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In Praise of Computer Organization and Design: The Hardware/
Software Interface, Sixth Edition
SECOND EDITION
David A. Patterson has been teaching computer architecture at the University of
California, Berkeley, since joining the faculty in 1977, where he held the Pardee Chair
of Computer Science. His teaching has been honored by the Distinguished Teaching
Award from the University of California, the Karlstrom Award from ACM, and the
Mulligan Education Medal and Undergraduate Teaching Award from IEEE. Patterson
received the IEEE Technical Achievement Award and the ACM Eckert-Mauchly Award
for contributions to RISC, and he shared the IEEE Johnson Information Storage Award
for contributions to RAID. He also shared the IEEE John von Neumann Medal and
the C & C Prize with John Hennessy. Like his coauthor, Patterson is a Fellow of both
AAAS organizations, the Computer History Museum, ACM, and IEEE, and he was
elected to the National Academy of Engineering, the National Academy of Sciences,
and the Silicon Valley Engineering Hall of Fame. He served as chair of the CS division
in the Berkeley EECS department, as chair of the Computing Research Association,
and as President of ACM. This record led to Distinguished Service Awards from ACM,
CRA, and SIGARCH. He received the Tapia Achievement Award for Civic Science and
Diversifying Computing and shared the 2017 ACM A. M. Turing Award with Hennessy.
At Berkeley, Patterson led the design and implementation of RISC I, likely the first
VLSI reduced instruction set computer, and the foundation of the commercial SPARC
architecture. He was a leader of the Redundant Arrays of Inexpensive Disks (RAID)
project, which led to dependable storage systems from many companies. He was
also involved in the Network of Workstations (NOW) project, which led to cluster
technology used by Internet companies and later to cloud computing. These projects
earned four dissertation awards from ACM. In 2016, he became Professor Emeritus at
Berkeley and a Distinguished Engineer at Google, where he works on domain specific
architecture for machine learning. He is also the Vice Chair of RISC-V International
and the Director of the RISC-V International Open Source Laboratory.
John L. Hennessy was a Professor of Electrical Engineering and Computer Science
at Stanford University, where he has been a member of the faculty since 1977 and was,
from 2000 to 2016, its tenth President. Hennessy is a Fellow of the IEEE and ACM; a
member of the National Academy of Engineering, the National Academy of Science,
and the American Philosophical Society; and a Fellow of the American Academy of
Arts and Sciences. Among his many awards are the 2001 Eckert-Mauchly Award for
his contributions to RISC technology, the 2001 Seymour Cray Computer Engineering
Award, and the 2000 John von Neumann Award, which he shared with David Patterson.
In 2017, they shared the ACM A. M. Turing Award. He has also received seven honorary
doctorates.
In 1981, he started the MIPS project at Stanford with a handful of graduate students.
After completing the project in 1984, he took a leave from the university to cofound
MIPS Computer Systems (now MIPS Technologies), which developed one of the first
commercial RISC microprocessors. As of 2006, over 2 billion MIPS microprocessors have
been shipped in devices ranging from video games and palmtop computers to laser printers
and network switches. Hennessy subsequently led the DASH (Director Architecture
for Shared Memory) project, which prototyped the first scalable cache coherent
multiprocessor; many of the key ideas have been adopted in modern multiprocessors.
In addition to his technical activities and university responsibilities, he has continued to
work with numerous start-ups, both as an early-stage advisor and an investor.
He is currently Director of Knight-Hennessy Scholars and serves as non-executive
chairman of Alphabet.
R I S C - V E D I T I O N
SECOND EDITION
David A. Patterson
University of California, Berkeley
Google, Inc
John L. Hennessy
Stanford University
Morgan Kaufmann is an imprint of Elsevier
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ISBN: 978-0-12-820331-6
Preface xi
C H A P T E R S
1.1 Introduction 3
1.2 Seven Great Ideas in Computer Architecture 10
1.3 Below Your Program 13
1.4 Under the Covers 16
1.5 Technologies for Building Processors and Memory 25
1.6 Performance 29
1.7 The Power Wall 40
1.8 The Sea Change: The Switch from Uniprocessors to Multiprocessors 43
1.9 Real Stuff: Benchmarking the Intel Core i7 46
1.10 Going Faster: Matrix Multiply in Python 49
1.11 Fallacies and Pitfalls 50
1.12 Concluding Remarks 53
1.13 Historical Perspective and Further Reading 55
1.14 Self-Study 55
1.15 Exercises 59
2.1 Introduction 68
2.2 Operations of the Computer Hardware 69
2.3 Operands of the Computer Hardware 73
2.4 Signed and Unsigned Numbers 80
2.5 Representing Instructions in the Computer 87
2.6 Logical Operations 95
2.7 Instructions for Making Decisions 98
2.8 Supporting Procedures in Computer Hardware 104
2.9 Communicating with People 114
2.10 RISC-V Addressing for Wide Immediates and Addresses 120
2.11 Parallelism and Instructions: Synchronization 128
2.12 Translating and Starting a Program 131
2.13 A C Sort Example to Put it All Together 140
Contents vii
A P P E N D I X
O N L I N E C O N T E N T
C Mapping Control to Hardware C-2
C.1 Introduction C-3
C.2 Implementing Combinational Control Units C-4
C.3 Implementing Finite-State Machine Control C-8
C.4 Implementing the Next-State Function with a Sequencer C-22
C.5 Translating a Microprogram to Hardware C-28
C.6 Concluding Remarks C-32
C.7 Exercises C-33
instruction set, but it offers a simple, elegant, modern take on what instruction sets
should look like in 2020.
