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EXTENDED FINITE
ELEMENT AND
MESHFREE METHODS
EXTENDED FINITE
ELEMENT AND
MESHFREE METHODS
TIMON RABCZUK
Bauhaus Universität Weimar
Weimar, Germany
JEONG-HOON SONG
University of Colorado at Boulder
Boulder, CO, United States of America
XIAOYING ZHUANG
Tongji University
Shanghai, China
Leibniz Universität Hannover
Hannover, Germany
COSMIN ANITESCU
Bauhaus Universität Weimar
Weimar, Germany
Academic Press is an imprint of Elsevier
125 London Wall, London EC2Y 5AS, United Kingdom
525 B Street, Suite 1650, San Diego, CA 92101, United States
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The Boulevard, Langford Lane, Kidlington, Oxford OX5 1GB, United Kingdom
Copyright © 2020 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
MATLAB® is a trademark of The MathWorks, Inc. and is used with permission.
The MathWorks does not warrant the accuracy of the text or exercises in this book.
This book’s use or discussion of MATLAB® software or related products does not constitute
endorsement or sponsorship by The MathWorks of a particular pedagogical approach or particular
use of the MATLAB® software.
No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means,
electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage and
retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. Details on how to seek
permission, further information about the Publisher’s permissions policies and our arrangements
with organizations such as the Copyright Clearance Center and the Copyright Licensing Agency,
can be found at our website: www.elsevier.com/permissions.
This book and the individual contributions contained in it are protected under copyright by the
Publisher (other than as may be noted herein).
Notices
Knowledge and best practice in this field are constantly changing. As new research and experience
broaden our understanding, changes in research methods, professional practices, or medical
treatment may become necessary.
Practitioners and researchers must always rely on their own experience and knowledge in
evaluating and using any information, methods, compounds, or experiments described herein. In
using such information or methods they should be mindful of their own safety and the safety of
others, including parties for whom they have a professional responsibility.
To the fullest extent of the law, neither the Publisher nor the authors, contributors, or editors,
assume any liability for any injury and/or damage to persons or property as a matter of products
liability, negligence or otherwise, or from any use or operation of any methods, products,
instructions, or ideas contained in the material herein.
ISBN: 978-0-12-814106-9
Preface xiii
Nomenclature xix
1. Introduction 1
1.1. Partition of unity methods 1
1.2. Moving boundary problems 6
1.3. Fracture mechanics 8
1.4. Level set methods 10
1.4.1. Implicit interface and signed distance functions 11
1.4.2. Discretization of the level set 12
1.4.3. Capturing motion interface 12
1.4.4. Level sets for 3D fracture modeling 14
References 15
v
vi Contents
Part 1. Appendices
Index 607
Preface
xiii
xiv Preface
The following symbols are standard in engineering literature and are also used in this book.
However, the notation might vary somewhat among the different chapters and sections.
Greek symbols
increment
δ variation or Kronecker delta or Dirac delta function
, strain
boundary
λ Lagrange multiplier or eigenvalue or Lamé’s first parameter
domain
φ level set
potential
ψ enrichment function
ρ density
σ, σ Cauchy stress
Latin symbols
B B-operator
b body force
C (tangent) material matrix
d displacement vector
F deformation gradient
f force
I identity tensor
K stiffness matrix
M mass matrix
n normal
A area
a, a accelerations
E Young’s modulus
G shear modulus
H Heaviside function
h mesh size parameter
J Jacobian
KI , KII stress intensity factor
N shape function
p polynomial degree of basis
P, P first Piola Kirchhoff stress
R support size
t, t traction
u, U displacement
V volume
xix
xx Nomenclature
v, v velocities
w quadrature weight
X, X material coordinates
x, x spatial coordinates
CHAPTER ONE
Introduction
1.1. Partition of unity methods
The Finite Element Method (FEM) was developed in the 1950s and
1960s as a convenient way to solve partial differential equations arising
from various scientific and engineering applications. Rigorous mathemat-
ical analysis of the method started in 1970s and since then thousands of
papers have been published on this topic. The finite element method is a
Galerkin method that approximates the solution of the partial differential
equation (PDE), posed in a variational form. The method involves parti-
tioning the domain into a finite number of “elements”, and an approximate
solution is sought in a finite dimensional space of piecewise polynomials,
defined relative to the elements. Naturally, the quality of the approxima-
tion depends on the fineness (or coarseness) of the discretization, i.e. on the
size of the elements, the degree of the underlying polynomials in the finite
element space and on the regularity of the exact solution.
During the 1970s and 1980s, as computational resources became less
expensive, the popularity of the finite element method grew rapidly and a
large number of both mathematical results and computer programs were de-
veloped [25]. Nevertheless, even with increasing computational capabilities,
certain problems (e.g. crack propagation problems, multi-scale problems,
problems with complex boundaries, etc.) were, and still remain too expen-
sive (due to size or complexity) to be solved satisfactorily by the classical
finite elements. Therefore interest grew in taking a more general approach,
with essentially two features. These features involve: (a) either not using
a mesh at all or using a very simple mesh to discretize the domain, and
(b) suitably choosing approximation spaces that are not based on polyno-
mials. The associated methods are broadly denoted as meshless or meshfree
methods.
These methods can also be grouped into two classes – the classical parti-
cle methods [52,53,55,56] and the methods based on the idea of data fitting
techniques [11,18]. The classical particle methods were developed for time
dependent problems or conservation laws. They involve a discrete set of
points called particles to discretize the underlying domain, and the solutions
of a system of time-dependent PDEs for all the particles are sought. On the
other hand, the meshless methods based on data-fitting techniques, which
Extended Finite Element and Meshfree Methods Copyright © 2020 Elsevier Inc. 1
https://doi.org/10.1016/B978-0-12-814106-9.00007-3 All rights reserved.
2 Extended Finite Element and Meshfree Methods
were initially developed for stationary problems, also discretize the domain
by particles. Here, each particle is associated with a “patch” (an open set),
such that the union of the patches covers the underlying domain. Suit-
able finite dimensional spaces (which may not be based on polynomials and
could be obtained by data-fitting techniques) are defined on each of these
patches. Finally, the associated “shape functions” are used in a Galerkin or
collocation method to obtain a matrix equation. The solution of this linear
system is then used to obtain the solution of the meshless method.
Several meshless methods, based on the idea of data fitting techniques
described above, have been developed primarily by engineers and they dif-
fer essentially in the choice of the finite dimensional spaces on the patches.
The first of these methods is known as Shepard’s method [61]. This idea was
further generalized into a method called Smoothed Particle Hydrodynam-
ics (SPH), [27,28,43,49,50,71] and the Method of Clouds [16,17]. Method
of Clouds used moving least-squares (MLS) ideas based on polynomials to
construct the finite dimensional space. Many methods, with slight varia-
tions of these ideas, were also developed; for example the Diffuse Element
Method [54] and Method of Spheres [15]. Later, a class of methods were
introduced where the finite dimensional spaces were constructed using the
ideas of reproducing kernels [38,40–42]. Also, Radial Basis Functions were
used to construct meshless methods, and the approach was developed by
both the mathematicians and engineers [23,24,35,36,73,74]. We mention
that though the methods described above (other than those based on RBFs)
were not mathematically investigated in detail, the generic ideas and the as-
sociated mathematical analysis were given in 70’s in [3,4,64]. For a modern
mathematical treatment, we refer to [8].
