CHAPTER ONE

1.1 Background to the Study

Voter apathy has attracted the attention of several scholars over the years because of

its growing detrimental effect on the democracies of countries in the international system. The

direct effect voter apathy has upon democracy cannot be farfetched against the background

that voting itself is an essential part of the political process in a democracy. Voters’ apathy

denotes a lack of feeling of personal responsibility, a passivity and indifference for political

affairs. Subsequently, it denotes the absence of a feeling of obligation to participate. Thus,

voter apathy ensues when eligible electorates in a given country failed to vote in public

elections basically on purpose. On a more general note, it has been ruminated over by several

electoral institutions that voter apathy more than often stems from voters’ total

disappointment with either the political process, which encompass the electioneering process

or with the politicians. The unconcerned, uninvolved, apathetic feelings of most citizens in a

given country expressed during elections also be referred to voters’ apathy (Crew et al.,1992).

Nigeria as a democratising polity is grappling with myriads of socio- political

challenges which had over the years constrained efforts and process towards consolidating the

nation’s democracy and development. Notably, among these problems is the menace of

insecurity during elections. Today, election crisis constitutes one of the daunting challenges in

the country’s multi-party democracy. Hence, it manifests in dysfunctional election

management, logistic inadequacies, violence resulting in voters’ apathy. In a specific sense,

voter apathy represents an ugly trend in Nigeria’s electoral democracy. It is an unpleasant

1
situation which had in the recent years elicited serious concerns among scholars, electoral

practitioners and election observers with regards to its adverse effects on the country’s

fractured electoral system.

Unfortunately, the spate of bombings, kidnapping, massive fraud and harassment

associated with the electoral process in Nigeria not only tarnish the image of our democracy,

they also grossly affect voters‟ interest in politics. Voting, which is an important ingredient of

democracy, is thus seen as the business of party supporters and political thugs who are paid

peanuts to turn the whole process of election into a violence-packed political jamboree

suitable for only fiendish individuals with violent minds.

Thus, the level of insecurity during election period in Nigeria makes it best to describe

this period as warfare, incidences of intra-party and interparty conflicts and violence have led

to intimidation, abductions and assassinations of rivals and innocent victims, as well as

flagrant rigging of election results. Breaking the circle of violence before, during or after

elections has become elusive, imparting negatively on voter electoral participation in terms of

turnout. Various reasons have been adduced as being responsible for the endemic nature of

violence in the nation's political system Ake, (2011). For instance, during the 2019

presidential elections alone, more than eight hundred people (800) lost their lives and more

than sixty-five thousand (65,000) people internally displaced (HWR,2011).

Elections in democracies play the vital role of ensuring representation of popular will and,

subsequently helped to secure the legitimacy of the political system. It is worrisome,

therefore, that there is at the same time global evidence of voters’ apathy, the lack of

2
psychological involvement in public affairs, emotional detachment from civic obligations, and

abstention from political activity.

1.2 Statement of the Problem

Participating in political activities such as election is one of the dividends of

democracy for the masses. However, the attached difficulties and menace of insecurity which

manifest itself during election periods has made it seem as if political participation is not for

the citizens. The challenge of insecurity during election in Nigeria has become a re-occurring

menace that is threatening the long dream scenario of Free and fair election. Cases of threat,

kidnapping, cult clash, arson, fighting and many other societal ills had however marred the

nation’s electoral system, with the weak electorates bearing the loss.

The foregoing incidents have therefore led to voters’ apathy in the display of neglect

and fear in the minds of electorates, many of whom has resign staying away from activities

for the safety of their life, properties and community. If the status quo should however

remain, the countries electoral system will soon swindle into abyss and a massive brake down

of law and other is imminent as government may lack legitimacy, or in a long run there will

no longer be government. It is against this backdrop that this study examines the impact of

Insecurity and Voting Apathy in Nigeria's electoral system: A study of 2020 the 2023

presidential elections in Nigeria.

1.3 Objectives of the Study

The study specifically aims at evaluating how insecurity has led to voters’ apathy in

Nigeria's electoral system: A study of 2023 presidential elections.

3
Other objectives include:

1. historical overview of insecurity and voter apathy in Nigeria;

2. to examine the level of insecurity and voter apathy in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic;

3. to identify the causes of insecurity and voter apathy during the 2023 presidential

elections in Nigeria; and

4. to analyse the implications of insecurity and voter apathy during the 2023

presidential elections in Nigeria.

1.4 Research Questions

For the purpose of this study, the following research questions are to be answered.

1. What is the historical significance of insecurity and voter apathy in Nigeria?

2. How has the level of insecurity led to voter apathy in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic?

3. What are the causes of insecurity and voter apathy during the 2023 presidential

elections in Nigeria?

4. What are the implications of insecurity and voter apathy during the 2023 presidential

elections in Nigeria?

1.5 Research Hypotheses

HO1: There is no significant relationship between insecurity and voter apathy during

the 2023 presidential elections in Nigeria.

Ho2: There is no significant causes of insecurity and voter apathy in the 2023 presidential

elections in Nigeria.

4
1.6 Significance of the Study

The extent to which voter apathy have negatively affected the democratic cannot be

overemphasize following the country’s return to democracy in 1999 has brought into new

focus, questions about the factors hindering Nigerians’ ample participation in the

electioneering. This, therefore, makes the study both timely and significant. A detailed

analysis of this phenomenon will help contribute to the sparse knowledge in this area. The

research will equally be beneficial to NGOs, media houses, scholars and government agencies

on electoral related issues.

The findings of this study will also contribute to the sustainable development of

democracy in Nigeria. This research if given a wider consideration can help the Independent

National Electoral Commission (INEC) prepare for the forthcoming 2023 election.

1.7 Scope of the Study

The research focuses on this study specifically aim at evaluating how insecurity has

led to voters’ apathy, with the focus on the 2023 presidential elections in Nigeria. It further

dealt with the historical overview of insecurity and voter apathy in Nigeria; the level of

insecurity and voter apathy in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic; the causes of insecurity and voter

apathy during the 2023 presidential elections in Nigeria; and the implications of insecurity

and voter apathy during the 2023 presidential elections in Nigeria.

1.8 Organisation of the Study

This study has been divided into five (5) chapters. Chapter One is the introductory

aspect of it, consisting of the statement of problem, objectives of the study, significance of the

5
study, as well as the scope and limitations of the study. Chapter two deals with the literature

review, conceptual analysis, review of theoretical framework and empirical review. Chapter

three focuses on the research methodology to be adopted in the research while chapter four

will involve data presentation, interpretation, data analysis and discussion of findings.

Chapter five gives the summary, conclusion and recommendations based on the research

findings.

