new direction in consumer and
brand cultures.
Chapter 8, "Postmodernism: Irony, Pa rody, and Pastiche," looks at the central
concepts of postmodern theory, the dominance of irony in popular cultu re, remix
culture, postmodern architecture and strategies of simulation, reflexivity, pastiche,
and parody. In this edition we have expanded our discussion of postmodern design
and architectu re as well as our account of simulation, a concept with enhanced
significance in a digital worl d in which representations (copies of the real) have
become less vital than the speculative models and prototypes on wh ich the real is
imagined and brought into existence.
In Chapter 9, "Scientific Looking, Looking at Science," we consider how the
visual and visuality have been deployed in science, and in medici ne and forensics
in particular. We have expanded our discussion of early representations of the body
in medicine to ground updated accounts of biomedical imaging and biometrics in
cultures of surveillance.
Chapter I0, "The Global Flow of Visual Cultu re," examines the global circu-
lation of all forms of media, concepts of globalization, diasporic and indigenous
media, and the globalization of the art world and the museum. As we approach
what might be called late postmodernity, this chapter considers theoretical engage-
ments in a postcritical tu rn that aims to address the economic downturn of 2008;
the rise of new global and regional social movements such as the Arab Spring,
Occupy, and Black Lives Matter; and the broadening recognition of anthropogen ic
environmental changes that have altered the face of the planet, global finance, and
the world context for art, architecture, television, fi lm, and media cultures.
I N TRODUCT ION I 11
We encourage you to use this book interactively with other texts and other
media in your everyday lives. Go out in the world to museums, political events,
and consumer environments and consider the ways that visuali ty comes into play.
Look at how looking practices are enacted around you. Make art and media in ways
that are informed by your appropriations of the methods and ideas in this book.
Take these ideas and try them out, even in your everyday life. When you go to
a clinic for health care, notice how and when looking and visual representation
come into play in your treatment. Notice how and when looking is sanctioned,
and when it becomes off limits to you. Watch/read the news with full attention to
how it is composed, framed, and edited. Watch others watching the news. Try to
discern not only what news is shown but also what is not shown. Observe who
took the pictures posted on news sites, and look at credits to see who owns the
rights to them. Studying visual culture is not only about seeing what is put on dis-
play. It is also about seeing how things are displayed and seeing what we are not
shown, what we do not see- either because we do not have sight ability, because
something is restricted from view, or because we do not have the means for under-
standing and coming to terms with what is right before our eyes. Consider what
is not visible. Use your camera to look at and document the looki ng practices in
wh ich others engage. Use these theories to consider the dynamics of the gaze and
the politics of gender and identity, power and authority in the images you take and
use, from the selfie to the bystander video to your own artwork. Culture matters,
and images matter, in every aspect of our lives. We invite you to see how visual cul-
tu re and visuali ty work in relation to your own negotiations of feel ings and beliefs,
as well as those of others, as we make meanings together in the world today.
Notes
t. Raymond Willia ms, Keywords: A Vocabulary ofCulture and Sociely, rev. ed . (New York: Oxford Univer·
sity Press, 1983), 87; see also Raymond Williams, Culture and Society (New York Doubleday, 1958).
2. Raymond Williams, "Culture Is Ordinary," in Resources of Hope (London: Verso, 11958) 1989), 3-18.
3. Matthew Arnold, Culture and Anarchy: An Essay in Political and Social Crilicism (Oxfo rd: Project
Gu tenberg, 1869), viii, 7, 15-16, 41, 58, 67, 105, 108-110; see also h ttp://www.gutenberg.org/cache/
ep ub/ 4212/ PW 12-i mages.html.
4. Pierre Bourd ie u, Dislinction: A Social Critique ofthejudgemenl of Tasle, trans. Richa rd Nice (Ca m·
bridge, MA: Harvard Un iversity Press: 1984).
5. Stuart Hall, "Intro duction," in Represenlalion: Cullural Represtnlalions and Signifying Practices, ed .
Stuart Hall (Thousand Oa ks, CA: Sage, 1997), 1- 11 .
12 I I N T RODUC T I ON
.. .
chapter one
.....f!F .,,,,.
'• •
'
l ~
,~
t' ,·, ,,
~
Images, Power,
and Politics
I 13
This image of women and children loo king dramatically draws our attention to
practices of looking. The photograph, which does not show us what the women
and children see, was taken in the early 1940s by Weegee, a self-taught photogra-
pher known for his documentation of urban street crime and everyday spectacle.
Weegee, whose real name was Ascher (Arthur) Fellig, tracked crimes reported to
the police, sometimes arriving on the scene before the authorities-hence his pen
name, a play on the occult board game "Ouija." In the twenty-fi rst century, we
are accustomed to seeing events broadcast live over news sites, Twitter, and other
social media. In the 1940s, fast-paced reporting was harder to ach ieve. In the next
photograph, we see Weegee composing a news story out of his car trun k, where
he has installed a mobile office with a typewriter and camera equ ipment. People on
the street could enjoy the spectacle of Weegee, the proto social-media journalist,
cutting corners on produ ction time to generate news stories and photographs as
quickly as possible in the predigital era of print media and photography.
.. A woman relative cried .. . but neighborhood dead-end kids enjoyed the show
when a small-time racketeer was shot and killed," states the caption for the photo-
graph The First Murder in the 1945 book Naked New York .' On the facing page of
that book is displayed a photograph presuma bly depicting what the children saw:
t he bullet-riddled body of a man in a suit sprawled face down
FIG . I. I
on a bloodstained sidewalk. It is the photograph of the women
Weegee (Arth ur Fellig), Tht First
Murdtr, 1941 (gelatin s ilver p rint) and children looking, however, and not the gruesome image of
the dead racketeer. that has become one of the most iconic of
ebooksecure.com