The Partition of Unity Finite Element Method (PUFEM) could also be
viewed as a meshless method in a broad sense. On the other hand, it is not
a specific method, but is a general flexible framework. In fact, the classical
FEM and many meshless methods, discussed before, could be cast into the
PUFEM framework in certain situations.
The idea of PUFEM was partially introduced in [6], where piecewise
L-splines [72] instead of piecewise polynomials were used to approximate
locally the solution of a boundary value problem with “rough” coefficients.
However, this method could not be directly generalized to higher dimen-
sions. In 1994, Babuška, Caloz and Osborn [7] introduced the so-called
“Special Finite Element Method” where they used certain non-polynomial
functions for local approximation on “finite element stars” (which served
as patches). These local approximations were “pasted together” using the
Introduction 3
• Relative to the open cover {ωi }, the PUFEM uses a partition of unity {φi }.
Standard finite element hat functions, with respect to a finite element
mesh, could serve as the partition of unity, as are used in XFEM and
[65,66] and [67]. On the other hand, the “reproducing kernel particle
(RKP) shape functions” [38,40–42], can also be used as a partition of
unity.
• Special, problem dependent, finite dimensional spaces Vi , defined on
ωi ’s, are used for local approximation in PUFEM. These finite dimen-
sional spaces may contain constant functions together with singular
functions, harmonic polynomials or other special functions based on
the available information [9,44]. In fact, a one-dimensional Vi contain-
ing only constants, together with reproducing kernel particle functions
as a partition of unity, define many meshless methods. The functions
in Vi could also be constructed using data-fitting ideas, e.g. MLS func-
tions, as it was done in the Method of Clouds.
We finally mention that PUFEM is a Galerkin method, where the trial
space is constructed as
SPUFEM = φj Vj = {v ∈ H 1 () : v = φj vj , vj ∈ Vj }.
j j
early dependent PUFEM shape functions. If that is the case, the resulting
linear system is consistent but the stiffness matrix will be singular and spe-
cial algorithms will be needed to deal with these situations. Furthermore,
multi-grid solvers and other efficient methods available for the linear sys-
tems arising from the standard finite elements may need to be modified for
use with PUFEM [32].
We also mention that solving a Dirichlet boundary value problem by
PUFEM will require that the functions in the trial space SPUFEM satisfy the
essential boundary conditions. This in turn requires that the functions in
Vj , for ω̄j ∩ ∂ = ∅, satisfy the essential boundary conditions, which may
be very difficult to accomplish. Several different approaches have been pro-
posed to overcome this problem, such as coupling to mesh-based methods
close to the boundary [37], penalty or perturbation methods [2,9,39], the
Lagrange multiplier method [10,39,51], and a method due to Nitsche [34,
59]. Most of these approaches either add an extra layer of complexity to the
problem, or lose some of the advantages of PUFEM, or result in a loss of
the optimal rate of convergence. The most promising idea in the literature
seems to be Nitsche’s method which works by modifying the variational
formulation of the problem to account for the boundary data. This ap-
proach retains the optimal convergence rate and the mesh-free character of
the method and was implemented in [59].
Hence, the SIMP method cannot capture jumps in the strain/stress field
as they occur at material interfaces. Though SIMP and its improved ver-
sions have been successfully applied to numerous challenging problems, it
has its limitations. For instance, lack of robustness and mesh dependency
has been reported for multi-material and nonlinear optimization problems.
Methods based on level sets for instance capture the sharp interface but the
implementation effort is higher; the 129 line implementation of the level
set method from [14] is probably among the shortest available ‘level set’
codes. Note that also the solution procedure of the forward problem might
be more complex. In FEM for instance, the interface can be represented
‘explicitly’ or ‘implicitly’. In other words: When the interface is aligned to
the discretization, we call it an ‘explicit representation’; otherwise an ‘im-
plicit’ one. The first scenario requires the generation of new meshes when
the topology changes during the iterations which in turn deteriorates com-
putational efficiency when the entire stiffness matrix has to be reassembled.
When the interface is to be captured within an element by the level set
function, enrichment techniques as described in this book are needed. It
is of course possible to avoid enrichment schemes by employing a sim-
ple sub-triangulation techniques for integration and the outcome of the
topology optimization might not differ much from enrichment schemes in
many cases. However, the jump in the stress/strain field cannot be captured
and there might be applications where this is important, for instance when
interface phenomena needs to be accounted for as in topology optimiza-
tion of nano-structures. It is imperative to say that without enrichment, the
convergence rates will be sub-optimal when material interfaces are inside
an element.
Another issue is how to deal with moving interfaces. This apparently
depends on the application and method employed. In level set based topol-
ogy optimization where the interface is represented ‘implicitly’ by the level
set, the new interface (i.e. the new level set) is obtained through the solu-
tion of the (stabilized) Hamilton-Jacobi equation where commonly shape
derivatives are used as velocity normal to the interface. The procedure is
quite similar in fluid mechanics problems when level sets are used to implic-
itly represent the interface between two fluids. However, in this case, the
velocity normal to the interface is the velocity of the fluid which is inter-
polated from the nodes. In problems involving fluid-structure-interaction,
one can distinguish between interphase capturing methods and interface track-
ing methods. The most classical interface capturing method is probably ALE
(Arbitrary Lagrangian Eulerian) which adapts the Eulerian (fluid) mesh to
8 Extended Finite Element and Meshfree Methods
fluid flow through the propagating cracks, i.e. through the solution of the
Navier-Stokes equation which can be easily done by discrete crack ap-
proaches.
The discrete approach for fracture requires two key ingredients:
• a method to capture the crack kinematics (the discontinuous displace-
ment field) and
• a fracture criterion for crack propagation/nucleation.
Classical representatives of computational methods for discrete fracture are
element deletion, cohesive elements, remeshing techniques, boundary ele-
ment methods, embedded elements, extended finite element and meshfree
methods, cracking particles methods and peridynamics. Cohesive elements,
boundary elements and remeshing techniques align the crack to the dis-
cretization while embedded elements and extended finite element and
meshfree methods allow for arbitrary crack propagation through the dis-
cretization by exploiting partition of unity enrichment. Usually, they model
the crack as continuous surface which requires (1) a crack surface represen-
tation (e.g. by triangles in 3D) and (2) crack tracking algorithms. Note that
ensuring a continuous crack surface in 3D is nontrivial. This issue will be
discussed in Chapter 8.