1.9 Operational Definition of Terms

Insecurity: The state of being insecure or unsafe; liability to give way, be lost, or become

unsafe or fraught with danger; want of secureness or stability; instability; liability to damage

or loss: as, the insecurity of a staircase or of a foundation. Lack of assurance or confidence,

especially in regard to one's safety, or the security or stability of something; apprehensiveness

of change, loss, or damage; doubt; uncertainty: as, a feeling of insecurity pervaded the

community.

Voting Apathy: For the purpose of this research, voting apathy is the deficiency of love and

devotion to a state manifested in refusal to participate in any political activity. It is the

indifference on the part of citizens of any state as regards their attitudes towards political

activities such as elections, public opinions, and civic responsibilities. Thus, voting apathy is

therefore absence of interest in, or concern about, socio-political life.

Electoral System: Method and rules of counting votes to determine the outcome of elections.

Winners may be determined by a plurality, a majority (more than 50% of the vote), an

extraordinary majority (a percentage of the vote greater than 50%), or unanimity.

6
Election: election is the process whereby an electorate chooses, by voting officers either to

act on its behalf or represent it in an assembly with a view to governing or administering. An

electorate refers to a class of citizens entitled (by a law course) to vote in an election, by

whatever procedure.

7
 CHAPTER TWO
LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

This chapter is divided into conceptual clarification, review of related literature,

theoretical and empirical framework

2.1 Conceptual Review

2.1.1 Concept of Insecurity

The concept of insecurity would be best understood by first presenting the concept of

security. In the view of Akin (2008) security refers to “the situation that exists as a result of

the establishment of measures for the protection of persons, information and property against

hostile persons, influences and actions”. It is the existence of conditions within which people

in a society can go about their normal daily activities without any threats to their lives or

properties. It embraces all measures designed to protect and safeguard the citizenry and the

resources of individuals, groups, businesses and the nation against sabotage or violent

occurrence (Ogunleye, et al, 2011).

As noted by Igbuzor (2011), it demands safety from chronic threats and protection

from harmful disruption. Security however, can be described as stability and continuity of

livelihood (stable and steady income), predictability of daily life (knowing what to expect),

protection from crime (feeling safe), and freedom from psychological harm (safety or

protection from emotional stress which results from the assurance or knowing that one is

wanted, accepted, loved and protected in one’s community or neighbourhood and by people

around. It focuses on emotional and psychological sense of belonging to a social group which

8
can offer one protection). This description structured the concept of security into four

dimensions.

Achumba (2013) views insecurity from two perspectives firstly, insecurity is the state

of being open or subject to danger or threat of danger, where danger is the condition of being

susceptible to harm or injury. Secondly insecurity is the state of being exposed to risk or

anxiety, where anxiety is a vague unpleasant emotion that is experienced in anticipation of

some misfortune. These definitions of insecurity underscore a major point that those affected

by insecurity are not only uncertain or unaware of what would happen but they are also

vulnerable to the threats and dangers when they occur.

2.2 Concept of Voters Apathy

There are various perceptions on the meaning of voter apathy Sylvia et al, (2013)

viewed the word Apathy as denoting a lack of feeling of personal responsibility, a passivity

and indifference for political affairs. Furthermore, it denotes the absence of a feeling of

personal obligation to participate. Agu et al. (2013) holds that, voter apathy is the indifference

on the part of electorates as regards their attitude towards electoral processes such as voting.

It is the absence of interest in, or concern about electoral process.

Voter’s apathy is “the lack of psychological involvement in public affairs, emotional

detachment from civic obligations and abstention from political activity” (INEC and FES,

201; p.15). It is part of the general decline in citizens’ involvement in political activities of a

particular country or nation (Fagunwa, 2015). Citizens of a country may be very active

politically in public opinion aggregation, policy formulation, civic engagement with

9
government and political leaders in the attendance and participation in political functions and

activities (summits, seminars, rallies, debates, town hall meetings etc.), and yet refused to turn

out to vote on the day of elections. This is why voters apathy can be measured in the context

of voter participation in the electoral process (voter turnout). The concepts of vote, election,

voter, voter turnout and democracy within the sub-field of voter’s apathy need comprehension

for synergy of analysis.

In a similar view, Ogunbiyi, (2015) maintains that, voter apathy occurs when eligible

voters do not vote in public elections brings about low voter turnout. Subsequently, Voter

apathy goes beyond just lack of interest or passivity of voters towards voting; it is the

insensitivity of voters to electoral processes, particularly voting caused by disenchantment

arising from dissatisfaction with the political system and sometimes ignorance and lack of

proper education. In a country supposedly run by elected officials, disenchanted and inactive

citizens can present a problem. This is because, when very few people vote at elections, the

elected persons do not necessarily represent the beliefs and values of the general population.

Fewer voters at the polls lessen the impact of the popular vote and strengthen the impact of

special interest groups.

2.2 Causes of Insecurity and Voters Apathy

Drawing copiously from existing literature on insecurity in Nigeria, the causes of

insecurity which have resulted to voter apathy within Nigeria is twofold: remote and

proximate causes. The remote factors include such causes as discussed below.

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 First, there is absence of institutional capacity resulting in government failure. The

foundations of institutional framework in Nigeria are very shaky and have provoked a

deterioration of state governance and democratic accountability, thus, paralysing the existing

formal and legitimate rules nested in the hierarchy of social order (Achumba, et al., 2013).

This view is collaborated by Igbuzor (2011) who sees the state of insecurity in Nigeria as a

function of government failure. This manifests in the incapacity of government to deliver

public goods to its citizens. This lack of basic necessities by the Nigerian people has created a

growing army of frustrated people who resort to violence at the slightest provocation or

opportunity. Although Nigeria has the resources to provide for the needs of its people, the

entrenched culture of corruption in public service has resulted in the dearth of basic

necessities, leading to what Hazen & Horner (2017) call a “Paradox of Plenty”. Because of

this situation, the crime rate shoots up and the security of lives and property are no longer

guaranteed.

Second, there exists inequality and absence of fairness and justice. The perception of

marginalisation by many Nigerians is informed by the ostentation showed by the political

class and elite vis-à-vis the grinding poverty to which citizens are subjected. Even security

has been bourgeoisie by the elite. As Egwu (2020) contends, the security of the Nigerian

nation-state has been reduced to that of the ruler and his immediate supporters, thus, the

security calculus of the Nigerian state has failed because it does not include vital aspects of

social and national development supported by the provision of basic social, economic or even

military conditions necessary for effective national security. This state of inequality,

11
unfairness and injustice has toughened the people, forcing them to take their destiny into their

hands.

