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1.15. (a) We expand the product:

[B(B B)−1 B ]2 = [B(B B)−1 B ] · [B(B B)−1 B ]

= B[(B B)−1 (B B)(B B)−1 ]B by associativity
−1
= B(B B) B by canceling out inverses.

(b) Again expanding the product,

(In×n − A)2 = In×n − 2A + A2

= In×n − 2A + A since A is idempotent

= In×n − A

(c) The inverse of 12 In×n − A is 2I n×n − 4A, since:

1 2
In×n − A (2In×n − 4A) = In×n − 2A − 2A + 4A
2
= In×n − 2A − 2A + 4A since A is idempotent
= In×n

(d) Aτx = λτx =⇒ A2 τx = λAτx = λ2 τx. But A2 = A, so A2 τx = Aτx = λτx. Thus, λτx = λ2 τx =⇒ λ = λ2 =⇒
λ ∈ {0, 1}.
1.16. The product AB is of size n2 . Obviously finding AB requires considering each element of AB at least once
(if nothing else, to write the result in memory!), already requiring O(n2 ) time even if each element of AB is
computed in O(1) time. The algorithms in the figure take O(n3 ) time to run due to the nested loops. Hence,
there is room for improvement, and indeed Strassen’s algorithm and several others achieve faster than O(n3 )
asymptotic runtime, at least for large n.
1.17. Define λ(τx) ≡ − ln p(τx). Since ln is monotonic, any local maximum of p(τx) is also a local maximum of λ(τx).
Hence, τx∗ is a critical point of λ(τx), implying ∇ λ(τx∗ ) = τ0. Let H be the Hessian of λ at τx∗ . Then, near τx∗ we
can approximate:
1 1
− ln p(τx) = λ(τx) ≈ λ(τx∗ ) + (τx − τx∗ ) H (τx − τx∗ ) = − ln p(τx∗ ) + (τx − τx∗ ) H (τx − τx∗ ).
2 2
The first derivative term of the expansion vanishes since ∇ λ(τx∗ ) = τ0. Exponentiating both sides shows

p(τx) ≈ const. · e− 2 (φx−φx x−φ

1 ∗ ) (−H)(φ x∗ )
.

Hence, a reasonable Gaussian approximation of p(τx) near τx∗ takes Σ = −H −1 and µ

τ = τx∗ .
2.1. Depending on the processor, fixed-point arithmetic can be faster than floating-point since it can be carried
out on the ALU with integer-type operations without the need for dealing with an exponent. Fixed-point
arithmetic also can be applicable when the scale of numbers under consideration is known ahead of time, e.g.,
in financial software. Floating-point representations are more accurate, especially when values care on many
scales.
2.2. (a) (answers may vary) Rounding error can come from multiplication and division to find the value n from
the other variables. Discretization error can come from the representations of values from the sensors.
Modeling error can result from inaccuracies of the Ideal Gas Law and/or failure to account for secondary
factors like sensor noise or pollutants. Input error can result from using an inaccurate value of the constant
R.

9781482251944_SM_Cover.indd 9 28/09/15 12:38 pm

 3
(b) From the ideal gas law, we can write
PV
n=
.
RT
Then, if we measure P̄ and T̄ rather than the ground-truth values, we can write the forward error as:

P̄ V PV V P̄ P
− = −
RT̄ RT R T̄ T

9781482251944_SM_Cover.indd 9 28/09/15 12:38 pm

 4
V P + δP P
= for |δP | ≤ εP , |δT | ≤ εT
−
R T + δT T
V (P + δP )T − P (T + δT )
=
R T (T + δT )
V P T + δP T − P T − δ T P
=
RT T + δT

δP T − P δT
=n
P (T + δT )

Hence, the relative forward error can be bounded as follows:

δP T − P δT T ε P + P εT
≤
P (T + δT ) P (T − εT )

(c) In this case,

PV (100 Pa)(0.5 m3 )
n= = = 0.0201 mol
RT (8.31 J · mol−1 · K−1 )(300 K)

With the given measurement bounds, the largest possible value is

(101 Pa)(0.5 m3 )
= 0.0203 mol = n + 0.000234 mol = n + 1.17%.
(8.31 J · mol−1 · K−1 )(299.5 K)
The smallest possible value is

(99 Pa)(0.5 m3 )
= 0.0198 mol = n − 0.000234 mol = n − 1.17%.
(8.31 J · mol−1 · K−1 )(300.5 K)

Hence, the absolute error is bounded by 0.0198 mol and the relative error is bounded by 1.17%.
(d) At the range indicated by the problem, it is relatively well-conditioned. When the scale of εT is commen-
surate with that of T , the problem becomes ill-conditioned.
2.3. We can understand the relative error as the fraction
∆y|/|y| x∆y
|
κrel = = ,
|∆x|/|x| y∆x

where y + ∆y = f (x + ∆x) and y = f (x). By Taylor’s theorem, f (x + ∆x) = y + f (x)∆x + O(∆x2 ). Hence,
∆y = f (x)∆x + O(∆x2 ), so for small ∆x,

x · f (x)∆x xf (x)
κrel ≈ = .
f (x) · ∆x f (x)

The absolute condition number of this problem is:

∆y
≈ |f (x)| .
∆x

The function f (x) = ln x has a large relative condition number near x = 1, since κrel = 1/ln x, which blows up
near x = 1. Contrastingly, the function f(x) = x has relative condition number 1 for all x.
2.4. Since minima are roots of f , we can use the conditioning for root-finding, but with an extra derivative:
(a) |xest − x∗ |
(b) |f (xest ) − f (x∗ )| ≈ δx|f (x∗ )|

9781482251944_SM_Cover.indd 10 28/09/15 12:38 pm

 (c) 1/|f (x∗ )|

2.5. (a) The range is (−∞, 0] since limt→0 log t = −∞ and log 1 = 0.
(b) If the xk is very negative, then exk is exponentially close to zero. This near-zero value may not be repre-
sentable, and regardless a single slightly larger value will dominate the sum.