Fracture can be categorized as brittle fracture, quasi-brittle fracture and ductile
fracture. Brittle fracture can be modeled by linear elastic fracture mechanics
(LEFM). Brittle materials are characterized by linear elastic material behav-
ior in the bulk and a small fracture process zone. However, LEFM cannot
be used when the failure process zone is of the order of the size of the
structure. The relative size of the fracture process zone lpz with respect
to the smallest critical dimension D of the structure is important for the
choice of the fracture model [26]. For D/lpz > 100, LEFM is valid while
for 5 < D/lpz < 100, a quasi-brittle fracture approach is required which
accounts for the energy dissipation at postlocalization. Gdoutos [26] rec-
ommends the use of nonlocal damage models for D/lpz < 5. The length of
the fracture process zone is of the order of the characteristic length [46]:
E Gf E Gf
lch = or lch = (1.1)
ft 2
1 − μ2 ft2
where E is the Young’s modulus, μ the Poisson’s ratio, Gf the fracture en-
ergy and ft denotes the tensile strength of the material. Carpinteri [13]
G
introduced a non-dimensional brittleness number sE = ft bf where b is a
geometric measure. He tested pre-notched beams under 3-point bending
where b denotes the distance between the notch and the upper boundary of
10 Extended Finite Element and Meshfree Methods
the beam. He concluded if the process zone is small compared to b, the fail-
ure is brittle and LEFM is applicable. Otherwise, the energy dissipation at
postlocalization cannot be neglected and a quasi-brittle approach is needed.
A common approach to account for the energy dissipation which is well
suited for discrete crack methods are cohesive zone models. When large
plastic deformations occur before the material looses stability, the fracture
is ductile.
There are three failure modes, see Fig. 1.1. Mode-I failure is related to
crack opening, mode-II failure (sliding) is a pure shear failure mode, and
mode-III failure (tearing) can be considered as out-of-plane shearing. In
many applications, materials will fail due to a mixed mode failure.
In a few instances principals had found that graduation presented some difficulties, as
white mothers would appear at the school a few days before and request that their
children do not march with Negro children. "About the only time I see a white mother
is near graduation," said the principal of a school 38 per cent Negro (Forrestville).
"They always say they wouldn't care for themselves, but a friend might see and they
would feel ashamed." "White children prefer not to march with colored at graduation,"
said a teacher at Oakland School (26 per cent), "and mothers sometimes come to ask
that it be so arranged that their girls can march with white girls. They usually say that
for themselves they don't mind, but friends might see and wonder why that should
be."
A number of the schools have orchestras or occasional musical programs. The
investigator heard one orchestra of eleven pieces in Doolittle School (85 per cent),
which played remarkably well. All but one of the children were Negroes. A teacher in
Webster School (30 per cent), where there was reported to be constant friction
between Negro and white children, gave an incident of a Negro boy in the school
playing the violin with a white accompanist and being enthusiastically applauded by
the children.
The principal of a 92 per cent Negro school (Colman) reported an unpleasant
experience when pupils from her school were invited to take part in a musical program
at a West Side Park.
A group of sixty went with two white teachers in charge. On the way over a group of
foreign women called out insulting remarks to the teachers, but no one paid any
attention. After the program the group started marching out of the park and were met
at the gate with a shower of stones. The teacher told the children to run for their lives,
and they all had to scatter and hide in the bushes in the park or run toward home if
they could. A rough set of boys had got together and were waiting for those children,
stones all ready to throw. Since that time we have never accepted an invitation to sing
outside our own neighborhood. Invitations have come from time to time, but the
children all come with excuses. All of them, children and parents throughout the
neighborhood, are afraid but you can't get anyone to come out and say it.
Transfers from schools with a predominant Negro membership were reported by one
or two principals and teachers in schools with a Negro minority, who said that the
Negro mothers objected to having their children in schools "where there are so many
common niggers." One of the principals said she had many requests from Negro
mothers for transfers from the branch of the school with 90 per cent Negroes to the
main school with 20 per cent. The Commission did not find in its inquiry among Negro
mothers that such an objection was prevalent, but that most of the transfers
requested were due to the reputation of the school for being overcrowded, poorly
taught, and generally run down.
2. HIGH SCHOOLS
Classroom and building contacts.—In the high schools the ordinary contacts in classes
and about the building become subordinate to the more difficult problems created by
the increased number of social activities—athletics, gymnasium exhibitions, clubs, and
parties.
The dean of Englewood High School, which has only about 6 per cent Negro children,
said that the white and Negro children mingled freely with no sign of trouble or
prejudice but thought that if more Negro children came to the school the spirit would
change. A teacher in this same school who had formerly been at Wendell Phillips,
where the majority are Negro, said that a spirit of friendliness had grown up there
between the two races, and race distinction had disappeared.
WENDELL PHILLIPS HIGH SCHOOL
Located at Thirty-ninth Street and Prairie Avenue, 52 per cent Negro attendance.
There was only one Negro teacher in the high schools of Chicago at the time of this
investigation, the teacher of manual training at Wendell Phillips. He is a graduate of
the University of Illinois and had substituted around Chicago for several years.
Although they spoke very highly of him, none of the principals of three high schools
with small Negro percentages and in which there were vacancies could use him. The
principal of Wendell Phillips, with a large proportion of Negroes, told, however, of a
different experience when this teacher was at that school. "In answer to complaints
by pupils I told them that this man was a graduate of the University of Illinois, a high-
school graduate in the city, and a cultured man. 'Go in there and forget the color, and
see if you can get the subject matter.' In the majority of cases it worked."
Racial friction about the buildings and grounds was not reported by any of the high-
school principals. "I have not known of a fight between a colored and a white boy in
fifteen years," said the principal of Hyde Park.
Two principals said that the Negro children voluntarily grouped themselves at noon,
either eating at tables by themselves in the lunchroom or bringing their own lunches
and eating in the back part of the assembly hall. The gymnasium instructor at Wendell
Phillips said that she had no difficulty in her work if she let the children arrange
themselves. The gymnasium instructor at a school with a small proportion of Negroes
said that the white girls had objected to going into the swimming-pool with Negro
girls, but that she had gone in with the Negro girls, which had helped to remove the
prejudice.
Athletic teams.—In the field of athletics there seems to be no feeling between the
white and Negro members of a school team, but the Negro members are sometimes
roughly handled when the team plays other schools. "The basketball team is half and
half," said the principal of Wendell Phillips. He reported some friction in previous years
but said that "this year it is not shown at all." "They played a strenuous game with
Englewood last week. A colored boy was roughly treated by the other team. Our white
boys were ready to fight the whole Englewood team."
The principal of Hyde Park High School also said that there was no feeling in his
school against Negro members of athletic teams, and that he did not know of a single
instance in which a Negro boy was kept off an athletic team if he was the best for the
place.
Two Seniors in a high school mainly white (Tilden) thus described the way they
handled the Negro members of a visiting basket-ball team:
On the way over here fellows on the outside bawled them out, but our fellows sure got
them on the way home. There were three black fellows on the team and those three
got just about laid out. Our team wouldn't play them, so there was a great old row.