Moreover, because it is not proprietary, there are open-source RISC-V
simulators, compilers, debuggers, and so on easily available and even open-source
RISC-V implementations available written in hardware description languages.
Moreover, 2020 saw the introduction of low-cost boards based on RISC-V that are
the equivalent of the Raspberry Pi, which is not the case for MIPS. Readers will not
only benefit from studying these RISC-V designs, they will be able to modify them
and go through the implementation process in order to understand the impact of
their hypothetical changes on performance, die size, and energy.
This is an exciting opportunity for the computing industry as well as for education,
and thus at the time of this writing more than 300 companies have joined the RISC-V
foundation. This sponsor list includes virtually all the major players except for ARM
and Intel, including Alibaba, Amazon, AMD, Google, Hewlett Packard Enterprise,
IBM, Microsoft, NVIDIA, Qualcomm, Samsung, and Western Digital.
It is for these reasons that we wrote a RISC-V edition of this book, and we
switched Computer Architecture: A Quantitative Approach to RISC-V as well.
With this edition of the RISC-V version, we switched from 64-bit RV64 to 32-bit
RV32. Instructors found that the extra complexity of a 64-bit instruction set made
it harder on the students. RV32 reduces the core architecture by 10 instructions—
dropping ld, sd, lwu, addw, subw, addwi, sllw, srlw, sllwiw, srliw—and they don’t
have to understand operations on the lower 32 bits of a 64-bit register. We also can
largely ignore doublewords and just use words in the text. in this edition we also
hid the odd-looking SB and UJ formats until Chapter 4. We explain the hardware
savings of the swirled bit orderings in the immediate fields of SB and UJ later
since that chapter is where we show the datapath hardware. Just as we did for
the sixth MIPS addition, we added an online section showing a multiple-clock-
cycle implementation for this edition, but we modified it to match RISC-V. Some
faculty prefer to go through the multicycle implementation after the single-cycle
implementation before introducing pipelining.
The only changes for the RISC-V edition from the MIPS edition are those
associated with the change in instruction sets, which primarily affects Chapter 2,
Chapter 3, the virtual memory section in Chapter 5, and the short VMIPS example
in Chapter 6. In Chapter 4, we switched to RISC-V instructions, changed several
figures, and added a few “Elaboration” sections, but the changes were simpler than
we had feared. Chapter 1 and most of the appendices are virtually unchanged. The
extensive online documentation and combined with the magnitude of RISC-V
make it difficult to come up with a replacement for the MIPS version of Appendix
A (“Assemblers, Linkers, and the SPIM Simulator” in the MIPS Sixth Edition).
Instead, Chapters 2, 3, and 5 include quick overviews of the hundreds of RISC-V
instructions outside of the core RISC-V instructions that we cover in detail in the
rest of the book.
The current plan is to continue revisiing both the MIPS and RISC-V versions of
this book, as we did in 2020.
xiv Preface
5.1 to 5.10
The second edition of COD (RISC-V edition) reflects these recent changes,
updates all the examples and figures, responds to requests of instructors, plus adds
a pedagogic improvement inspired by textbooks I used to help my grandchildren
with their math classes.
● The Going Faster section is now in every chapter. It starts with a Python version
in Chapter 1, whose poor performance inspires learning C and then rewriting
matrix multiply in C in Chapter 2. The remaining chapters accelerate matrix
multiply by leveraging data-level parallelism, instruction-level parallelism,
thread-level parallelism, and by adjusting memory accesses to match the
memory hierarchy of a modern server. This computer has 512-bit SIMD
operations, speculative out-of-order execution, three levels of caches, and 48
cores. All four optimizations add only 21 lines of C code yet speedup matrix
multiply by almost 50,000, cutting it from nearly 6 hours in Python to less than
1 second in optimized C. If I were a student again, this running example would
inspire me to use C and learn the underlying hardware concepts of this book.
● With this edition, every chapter has a Self-Study section that asks thought
provoking questions and supplies the answers afterwards to help you
evaluate if you follow the material on your own.
● Besides explaining that Moore’s Law and Dennard Scaling no longer hold,
we’ve de-emphasized Moore’s Law as a change agent that was prominent in
the fifth edition.
● Chapter 2 has more material to emphasize that binary data has no inherent
meaning—the program determines the data type—not an easy concept for
beginners to grasp.
●
Chapter 2 also includes a short description of the MIPS as a contrasting
instruction set to RISC-V alongside ARMv7, ARMv8, and x86. (There is
also a companion version of this book based on MIPS instead of RISC-V,
and we’re updating that with the other changes as well.)
● The benchmark example of Chapter 2 is upgraded to SPEC2017 from SPEC2006.