9781482251944_SM_Cover.indd 10 28/09/15 12:38 pm

 5
(c) We simplify directly:

χ(x1 , . . . , xn ) = ln e xk by definition
k

= ln exk −a+a
k

= ln ea exk −a
k

= ln ea + ln exk −a
k

= a + ln exk −a
k

Suppose we take a = mink xk . Then, rather than adding together tiny values we have moved the scale to
be around e0 = 1. (Other heuristics for choosing a are possible)
2.6. There are rendering artifacts because the two surfaces overlap and hence have the same depth values; rounding
during depth computation can make one surface appear on top of the other. Possible resolutions include
slightly offsetting one surface, adding a tie-breaking rule when depths are within some tolerance of each other,
or merging the geometry before rendering to avoid overlap altogether.
2.7. (a) Recall that floating point arithmetic changes spacing as the order of magnitude of the value changes. Thus,
it makes sense to have multiplicative error that is relative to the scale of x and y.
(b) (adapted from course notes by D. Bindel, Cornell CS) The recurrence for the ground-truth sum is simply
sk = sk−1 + xk yk . Error terms for the addition and multiplication steps show
ŝk = (ŝk−1 + xk yk (1 + ε×k ))(1 + εk+).
Subtracting the two shows:

ŝk − sk = [(ŝk−1 + xk yk (1 + ε×k ))(1 + εk+ )] − [sk−1 + xk yk ] by the recurrences above

= [ŝk−1 + ε+k ŝk−1 + xk yk (1 + εk×) + xk yk ε+k (1 + εk×)] − [sk−1 + xk yk ]

= [ŝk−1 − sk−1 ] + εk+ ŝk−1 + xk yk (ε× + + ×
k + ε k + ε k εk )
+ + × + + ×
= [ŝk−1 − sk−1 ](1 + εk ) + εk sk−1 + xk yk (εk + εk + εk εk )
= [ŝk−1 − sk−1 ](1 + ε+ + × + ×
k ) + εk sk + xk yk (εk + εk εk ) since sk = sk−1 + xk yk
= [ŝk−1 − sk−1 ](1 + ε+ + × + ×
k ) + ε k s k + xk y k ε k + x k y k ε k ε k

We can expand this inductively:

ŝ0 − s0 = 0
ŝ1 − s1 = [ŝ0 − s0 ](1 + ε1+ ) + ε+ × + ×
1 x1 y 1 + x1 y1 ε1 + x1 y 1 ε 1 ε 1
= x1 y1 (ε+ × + ×
1 + ε1 ) + x 1 y 1 ε 1 ε 1
ŝ2 − s2 = [ŝ1 − s1 ](1 + ε2+ ) + ε+ × + ×
2 (x1 y1 + x2 y2 ) + x2 y2 ε 2 + x2 y 2 ε 2 ε 2
= [x1 y1 (ε+ × + × + + × + ×
1 + ε1 ) + x1 y1 ε 1 ε 1 ](1 + ε2 ) + ε 2 (x1 y1 + x2 y2 ) + x2 y2 ε 2 + x2 y 2 ε 2 ε 2

= x1 y1 (ε+ × + + × + + + × + × + ×
1 + ε1 + ε1 ε2 + ε1 ε2 + ε 2 ) + x2 y2 (ε 2 + ε 2 ) + [x1 y1 ε 1 ε 1 + x2 y 2 ε 2 ε 2 ] + O(ε max)
3

Applying induction, this recurrence shows

k k

ŝk − sk = xi yi εi× + ε+
j
2
+ O(kεmax)
i=1 j=i

9781482251944_SM_Cover.indd 11 28/09/15 12:38 pm

 =⇒ en ≤ nεmax |xk ||yk | + O(nε2max
), as desired.
k

9781482251944_SM_Cover.indd 11 28/09/15 12:38 pm

 6

2.8. For convenience, define d ≡ x− y. We’ll start by simplifying the numerator of relative error and then substitute:

(1 + εx )x − (1 + εy )y = (x − y) + (εx x − εy y)
= d + εx d + (εx − εy )y
=⇒ (1 + ε− )((1 + εx )x − (1 + εy )y) = (1 + ε− )(d + εx d + (εx − εy )y)
= (1 + ε− )d + εx (1 + ε− )d + (1 + ε− )(εx − εy )y
(1 + ε− )((1 + εx )x − (1 + εy )y) − (x − y)
=⇒ E =
x− y
ε− d + εx (1 + ε− )d + (1 + ε− )(εx − εy )y
=
d
y
=
ε− + εx (1 + ε− ) + (1 + ε− )(εx − εy )
d
This can be unbounded as d → 0.

2.9. (a) Implicitly differentiating the relationship 0 = f (x(ε)) + εp(x(ε)) with respect to ε shows

d
0= [f (x(ε)) + εp(x(ε))]
dε
= f (x(ε))x (ε) + p(x(ε)) + εp (x(ε))x (ε) by the chain rule.