Then, when they went home some of our boys were waiting for them to come out of
the building to give them a chase. The coons were afraid to come out, so policemen
had to be called to take them to the car line. The white fellows weren't hurt any, but the
coons got some bricks.
Two boys at Tilden who took part in this affair gave this version of the incident:
About thirty colored boys registered at Tilden last fall, but we cleaned up on them the
first couple of days and they never showed up again. We didn't give them any peace in
the locker room, basement, at noon hours, or between classes—told them to keep out
of our way or we'd see they got out. The fellows who were in school before we didn't
tackle—they know where they belong. There's one colored fellow in our class everybody
likes. He's a smart nice fellow to talk to, and he doesn't stick around when you don't
want him. He didn't say anything when we made the new coons step around, but I
guess he didn't like it very well.
It was this same group of boys who objected to playing a visiting basketball team with
three Negroes on it and "just about laid them out."
Social activities in high schools.—In high schools, with their older pupils, there is an
increased race consciousness, and in the purely social activities such as clubs and
dances, which are part of high-school life, there is none of the general mingling often
found in semi-social activities such as singing and literary societies. Although Negro
pupils do not share in the purely social activities, they do not organize such activities
among themselves.
"The colored never come to social affairs," said the dean of one school. "They are so
much in the minority here that they leave all organizations to the whites." The
principal of this school told of having seen two colored girls at a class party who
danced together for a while and left. "It is the only time I've seen the two races at the
same social gathering."
The dean of Englewood said: "We have colored children in singing clubs, in the
orchestra, in literary societies, in class organizations, and on athletic teams. Always
when there is a class party there will be five or six colored children. They will always
dance together, but they are present and welcomed by the white. Between dances it
is not uncommon to see white and colored talking."
An incident showing lack of feeling against individuals of special achievement was
given by the principal of this last school:
Several years ago we organized a voluntary orchestra which met after school. The
director accepted all applications, among them a number of colored boys. The white
boys balked; it should be white membership or they would leave. As it was near the end
of the year the orchestra was dissolved. The next year I suggested to the teacher that
he fill the orchestra places by a general tryout, so understood, but really with the policy
of excluding the colored. This was done and a white orchestra organized. Shortly, the
father of H. F., a colored boy who had been excluded, protested in my office, saying that
his boy had been excluded because of race prejudice and that he was going to carry his
protest to the Board of Education, for he knew his boy played better than any boy in
school. I admitted that it was a choice in the school of white orchestra or no orchestra,
but that if his boy was the fine musician he said he was I would gladly see what could
be done. Soon after that H. appeared on a school program and played with remarkable
skill and technique. He was applauded enthusiastically and recalled three times.
Straightway the orchestra members asked him to play with them. He became unusually
popular throughout the school. His standing was the highest and he was awarded a
scholarship of $100 allowed by the Board of Education for the best student. He was also
chosen to represent the school on the Northwestern University scholarship, and in his
Freshman year he won another scholarship for the next year. The death of his parents
made it necessary for him to leave college to support his brothers and sisters. At this
time he was stricken with infantile paralysis. The interest on Liberty bonds taken out by
the high school is paid in to H., and when the colored people gave a benefit for him the
pupils sold 500 tickets. He is improving and teaching violin to thirty pupils at present.
His sister is in the school now on a scholarship and is doing remarkably well also.
At Wendell Phillips the situation was quite different, for there were no school or class
social affairs which were general. There were invitational affairs to which the Negroes
were not invited. All the clubs in the school were white, Negroes being excluded. The
principal said he would not insist on mixed clubs until he saw the parents of the
children mixing socially. The glee club was an especially difficult problem because of
its semi-public as well as social character. The Negro children maintained that a glee
club composed entirely of whites was not representative of a school in which the
majority were Negroes. The Negroes had not responded to the suggestion of the
principal that they form a glee club of their own, and as the white children would not
be in a glee club with Negro children, there was constant friction over this club.
Other principals expressed the conviction that the racial problem of school social
affairs could not be solved until the prejudice and antagonism of adults had
disappeared. One principal said he had had to call off an arrangement for a class affair
because the hotel would not accommodate the Negroes. Another principal thought
that the schools would not wait to follow the lead of the parents in forgetting the race
prejudice but would themselves be the greatest factor in destroying it.
Relations with parents.—In most cases the high schools were receiving splendid
support from Negro parents in matters of discipline. "I have never had a case where
the parent did not back up the teacher in the treatment given to a colored child," said
one principal, speaking of cases where children had got into difficulty when they
complained that the teacher had "picked on them" because they were Negroes. The
parents always made the child withdraw the statement and admit that the trouble was
not due to color at all.
Reports were received from three technical high schools, Lane, Tilden, and Lucy H.
Flower. Lane and Tilden had few Negro students, while in Lucy H. Flower the Negroes
were about 20 per cent. The principals of Lane and Tilden said they were not
conscious of any racial difference in their pupils, that no special methods of instruction
were necessary for the Negro children, that there were no quarrels with a racial
background in the schools, and no voluntary or compulsory groupings of white and
Negro. The principal of Lucy H. Flower found racial differences between the Negroes
and whites which she believed created special problems of education and discipline.
The children got along together very well in school, and whatever quarrels there were,
the principal thought were due to personal dislikes rather than to race prejudice. The
colored girls grouped themselves voluntarily at noon and at dismissal time, and the
white girls did the same.
III. RETARDATION
Retarded
School Accel. Percentage Normal Percentage Retarded Ungrad. Percentage Total
[39]
Attended
mainly by
white
Americans:
Armstrong 202 21 365 39 355 19 40 941
Byford 118 9 361 29 783 — 62 1,262
Harper 291 17 609 35 829 — 48 1,729
Howe 220 17 421 35 577 — 48 1,218
Key 173 25 205 29 314 — 46 692
Morse 169 14 450 37 581 — 49 1,200
Total 1,173 17 2,411 34 3,439 19 49 7,042
Attended
mainly by
Negroes:
Coleman 54 8 124 17 561 2 75 743
Doolittle 267 16 261 16 1,099 24 68 1,651
Douglas 136 9.3 197 13.7 1,126 — 77 1,463
Keith 77 11 93 14 497 — 75 667
Moseley 62 7.5 95 11.5 551 122 81 830
Raymond 112 13 179 20 578 — 67 869
Total 708 11 949 15 4,412 148 74 6,217
Attended
mainly by
children of
immigrants:
Bohemian
Bryant 385 21 735 37 809 15 42 1,944
Hammond 161 12 503 34 795 — 54 1,459
Jungman 375 35 350 33 357 — 32 1,082
Polish
Chopin 298 17 631 36 818 1 47 1,748
Hibbard 392 29 445 32 535 — 39 1,372
Holden 122 11 208 18 759 — 71 1,089
Italian
Goodrich 157 14 240 22 693 — 64 1,090
Jackson 360 15 731 32 1,174 — 53 2,265
Jenner 176 11 524 33 875 — 56 1,575
Jewish
Herzel 609 25 731 30 1,085 — 45 2,425
Lawson 466 16 944 32 1,407 20 52 2,837
Von 528 22 848 34 1,072 — 44 2,448
Humboldt
Totals 4,029 19 6,890 32 10,379 36 49 21,334
Totals 5,910 17 10,250 30 18,230 203 53 34,593
for
three
groups
The retardation figures for the group of twenty-four schools studied are close to those
for the city at large, 53 per cent retarded in the special group and 51 per cent for the
city at large. In the accelerated group the percentage of accelerated Negro children,
11, is smaller than the percentage of accelerated white children, 17, or the percentage
of accelerated foreign children, 19. This variation is not so striking as that in the
normal group where only 15 per cent of the Negro children appear to make normal
progress as compared with 34 per cent of the white children and 32 per cent of the
foreign children. From this it would appear that there are factors in the lives of many
Negro children which prevent them from making normal progress.