Third, there is a challenge of ethno-religious conflicts. Ethno-religious conflicts have

been identified as a major source of insecurity in Nigeria (Ibrahim & Igbuzor, 2002; Hazen &

Horner, 2007; Salawu, 2010; Igbuzor, 2011). Ethno-religious conflicts exist when the social

relations between members of one ethnic or religious group and another of such group in a

multiethnic and multi-religious society is characterised by lack of cordiality, mutual suspicion

and fear, and a tendency towards violent confrontations to settle grievances. These conflicts

have also revolved around who gets what and how in the state especially as it concerns the

distribution of scarce resources, power, land, chieftaincy titles, local government councils,

control of markets and expansion of religious territories. These conflicts have resulted in

large-scale killings and violence among ethno-religious groups in the country (Adagba, et al,

(2019).

Fourth, there is a disconnect between the people and government. Over the years,

there has been a growing disconnect between the people and government Governments,

whether military or civilian, have not tried to bridge this chasm, thus creating

misunderstanding, mistrust and resentment. Consequently, because the people do not

understand government or have a perception that government does not care about their

welfare, they become easy prey to centrifugal forces who co-opt/incite them to vent their

anger on perceived enemies of the people and sometimes go to the extent of destroying

national totems.

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 Lastly, is the non-prosecution of perpetrators of electoral violence in Nigeria. The lack

of arrest and prosecution of perpetrators and sponsors of violence has encouraged many more

social deviants and their godfathers to throw caution to the wind to perpetrate evil in the land.

The Nigerian society has become a rigout of powerful fiefdoms controlled by feudal lords

who are almost as powerful as the state and maintain a rental economy within the larger

national economy.

2.3 Historical Overview of Security Challenges and Violence in Elections in Nigeria

Nigeria however, has had experiences and incidences of election-related violence

since Independence in 1960. From one election to another, overambitious politicians have

devised and instigated violence-related activities to create feelings of insecurity in the

electoral process in an attempt to acquire political power at whatever cost possible. These

phenomenal events have hampered the quest of achieving credible electoral process and the

consolidation of democracy in Nigeria. As noted by Adekanye (1989) and Ake (2001),

elections have become smeared with distrust, doubts, and threats of insecurity to lives and

property in Nigeria. Historically, the conduct of elections since 1964 has encountered several

forms of violence and controversies which borders on violations of the citizen’s rights.

Instead of election serving as a medium for the attainment of credibility in the voting process,

it has become a charade subjected to the manipulative will of political and electoral officials

which is capable of causing political instability and truncating Nigeria’s corporate existence.

Since 1999, Nigeria began another face of the democratisation process, attempting to

entrench and consolidate the basic precepts of democracy. However, after twenty (20) years of

13
practice (that is, from 1999 to 2019), the country is still at the threshold of democratic

consolidation, and the foundation for virile, democratic and ideological-based political parties

is yet to be laid. Genuine political participation derived from politically educated and

enlightened public and objectivity-driven civil society groups is still to be realised (Igiebor,

2022). Nigeria’s political elites are still in the process of transitioning from the autocratic

realm or influence of leadership to the reality of democratic or people-oriented form of

leadership where governance or government actions are streamlined towards the interest of

the people. However, it can be stated that Nigeria’s democratic experience has succeeded to

the extent that the country has experienced twenty (20) years of uninterrupted civil rule within

which the political elites have had numerous experiences required to develop. Among these

experiences, is the problem of insecurity and violence that has plagued the Nigerian political

and electoral process (Igiebor, 2022).

Since 1999, every election held has had its fair share of violence. The elections (1999,

2003, 2007, 2011, 2015 and 2019) were all marked with one type of violence or another,

either before, during or after. Election periods in Nigeria are usually full of apprehension and

fear. A Human Rights Watch report stated that widespread protests led to the death of over

eight hundred (800) people in the Presidential election of 2011 and over sixty- five thousand

(65,000) people were displaced internally in Borno, Zamfara, Katsina, Jigawa, Adamawa,

Gombe, Bauchi, Kano, Kaduna, Sokoto, Niger and Yobe states (Human Rights Watch (HRW),

2011; Bekoe, 2011; Adesote, & Abimbola, 2014; Udu 2015; Oladele, Anthony, Olaniyi,

Sunday & Ojo, 2019; Centre for Democracy and Development (CDD), 2019).

14
 Though, democratic processes the world over do witness one form of electoral

violence or the other, the established democracies have put up mechanisms that have reduced

violence in their electoral process to a minimal level. In Africa, particularly Nigeria, the

political elites and governments (ruling/opposition) are either busy scheming to retain power

or to wrest it from the incumbent. The government and other relevant stakeholders have not

done enough to confront head-on the problems of electoral violence with a view not only to

prevent future occurrences but also to punish offenders so as to serve as a deterrent to others

(Damania, Fredriksson, & Muthukumara, 2004; Sadiq, 2006; Forest, 2012). Thus, electoral

violence has become a norm rather than otherwise. The perpetrators are punished while the

victims are allowed to suffer. Electoral violence violates the rights of the voter and is thus, a

crime that should not be tolerated, in the quest for democratic consolidation.

The idea of a democratic system of governance connotes equality and rights of

opportunity for the citizenry. It guarantees the recognition of acceptable governance popular

sovereignty, effective representation, the rights of a minority, consensus consultation, the right

to select among alternative programmes as well as periodic elections (Oke, 2005, 2010). It

gives room for participation in the political decision-making process, refutes uncertainty, and

autocracy and protects individual personality and values (Ake, 1991, 1996). It also

emphasises open competition, accountability, transparency and freedom to organize, protest,

and guarantee civil rights and welfare (Cheema & Maguire, 2004; Sharma, 2007). Therefore,

it is incumbent on the government of Nigeria at all levels to create an environment that is free

15
from anxiety and fear so that eligible voters can participate actively, freely and confidently in

the electoral process to elect leaders of their choice.

2.4 Manifestation of Insecurity and Violence in Towards 2023 Elections in Nigeria

Violence has been conceptualised as the illegitimate or unauthorised use of force to

effect decisions against the will or desires of others (Kolawole, 2019; Hoglund, 2018;).

Violence can be categorized into three-fold: physical, structural and psychological. Physical

violence has to do with somatic injury inflicted on human beings such as the killing of an

individual. Structural violence is connected to social injustice while psychological violence is

concerned with injury or harm done to the human psyche which includes indoctrination of

various kinds and threats.

Alanamu categorized violence into direct and indirect violence. Direct violence refers to acts

of deliberate attack on a person's physical or psychological integrity. This includes all forms

of homicide such as genocide, war crime, massacres, murders, and terrorism as well as all

forms of brutal actions including, kidnapping, torture, rape and cruel treatment. Indirect

violence covers harmful and occasionally deadly situations or actions which, due to human

intervention, do not necessarily involve a direct relationship between the victims and the

institution (Alanamu, 2015).