Substituting ε = 0 and using x∗ = x(0) shows

p(x∗ )
0 = f (x∗ )x (0) + p(x∗ ) =⇒ x (0) = − .
f (x∗ )

(b) We differentiate
d
f (x) = (x − 1) · (x − 2) · · · · · (x − 20)
dx
= (x − 2) · · · · · (x − 20) + (x − 1) · (x − 3) · · · · · (x − 20)
+ · · · + (x − 1) · · · · · (x − 19) by the product rule

Substituting x = j shows

f (j) = (j − 1) · (j − 2) · · · · · (j − (j − 1)) · (j − (j + 1)) · · · · · (j − 20)

For p(x) = x19 , from the previous part we have

j 19 j
x (j) = − =− .
(j − 1) · (j − 2) · · · · · (j − (j − 1)) · (j − (j + 1)) · · · · · (j − 20) j−k
k=j

(c) x (1) ≈ 8.2 × 10−18 and x (20) ≈ −4.3 × 107 ; hence, the root x∗ = 1 is far more stable.
2.10. (a) The alternative formula can be obtained by scaling the numerator and denominator of the quadratic
equation:
√ √ √
−b ± b2 − 4ac −b ± b2 − 4ac −b ∓ b2 − 4ac
= · √

2a 2a −b ∓ b2 − 4ac

b2 − (b2 − 4ac)
= √
−2ab ∓ 2a b2 − 4ac
4ac
= √
−2ab ∓ 2a b2 − 4ac
−2c
=

9781482251944_SM_Cover.indd 12 28/09/15 12:38 pm

 √
b ± b2 − 4ac

9781482251944_SM_Cover.indd 12 28/09/15 12:38 pm

 7
(b) When b ≤ 0, take
√
−b + b2 − 4ac c
x1 = , x2 = ,
2a ax1
and otherwise take
√
−b − b2 − 4ac , x2 = c .
x2 = ax2
2a

This way, there never can be cancellation because we always move b farther from the origin in the numer-
ator.
2.11. The bounds are worked out below:

[x] + [y] = [x + y, x + y]
[x] − [y] = [x − y, x − y]
value sign(x) sign(x) sign(y) sign(y)
xy, xy + + + +
xy, xy + + − +

yx, yx + + − −
[xy, xy] − + + +
[x] × [y] =
min(xy, yx), max(xy, xy) − + − +
xy, x − + − −

xy, xy − − + +
[xy, xy] − − − +
xy, xy − − − −
1 1
[x] ÷ [y] = [x] × ,
y y
[x]1/2 = [x1/2 , x1/2 ]

In finite-precision arithmetic, always round down the lower bounds and round up the upper bounds.
2.12. (a) Perturbing any of three collinear points slightly makes them not collinear. Furthermore, points may appear
collinear if you zoom out far enough but appear less so as you zoom in.

ε
q
ε

p
ε
ε

(b)

9781482251944_SM_Cover.indd 13 28/09/15 12:38 pm

 8

ε
φq
ε

pφ
ε

(c)
(d) Obvious from drawings above; ε-collinear points form the intersection of four half-planes, two of which
come from the ε-clockwise condition and two of which come from the ε-counterclockwise condition.
(e) No. See §3.1 of [55] for an example.
3.1. No; LU may not be possible for matrices requiring pivoting.
3.2. The steps of Gaussian elimination are below:

2 4 2 1 2 1 1/2 0
∼ , with elimina tion matrix
3 5 4 3 5 4 0 1

1 2 1 1 0
∼ , with elimination matrix
0 1 −1 3 −1

1 0 3 1 −2
∼ , with elimination matrix
0 1 −1 0 1

So, x = 3 and y = −1.

From the steps above, we know
1 2
U= ,
0 1
and

−1 −1
1/2 0 1 0 2 0 1 0 2 0
L= = = .
0 1 3 −1 0 1 3 −1 3 −1

3.3. Computed using Gaussian elimination:

1 0 0 1 2 7

L= 3 1 0 U= 0 −1 −22
6 11 1 0 0 204

3.4. Where it states “optionally insert pivoting code here,” find row r with largest value in column p; then swap
row r and row p of both A and φb.
3.5. No. Full pivoting can be preferable numerically but technically does not make a difference. The only way partial
pivoting would fail is if there is an all-zero column, which would indicate that A is not invertible.
3.6. Write A = A1 + A2 i, φb = φb1 + φb2 i, and φx = φx1 + φx2 i. Then, Aφx = φb =⇒ (A1 + A2 i)(φx1 + φx2 i) = φb1 + φb2 i =⇒
(A1 φx1 − A2 φx2 ) + (A2 φx1 + A1 φx2 )i = φb1 + φb2 i. So, we can solve the block system
A2
A1 −A2 A1 φx1

9781482251944_SM_Cover.indd 14 28/09/15 12:38 pm

 φx2

φb1 = .
φ
b
2

3.7. Carrying out Gaussian elimination is the same as pre-multiplying by the inverse of the leftmost n × n block.
Hence, the output is A−1 (A|In ×n ) = (A−1 A|A−1 ) = (I n×n |A−1 ).

9781482251944_SM_Cover.indd 14 28/09/15 12:38 pm

Another Random Scribd Document
with Unrelated Content
 Larger Image

Fig. 73. Distribution of the

principal Pre-Chellean
and Chellean industrial
stations in western
Europe.

In western Europe the Chellean culture certainly had a development

all its own, adapted to a race of bold hunters who lived in the open
and whose entire industry developed around the products of the
chase. For them flint and quartzite took the place of bronze, iron, or
steel. This culture marked a distinct and probably a very long epoch
of time in which inventions and multiplications of form were
gradually spread from tribe to tribe, exactly as modern inventions,
usually originating at a single point and often in the mind of one
ingenious individual, gradually spread over the world.

Larger Image

Fig. 74. Section of the

middle and high
terraces at St. Acheul,
from southwest to
northeast. After
Commont, 1908, 1909,
modified and redrawn.
The Pre-Chellean
workers first
established themselves
here at the time when
the Somme was visited
by the straight-tusked
elephant and other
primitive mammals of
the warm African-
 Asiatic fauna.
(Compare Fig. 59, p.
122.)