The degree of retardation, as shown in Table XIII is again quite different for the white
and Negro groups.
The largest single groups of backward white American and foreign children are
retarded less than one year (42 per cent of the white American and 39 per cent of the
foreign group), and the numbers decrease rapidly as the degree of retardation
increases. In the case of the Negroes 19 per cent are retarded less than one year. The
decrease as the degree of retardation increases is slower than in the white groups,
and many more children are retarded two, three, four, five years and more. In the
white American group only one child out of 3,439 retarded children is retarded five
and one-half to six years, while there are forty-one in the corresponding Negro group
out of a total of 4,412. One white child is retarded six and one-half to seven years,
while seventeen Negro children are retarded this amount; twelve foreign children out
of 10,379 retarded children are retarded six to ten years, and thirty-seven Negro
children are found in these groups.
Though the main reasons for the high degree of retardation among Negro children are
set forth in the next section under "Causes of Retardation," a partial explanation is to
be found in the fact that Negro parents are frequently more interested in keeping their
over-age children in school than white parents, especially foreign parents, whose
anxiety to have their children leave school as soon as they are old enough to get
work-permits is well known.
Causes of retardation.—It is generally understood of course that comparisons of
Negro with white children are hardly fair, since Negro children have not had the same
opportunities as whites to make normal progress.
A study was made of the reasons why children were retarded in the groups of schools
attended mainly by Negroes, by white Americans, and by children of immigrants.
Records were obtained at the schools for 1,469 Negro children and 1,560 white
children who were listed according to the Board of Education's classification for
retarded children.
Table XIV shows clearly that the predominating cause of retardation among Negroes is
late entrance, which, according to the board's classification, means that they did not
enter school until more than six years of age. This is generally explained by the fact
that the family came from the South, where there was no school near enough for the
child to attend, or the school was overcrowded, or the family was uneducated and
indifferent. In some cases the parents have come North, leaving the child with
grandparents who made no effort to see that it went to school.
TABLE XIII
Number of Children in Table XII Who Are Retarded One-half to One Year, One Year to One and
One-half Years, etc.
YEARS
SCHOOL ½ to 1 1 to 1½ 1½ to 2 2 to 2½ 2½ to 3 3 to 3½ 3½ to 4
Attended mainly by white
Americans:
Armstrong 143 84 62 31 15 13 3
Byford 317 175 105 64 54 20 11
Harper 364 234 106 67 28 12 6
Howe 275 128 93 57 9 9 2
Key 141 106 33 19 20 2 2
Morse 229 160 81 56 27 14 8
Total 1,470 887 480 294 143 70 32
Attended mainly by Negroes:
Colman 109 114 109 66 50 46 27
Doolittle 229 175 146 152 117 86 69
Douglas 190 198 191 142 126 83 71
Keith 94 66 71 78 54 34 30
Moseley 95 104 96 54 59 31 34
Raymond 135 115 111 69 50 39 27
Total 852 772 724 561 456 319 258
Attended mainly by children of
immigrants:
Bohemian:
Bryant 369 224 107 51 36 15 3
Hammond 306 225 114 69 47 13 10
Jungman 173 87 49 27 12 6 2
Polish:
Chopin 323 216 125 57 43 23 16
Hibbard 252 158 68 28 18 5 4
Holden 216 190 112 91 60 36 18
Italian:
Goodrich 236 185 104 68 42 28 10
Jackson 369 284 202 141 84 53 16
Jenner 281 253 135 86 42 32 20
Jewish:
Herzel 521 294 124 71 38 19 9
Lawson 574 370 233 109 65 24 19
Von Humboldt 498 145 145 76 37 17 6
Totals 4,118 2,710 1,518 874 524 271 133
Totals for three groups 6,440 2,249 2,722 1,729 1,123 660 423
YEARS
SCHOOL 4 to 4½ 4½ to 5 5 to 5½ 5½ to 6 6 to 6½ 6½ to 7
Attended mainly by white Americans:
Armstrong ... 4 ... ... ... ...
Byford 32 2 2 ... ... 1
Harper 4 3 1 ... 1 ...
Howe ... 4 ... ... ... ...
Key 1 ... ... ... ... ...
Morse 3 1 1 1 ... ...
Total 40 14 4 1 1 1
Attended mainly by Negroes:
Colman 18 7 8 4 2 ...
Doolittle 44 37 16 8 4 4
Douglas 45 26 21 14 10 7
Keith 32 17 8 6 4 3
Moseley 26 20 15 7 4 2
Raymond 12 10 6 2 ... 1
Total 177 117 74 41 24 17
Attended mainly by children of immigrants:
Bohemian:
Bryant 1 2 1 ... ... ...
Hammond 8 2 1 ... ... ...
Jungman 1 ... ... ... ... ...
Polish:
Chopin 9 2 1 2 ... ...
Hibbard ... 2 ... ... ... ...
Holden 13 9 8 4 2 ...
Italian:
Goodrich 9 2 3 4 2 ...
Jackson 13 4 4 2 ... 1
Jenner 10 3 4 4 2 2
Jewish:
Herzel 4 4 ... 1 ... ...
Lawson 7 4 2 ... ... ...
Von Humboldt 6 2 1 ... ... ...
Totals 81 36 25 17 6 3
Totals for three groups 298 167 103 59 31 21
YEARS
7 to 7½ to 8 to 8½ to 9 to 9½ to 10 to
SCHOOL
7½ 8 8½ 9 9½ 10 10½
Attended mainly by white Americans:
Armstrong ... ... ... ... ... ... ...
Byford ... ... ... ... ... ... ...
Harper 1 ... ... 1 ... ... ...
Howe ... ... ... ... ... ... ...
Key ... ... ... ... ... ... ...
Morse ... ... ... ... ... ... ...
Total 1 ... ... 1 ... ... ...
Attended mainly by Negroes:
Colman ... 1 ... ... ... ... ...
Doolittle ... 4 4 1 1 2 ...
Douglas ... ... ... ... ... ... 2
Keith ... ... ... ... ... ... ...
Moseley 3 ... 1 ... ... ... ...
Raymond ... 1 ... ... ... ... ...
Total 3 6 5 1 1 2 2
Attended mainly by children of
immigrants:
Bohemian:
Bryant ... ... ... ... ... ... ...