Fischer (2012) has explained electoral violence as all forms of systematized acts or

threats physical, psychological, and structural, directed at intimidating, harming and

blackmailing a political stakeholder before, during and after an election to decide, delay, or

otherwise influencing an electoral process. Electoral violence can be viewed as the intended

16
use of physical force or power, threatened or actual, against oneself, another person, or

against a group or community that either results in or has a high likelihood of resulting in

injury, death psychological harm, mal-development or deprivation (WHO, 2012). These

definitions capture all forms, dimensions and categories of violent acts, especially electoral

violence. From the foregoing, electoral violence can therefore be seen as any act, directly or

indirectly, overtly or covertly directed at persons' connected with the electoral process, with

the aim of undermining the process. The objective of the perpetrators of electoral violence is

to unduly influence the electoral process and its outcome to gain advantage over other rivals

or opponents.

Political violence during elections has been a phenomenon occurrence in Nigeria’s democratic

environment. Violence associated with elections has continued to rise dangerously with new

dimensions introduced and old ones modified (Usman, 2020). Since the return to democratic

rule in 1999, Nigeria's electoral process has been encumbered with fraudulent and violent

practices. According to Human Rights Watch: Political violence has become a central part of

political competition across much of Nigeria and it takes many forms from assassinations to

armed clashes between gangs employed by rival politicians. This violence is most often

carried out by gangs whose members are openly recruited and paid by politicians and party

leaders to attack their sponsors' rivals, intimidate members of the public, rig elections, and

protect their patrons from similar attacks (HRW, 2007).

17
2.5 Impact of Insecurity on voters in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic

In Nigeria, the cost of voting in an election may include the risk of being killed in

coming out to vote through sporadic shooting by military personnel, political thugs, militants

or bomb targets and general insecurity on election day (Ebenezer, 2017). The perception of

corruption, lack of accountability and lack of impact of a political dispensation on the lives of

the citizenry in the areas of infrastructural development, citizens’ empowerment and

sustainable development as benefits of voting in an election, triggers voting apathy.

Electoral violence might occur at different stages of the electoral process. It may adopt

the form of thuggery, forceful disruption of political assemblies or voting at polling booths, or

the employment of dangerous weapons to intimidate voters, electoral officials and security

agents, or to inflict injury on anyone connected with the electoral process. During registration,

both the ruling and opposition party may attempt to hijack the voter registration exercise to

enable falsification or double registration as pre-rigging mechanism. During party primaries,

violence might erupt either as a result of imposition of candidate or manipulation of election

primaries to subvert the choices of party members by party leaders or 'Godfathers'. During

campaigns, a rival party may attempt to disrupt the opponent's campaigns by using violent

means. On Election Day, threats and violence are usually employed at the polling stations

either as tactics to influence participation in the voting or to steal ballot boxes. After

completion of the voting process, election outcome might trigger violence in protest of the

authenticity of declared results (Omobowale & Olutayo, 2007; Aniekwe & Kushie, 2011).

18
 Electoral violence can also be categorized into remote and immediate causes. The

remote causes may include low level of internal party democracy, culture of impunity,

economic vulnerabilities, primordial loyalties, weak state capacity to provide security and law

enforcement, erosion of trust in the electoral justice system as well as low level of political

education. The immediate authority, neutrality or partisanship of election management

authority, lack of confidence in the Electoral Commission, lack of independence of the

Electoral Commission, and the perception that an election was rigged may play a major role

in instigating electoral violence. Doubts over the authenticity of declared results can lead to

frustration among politicians and party stalwarts', which can metamorphose into violence.

(Adewale, 2015). The non-adherence to the rule of the game for competitive democratic

elections has been the major factor for electoral violence, through inflammatory remarks,

actions and other unorthodox democratic practices (Harwood and Campbell 2010; Ofili 2011;

William, 2011). Instead of electioneering campaigns and election results to solve political

and. democratic problems, they have exacerbated the existing problems without solving old

ones. Jega captured this scenario during the 2003 elections in Nigeria thus: Elections in

Nigeria have historically been conflict ridden. The campaigns preceding elections are

invariably marked by pettiness, intolerance, and violence. There are several reported

incidences of intra-party, as well as, inter-party, violence, conflicts, including abductions and

assassinations. Elections and their outcome have often been neither free nor fair, characterised

by violations of the process (both inadvertent and willful), corrupt conduct by officials,

rigging of results and so on (Jega, 2007).

19
2.6 The Voter Apathy in 2023 Presidential Election in Nigeria

Voters’ apathy signifies a general decline in citizens’ involvement in the political

activities of a particular country. Simply put, it is a decline in voters’ participation in

elections. Since 2011, the turnout for elections has been declining. Thus, in 2011, there were

73 million (73,528,040) registered voters. That year, turnout for the presidential polls stood at

53.68 per cent, with 39 million votes cast. In 2015 it fell to 47.09 per cent, with 31 million

votes. Then to 35.66 per cent, with 29 million voters in 2019, an ICIR analysis showed. The

election in 2019 had 84 million (84,004,084) registered voters and 82 million (82,344,107)

PVCs collected; in 2015, it was 68 million (68,833,476) and 67 million (67,422,005) PVCs

collected (John, 2023).

The 2023 presidential race was among 18 candidates, but considered between four

leading contenders; Bola Ahmed Tinubu, candidate of the All Progressive Congress, Atiku

Abubakar, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) candidate, Rabiu Kwankwaso, the New

Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP) candidate and Peter Obi, the Labour Party candidate. The

election for its dynamics drew the attention of many — Nigerians within the country,

Nigerians in the diaspora, and spectators. However, as popular as the election was among

Nigerians, the turnout was low. There was an increased registration, but decreased votes. The

turnout of voters for the 2023 presidential election is a new record in Nigeria’s long history of

political apathy, with 93 million registered voters – the highest in any election – and 87

million collected PVCs. The 2023 presidential election is the 10th and has the lowest voter

turnout rate in the last four election cycles. In essence, more than 93 million Nigerians

20
registered to vote, but only 25 million voted. This is to say, only 2.7 in every ten registered

voters determined the out of the election. With a 29 per cent turnout rate, the 2023 election

might also be the lowest turnout of voters in Africa (International Institute for Democracy and

Electoral Assistance (I-IDEA), 2023 as cited in Yusuf, 2023).

Turnout for the 2023 presidential election varied across geopolitical zones. Using the

number of PVCs collected in each geopolitical zones, The International Centre for

Investigative Reporting (ICIR) analysis showed that turnout in the southeast was lowest and

highest in the north-central. The turnout in the Southeast was 22.30 per cent out of 10.4m

PVC collected. In the South-south, turnout was 23.28 per cent out of 13 million PVCs

collected (John, 2023). Voters in the Southwest comprised only 28.71 per cent of the 15

million PVCs collected. The Northeast had a 30.39 per cent turnout out of 11.9 million PVCs

collected. The Northwest turnout was 32.61 per cent out of 21.4 million PVCs collected. And

in the Northcentral, turnout was 32.83 per cent of 14.6 million PVCs collected. The registered

voters in the southeast were 14.4 million; the South-South had 10.9m registered voters; the

Southwest had 17.9 million registered voters. The Northeast had 12.5 million registered

voters, the Northwest had 22.3 million, and the Northcentral had 15.3 million (I-IDEA, 2023

as cited in Yusuf, 2023) .