The clearest examples of the evolution of the seven or eight

implements of the Chellean culture from the five or six rudimentary
types of the Pre-Chellean have been found at St. Acheul by
Commont. The abundance and variety of flint at this great station on
the Somme made it a centre of industry from the dawn of the Old
Stone Age to its very close. It was probably a region favorable to all
kinds of large and small game. The researches of Commont show
that with the exception of Castillo in northern Spain no other station
in all Europe was so continuously occupied. From Pre-Chellean to
Neolithic times the men of every culture stage except the
Magdalenian and Azilian-Tardenoisian found their way here, and thus
the site of St. Acheul presents an epitome of the entire prehistoric
industry. Even during the colder periods of climate this region
continued to be visited—possibly during the warm weather of the
summer seasons. At Montières, along the Somme, we find deposits
of Mousterian culture which is generally characteristic of the cold
climatic period but is here associated with a temperate fauna,
including the hippopotamus, Merck's rhinoceros, and the straight-
tusked elephant. Great geographic and climatic changes took place
in the valley of the Somme during this long period of human
evolution. The Pre-Chellean workers first established their industry
on the middle and high 'terraces' at the time when the Somme was
visited by the straight-tusked elephant and other much more
primitive mammals of the warm Asiatic fauna. The early Acheulean
camps on the same terraces were pitched in the gravels below layers
of 'loess' which betoken an entire climatic change. The fourth
glaciation passed by, and the Upper Palæolithic flint workers again
returned and left the débris of their industry in the layers of loam
which swept down the slopes of the valley from the surrounding
hills. This succession will be studied more in detail in connection with
the industry.

Larger Image

Fig. 75. Excavation on the

'high terrace' at St.
Acheul, known as the
ancienne carrière
Dupont and more
recently as the carrière
Bultel, showing eight
geologic layers from
the Upper Palæolithic
deposits of brick-earth
at the top(9) down to
the sub-Chellean
yellow gravels(2)
overlying the chalk
terrace at the bottom.
As contrasted with the four or more Pre-Chellean stations already
known, namely, St. Acheul, Montières, Helin, Gray's Thurrock, and
possibly Abbeville and Piltdown, there are at least sixteen stations in
western Europe which are characteristically Chellean. In addition to
the sites named above, all of which show deposits of typical Chellean
implements above the Pre-Chellean, we may note the important
Chellean stations of San Isidro and Torralba in central Spain; Tilloux
and Marignac in southwestern France; Créteil, Colombes, Bois
Colombes, and Billancourt on the Seine, in the immediate vicinity of
Paris; Cergy on the Oise; the type station of Chelles on the Marne;
Abbeville on the northern bank of the Somme; and the famous
station of Kent's Hole, Devon, on the southwestern coast of England.
Thus far no typical Chellean station has been discovered in Portugal,
Italy, Germany, or Austria, nor, indeed, in any part of central Europe.
This leaves the original habitat of the tribes that brought the
Chellean culture to western Europe still a mystery; but, as already
observed, the location of the stations favors the theory of a
migration through northern Africa rather than through eastern
Europe.
 Larger Image

Fig. 76. Principal forms of

small, late Chellean
scraping, planing, and
boring tools of flint,
after Commont and
Obermaier. One-half
actual size. 1.
Combination tool—
small flake with a
sharp point (a), cutting
edge (b), and curved-
in scraper (c). 2.
Cutting tool with
 protective retouch for
the index finger on the
upper edge (a), and a
sharp cutting edge (b).
3. Primitive knife. 4.
'Point.' 5. Combination
tool—small flake with
scraper edge (b), and
two curved-in scraper
edges (a and a1). 6.
Borer. 7. Pointed
scraper. 8. Knife with
coarse boring point at
one end. 9. Thick
scraper or planing tool.
10. Curved scraper.

Compared with the Pre-Chellean flint workers the Chellean artisans

advanced both by the improvement of the older types of implements
and by the invention of new ones.(25) As observed by Obermaier, the
flint worker is still dependent on the chance shape of the shattered
fragments of flint which he has not yet learned to shape
symmetrically. In the experimental search after the most useful form
of flint which could be grasped by the hand, the very characteristic
Chellean coup de poing was evolved out of its Pre-Chellean
prototype. This implement was made of an elongate nodule, either
of quartzite or, preferably, of flint, and flaked by the hammer on both
sides to a more or less almond shape; as a rule, the point and its
adjacent edges are sharpened; the other end being rounded and
blunted. Like most, if not all, of the Chellean implements, it was
designed to be grasped by the bare hand and not furnished with a
wooden haft or handle. It is not impossible that some of the pointed
forms may have been wedged into a wooden handle, but there is no
proof of it. In size the coup de poing varies from 4 to 8 inches in
length, and examples have been found as large as 9½ inches. That
it served a variety of purposes is indicated by the existence of four
well-defined, different forms: first, a primitive, almond-shaped form;
second, an ovaloid form; third, a disk form; and fourth, a pointed
form resembling a lance-head. De Mortillet(26) speaks of it as the
only tool of the Chellean tribes, but in its various forms it served all
the purposes of axe, saw, chisel, and awl, and was in truth a
combination tool. Capitan(27) also holds that the coup de poing is not
a single tool but is designed to meet many various needs. The
primitive almond and ovaloid forms were designed for use along the
edges, either for heavy hacking or for sawing; the disk forms may
have been used as axes or as sling-stones; the more rounded forms
would serve as knives and scrapers; while the pointed, lance-shaped
forms might be used as daggers, both in war and in the chase.
The Chellean flint workers also developed especially a number of
small, pointed forms from the accidentally shaped fragments of flint,
showing both short and long points carefully flaked and chipped.
Thus, out of the small types of the Pre-Chellean there evolved a
great variety of tools adapted to domestic purposes, to war, and to
the chase.