●
At instructors’ request, we’ve restored the multi-cycle implementation
of RISC-V as an online section in Chapter 4 between the single-cycle
implementation and the pipelined implementation. Some instructors find
these three steps an easier path to teach pipelining.
● The Putting It All Together examples of Chapters 4 and 5 were updated
to the recent ARM A53 microarchitecture and the Intel i7 6700 Skyelake
microarchitecture.
● The Fallacies and Pitfalls Sections of Chapters 5 and 6 added pitfalls around
hardware security attacks of Row Hammer and Spectre.
●
Chapter 6 has a new section introducing DSAs using Google’s Tensor
Processing Unit (TPU) version 1. Chapter 6’s Putting it All Together section
Preface xvii
Instructor Support
We have collected a great deal of material to help instructors teach courses using
this book. Solutions to exercises, figures from the book, lecture slides, and other
materials are available to instructors who register with the publisher. In addition,
the companion Web site provides links to a free RISC-V software. Check the
publisher’s website for more information:
https://textbooks.elsevier.com/web/manuals.aspx?isbn=9780128203316
Concluding Remarks
If you read the following acknowledgments section, you will see that we went to
great lengths to correct mistakes. Since a book goes through many printings, we
have the opportunity to make even more corrections. If you uncover any remaining,
resilient bugs, please contact the publisher.
This edition is the fourth break in the long-standing collaboration between
Hennessy and Patterson, which started in 1989. The demands of running one of
the world’s great universities meant that President Hennessy could no longer had
the tme the substantial commitment to create a new edition. The remaining author
felt once again like a tightrope walker without a safety net. Hence, the people in the
acknowledgments and Berkeley colleagues played an even larger role in shaping
the contents of this book. Nevertheless, this time around there is only one author
to blame for the new material in what you are about to read.
We are grateful for the assistance of Khaled Benkrid and his colleagues at
ARM Ltd., who carefully reviewed the ARM-related material and provided helpful
feedback.
Special thanks goes to Dr. Rimas Avizenis, who developed the various versions of
matrix multiply and supplied the performance numbers as well. I deeply appreciate
his continued help after he has graduated from UC Berkeley. As I worked with his
father while I was a graduate student at UCLA, it was a nice symmetry to work with
Rimas when he was a graduate student at UC Berkeley.
I also wish to thank my longtime collaborator Randy Katz of UC Berkeley, who
helped develop the concept of great ideas in computer architecture as part of the
extensive revision of an undergraduate class that we did together.
I’d like to thank David Kirk, John Nickolls, and their colleagues at NVIDIA
(Michael Garland, John Montrym, Doug Voorhies, Lars Nyland, Erik Lindholm,
Paulius Micikevicius, Massimiliano Fatica, Stuart Oberman, and Vasily Volkov)
for writing the first in-depth appendix on GPUs. I’d like to express again my
appreciation to Jim Larus, recently named Dean of the School of Computer and
Communications Science at EPFL, for his willingness in contributing his expertise
on assembly language programming, as well as for welcoming readers of this book
with regard to using the simulator he developed and maintains.
I am also very grateful to Jason Bakos of the University of South Carolina,
who updated and created new exercises, based on the exercises created by Perry
Alexander (The University of Kansas); Javier Bruguera (Universidade de Santiago
de Compostela); Matthew Farrens (University of California, Davis); Zachary
Kurmas (Grand Valley State University); David Kaeli (Northeastern University);
Nicole Kaiyan (University of Adelaide); John Oliver (Cal Poly, San Luis Obispo);
Milos Prvulovic (Georgia Tech); Jichuan Chang (Google); Jacob Leverich
(Stanford); Kevin Lim (Hewlett-Packard); and Partha Ranganathan (Google).
Additional thanks goes to Jason Bakos for updating the lecture slides, based on
updated slides from Peter Ashenden (Ashenden Design Pty Ltd).
I am grateful to the many instructors who have answered the publisher’s surveys,
reviewed our proposals, and attended focus groups. They include the following
individuals: Focus Groups: Bruce Barton (Suffolk County Community College), Jeff
Braun (Montana Tech), Ed Gehringer (North Carolina State), Michael Goldweber
(Xavier University), Ed Harcourt (St. Lawrence University), Mark Hill (University
of Wisconsin, Madison), Patrick Homer (University of Arizona), Norm Jouppi
(HP Labs), Dave Kaeli (Northeastern University), Christos Kozyrakis (Stanford
University), Jae C. Oh (Syracuse University), Lu Peng (LSU), Milos Prvulovic
(Georgia Tech), Partha Ranganathan (HP Labs), David Wood (University of
Wisconsin), Craig Zilles (University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign). Surveys
and Reviews: Mahmoud Abou-Nasr (Wayne State University), Perry Alexander
(The University of Kansas), Behnam Arad (Sacramento State University), Hakan
Aydin (George Mason University), Hussein Badr (State University of New York at
Stony Brook), Mac Baker (Virginia Military Institute), Ron Barnes (George Mason
University), Douglas Blough (Georgia Institute of Technology), Kevin Bolding
(Seattle Pacific University), Miodrag Bolic (University of Ottawa), John Bonomo
Preface xix
David A. Patterson
THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK
1
Computer
Abstractions and
Civilization advances Technology
by extending the
1.1 Introduction 3
number of important
1.2 Seven Great Ideas in Computer
operations which we Architecture 10
can perform without 1.3 Below Your Program 13
thinking about them. 1.4 Under the Covers 16
1.5 Technologies for Building Processors and
Alfred North Whitehead,
An Introduction to Mathematics, 1911 Memory 25
1.1 Introduction
Welcome to this book! We’re delighted to have this opportunity to convey the
excitement of the world of computer systems. This is not a dry and dreary field,
where progress is glacial and where new ideas atrophy from neglect. No! Computers
are the product of the incredibly vibrant information technology industry, all
aspects of which are responsible for almost 10% of the gross national product
of the United States, and whose economy has become dependent in part on the
rapid improvements in information technology. This unusual industry embraces
innovation at a breathtaking rate. In the last 40 years, there have been a number
of new computers whose introduction appeared to revolutionize the computing
industry; these revolutions were cut short only because someone else built an even
better computer.