It was reported that the total votes that secured Ahmed Tinubu’s victory as the

president-elect is the lowest majority ever recorded. The president elected in 2011, Goodluck

Jonathan had 22 million majority votes; the APC candidate that emerged in 2015, ending the

21
PDP winning streak, got 15 million votes and retained his office in 2019 with another 15

million votes. The majority vote in the 2023 election is 8 million (John, 2023).

Table 2.1: Election Year and Voters Turnout in Nigeria 1999-2023

Year Voter Registration Voter Turnout
1999 Presidential Election 57,280,052 52.26%
2003 Presidential Election 60, 823, 022 69.08%
2007 Presidential and 61, 567,036 57.49%
National Assembly Election
2011 Presidential Election 73, 528, 040 53.68%
2015 Presidential and 67,422,005 43.65%
National Assembly Election.
2019 Presidential and 84,004,085 35.66%
National Assembly Election
2023 Presidential and 93, 469,008 26.72%
National Assembly Election
Sources: John (2023); I-IDEA (2023 as cited in Yusuf, 2023); Hoffmann (2023)

2.7 Theoretical Framework

The study adopted class conflict theory by Karl Marx to navigate its discussion. In his

attempt to explain society and its relationships, Marx focused on the conflict between the

proletariat and the bourgeoisie, or the workers and the owners of the means of production.

The theory, which first concentrated on the conflict between classes, has since been modified

to analyse different types of conflicts based on deprivation, oppression, exploitation, ethnicity,

sexual orientation, gender, and nationality (Chidozie, 2017). The character of the state's

security will depend on the rulers' capacity to control the ongoing conflict (Adebambo et al.,

2016). This explains why different political actors engaged in a violent struggle for control

during the electoral process.

22
 The theory has come under fire for being 'over-attentive to economic interactions,

which

Marx regarded to be the most critical of all relationships in the society,' despite the fact that it

is still relevant. In other words, Marxists frequently overlook the interaction of non-economic

elements in causing disputes, despite the fact that Marx focused on economic dynamics as the

root of class conflict. Marxists overlook class struggle as a defect that arises from egotism and

the pursuit of individual self-interest and/or power, as in the case of political elites during the

Nigerian election process.

Despite the criticism, the theory is useful for explaining how political parties and

ethnic groups have shaped conflict during the electoral process. Political parties and ethnic

groupings in Nigeria have a reputation for following through on their threats and pledges.

Even though it is frequently violent, it develops a reputation for reliability even when efforts

by the government and state machinery to maintain national security are jeopardised.

23
 CHAPTER THREE
RESEARCH METHOD AND PROCEDURE
This chapter is based on research method and procedure adopted in carrying out the

study. The following are the sub- headings: Research design, Research area, Population of the

study, Sample and sampling techniques, Instrument for data collection, Validity of the

instrument, Reliability of the instrument, Method of data collection, and Method of data

analysis.

3.1 Research Design

This study adopted a descriptive survey research design. A descriptive survey design is

one in which a group of people, a body or an agency is studied by collecting and analyzing

data considered to be representatives of the whole. It has been considered that a finding

without valid or reliable information cannot be accepted so therefore, the intended

investigation to be carried out will be done through the use of the questionnaire.

3.2 Population of the Study

The population of this study is registered voters in Lagos State, from which the study

sample of 200 persons was selected. the registered voters in Lagos State according to the

INEC official voters register is 7,075,192.

3.3 Sample Size and Sampling Techniques

The sample is done in such a way that two hundred (200) questionnaires will be

distributed to residents of Alimosho Local Government Area of Lagos State. A random

sampling technique was adopted for selecting without bias from the population of the study.

24
3.4 Instrument for Data Collection

A questionnaire was used to collect the data. The questionnaire was divided into (2)

two sections. Section A is for the demographic data of the respondent while Section B was

designed to collect and collate the obtained data on subject matter. For proper data collation

and analysis, the research data collation process was designed in the form of items to which

respondents are to express their views either to agree or disagree. Thus, options are given as

agreed (A), disagreed (D), Strongly Agreed (SA), Strongly Disagreed (SD).

3.5 Validity of Research Instrument

Validity means the degree of accuracy with which an instrument measures what it

purports to measure. To test the validity of this research instrument, a Table of specifications

otherwise called a blueprint was made to ensure that items that will test for the hypotheses

were adequately included. Also, a draft copy of the instrument was given to an expert research

supervisor who vetted and made the necessary corrections and comments in the structure of

the items before they were administered.

3.6 Reliability of Research Instrument

This refers to the consistency with which an instrument measures of what it claims to

measure. To ensure the reliability of this research instrument, split-half reliability was used.

3.7 Methods of Data Analysis

After the collection and collation of the research instrument which is a questionnaire,

the analysis was done through the use of frequency Tables and simple percentages, the

hypothesis will be tested with the use of chi-square.

25
 CHAPTER FOUR

DATA PRESENTATION, ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS

In this chapter, data collected through questionnaires for the research are presented

and analysed. A total number of 200 questionnaires were prepared and administered to the

selected residents of the Alimosho Local government, area in Lagos State. These data were

analysed based on statistical instruments listed in Chapter three. The analysis and presentation

were shown in a tabular form, headed by options, number of respondents and percentage after

which discussion will follow. Each table represented is analyzed below.

4.1 Data Presentation

Table 4.1.1: Distribution by Age

Age Range Frequency Percentage (%)

21-30 51 25.5%

31-40 67 33.5%

41-50 58 29%

51-60 24 12%

61 and above - -

Total 200 200%

Source: Field Survey, 2023

From Table 4.1.1, 51 respondents representing 21.5% out of 200 respondents falls into the age

bracket 21-30years, 67 respondents representing 33.5% are between age 31-40, 58

26
respondents equating 29% are between age 41-50, and 24 respondents equating 12% are

between age 51-60, while no respondents fall within the age 61 and above.

Table 4.1.2: Distribution by Gender

Gender Frequency Percentage (%)
Male 113 56.5%
Female 87 43.5%
Total 200 100%
Source: Field Survey, 2023

From Table 4.1.2, 113 of the respondents representing 56.5% male, and 87 respondents

representing 43.5% are female, this shows that the research sample of males is higher than

that of females.

Table 4.1.3: Distribution by Marital Status

Marital Status Frequency Percentage (%)
Single 42 21%
Married 158 79%
Divorced - -
Total 200 100%
Source: Field Survey, 2023

From the above Table 4.1.3, 42 of the respondents representing 21% out of the 200

respondents are single, while 158 respondents representing 79% are married, and no

respondents is in the divorced category. This implies that the research sample more married

people.