Chellean Geography in England and France

The type station of the Chellean culture is somewhat east of the
present town of Chelles. Here in Chellean times the broad floods of
the ancient River Marne were transporting great quantities of sand
and débris, products of the early pluvial periods of Third Interglacial
times; and here, on the right bank, embedded in sands and gravels
24 feet thick, are found the typical Chellean implements mingled
with remains of the hippopotamus, straight-tusked elephant, Merck's
rhinoceros, giant beaver, hyæna, and many members of the Asiatic
forest and meadow fauna.
The flint-working stations at St. Acheul were on bluffs from 40 to 80
feet above the present level of the Somme. The Chellean and the
following Acheulean industry was carried on here on a very
extensive scale. In one year Rigollot collected as many as 800 coups
de poing from the ancient quarries; near by are other quarries
equally rich in material, and we may imagine that the products of
the flint industry in this favorable locality were carried far and wide
into other parts of the country.
In the vicinity of Paris, and again at Arcy, in the valley of the Bièvre,
the workers of Chellean, Acheulean, and Mousterian flints sought in
succession the old river-gravels belonging to the lower levels; these
'low terraces' are only 15 feet above the present height of the river
and are still occasionally flooded by the high waters of the Seine,
indicating that the Seine borders have not altered their levels. The
animal life here was identical with that of the Somme and of the
Thames and included the hippopotamus, Merck's rhinoceros, and the
straight-tusked elephant.
Thus it would appear that, in regard to the river courses and the hills
through which they flowed, the topography and landscape of
northern France and of southern Britain were everywhere the same
as at the present time. The forests which clothed the hills were not
greatly different from the present, except for the presence of a few
trees of a warmer clime, nor was there anything strange or
unfamiliar in the majority of the animals that roamed through forest
and meadow. The three chief archaic elements consisted in the
presence of two very ancient races of men and their rude stage of
culture, in the great forms of Asiatic and African life which mingled
with the more familiar native types, and in the broad, continuous
land surfaces which swept off unbroken to the west and southwest.
For in those days Europe, though even then little more than a great
peninsula, extended far beyond its present limits. England and
Ireland were still part of the mainland, and great rivers flowed
through the broad valleys that are now the Irish Sea, the North Sea,
and the English Channel—rivers that counted the Seine, the Thames,
the Garonne, and even the Rhine, as mere tributaries. The Strait of
Gibraltar was then the Isthmus of Gibraltar—a narrow land bridge
connecting Europe with Africa. The Mediterranean was then an
inland lake, or rather two inland lakes, for Italy and Sicily stretched
out in a broad, irregular mass to join the northern coast of Africa,
while Corsica and Sardinia formed a long peninsula extending from
the Italian mainland and almost, if not quite, reaching to the African
coast.

The Thames Valley in Chellean Times

The interpretation of the features of stratification in the valley of the
Somme is especially interesting because it gives us a key to the
understanding of a similar sequence of prehistoric events in the
valley of the Thames.
The station of Gray's Thurrock in this valley is barely 120 miles
distant from the Chellean station of Abbeville, in the valley of the
Somme, and it is apparent that the old flint workers were freely
passing across the broad intervening country and interchanging their
ideas and inventions. Thus it happened that Chellean implements
identical with, or closely related to, the types of the Somme valley
were being fashioned all over southern Britain from the Thames to
the Ouse. The ancient River Thames (Lyell,(28) Geikie(29)) was then
flowing over a bed of boulder-clays which had been deposited during
the preceding glaciations. Its broad, swift stream was bringing down
great deposits of ochreous gravels and of sands interstratified with
loams and clays. It is these old true river-gravels which display their
greatest thickness on the lowest levels of the Thames and which are
largely made up of well-bedded and distinctly water-worn materials.
On these low levels the flint workers sought their materials, and here
they left behind them the archaic Chellean implements which are
now found embedded in these older river-gravels, just as they occur
in the gravels washed down over the three terraces of the Somme
and the Marne. In the Thames this old gravel wash seems to have
been down-stream, whereas on the middle and upper terraces of the
Somme the gravel wash came directly down the sides of the valley,
except, perhaps, in very high floods. These deep beds of gravel,
sand, and loam lie for the most part above the present overflow
plain of the Thames, although in some places they descend below it;
which proves that the main landscape of the Thames also, except for
the changes of the flora and of animal life, was the same in Pre-
Chellean and Chellean times as it is at present. Thus the Somme, the
Thames, and the Seine had all worn their channels to the present or
even to lower levels when the Pre-Chellean hunters appeared. Since
Chellean times all three rivers have silted up their channels.
The changes along the Thames which have since occurred are in the
superficial layers brought down from the sides of the valley which
have softened the contours of the old terraces and have also
entombed the later phases of the valley's prehistory.
Sections on the south bank at Ilford, Kent, and on the north bank at
Gray's Thurrock, Essex, confirm this view. At the latter station, in
low-lying strata of brick-earth, loam, and gravel, such as would be
formed by the silting up of the bottom of an old river channel, are
found the remains of the straight-tusked elephant, broad-nosed
rhinoceros, and hippopotamus. All the discoveries of recent years
lead to the conclusion that the old fluviatile gravels which contain
these ancient mammals and flints are restricted to the lower levels
of the Thames valley, while the high level gravels and loams are of
later date. Old Chellean flints also occur occasionally on the higher
levels, but here it would seem that they have been washed down
from the old land surfaces above, because they are found mingled
with flints of the late Acheulean and early Mousterian industry.

England in Early Palæolithic Times

It is on the higher levels of the Thames, as of the Somme, and in
the superficial deposits covering the sides of the valley that we read
the story of the subsequent Palæolithic cultures and of an early
warm temperate climate being followed by a cold climate with frozen
subsoil belonging to the fourth glaciation and the contemporary
Mousterian flint industry. The Palæolithic history of the Thames(30)
has not yet been fully interpreted, but it would appear that the relics
of the old stations of Kent and Norfolk will yield all the forms of
Chellean and Acheulean implements, and probably also those of the
Mousterian which have been discovered in the valley of the Somme,
thus proving that the Lower Palæolithic races of this region pursued
the same culture development as the neighboring tribes of France
and Belgium, as well as those of Spain, up to the close of middle
Acheulean times.
A similar sequence of events appears to be indicated at Hoxne,
Suffolk, where archaic palæoliths were discovered as far back as
1797. This discovery was neglected for upward of sixty years, until in
1859 these flints were re-examined by Prestwich and Evans after
their visit to the stations of the Somme (Geikie,(31) Avebury(32)). This
site was in the hollow of a surface of boulder-clay, overlain by the
deposit of a fresh-water stream; in the bed of its narrow channel,
besides flint implements of early Acheulean type, abundant plant
remains were found which give us an interesting vision of the flora
of the time.
These plants are decidedly characteristic of a temperate climate,
including such trees as the oak, yew, and fir, and mostly of species
which are still found in the forests of the same region. This life gave
place, as indicated in plant deposits of a higher level, to an arctic
flora, probably corresponding with the tundra climate of Mousterian
times, the period of the fourth glaciation. Above these are found
again layers of plants and of mollusks which point to the return of a
temperate climate.