This race to innovate has led to unprecedented progress since the inception
of electronic computing in the late 1940s. Had the transportation industry kept
pace with the computer industry, for example, today we could travel from New
York to London in a second for a penny. Take just a moment to contemplate how
such an improvement would change society—living in Tahiti while working in San
Francisco, going to Moscow for an evening at the Bolshoi Ballet—and you can
appreciate the implications of such a change.
4 Chapter 1 Computer Abstractions and Technology
Computers have led to a third revolution for civilization, with the information
revolution taking its place alongside the agricultural and industrial revolutions. The
resulting multiplication of humankind’s intellectual strength and reach naturally
has affected our everyday lives profoundly and changed the ways in which the
search for new knowledge is carried out. There is now a new vein of scientific
investigation, with computational scientists joining theoretical and experimental
scientists in the exploration of new frontiers in astronomy, biology, chemistry, and
physics, among others.
The computer revolution continues. Each time the cost of computing improves
by another factor of 10, the opportunities for computers multiply. Applications that
were economically infeasible suddenly become practical. In the recent past, the
following applications were “computer science fiction.”
Clearly, advances in this technology now affect almost every aspect of our
society. Hardware advances have allowed programmers to create wonderfully
useful software, which explains why computers are omnipresent. Today’s
science fiction suggests tomorrow’s killer applications: already on their way
are glasses that augment reality, the cashless society, and cars that can drive
themselves.
1.1 Introduction 5
FIGURE 1.1 The 2X vs. 10Y bytes ambiguity was resolved by adding a binary notation for
all the common size terms. In the last column we note how much larger the binary term is than its
corresponding decimal term, which is compounded as we head down the chart. These prefixes work for
bits as well as bytes, so gigabit (Gb) is 109 bits while gibibits (Gib) is 230 bits. The society that runs the metric
system created the decimal prefixes, with the last two proposed only in 2019 in anticipation of the global
capacity of storage systems. All the names are derived from the entymology in Latin of the powers of 1000
that they represent.
Elaboration: Elaborations are short sections used throughout the text to provide more
detail on a particular subject that may be of interest. Disinterested readers may skip
over an Elaboration, since the subsequent material will never depend on the contents
of the Elaboration.
Many embedded processors are designed using processor cores, a version of a
processor written in a hardware description language, such as Verilog or VHDL (see
Chapter 4). The core allows a designer to integrate other application-specific hardware
with the processor core for fabrication on a single chip.
1600
Smart phone
1400
1200
1000
Millions
800
600
Cell phone
400 (excluding smart phones)
PC (excluding tablets)
200
Tablet
0
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
2012
2013
2014
2015
2016
2017
2018
FIGURE 1.2 The number manufactured per year of tablets and smart phones, which
reflect the post-PC era, versus personal computers and traditional cell phones. Smart Personal mobile
phones represent the recent growth in the cell phone industry, and they passed PCs in 2011. PCs, tablets, and
devices (PMDs) are
traditional cell phone categories are declining. The peak volume years are 2011 for cell phones, 2013 for PCs,
and 2014 for tablets. PCs fell from 20% of total units shipped in 2007 to 10% in 2018. small wireless devices to
connect to the Internet;
past as the switch starting 40 years ago to personal computers. Replacing the PC they rely on batteries for
is the personal mobile device (PMD). PMDs are battery operated with wireless power, and software is
installed by downloading
connectivity to the Internet and typically cost hundreds of dollars, and, like PCs, apps. Conventional
users can download software (“apps”) to run on them. Unlike PCs, they no longer examples are smart
have a keyboard and mouse, and are more likely to rely on a touch-sensitive screen phones and tablets.
or even speech input. Today’s PMD is a smart phone or a tablet computer, but
tomorrow it may include electronic glasses. Figure 1.2 shows the rapid growth over Cloud Computing
refers to large collections
time of tablets and smart phones versus that of PCs and traditional cell phones. of servers that provide
Taking over from the conventional server is Cloud Computing, which relies services over the Internet;
upon giant datacenters that are now known as Warehouse Scale Computers (WSCs). some providers rent
Companies like Amazon and Google build these WSCs containing 50,000 servers and dynamically varying
then let companies rent portions of them so that they can provide software services to numbers of servers as a
PMDs without having to build WSCs of their own. Indeed, Software as a Service (SaaS) utility.