Table 4.1.4: Distribution by Occupation

27
Occupation Frequency Percentage (%)
Civil Servants 93 46.5%
Traders 57 28.5%
Students 18 9%
Farmer 32 16%
Total 200 100%
Source: Field Survey, 2023
From the above Table 4.1.4, 93 out of the 200 respondents representing 46% are civil
servants, 57 respondents representing 28.5% are in Traders, 18 respondents representing 9%
are students, while 32 respondents representing 16% are famers. This shows that the research
sampled more civil servants.
Table 4.1.5: Distribution by Residency
Residency Frequency Percentage (%)

5-10 years 21 10.5%

11- 15 years 112 56%

20-25 years 34 17%

25-30 years 18 9%

30 years and above 15 7.5%

Total 200 200%

Source: Field Survey, 2023

From the above Table 5, 21 out of the 200 respondents representing 10.5% had lived

in Idanre from 5-10 years, 112 respondents representing 56% are have lived in between 11- 15

years, 34 respondents representing 17% have lived in between 20-25 years,18 respondents

representing 9% have lived in between 25-30 years, while 15 of the respondents representing

28
7.5% have lived in 30 years and above. This shows that the research sampled residents who

just moved into the areas.

29
4.2 Analyses of Research Questions
RQ1: What is the historical significance of insecurity and voter apathy in Nigeria?
Table 4.2.1: Response on the Historical Significance of Insecurity and Voter Apathy in Nigeria
S/N Items SA A D SD TOTAL
(%)
1 The history of insecurity and voter apathy in the 58 132 6 4 100%
First Republic was very significant. 29% 66% 3% 2%
2 Level of Insecurity and voter apathy were high in 90 80 20 10 100%
the Nigeria’s First Republic. 45% 40% 10% 5%
3 Incidents of insecurity led to voter apathy in the 118 42 14 26 100%
Second Republic in Nigeria. 59% 21% 7% 13%
4 The high level of violence and insecurity terms of 42 80 20 58 100%
destruction of election campaign bill boards 21% 40% 10% 29%
shows led to voter apathy in the Nigeria’s Second
Republic.
5 The loss of lives and property during campaigns 84 76 20 20 100%
further heightened the level of voters’ apathy in 42% 38% 10% 10%
Nigeria’s Second Republic.
Source: Field Survey, 2023

Table 4.2.1 shows that 95% of the respondents agreed that the history of insecurity and voter

apathy in the First Republic was very significant., while 5% disagreed. 85% agreed that Level

of Insecurity and voter apathy were high in the Nigeria’s First Republic, while 15% disagreed.

80% agreed that incidents of insecurity led to voter apathy in the Second Republic in Nigeria,

while 20% disagreed. Also, 61% of the respondents agreed that the high level of violence and

insecurity terms of destruction of election campaign bill boards shows led to voter apathy in

the Nigeria’s Second Republic while 39% disagreed. It was also revealed that 80% agreed that

the loss of lives and property during campaigns further heightened the level of voters apathy

in Nigeria’s Second Republic, while 20% disagreed.

30
RQ2: How has the level of insecurity led to voter apathy in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic?
Table 4.2.2: Responses on the Level of Insecurity and Voter Apathy in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic
S/N Items SA A D SD TOTAL
6 The failure to follow the stipulated guidelines in 120 36 10 4 100%
the Electoral Acts suggests insecurity and has led 60% 18% 5% 2%
to voter apathy in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic.
7 The level of threat and victimisation during 90 26 30 54 100%
electioneering period is a manifestation of 45% 13% 15% 27%
insecurity and led to voter apathy in Nigeria’s
Fourth Republic.
8 The level of clashes and fights among political 60 50 42 48 100%
party during campaign suggests insecurity and 30% 25% 21% 24%
has led to voter apathy in Nigeria’s Fourth
Republic.
9 The level of disruption of the electoral processes 28 78 40 54 100%
is a manifestation of insecurity and has led to 14% 39% 20% 27%
voter apathy in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic.
10 The assassination of political opponents is a 74 68 28 30 100%
manifestation of insecurity and has led to voter 37% 34% 14% 15%
apathy in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic.
Source: Field Survey, 2023.

In table 4.2.2, 78% of the respondent agreed that the failure to follow the stipulated guidelines

in the Electoral Acts suggests insecurity and has led to voter apathy in Nigeria’s Fourth

Republic, while 22% disagreed. 58% believed that the level of threat and victimisation during

electioneering period is a manifestation of insecurity and led to voter apathy in Nigeria’s

Fourth Republic, while 42% disagreed. 55% agreed that the level of clashes and fights among

political party during campaign suggests insecurity and has led to voter apathy in Nigeria’s

Fourth Republic, while 45% disagreed. Also, 53% of the respondents agreed that the level of

disruption of the electoral processes is a manifestation of insecurity and has led to voter

31
apathy in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic, while 47% disagreed. Lastly, 71% agreed that The

assassination of political opponents is a manifestation of insecurity and has led to voter

apathy in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic, while 29% disagreed.

RQ3: What are the causes of insecurity and voter apathy during the 2023 presidential
elections in Nigeria?
Table 4.2.3: Responses on the Causes of Insecurity and Voter Apathy During the 2023
Presidential Election in Nigeria
S/N Items SA A D SD TOTAL
11 What are the causes of insecurity and voter 48 88 40 24 100%
24% 44% 20% 12%
apathy during the 2023 presidential
elections in Nigeria?
The presence of the large number of security
agencies discouraged many from participating
in the 2023 presidential elections in Nigeria.
12 The general state of insecurity prevented many 68 80 30 22 100
from voting during the 2023 presidential 34% 40% 15% 11%
elections in Nigeria.
13 Kidnapping and ransom taking discouraged 93 40 48 19 100
many from participating in the 2023 47% 20% 24% 9%
presidential elections in Nigeria.
14 Insurgency and terrorism discouraged many 28 78 40 54 100
from participating in the 2023 presidential 14% 39% 20% 27%
elections in Nigeria.
15 The constant maiming and killing of political 44 68 58 30 100%
opponents prevented many from voting during 22% 34% 29% 15%
the 2023 presidential elections in Nigeria.
Source: Field Survey, 2023

Table 4.2.3 revealed that 68% of the respondents agreed that the presence of the large number

of security agencies discouraged many from participating in the 2023 presidential elections in

Nigeria, while 32% disagreed. 74% believed that the general state of insecurity prevented

many from voting during the 2023 presidential elections in Nigeria, while 26% disagreed.