Spread of the Acheulean Industry

It is noteworthy that not a single 'river-drift,' Pre-Chellean or
Chellean, station has been found in Germany or Switzerland, or, in
fact, in all central Europe in the region lying between the Alpine and
Scandinavian glaciers. Either this region was unfavorable to human
habitation or the remains of the stations have been buried or
washed away.
It is significant that the earliest proof of human migration into this
region, whether from the east or from the west we do not certainly
know, is coincident with the dry climate of Acheulean times. The
'loess' conditions of climate seem to be coincident with the earliest
Acheulean stations in Germany, such as Sablon. 'Loess' deposition is
by no means a proof of a cold climate but rather of an arid one,
especially in regions where areas of finely eroded soil were liable to
be raised by the wind; such areas were found over the whole
recently glaciated country north of the Alps and south of the
Scandinavian peninsula.
The Palæolithic discovery sites of Germany are principally grouped in
three regions(33) as follows:
To the south, along the headwaters of the Rhine and the Danube,
among the limestones of Swabia and the Jura were formed the
caverns sought by early Mousterian man. To the west of these were
many older stations in the 'loess' deposits of the upper Rhine,
between the mountain ridges of the Vosges and the Black Forest,
and still nearer the sources of the Rhine, extending over the border
into Switzerland, are a number of famous cave sites in the valleys
cut by the Rhine and its tributaries through the white Jurassic
limestone. To the west is the group of the middle Rhine and of
Westphalia, which includes the open Acheulean camps in the 'loess'
deposits above the river and a number of cavern stations. To the
north is the scattered group of stations, both of Acheulean and
Mousterian times, of north Germany. Here the sites are few and far
between. The open-country camps were established chiefly in the
valley of the Ilm and near the caves of the Harz Mountains, in the
neighborhood of Gera. No discoveries of certain date or
unquestioned authenticity are reported from eastern Germany.
Along the upper Rhine the flint workers of Acheulean times
established their ancient camps mostly in the open on the broad
sheets of the 'lower loess,' which, constantly drifted by the wind,
covered and preserved the stations. These stations are widely
scattered, but they were frequented from earliest Acheulean times,
and the region was revisited to the very close of the Upper
Palæolithic.

Larger Image
 Fig. 77. Flint working
stations of the Men of
the Old Stone Age
along the waters of
the Ilm, the Rhine,
and the Danube, from
Acheulean to Azilian
times. After R. R.
Schmidt, modified and
redrawn. These
Palæolithic sites of
Germany lie between
the terminal moraines
of the successive
glacial advances of the
Second, Third, and
Fourth (II, III, IV)
Glacial Stages,
extending from the
borders of the
Scandinavian ice-fields
on the north to those
of the Alpine ice-fields
on the south. The
dotted surface
represents the area
covered by the drift of
the Fourth Glacial
Stage.

Early in Acheulean times the important 'loess' station of Achenheim

was established. This is a most famous locality and is of especial
importance because it is the only station in Germany which was
continuously frequented from late Acheulean times throughout the
Lower Palæolithic and into the beginning of the Upper Palæolithic;
here the 'older loess' of the Third Interglacial Stage yields a typical
Acheulean industry.
Thus far the region of the middle Rhine and of Westphalia has not
shown any evidence of Acheulean culture. The north German
stations, however, were entered in Acheulean times, and the
principal open stations of this region lie along the valley of the Ilm.
Here, at Taubach, Ehringsdorf, and Weimar, we find implements of
typical Acheulean form belonging to the early warm temperate
Acheulean period. The stations of the Ilm valley southwest of Leipsic
are also of great importance because of the rich record which they
contain of the warm temperate animal life of early Acheulean times;
the flint culture is typically Acheulean, and the climatic conditions are
read both in the travertines and in the subsequent deposits of the
'lower loess,' which belong to the cold dry period of late Acheulean
times. Here lingered the straight-tusked elephant and Merck's
rhinoceros, contemporary with the workers of the Acheulean flints.
It will be observed that in Germany the early Acheulean was a warm
period which in certain regions was also arid and subject to great
dust-storms. At this time the camps were for the most part in the
open country. In the late period, also arid and subject to high winds
but with a cooler climate, the flint workers continued to frequent the
open Acheulean stations in the 'loess.' If there were shelter and
cavern stations in this region, they have not as yet been discovered.
This would appear to indicate that the climate had not yet become
severe.
Similar testimony is found in the great scarcity of cavern and shelter
stations in Acheulean times in every part of western Europe; yet
occasionally the tribes repaired to the vicinity of sheltering cliffs, as
along the Vézère. In some scattered localities they sought the
caverns, as at Krapina, in Croatia, at Spy, on the Meuse in Belgium,
and at Castillo, in northern Spain. These rare exceptions to the open
camps would tend to prove that the caverns were sought rather for
protection from enemies and as rain shelters than as retreats from a
bitter-cold climate.
In the valley of the Beune, a small tributary of the Vézère, in
Dordogne, we find a true Acheulean station quite close to the river
shore. This proves that in Acheulean times this valley was already
deepened to the same degree as it is to-day. In the valley of the
Somme the Acheulean culture stretches from the 'highest terrace'
down below the present level of the river, which has made for itself a
new high channel. The fact that two Acheulean stations are found on
the upper Garonne, high above the present water-level, is of little
significance, as at that time the water-level was also high.
In general the Acheulean flint workers preferred the open stations
throughout all Acheulean times, and their camps are found on the
open plateaus between the rivers or on the various 'terrace' levels,
as on the higher, middle, and lower 'terraces' of the Somme at St.
Acheul, or again close along the borders of the rivers and streams,
as in the Dordogne region.
Even during the early Acheulean stage a dry climate had begun to
prevail in certain parts of Germany. Near Metz is the 'older loess'
station of Sablon, which was occupied in early Acheulean times,
indicating a warm period of arid climate favorable to the
transportation of the wind-blown 'loess'; doubtless, this fine dust at
times filled the entire atmosphere and obscured the sun, as is the
case to-day on the high steppes and deserts of eastern Asia.
An exception to the open-country life preferred by the Acheulean
flint workers is found in the great grotto[AD] of Castillo, near Puente
Viesgo, in the Province of Santander, northern Spain. The deposits
which filled this grotto to a thickness of 45 feet from the floor to the
roof were explored by Obermaier, who found them divided into
thirteen layers, covering eleven periods of industry and presenting
the most wonderful epitome of the prehistory of western Europe
from Acheulean times to the Age of Bronze, in Spain (Fig. 79).
Fig. 78. Entrance (white
cross) to the great
grotto of Castillo in
northern Spain. This
grotto was frequented
by the Men of the Old
Stone Age from
Acheulean to Azilian
times, an archæologic
sequence surpassed
only by that of the
open camps along the
terraces of the
Somme. Photograph
from Obermaier.
As early as 1908, Breuil(34) discovered in the interior of the cave
back of the grotto some quartzites worked into Acheulean types,
proving that the cavern was entered in Acheulean times. Obermaier,
(35) in the course of three years' work, has found that the floor of the
grotto was possibly used as a flint-making station in Acheulean and,
possibly, in Chellean times. The culture section which he has
revealed here under the direction of the Institut de Paléontologie
humaine can be compared only with that which Commont has found
on the 'terraces' of the Somme at St. Acheul. The difference is that
in the shelter of the Castillo grotto the climate is recorded only
through the changing forms of animal life which are mingled around
the fire-hearths and with the flints in the ascending levels.
 Larger Image