deployed via the Cloud is revolutionizing the software industry just as PMDs and WSCs Software as a Service
are revolutionizing the hardware industry. Today’s software developers will often have a (SaaS) delivers software
portion of their application that runs on the PMD and a portion that runs in the Cloud. and data as a service over
the Internet, usually via
a thin program such as a
What You Can Learn in This Book browser that runs on local
Successful programmers have always been concerned about the performance of client devices, instead of
their programs, because getting results to the user quickly is critical in creating binary code that must be
installed, and runs wholly
popular software. In the 1960s and 1970s, a primary constraint on computer
on that device. Examples
performance was the size of the computer’s memory. Thus, programmers often include web search and
followed a simple credo: minimize memory space to make programs fast. In the social networking.
Discovering Diverse Content Through
Random Scribd Documents
Joseph Wimpfeling, his contemporary, the latest defenders of the Haarlem
tradition think? The question is still undecided.
The “Speculum,” however, is not the only book of the kind which
had appeared in the Low Countries before the period assigned to the
discovery of printing in Holland. Some of these were evidently xylographic,
others show signs of having been printed with movable type of wood, not of
metal. All have engravings of the same character as those of the
“Speculum,” especially the “Biblia Pauperum” (“Poor Men’s Bible”) (Fig.
392), the “Ars Moriendi” (“The Art of Dying”) (Fig. 393) the “Ars
Memorandi” (“The Art of Remembering”), which had a very wide
circulation.
However this may be, Laurent Coster, notwithstanding the progress he
had made with his invention, was certainly ignorant of its importance. In
those days the only libraries were those belonging to convents and to a few
nobles of literary acquirements; private individuals, with the exception of
some learned men who were richer than their fellows, possessed no books
at all. The copyists and illuminators by profession were employed
exclusively in reproducing “Livres d’Heures” (prayer-books), and school
books: the first were sumptuous volumes, objects of an industry quite
exceptional; the second, destined for children, were always simply
executed, and composed of a few leaves of strong paper or parchment. The
pupils limited themselves to writing passages of their lessons from the
dictation of their teachers; to the monks was assigned the task of
transcribing, at full length, the sacred and profane authors. Coster could not
even have thought of reproducing these works, the sale of which would
have seemed to him impossible, and he at first fell back upon the “Specula,”
religious books which addressed themselves to all the faithful, even to those
who could not read, by means of the stories or illustrations (images) of
which these books were composed; then he occupied himself with the
“Donati,” which he reprinted many times from xylographic plates, if not
with movable type, and for which he must have found a considerable
demand. It was one of these “Donati” that, falling under the eyes of
Gutenberg, revealed to him, according to the “Chronique de Cologne,” the
secret of printing.
This secret was kept faithfully for fifteen or twenty years by the
workmen employed in his printing-house, who were not initiated into the
mysteries of the new art till they had served a certain time of probation and
apprenticeship: a terrible oath bound together those whom the master had
considered worthy of entering into partnership with him; for on the
preservation of the secret depended the prosperity or the ruin of the inventor
and his coadjutors, since all printed books were then sold as manuscripts.
Fig. 393.—Fac-simile of the fifth Page of the first Xylographic Edition of the “Ars Moriendi,”
representing the Sinner on his Death-bed surrounded by his Family. Two Demons are whispering into
his ear, “Think of thy treasure,” and “Distribute it to thy friends.”
But while the secret was so scrupulously maintained by the first Dutch
printer and his partners, a lawsuit was brought before the superior court of
Strasbourg which, though the motives for it were apparently but of private
interest, was nevertheless to give the public the key to the mysterious trade
of the typographer. This lawsuit,—the curious documents relating to which
were found only in 1760, in an old tower at Strasbourg,—was brought
against John Gensfleisch, called Gutenberg (who was born at Mayence, but
was exiled from his native town during the political troubles, and had
settled at Strasbourg since 1420), by George and Nicholas Dritzehen, who,
as heirs of the deceased Andrew Dritzehen, their brother, and formerly
Gutenberg’s partner, desired to be admitted as his representatives into an
association of whose object they were ignorant, but from which they no
doubt knew their brother expected to derive some beneficial results. It was,
in short, printing itself which was on its trial at Strasbourg towards the end
of the year 1439; that is, more than fourteen years before the period at
which printing is known to have been first employed in Mayence.