32
67% agreed that kidnapping and ransom taking discouraged many from participating in the

2023 presidential elections in Nigeria., while 33% agreed. Also, 53% of the respondents

agreed that insurgency and terrorism discouraged many from participating in the 2023

presidential elections in Nigeria, while 47% disagreed. 56% of the respondents agreed that the

constant maiming and killing of political opponents prevented many from voting during the

2023 presidential elections in Nigeria, while 44% disagreed.

RQ4: What are the implications of insecurity and voter apathy during the 2023
presidential election in Nigeria?
Table 4.2.4: Responses on the Implications of Insecurity and Voter Apathy during the 2023
Presidential Election in Nigeria
S/N Items SA A D SD TOTAL
11 What are the implications of insecurity and 88 78 10 24 100%
44% 39% 5% 12%
voter apathy during the 2023 presidential
election in Nigeria?
Low turnout of voters.
12 Emergence of unpopular government. 68 80 30 22 100
34% 40% 15% 11%
13 A vote of no confidence in the political 110 30 40 20 100
representatives. 55% 15% 20% 10%

14 Bad governance. 28 78 40 54 100

14% 39% 20% 27%
15 Lack accountability and transparency. 58 54 58 30 100%
29% 27% 29% 15%

Source: Field Survey, 2023

Table above revealed that 83% of the respondents agreed that low turnout of voters is a major

implication of insecurity and voter apathy during the 2023 Presidential Election in Nigeria,

while 17% disagreed. 74% believed that the emergence of unpopular government is an

33
implication of insecurity and voter apathy during the 2023 Presidential Election in Nigeria,

while 26% disagreed. 70% agreed that a vote of no confidence in the political representatives,

is a major implication of insecurity and voter apathy during the 2023 Presidential Election in

Nigeria, while 30% agreed. Also, 53% of the respondents agreed that bad governance is a

major implication of insecurity and voter apathy during the 2023 Presidential Election in

Nigeria, while 47% disagreed. 56% of the respondents agreed that lack accountability and

transparency is a major implication of insecurity and voter apathy during the 2023

Presidential Election in Nigeria, while 44% disagreed.

4.3 Testing of Hypotheses

Research Hypothesis 1:

Ho1: There is no significant relationship between insecurity and voter apathy during

the 2023 presidential elections in Nigeria.

Using Gender: Relationship between insecurity and voter apathy during the 2023

presidential elections in Nigeria.

Table 4.3.1: The Chi Square Contigency Table Showing the Relationship between Insecurity and
Voter Apathy during the 2023 Presidential Election in Nigeria
Gender SA A UD D SD Total
Male 66 24 5 8 10 113
Female 41 15 12 9 10 87
Total 107 39 17 17 20 200
Field Survey, 2023
To get expected Frequency
e = CT x RT
GT
Degree of freedom (DF) = (R-1) (C-1)

34
 = (2-1) (5-1)

= (1) 4=4

0.05 significant level = 0.096

X2 tab = 4.488

X2 cal = 1.336

Table 4.3.1(B): The Chi Square Decision Table Showing the Relationship between Insecurity
and Voter Apathy during the 2023 Presidential Election in Nigeria
Gender Frequency X2c X2t D.F P Decision

Male 113 Rejection of

1.336 0.096 4 0.05 Ho
Female 87

Field Survey, 2023

Decision Criteria:

If X2 calculated> X2 tabulated, Reject Ho and accept Hi

If X2 tabulated >X2 calculated, Reject Hi and accept Ho

Decision Rule

The above result depicts that Chi-square (X 2) calculated is 1.336 which is greater than

chi-square (Xt2) 0.096, with the decision rule, the Ho (null hypotheses) which state that there

is no significant relationship between insecurity and voter apathy during the 2023 presidential

elections in Nigeria is rejected and the Hi (alternative hypotheses) is hereby accepted.

Therefore, it means that the insecurity has led to voter apathy during the 2023 presidential

elections in Nigeria. .

Hypotheses 2
35
Ho2: There is no significant causes of insecurity and voter apathy in the 2023 presidential

elections in Nigeria.

Using Marital Status: Relationship between the causes of insecurity and voter apathy during

the 2023 presidential elections in Nigeria.

Table 4.3.2: The Chi Square Contingency Table Showing the Relationship between the causes
of Insecurity and Voter Apathy during the 2023 Presidential Election in Nigeria
Marital SA A UD D SD Total
Status
Single 18 12 5 5 2 42

Married 53 60 26 11 8 158
Divorced - - - - - -
Total 71 72 31 16 10 200
Field Survey, 2023

To get expected Frequency

E=CT x RT

GT

DF= (R–1) (C–1)

(3–1) (4–1)

2x3 =6

Level of Significance =0.05

Since Degree of Freedom is 6 and the level of significance is 0.05,

X2Tabulated=12.31

X2 tab = 4.488

X2 cal = 0.3712

36
Table 4.3.2(B): The Chi Square Decision Table Showing the Relationship between the Causes of
Insecurity and Voter Apathy during the 2023 Presidential Election in Nigeria
Variable Frequency X2c X2t D.F P Decision

Single 42 Rejection of
0.3712 0.096 4 0.05 Ho
Married 158

Field Survey, 2023

Decision Criteria:
If X2 calculated> X2 tabulated, Reject Ho and accept Hi

If X2 tabulated >X2 calculated, Reject Hi and accept Ho

Decision Rule

The above result depicts that Chi-square (X 2) calculated is 0.3712 which is greater

than Chi-square (Xt2) 0.096, with the decision rule, the Ho (null hypotheses) which state that

there is no significant causes of insecurity and voter apathy in the 2023 presidential elections

in Nigeria is rejected and the Hi (alternative hypotheses) is hereby accepted). Therefore, it

means that there is significant causes of insecurity that have led to voter apathy in the 2023

presidential elections in Nigeria.

4.4 Discussion of Findings

The research findings revealed that different elections are imports of element of

democracy and that for any election to be dependable and for a government to earn the

legitimacy of the citizenry, such government must have been voted in by the masses. The

research however discovered that the percentage of participation in the electioneering process

37
of the country is continually on the decline as many voters are becoming more conscious of

their safety than whatever obligation they owe to vote during election.

The research found out that insecurity and violence during election is not encouraging

the voters, many prefer to stay in their homes than risk their lives during election. The

shocking aspect of the case as discovered by the research is that many the effect of the

violence during election are mostly voters as those voted for are either aware of the

impending dangers or are the sponsors of such violence while the innocent masses bear the

consequence. This submission is line Electoral violence: Undeniably, elections in Nigeria are

characterized by uncertainties, as a result of fear of election-related violence. According to

Atuobi (2013) in Ekanem and Okafor (2018), election-related violence can take place in

various stages of the electoral process. It could occur, before, during or after elections and this

has always ignited voters’ apathy. Burchard (2015) explained further that it includes any

intimidation or threatening action that emanate from the electoral process. It could occur

before, during and after the elections, especially when the outcome of the election is being

announced.