Hammond ... ... ... ... ... ... ...
Jungman ... ... ... ... ... ... ...
Polish:
Chopin ... ... ... ... ... ... ...
Hibbard ... ... ... ... ... ... ...
Holden ... ... ... ... ... ... 1
Italian:
Goodrich ... ... ... ... ... ... ...
Jackson 1 ... ... ... ... ... ...
Jenner ... ... ... 1 ... ... ...
Jewish:
Herzel ... ... ... ... ... ... ...
Lawson ... ... ... ... ... ... ...
Von Humboldt ... ... ... ... ... ... ...
Totals 1 ... ... 1 ... ... 1
Totals for three groups 5 6 5 3 1 2 3
TABLE XIV
REASONS WHY 1,469 NEGRO CHILDREN AND 1,560 WHITE CHILDREN WERE RETARDED
IN GROUP OF TWENTY-FOUR SCHOOLS
PHYSICAL
SCHOOLS TOTAL LATE ENTERING FOREIGN ILL HEALTH
DEFECT
N. W. N. W. N. W. N. W. N. W.
Attended mainly
by Negroes:
Colman, 92 29 1 20 ... ... ... ... ... 1 ...
per cent
Negro
attendance
Doolittle, 85 603 6 190 ... ... 6 3 ... 68 ...
per cent
Drake, 24 per 72 58 41 11 ... 3 ... ... 4 15
cent
Farren, 92 171 7 49 ... ... ... 1 1 34 1
per cent
Felsenthal, 20 173 69 58 13 3 2 ... ... 6 12
per cent
Forrestville, 93 5 34 2 ... ... 2 ... 4 ...
38 per cent
Haven, 20 71 59 56 9 ... 6 ... ... 2 9
per cent
McCosh, 15 18 31 7 4 ... 2 ... 1 5 8
per cent
Oakland, 26 50 44 18 6 ... ... 1 ... 4 5
per cent
Raymond, 93 133 6 64 2 ... 2 1 ... 7 1
per cent
Webster, 30 52 31 27 7 ... 1 1 ... 5 9
per cent
Attended mainly
by White
Americans:
Fiske 2 88 ... 3 ... 16 ... 2 ... 1
Rowland ... 101 ... 13 ... 7 ... 2 ... 17
Kenwood ... 25 ... 1 ... 5 ... ... ... 4
Attended mainly
by children of
immigrants:
Farragut ... 107 ... 12 ... 10 ... 2 ... 11
Goodrich ... 92 ... ... ... 28 ... 3 ... 8
Jackson ... 255 ... 32 ... 48 ... 12 ... 38
Jungman ... 21 ... 11 ... 2 ... ... ... ...
Kosciuszke ... 144 ... 23 ... 17 ... 4 ... 9
Lawson 1 155 ... 7 ... 15 ... 1 ... 19
McCormick ... 21 ... ... ... 2 ... 1 ... 7
Seward ... 131 ... 19 ... 29 ... 2 ... 14
Smyth ... 57 ... 3 ... 14 ... 1 ... 9
Swing ... 46 ... 9 ... 2 ... 1 ... 7
Totals by 1,469 1,560 564 187 3 217 9 33 140 204
races
Totals of 3,029 751 220 42 344
both races
The next most important cause of retardation among the Negroes is family difficulties.
The fathers are often kept away from home weeks at a time by their work. A large
number of the mothers are working, and the parents' lack of education is frequently
the cause of a home life that is below standard, physically and morally.
Among the whites, late entrance, inability to speak the language, ill health,
backwardness, and low mentality are the main causes of retardation. While it is often
maintained that the Negro is the mental inferior of the white, these figures do not
bear out that contention. Also the retardation figures do not show the home life of the
Negroes to be productive of as much ill health as is the case with the whites.
Approximately the same number of Negro and white children were retarded because
of irregular attendance.
In addition there were forty-two Negro children and 155 white children who were
classified under two, three, or four different causes for retardation. Children who were
late entering also had some physical difficulty, or children who were retarded because
of family difficulties were also of poor mental endowment. In some cases such double
classification represented a realization by the teacher that retardation is a complicated
and delicate thing which cannot be explained by one hard-and-fast reason. Others,
finding it difficult to decide whether children were backward, of low mentality, or
feeble-minded, classified them under all three causes. In two instances Negroes were
found to be retarded because they were late entering and "foreign"—that is, they
were handicapped by an "initial lack of the English language."
Intensive study of 116 retarded Negro children.—The presence of retarded Negro
children in the Chicago public schools within recent years has been regarded by many
teachers and principals as a problem of Negro education. Some assume that this
retardation is due to an inherent incapacity for normal grade work. Inquiries of the
Commission early disclosed the fact that although the retardation rate of Negro
children was higher than that of white, the great majority of the retarded Negroes
were from southern states, and that Negro children born in the North had, as a rule,
no higher rate of retardation than the whites. In the belief that the causes of
retardation among Negro children could be found in the same factors of social
background and environment which operates to retard white children, an intensive
study was made of 116 Negro children taken at random from among all the retarded
Negro children in several schools to learn what elements in their former life and
present home environment might explain their retardation.
Out of the 116 children 101 had been in school before coming to Chicago. Of these
eighty-six had lived in the South and attended southern schools. Since this group was
chosen at random, the large proportion from the South tends to bear out the
statements of school principals and teachers that Negro children from the South
constitute the bulk of retarded children. Previous school records were obtained for
eighty-four of these eighty-six southern children, and in sixty-four cases the children
were retarded when they came to Chicago. Many of them were retarded two and
three years, and some three, four, five, and even six years. Forty-seven of the sixty-
four were retarded more than one year. In a number of cases children who were in
the normal grade for their age in the South were put back one or two grades when
they entered Chicago schools because they were not equipped to do the work of this
grade in the North.
The states from which these children came are Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia,
Kentucky, Louisiana, Mississippi, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas,
and Virginia. Twenty-three of the eighty-six children who had lived in the South were
from Mississippi—the largest group from any one state—and of these three were up
with their normal grade, eleven were retarded three or four years, one was retarded
six years, and one who was in the normal grade in the South was demoted two years.
One reason for the poor record of these Mississippi children is undoubtedly to be
found in that state's inadequate compulsory-education law which provides a school
term of eighty days in districts which do not reject the law. Eight of the Mississippi
children lived on plantations which were so far from school that regular attendance
was impossible.
Information gathered concerning the parents of these 116 retarded children showed
that in eighty-six cases the father was living with his family. In six cases the father
was dead, in one case he was insane, in fifteen cases he had separated from or
deserted the mother, and in eight cases there was no report on the father.
The mother was found to be living with her family in 112 cases. In two cases the
mother was dead, and in two cases she had deserted father and child.
All of the eighty-six fathers who lived at home were working, though one was
reported as working irregularly, and two as having deserted their wives occasionally
for periods of several weeks. In two of the cases where the father had separated from
the mother he was reported as contributing to the support of the child.