Here is a summary, as we find them in the documents relating to this
lawsuit, of the facts stated before the judge. Gutenberg, an ingenious but a
poor man, possessed divers secrets for becoming rich. Andrew Dritzehen
came to him with a request that he would teach him many arts. Gutenberg
thereupon initiated him into the art of polishing stones, and Andrew
“derived great profit from this secret.” Subsequently, with the object of
carrying out another art during the pilgrimage of Aix-la-Chapelle,[60]
Gutenberg agreed with Hans Riffen, mayor of Lichtenau, to form a
company, which Andrew Dritzehen and a man named Andrew Heilman
desired to join. Gutenberg consented to this on condition that they would
together purchase of him the right to a third of the profits, for a sum of 160
florins, payable on the day of the contract, and 80 florins payable at a later
date. The agreement being made, he taught them the art which they were to
exercise at the proper period in Aix-la-Chapelle; but the pilgrimage was
postponed to the following year, and the partners required of Gutenberg that
he should not conceal from them any of the arts and inventions of which he
was cognisant. New stipulations were entered upon whereby the partners
pledged themselves to pay an additional sum, and in which it was stated
that the art should be carried on for the benefit of the four partners during
the space of five years; and that, in the event of one of them dying, all the
implements of the art, and all the works already produced, should belong to
the surviving partners; the heirs of the deceased being entitled to receive no
more than an indemnity of 100 florins at the expiration of the said five
years.
Gutenberg accordingly offered to pay the heirs of his late partner the
stipulated sum; but they demanded of him an account of the capital invested
by Andrew Dritzehen, which, as they alleged, had been absorbed in the
speculation. They mentioned especially a certain account for lead, for
which their brother had made himself responsible. Without denying this
account, Gutenberg refused to satisfy their demands.
Numerous witnesses gave evidence, and their depositions for and against
the object of the association show us a faithful picture of what must have
been the inner life of four partners exhausting themselves and their money
in efforts to realise a scheme the nature of which they were very careful to
conceal, but from which they expected to derive the most splendid results.
We find them working by night; we hear them answering those who
questioned them on the object of their work, that they were “mirror-makers”
(spiegel-macher); we find them borrowing money, because they had in hand
“something in which they could not invest too much money.” Andrew
Dritzehen, in whose care the press was left, being dead, Gutenberg’s first
object was to send to the deceased’s house a man he could trust, who was
commissioned to unscrew the press, so that the pieces (or forms), which
were fixed closely together by it, might become detached from each other,
and then to place these forms in or on the press “in such a manner that no
one might be able to understand what they were.” Gutenberg regrets that his
servant did not bring him back all the forms, many of which “were not to be
found.” Lastly, we find figuring among the witnesses a turner, a timber-
merchant, and a goldsmith who declared that he had worked during three
years for Gutenberg, and that he had gained more than 100 florins by
preparing for him “the things belonging to printing” (das zu dem Trucken
gehoret).
Trucken—printing! Thus the grand word was pronounced in the course
of the lawsuit, but certainly without producing the least effect on the
audience, who wondered what was this occult art which Gutenberg and his
partners had carried on with so much trouble, and at such great expense.
However, it is quite certain that, with the exception of the indiscretion,
really very insignificant, of the goldsmith, Gutenberg’s secret remained
undiscovered, for it was supposed it had to do with the polishing of stones
and the manufacture of mirrors. The judge, being informed as to the good
faith of Gutenberg, pronounced the offers he made to the plaintiffs
satisfactory, decided against the heirs of Andrew Dritzehen, and the three
other partners remained sole proprietors of their process, and continued to
carry it out.
If we study with some attention the documents relating to this singular
trial at Strasbourg, and if we also notice, that our word mirror is the
translation of the German word spiegel and of the Latin word speculum, it
is impossible not to recognise all the processes, all the implements made
use of in printing, with the names they have not ceased to bear, and which
were given to them as soon as they were invented; the forms, the screw
(which is not the printing-press, for they printed in those days with the
frotton, or rubber, but the frame in which the types were pressed), the lead,
the work, the art, &c. We see Gutenberg accompanied by a turner who
made the screw for the press, the timber merchant who had supplied the
planks of box or of pear wood, the goldsmith who had engraved or cast the
type. Then we ascertain that these “mirrors,” in the preparation of which the
partners were occupied, and which were to be sold at the pilgrimage of Aix-
la-Chapelle, were no other than the future copies of the “Speculum
Humanæ Salvationis,” an imitation more or less perfect of the famous book
of illustrations of which Holland had already published three or four
editions, in Latin and in Dutch.
We know, on the other hand, that these “Mirrors” or “Specula” were, in
the earliest days of printing, so much in request, that in every place the first
printers rivalled each other in executing and publishing different editions of
the book with illustrations. Here, there was the reprint of the “Speculum,”
abridged by L. Coster; there, the “Speculum” of Gutenberg, taken entirely
from manuscripts; now it was the “Speculum Vitæ Humanæ,” by Roderick,
Bishop of Zamora; then the “Speculum Conscienciæ,” of Arnold
Gheyloven; then the “Speculum Sacerdotum,” or again, the voluminous
“Speculum” of Vincent de Beauvais, &c.
It cannot now any longer be assumed that Gutenberg really made mirrors
or looking-glasses at Strasbourg, and that those pieces “laid in a press,”
those “forms which came to pieces,” that lead sold or wrought by a
goldsmith, were, as they wished it to be supposed, only intended to be used
“for printing ornaments on the frames of looking-glasses!”
Fig. 395.—Fac-simile of the Bible of 1456 (1 Samuel xix, 1-5), printed at Mayence by Gutenberg.
The fourth work printed by Fust and Schœffer, and dated 1460, is the
collection of the Constitutions of Pope Clement V., known by the name of
“Clementines”—a large in-folio in double columns, having superb initial
letters painted in gold and colours in the small number of copies still extant.