By extension, insecurity and electoral violence include series of behaviour that ranges

from the exchange and distribution of hate-speech leaflets, the forced displacement of specific

group of voters, political assassinations, protests, riots and targeted violent attacks (Okafor,

Odigbo & Okeke, 2022). The foregoing was also corroborated by Yusuf (2023), when he

noted that during the 2023 presidential election, hate speeches and provocative statements

were associated with campaign across the nation.

38
 CHAPTER FIVE
SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

In this chapter, the findings and conclusions in earlier chapters are summarized, after

which recommendations are made on Insecurity and Voting Apathy in Nigeria’s Electoral

System.

5.1 Summary

The study examined how insecurity has led to voters’ apathy in Nigeria's electoral

system: A study of 2023 presidential elections. It specifically had a historical overview of

insecurity and voter apathy in Nigeria; examined the level of insecurity and voter apathy in

Nigeria’s Fourth Republic; it identified the causes of insecurity and voter apathy during the

2023 presidential elections in Nigeria; and analysed the implications of insecurity and voter

apathy during the 2023 presidential elections in Nigeria.

As revealed in this study, the electioneering processes in the country instead of

encouraging mass participation during elections have been responsible for discouraging

potential voters in their lots. The findings revealed that the 2023 presidential election in

Nigeria was characterised with voter apathy because issues of insecurity and violence

manifesting in cases like protest and counter protest, shooting and vandalism during election,

fighting and arson, hectic voting and registration processes, pockets of violence, electoral

frauds, nonfulfillment of electoral promises reared their ugly heads during the electioneering

processes.

39
5.2 Conclusion

This study has been able to reveal that insecurity as manifested in the various acts of

electoral violence have led to voter apathy or the recorded low turnout in the the 2023

presidential election in Nigeria. From factors emanating from the management and

administration of the electoral processes, also known as the contextual factors down to the

systematic organisation of political parties, modus operandi during electioneering periods, and

also the social factors, voter turnout in the 2023 presidential election has been influenced

either negatively.

5.3 Recommendations

Arising from the foregoing, the following recommendations have been proffered.

1. All relevant stakeholders should get organised to ensure maximum changes and

adjustment to the status quo i.e insecurity which bedevils the mass who participate in

the electioneering processes.

2. There is no doubt that there is a need to restructure, empower INEC for the purpose of

ensuring improvement in the administration of the electoral processe s. This is very

germane, for if the confidence of the people is to be attracted, INEC must as a matter-

of-fact effect in-house change.

3. The electoral body should be independent from the influence of the head of the

executive arm of government at all levels. The President power to appoint and

40
 dissolve the head of the electoral body has to be reviewed. This is important in

ensuring the maximum autonomy of the body in discharging its management and

administration duties over electoral processes.

4. There is need for well-planned, comprehensive training programmes for the electoral

staff. In order to ensure competence, INEC must as a matter of fact be awash with

permanent staff.

5. Finally on the part of INEC, to further improve the electioneering processes the

electoral body has to rise to the occasion of setting the electioneering guidelines for

the political parties and actors in order to prevent the outbreak of pre-election, election

and post-election violence.

41
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Usman Y. B. (ed) (2020). Election violence in Nigeria: The terrible experience, 1952-2002
Zaria: NNPC.
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elections. Premium Times. https://www.premiumtimesng.com/news/top-news/586193-
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Yusuf, M. P. (2023). Rethinking political thuggery and voters’ apathy in Nigeria: Issues and
challenges. African Scholars Multidisciplinary Journal (ASMJ), 4, 227- 238.

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 APPENDIX
TAI SOLARIN UNIVERSITY OF EDUCATION, IJAGUN IJEBU-ODE, OGUN
STATE
DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE
Research Questionnaire: Insecurity and Voting Apathy in Nigeria’s Electoral System: A
Study of the 2023 Presidential Elections In Nigeria
Dear Respondent,
I humbly solicit for your cooperation in answering some questions which are essential for the
completion of my research work. All information collected is strictly for academic work and
would be treated with utmost confidentiality.

Thank you.
SECTION B
Please thick the appropriate options of A-(AGREE) and D-(Disagree) as follows (a) and not
as (x).
BIO DATA
1. Age: 20-29yrs ( ) 30-39yrs ( ) 40-49yrs ( ) 50-59yrs ( )60 and above ( )
2. Gender: Male ( ) Female ( )
3. Marital Status: Single ( ) Married ( ) Divorced ( )
4. Occupation: Civil Servants ( ) Traders ( ) Students ( ) Farmer ( )
5. Residency Distribution: 5-10 years ( ) 11- 15 years ( ) 20-25 years ( ) 25- 30
years ( ) 30 years and above ( )

Q1 What is the historical significance of insecurity SA A UD D SD

and voter apathy in Nigeria?
1 The history of insecurity and voter apathy in the
First Republic was very significant.
2. Level of Insecurity and voter apathy were high in
the Nigeria’s First Republic.
3. Incidents of insecurity led to voter apathy in the
Second Republic in Nigeria.
4. The high level of violence and insecurity terms of
destruction of election campaign bill boards shows
led to voter apathy in the Nigeria’s Second
Republic.
5. The loss of lives and property during campaigns

46
 further heightened the level of voters’ apathy in
Nigeria’s Second Republic.
Q2 How has the level of insecurity led to voter apathy in Nigeria’s Fourth
Republic?
1. The failure to follow the stipulated guidelines in the
Electoral Acts suggests insecurity and has led to
voter apathy in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic.
2. The level of threat and victimisation during
electioneering period is a manifestation of
insecurity and led to voter apathy in Nigeria’s
Fourth Republic.
3. The level of clashes and fights among political
party during campaign suggests insecurity and has
led to voter apathy in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic.
4. The level of disruption of the electoral processes is
a manifestation of insecurity and has led to voter
apathy in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic.
5 The assassination of political opponents is a
manifestation of insecurity and has led to voter
apathy in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic.
Q3 What are the causes of insecurity and voter apathy during the 2023
presidential election
in Nigeria?
1. The presence of the large number of security
agencies discouraged many from participating in
the 2023 presidential elections in Nigeria.
2. The general state of insecurity prevented many
from voting during the 2023 presidential elections
in Nigeria.
3. Kidnapping and ransom taking discouraged many
from participating in the 2023 presidential elections
in Nigeria.
4. Insurgency and terrorism discouraged many from
participating in the 2023 presidential elections in
Nigeria.
5. The constant maiming and killing of political
opponents prevented many from voting during the
2023 presidential elections in Nigeria.
Q4 What are the implications of insecurity and voter apathy during the 2023
presidential election in Nigeria?

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1. Low turnout of voters.
2. Emergence of unpopular government.

3. A vote of no confidence in the political

representatives.
4. Bad governance.

5. Lack accountability and transparency.

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