In forty out of the eighty-six cases where the father was living at home and working,
the mother was also working, and in the fifteen separation cases where the mother
was supporting the child, she was working. The fact that a total of fifty-five out of 112
mothers, or 49 per cent, were working is undoubtedly a large factor in the retardation
of the children. The statement was frequently made by teachers that 40 or 50 per
cent of the Negro mothers worked, and that the child was therefore neglected, and
the teacher could get no co-operation from the mother, as she was never free to come
to school to talk over matters affecting the child.
Some teachers felt that many mothers worked where there was no economic
necessity, as the father was earning enough to support the family. It should be noted
in this connection that at the time this material was gathered there were more
opportunities for work than there were men to fill them. Under ordinary conditions
there would doubtless be a certain amount of unemployment in these Negro families
which would cause more mothers to work from economic necessity. Many of the
families investigated, where both parents were working, were reported as getting on
very well, though there were some cases of real poverty. In a number of instances the
families could not seem to make ends meet on a good income because they were
ignorant and did not know how to spend their money, or because they had not been
able to adjust themselves to city life.
Of the eighty-six fathers who were working, few were in skilled occupations which
would command a substantial wage. Most of the mothers were engaged in work that
took them away from home. A few did sewing, hairdressing, and laundry work in their
homes, but the large majority went out to work. Work carried on in the home
frequently has as bad an effect on the child's school attendance as the mother's
absence, for the child is sometimes kept at home to help and often finds the work
more interesting than school.
The following occupations of mothers of retarded children were noted:
Day work 22
Stock Yards 12
Hairdresser 4
Laundry 4
Maid 4
Barrel factory 3
Seamstress 3
Domestic service 2
Box factory 1
Car cleaner 1
Cleaning (hospital) 1
Dishwasher 1
Elevator 1
Foundry 1
Housekeeper 1
Lamp-shade factory 1
Waist factory 1
Education of parents.—Of the eighty-six fathers, thirty-one were illiterate, and forty-
eight had gone to elementary school but had completed only the second, fourth, or
sixth grade. Five of the fathers had gone to high school, and two were college
graduates.
The figures are slightly better for the mothers. Out of 112, twenty-one were totally
illiterate, seventy-six had gone to elementary school, ten had been in high school or
college, and five were not reported on. Eighty-eight per cent of the mothers,
therefore, and 91 per cent of the fathers had less than a high-school education.
Though there were many illiterate or poorly educated parents who were eager for
their children to have advantages which they never had themselves, others, as in any
illiterate group, no matter what the color, failed to appreciate the importance of
school.
Home discipline.—A number of teachers reported that they were unable to discipline
the children in school because they were undisciplined at home. In seventy-three of
the 116 homes there was found to be discipline, in twenty-two a lack of discipline, and
twenty were not reported on. Discipline seemed to be the responsibility of the mother
in the large majority of cases, and many of the twenty-two undisciplined children were
boys who were beyond the control of the mother. In every case but four where there
was no discipline the mother was working, so that the child did not receive much care
during the daytime and the mother was too tired to bother about discipline at night.
Lack of discipline can also be traced to the fact that the child has not always lived with
the parents but with relatives who have been lax in the matter of discipline.
Home care.—The physical condition of the home, the preparation and substance of
the meals, may be expected to affect a child's health and therefore his attendance at
school. The homes of eighty-four children were reported to be clean and twenty-five
not clean, while seven were not reported on. In twenty-one cases out of the twenty-
five reported not clean, the mother was working. In forty-seven cases out of the
eighty-four reported clean the mother was working. In many of the forty-seven cases
there was an aunt or grandmother who took care of the house.
In many homes the ignorance of the parents was obviously responsible for failure to
provide the kind of food adapted to the needs of the children. A great deal of fresh
meat, usually pork and bacon, potatoes, rice, and coffee were the staples, while green
vegetable, fruits, cereals, and milk were noticeably lacking. Also, when the mother is
away all day the food is hastily prepared, which usually means that it is fried. The girl
who gets home from school before her mother has finished her day's work usually
starts the dinner, or brings something from the delicatessen. Many children are given
twenty-five cents with which to buy lunch, and in three extreme cases the children
were given money to buy all their meals, with no supervision over what they ate.
Difficulty of adjustment.—When all the causes contributing to retardation were taken
into consideration in the histories of the 116 retarded children studied, it was still
obvious that the greatest stumbling-block to normal progress was previous residence
in the South. The retardation of children from the South is explained in a variety of
ways.
Some of the children from the South did not get along well because they had not
been able to adjust themselves to city life. They had been accustomed to the freedom
and outdoor life of the farm and did not like the confined life of the city. They felt
timid and shy in the midst of so many people, as they did not come much in contact
with people when they lived on southern farms four or five miles from the nearest
town. Most of these children had never gone to school for more than a few months at
a time, either because the school term was short or they lived too far from the school
to attend regularly. Consequently some of them found the nine months' term irksome.
Demotion.—A number of children were found to be over-aged for their grades
because they had been demoted one or two years when they came to Chicago. Some
of these had gone to school regularly in the South and were of normal age for their
grades, but the school term was so short that it was impossible for them to complete
the same amount of work in the same number of years as children in northern
schools. Children who were in the fifth or fourth grade in the South had been put back
to the third or second grade on entering Chicago schools. This sometimes discouraged
them so much that they dropped out of school on reaching fourteen, the age limit of
the compulsory-education law.
Inadequate schools.—Overcrowded and poorly taught schools also are responsible for
the retardation of southern Negro children. One girl attended a school which was in
session only three months a year and where there were 100 to 125 children under
one teacher. Consequently this girl was retarded four years. A boy who, when he
came to Chicago, was fifteen years old and six years behind his grade had always
lived in small country towns in the South. In one of these his teacher was the iceman.
"He didn't come to school until he was through totin' ice around," said the boy. "Then
if anyone wanted ice they comed after him. He wasn't learning me anything so I quit."
This boy was found to be ambitious and was attending school regularly in Chicago in
spite of the fact that he was conspicuously over-age for his grade.
Other causes of retardation.—Some over-age children are extremely sensitive about
their size and are irregular at school on this account. A fifteen-year-old boy who was 5
feet 8 inches tall was in the fifth grade. He refused to go to school because he was
larger than anyone in his class. At one time he was so ashamed of being seen in the
room with smaller children that he would go out of the classroom every time a girl
passed the door.
As in many white families where the importance of regular school attendance is not
fully understood, work at home or work after school hours is sometimes permitted to
interfere materially with school attendance. Older children are kept at home to look
after young children while the parents are away at work and sometimes when the
mother is home. A fourteen-year-old girl who was three years retarded had always
been kept out of school to do housework. The five younger children were all in the
normal grades for their ages but the fourteen-year-old girl had been out of school so
much she had lost interest. Other children were working after school hours selling
papers and delivering packages and wanted to leave school as soon as possible so
that they could work all the time.