But Gutenberg, though deprived of his typographic apparatus, had not
renounced the art of which he considered himself, and with reason, the
principal inventor. He was, above all, anxious to prove himself as capable
as his former partners of producing books “without the help of the pen.” He
formed a new association, and fitted up a printing-office which, we know
by tradition, was actively at work till 1460, the year wherein appeared the
“Catholicon” (a kind of encyclopædia of the thirteenth century), by John
Balbi, of Genoa, the only important work the printing of which can be
attributed to Gutenberg (Fig. 397), and which can bear comparison with the
editions of Fust and Schœffer. Gutenberg, who had imitated the Dutch
“Donati” and “Specula,” doubtless felt a repugnance at appropriating to
himself the credit of an invention he had only improved; accordingly, in the
long and explicit anonymous inscription placed at the end of the volume, he
attributed to God alone the glory of this divine invention, declaring that the
“Catholicon” had been printed without the assistance of reed, stylus, or pen,
but by a marvellous combination of points, matrices, and letters.
not less active in Venice, where it seems to have been imported by that
Nicholas Jenson whom Louis XI. had sent to Gutenberg, and whom for a
long time even the Venetians looked on as the inventor of the art with which
he had clandestinely become acquainted at Mayence. From the
competition arose among printers, who flocked to Venice, where they found
a market for their volumes which a thousand ships carried to all parts of the
world. At this period important and admirable publications issued from the
numerous rival printing establishments in Venice. Christopher Waltdorfer,
of Ratisbon, published in 1471 the first edition of the “Decameron” of
Boccaccio, of which a copy was sold for £2,080 at the Roxburgh sale; John
of Cologne published, in the same year, the first dated edition of “Terence;”
Adam of Amberg reprinted, from the Roman editions, “Lactantius” and
“Virgil,” &c. Finally, Venice already possessed more than two hundred
printers, when in 1494 the great Aldo Manuzio made his appearance, the
precursor of the Estiennes,[62] who were the glory of French printing. From
every part of Europe printing spread itself and flourished (Figs. 399 to 411);
the printers, however, often neglected, perhaps intentionally, to date their
productions. In the course of 1469 there were only two towns, Venice and
Milan, that revealed, by their dated editions, the time at which printing was
first established within their walls; in 1470, five towns—Nuremberg, Paris,
Foligno, Treviso, and Verona; in 1471, eight towns—Strasbourg, Spires,
Treviso, Bologna, Ferrara, Naples, Pavia, and Florence; in 1472, eight
others—Cremona, Felizzano, Padua, Mantua, Montreuil, Jesi, Munster, and
Parma; in 1473, ten—Brescia, Messina, Ulm, Bude, Lauingen, Mersebourg,
Alost, Utrecht, Lyons, and St. Ursio, near Vicenza; in 1474, thirteen towns,
among which are Valentia (in Spain) and London; in 1475, twelve towns,
&c. Each year we find the art gaining ground, and each year an increase in
the number of books newly edited, rendering science and literature popular
by considerably diminishing the price of books. Thus, for example, at the
beginning of the fifteenth century, the illustrious Poggio sold his fine
manuscript of “Livy,” to raise money enough to buy himself a villa near
Florence; Anthony of Palermo mortgaged his estate in order to be able to
purchase a manuscript of the same historical writer, valued at a hundred and
twenty-five dollars; yet a few years later the “Livy,” printed at Rome by
Sweynheim and Pannartz, in one folio volume on vellum, was worth only
five golden dollars.
Fig. 404.—Mark of Simon Vostre, Printer at Paris, in 1531, living in the Rue Neuve Nostre-Dame, at
the Sign of St. John the Evangelist.
Fig. 405.—Mark of Galliot du Pré, Bookseller at Paris. (1531.)
The largest number of the early editions resembled each other, for they
were generally printed in Gothic characters, or lettres de somme—letters
which bristled with points and angular appendices. These characters, when
printing was only just invented, had preserved in Holland and in Germany
their original form; and the celebrated printer of Bruges, Colard Mansion,
only improved on them in his valuable publications, which were almost
contemporaneous with Gutenberg’s “Catholicon;” but they had already
under-gone in France a semi metamorphosis in getting rid of their
angularities and their most extravagant features. These lettres de somme
were then adopted under the name of bâtarde (bastard) or ronde (round), in
the first books printed in France, and when Nicholas Jenson established
himself in Venice
Fig. 406.—Mark of Philippe le Noir, Printer, Bookseller, and Bookbinder, at Paris, 1536, living in the
Rue St. Jacques, at the sign of the “Rose Couronnée.”
Fig. 407.—Mark of Temporal, Printer at Lyons, 1550-1559, with two devices; one in Latin, “And in
the meanwhile time flieth, flieth irreparably;” the other in Greek, “Mark, or know, Time.” (Observe
the play upon the words tempus, καιρὁς and Temporal.)
he used the Roman, which were only an elegant variety of the lettres de
somme of France (Gothic characters). Aldo Manuzio, with the sole object of
insuring that Venice should not owe its national type to a Frenchman,
adopted the Italic character, renewed from the writing called cursive or de
chancellerie (of the chancellor’s office), which was never generally used in
printing, notwithstanding the fine editions of Aldo. Hereafter the
Ciceronean character was to come into use, so called because it had been
employed at Rome in the first edition of the “Epistolæ Familiares”
(Familiar Letters) of Cicero, in 1467. The character called “St.