Fig. 79. Stratigraphic

section showing the
archæologic layers of
the great grotto of
Castillo. After
Obermaier.
(13) Eneolithic Age. Small,
triangular dagger in
copper.
(12) Azilian. Flint industry—
Age of the Stag.
(11) Upper Magdalenian.
Artistic engravings on
stag-horn.
(10) Lower Magdalenian.
Flints and fine
engravings on bone.
Reindeer bâton.
(9) Archaic Solutrean.
Feuilles de laurier,
retouched on one side
only.
(8, 7, 6) Upper Aurignacian
in three layers.
Remains of the
reindeer and burins.
(5) Lower Aurignacian.
Implements of stone
and bone. Remains of
an infant.
(4) Upper Mousterian. Rich
in small implements
and large tools of
quartzite. Merck's
rhinoceros very
abundant.
(3) Typical Mousterian flints
and quartzites. Merck's
rhinoceros.
(2) Early Mousterian
industry. Bones of
 cave-bear and Merck's
rhinoceros.
(1) Acheulean flints.
The entrance to this grotto is on the side of a high hill overlooking
the valley and might easily have been barricaded against attack. In
early Acheulean times, when the flint workers were on the very floor
of the grotto, the lower entrance of the cavern was still open,
leading far into the heart of the mountain. The successive
accumulations of débris, cave loam, fire-stones, bones, and
innumerable flints, together with great blocks falling over the
entrance of the cavern, reached a height of 45 feet, so that during
the Upper Palæolithic only the upper entrance to the cavern was
used by the artists of Magdalenian times. The subsequent Azilian
and Eneolithic cultures were crowded under the very roof of the
grotto at the sides.
This station, repaired to and then abandoned by tribe after tribe
over a period estimated at present as not less than 50,000 years, is
a monumental volume of prehistory, read and interpreted by the
archæologist almost as clearly as if the whole record were in writing.
The first positive evidences of the use of fire are the layers of
charred wood and bones frequently found in the industrial deposits
of early Acheulean times.

Geographic and Climatic Changes

During the early period of development of the Acheulean industry,
the geography, the climate, and the plant and animal life continued
to present exactly the same aspect as during Chellean times. The
mammals which we find in Thuringia in the lower travertines of the
valley of the Ilm, at Taubach, near Weimar, and at Ehringsdorf,
mingled with flints of early Acheulean industry, are of the same
species as those found in the valley of the Somme mingled with the
implements of the Chellean industry. The southern mammoth occurs
at Taubach, and we find the straight-tusked elephant (E. antiquus),
Merck's rhinoceros, the hippopotamus, the lion, and the hyæna
representing the ancient African-Asiatic migrants, while the north
European and Asiatic life is represented by the giant deer, roe-deer,
wild goat, brown bear, wolf, badger, marten, otter, beaver, meadow
hamster, and shrew. Grazing in the meadows were the aurochs, or
wild ox, and the wisent, or bison. There was one variety of horse,
probably of the forest type. Thus, the fauna as a whole contains six
Asiatic types, or eight if we include the bison and wild cattle. Of the
forest life there are nine species, including the wild boar (Sus scrofa
ferus) not mentioned above.
The layers of travertine are indicative of very important geographical
changes which were occurring in central and southern Europe in the
middle period of Third Interglacial times. The travertines of the Ilm
and of other parts of central Germany were due to wide-spread
volcanic disturbances and eruptions, accompanied by the deposition
of travertines, gypsums, and tufas. To this volcanic disturbance in
central France is attributed the deposition of the tuf de La Celle-
sous-Moret, near Paris, which records the warm temperate climate
of early Acheulean times, as well as the somewhat cooler succeeding
climate of late Acheulean times. This uplift in the centre of Germany
and France apparently left the region between France and Great
Britain undisturbed, because there is evidence of continued free
migration of the tribes and of the Acheulean cultures; but there
appears to have been a wide-spread subsidence of the coasts of
southern Europe by which the islands of the Mediterranean became
isolated from the mainland, and the migrating routes between
Europe and Africa across the central Mediterranean region were cut
off. Thus, Italy, Sicily, and Sardinia were separated from the
mainland after having received a large contingent of mammalian life
from the continents both to the north and to the south. While
descendants of the African and Asiatic mammals, as well as of the
northerly European forest and meadow types, survive on these
islands, there is, thus far, no indication that they were invaded by
hunters carrying the implements of the Acheulean culture, although
these Acheulean flint workers ranged over all parts of the Italian
peninsula (Fig. 80), as indicated by the discovery of nine stations.