The attitude of the teacher seemed in a few instances to be responsible for the child's
lack of interest. In one case the teacher threw a paper at a boy instead of handing it
to him, and the boy had refused to recite to her ever since. He went to school but
recited to his mother at home. Another boy had been kept back in school by a
misunderstanding between his mother and the principal. The principal took the boy
home with her to do some work around her house and kept him until nine o'clock. The
mother became so worried she had the police out looking for him. When she found
out the cause of his lateness coming home, she went to the school and threatened
the principal. The principal afterward refused either to promote the boy or transfer
him to another school.
Recreation.—A study of the favorite forms of recreation among 116 children, aside
from the few who reported that they had no time to play, showed the movies to be in
the lead. Children economized on lunch, buying potato salad and pickles, in order to
have enough left from their lunch money to go to the movies. One boy who worked
outside of school hours made $3 to $5 a week and spent most of it on the movies; he
went three or four times a day if he had the money. A few children played truant in
order to go to the movies.
TABLE XV
Favorite Recreation of 116 Retarded
Negro Children
Movies 85
Baseball 32
Reading 31
Marbles 29
Skating 20
Jumping rope 11
Music 6
Jacks 6
Vaudeville 5
Running games 4
Singing games 4
Sewing 3
Basket-ball 2
Target practice 1
Pool 1
Mechanical toys 1
Drawing 1
Dolls 1
Bicycle 1
Typewriting 1
Swinging 1
Rolling hoop 1
Card games, checkers, etc. 1
Total 248
Most of these children had two and even three forms of recreation, and the second
was usually some form of outdoor recreation—baseball, marbles, or jumping rope.
Most of the younger ones went to the playgrounds, except those who had housework
to do or the few who did not care to associate with other children.
A reference to the section on "Recreation" will show that Negro children are limited in
their recreational activities by lack of recreation centers where they are welcome.
There are playgrounds for the younger children in the areas of Negro residence, but
no recreation centers with their varied indoor facilities for the older children.
Progress of the southern Negro.—The retarded Negro child, usually from the South,
who is conspicuous in the elementary schools, has been referred to in the section on
"Retardation in Elementary Schools." In some schools such children are put in the
regular grades, where they receive no special attention and can progress only one
year at a time, though most teachers agree that retardation is due to lack of
educational opportunity rather than to inability to learn. In other schools there are
special rooms for these children where they are advanced through several grades as
rapidly as possible.
Doolittle School (85 per cent) had six first-grade rooms for such children. In one of
these rooms there were about twenty-five children from twelve to seventeen years of
age doing all the lower-grade work up to the sixth. The teacher said that many of
these children who were unable to read or write when they came from the South
showed remarkable progress in a few months, and in less than a year were able to do
fourth-, fifth-, and sixth-grade work.
"One big girl of thirteen, when she arrived from the South," this teacher said,
"pretended to read with her book upside down, but in a little more than a year she
was doing sixth-grade work. One twelve-year-old boy from the South, unable to read
the primer or write his name, after about nine months of applied work just ate up
everything I gave him and during the following year read sixty library books."
A thirteen-year-old girl, just five days in the school, had come from Alabama, where
she had never attended school. "There wasn't room for me," she explained. She read
for the investigator on the tenth page of the primer, haltingly but with understanding.
The teacher was confident that she could put her through several grades next year.
She said further:
These children who have been deprived in the South of their rights
educationally are very eager. At first they are timid, but they learn
very quickly. They're as smart as whips if they'd just get down to
business. Without question this is the kind of attention all the colored
children from the South need when they enter school in the North.
The plan has been successful and should be adopted throughout the
school system. One appreciates by comparison the injustice of putting
the fifteen-year-old newcomer from the South into second grade,
requiring of him only second-grade work over the nine months'
period.
Another school, 92 per cent Negro (Farren), has a special room for
children from the South. "Our dull children are almost without
exception those from the South who have never been to school,"
said the teacher. "Those children should not be classed as dull,
either, for they learn remarkably fast and often catch up to grade."
A teacher of the ungraded room in a school 38 per cent Negro
(Forrestville) said:
Practically all of the colored children are from the South, where they
have not been in school. Once they get started they learn very rapidly
and often catch up to the proper grade if they are not too old when
they start school. The older children in this room have good power of
concentration and consequently learn much in a short time. Take, for
example, a boy twelve years old who came here not two months ago
from the South. When he came he had no idea how to write his
name. A few days ago he wrote for me a fourth-grade eight-line
memory passage with but three mistakes in spelling. Now I call that
remarkable. I have taught in this school all my teaching years, and
they have been many, and have never seen any child equal this,
either white or black.
Other teachers believed that there was nothing to keep the Negro
children from making equal progress with the white, given similar
opportunities. "The progress of the colored children in Drake school
(30 per cent) cannot be compared with that of the white," said an
upper-grade teacher, "because the colored are all from the South
and have had the poorest opportunities. But comparing a Negro
child and a white child who have had the same advantages in school
and equal opportunities for observation and example in the home,
the Negro makes the same progress."
"I say that under the same conditions a Negro child will do as well
every time as a white," said the teacher of an ungraded room in a
school 38 per cent Negro (Forrestville). "Many do as well as the
white and live in very poor neglected homes. I think every person
who is not prejudiced must admit that the colored do fully as well in
school as the white."
An upper-grade teacher in the Felsenthal School (20 per cent) held a
similar point of view: "The colored are making wonderful strides.
They advance just as rapidly as the white, given equal opportunities.
But their background is so slight and so short in years that one
cannot fairly compare them. The southern colored child must be
studied individually to get his point of view in the school or he gets
nowhere in his work."
High-school work.—The principal of Wendell Phillips High School
prepared tables showing the numbers of white and Negro children
dropping out at the end of each school year. They show that the
largest number of Negro children dropped out during the first year,
and the largest number of white children during the first and second
years, the number of drop-outs being the same for both years. Some
children repeat the work so that all of them do not leave school.
One or two teachers in other schools stated concerning Negro
children that a "very limited number go beyond the first year." "They
cannot grasp the subject," said an English teacher; "they do not
understand as the white child does. They lack the mentality."
In the same school the Latin teacher held quite the opposite opinion.
"The colored children are in every way equal to the white children.
They are just as well equipped mentally and make similar progress.
My best student at present is a colored girl. Her choice of English
and her vocabulary and construction are far ahead of that of any
white student."
Several teachers and principals testified to the brilliancy of individual
Negro students who not infrequently had the highest standing in the
school. The principal of an elementary school (Crerar) who had
formerly had experience in a school largely Negro felt that the junior
high school would meet the needs of the Negro children to a large
degree:
More of them than the immigrant enter high school but do not stay to
finish. I suppose the parents insist upon some high-school training,
but it is necessary for the child to go to work before he finishes.
Another reason for the dropping out might be the teachers' lack of
interest in the child. In the high school you don't find the teachers
taking a keen interest in every individual child as you do in the
grades, and just what colored children need is a keen interest in
them. They do better work.
C. CONTACTS IN RECREATION
I. CLASSIFICATION OF FACILITIES
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