Distribution of Acheulean Stations

The Acheulean stations are widely distributed along the Seine,
Marne, and Somme in northern France, where flint is abundant and
well adapted for fine workmanship. In central and southern France,
where large flints are scarce, the Acheulean tribes were forced to
use quartz, which fashions into clumsier forms. In the north the
Acheulean workers continued on the old Chellean sites at Chelles, St.
Acheul, Abbeville, and Helin. In late Acheulean times were
established the new stations of Wolvercote on the Thames, near
Oxford, and of Levallois on the Seine, near Paris, both famous for
their 'Levallois' flint knives or blades. Near Levallois is the late
Acheulean station of Villejuif, south of Paris, where the flints are
buried in drifts of loess. In Normandy are the important stations of
Frileuse, Bléville, and La Mare-aux-Clercs, which give the whole
Acheulean development, both early and late. On a small tributary
valley of the Vézère, in Dordogne, in late Acheulean times there was
established the station of La Micoque, which gives its name to a
number of miniature flints of distinctive form which were first found
there and are known as the 'type of La Micoque.' Other stations,
such as Combe-Capelle, also show examples of this 'miniature'
Acheulean workmanship.
 Larger Image

Fig. 80. Distribution of the

principal Acheulean
industrial stations in
western Europe.

Altogether, over thirty Acheulean stations have been found in France,

two—Castillo and San Isidro—in northern and central Spain, the
single station of Furninha in Portugal, over eight in Germany, three
in Austria, and three in Russian Poland. Especially remarkable is the
wide distribution of this culture all over Italy, where explorations by
no means exhaustive have resulted in the discovery of at least nine
or ten very prolific stations extending from Goccianello in the north
to Capri in the south, but not into Sicily as far as is at present
known. Thus all of western Europe, excepting the area covered by
the Scandinavian ice-fields on the north and by the Alpine ice-fields
on the south, was penetrated by the workers of Acheulean flints,
probably members, for the most part, of the Neanderthal race.

Fig. 81. Late Acheulean

station of La Micoque,
in Dordogne, where
miniature flints of
distinctive late
Acheulean form are
found. Photograph by
N. C. Nelson.
The general uniformity of Acheulean workmanship in all parts of
western Europe is an indication that these Neanderthaloid tribes
were more or less migratory and that the inventions of new and
useful implements, such as the lance-pointed coup de poing of La
Micoque and the flint-flakes of Levallois, which probably originated
at an especial centre, or perhaps even in the inventive mind of a
single workman, became widely distributed and highly distinctive of
certain periods. The development of the implements in different
regions is so uniform as to prove that the evolution of the early
Palæolithic cultures extended all over western Europe and that the
various types or stages were essentially contemporary.

Forms of Acheulean Implements

There is a close sequence between the coup de poing of the
Chellean workers and its development into the finer and more
symmetrical forms of the Acheulean. The latter, according to
Obermaier,(36) is distinguished by the flaking of the entire surface, by
the far more skilful fashioning, and by the really symmetrical almond
form which is attained by retouching both the surface and the
edges. This more refined retouch becomes the means of producing
symmetrical instruments, with straight, convex, or concave cutting
edges, as well as finer and lighter tools.
 Fig. 82. Illustrating the
method of 'flaking' flint
implements by direct
or indirect blow with a
hammer-stone.

The early Acheulean industry belonged to a warm temperate climatic

period and directly succeeds the Chellean, as shown in a most
perfect manner in the quarries of the type station of St. Acheul on
the Somme. In these earlier strata the prevailing forms of coup de
poing are the 'pointed oval' and the 'lance-pointed,' the latter
showing very simple chipping, a broad point, and a thick base. The
oval coups de poing are smaller than the Chellean tools of the same
kind, carefully fashioned on all sides and round the base, and very
symmetrical; there are four distinct varieties of these: the almond
type, oval almond-shaped, elongate oval, and subtriangular—the
latter evolving into the finely modelled type of late Acheulean times.
It may have been from these oval types that the disc form was
finally evolved.

Fig. 83. Illustrating the

method of 'chipping'
flint implements by
pressure with a bone
or wooden implement,
to produce the finer
retouch of the surfaces
and edges.

There is wide difference of opinion regarding the use of these thin

ovaloid, triangular, and disc forms. Obermaier considers that they
may have been clamped in wood, or furnished with a shaft, thus
forming a spear head. Another suggestion is that they were used
with a leather guard to protect the hand; and there is no doubt that
in either case they would have served as effective weapons in chase
or war. Another view is that of Commont,(37) who believes that not a
single implement down to the very end of Acheulean times can be
regarded as a weapon of war; this author maintains that many of
these implements, including those dressed on both edges, were still
in various ways grasped by the hand, although they do not present
the firm, blunted grip of the ancient coups de poing.
We also note the development of a type of coup de poing, with
cutting blade fashioned straight across the end: this primitive chisel
or adze-shaped tool may have been used as a chopper, or as an axe,
in fashioning wooden tools.
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