Augustinian,” which appeared later, likewise owes its name to the large
edition of the works of St. Augustine, published at Basle in 1506. Moreover,
during this first period in which each printer engraved, or caused to be
engraved under his own directions,
the characters he made use of, there was an infinite number of different
types. The register, a table indicative of the quires which composed the
book, was necessary to point out in what order these were to be arranged
and bound together. After the register came the catchwords, which, at the
end of each quire or of each leaf, were destined to serve an analogous
purpose; and the signatures, indicating the place of quires or of leaves by
letters or figures; but signatures and catchwords existed already in the
manuscripts, and typographers had only to reproduce them in their editions.
There was at first a perfect identity between the manuscripts and the books
printed from them. The typographic art seems to have considered it
imperative to respect the abbreviations with which the manuscripts were so
encumbered as often to become unintelligible; but, as it was not easy to
transfer them precisely from the manuscripts, they were soon expressed in
such a way, and in so complicated a manner, that in 1483 a special
explanatory treatise had to be published to render them intelligible. The
punctuation was generally very capriciously presented: here, it was nearly
nil; there, it admitted only of the full stop in various positions; the rests
were often indicated by oblique strokes; sometimes the full stop was round,
sometimes square, and we find also the star or asterisk employed as a sign
of punctuation. The new paragraphs, or breaks, are placed indifferently in
the same line with the rest of the text, projecting beyond it or not reaching
to it.
Fig. 412.—Border from the “Livre d’Heures” of Anthony Vérard (1488), representing the
Assumption of the Virgin in the presence of the Apostles and Holy Women, and at the bottom of the
page two Mystical Figures.
The book, on leaving the press, went, like its predecessor the manuscript,
first into the hands of the corrector, who revised the text, rectifying wrong
letters, and restoring those the press had left in blank; then into the hands of
the rubricator, who printed in red, blue, or other colours, the initial letters,
the capitals, and the new paragraphs. The leaves, before the adoption of
signatures, were numbered by hand.
At first, nearly all books were printed in folio and quarto sizes, the result
of folding the sheet of paper in two or in four respectively; but the length
and breadth of these sizes varied according to the requirements of
typography and the dimensions of the press. At the end of the fifteenth
century, however, the advantages of the octavo were already appreciated,
which soon became in France the sex-decimo, and in Italy the duo-decimo.
Fig. 413.—Border taken from the “Livre d’Heures” of Geoffroi Tory (1525).
Paper and ink employed by the earliest printer seem to have required no
improvement as the art of printing progressed.
Fig. 414—“Livre d’Heures,” by Guillaume Roville (1551), a composition in the style of the school of
Lyons, with Caryatides representing female Saints semi-veiled.
The ink was black, bright, indelible, unalterable, penetrating deeply into
the paper, and composed, as already were the colours, of oil-paint. The
paper, which was certainly rather grey or yellow, and often coarse and
rough, had the advantage of being strong, durable, and was almost fit, in
virtue of these qualities, to replace parchment and vellum, both of which
materials were scarce and too expensive. Editors contented themselves with
having struck off on membrane (a thin and white vellum) a small number of
copies of each edition; never exceeding three hundred. These sumptuous
copies, rubricated, illuminated, bound with care, resembling in every
respect the finest manuscripts, were generally presented to kings, princes,
and great personages, whose patronage or assistance the printer sought. Nor
was any expense spared to add to typography all the ornaments which
wood-engravings could confer upon it; and from the year 1475, numerous
illustrated editions, of which an example was found in the first “Specula,”
especially those printed in Germany, were enriched with figures, portraits,
heraldic escutcheons, and a multitude of ornamented margins (Figs. 412 to
415). For more than a century the painters and engravers worked hand in
hand with the printers and booksellers.
Fig. 415.—Border employed by John of Tournes, in 1557, ornamented with Antique Masks and
Allegorical Personages bearing Baskets containing Laurel Branches.
The taste for books spread over the whole of Europe; the number of
buyers and of amateurs was every day increasing. In the libraries of princes,
scholars, or monks, printed books were collected as formerly were
manuscripts. Henceforth printing found everywhere the same protection,
the same encouragements, the same rivalry. Typographers sometimes
travelled with their apparatus, opened a printing-office in a small town, and
then went on elsewhere after they had sold one edition. Finally, such was
the incredible activity of typography, from its origin till 1500, that the
number of editions published in Europe in the space of half a century
amounted to sixteen thousand. But the most remarkable result of printing
was the important part it played in the movement of the sixteenth century,
from which resulted the transformation of the arts, of literature, and science;
the discoveries of Laurent Coster and of Gutenberg had cast a new light
over the world, and the press made its appearance to modify profoundly the
conditions of the intellectual life of peoples.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] Dorserets, covers to backs of chairs, beds, &c.
[2] Richard I., surnamed Sans-peur, third Duke of Normandy, was natural son of
William I., and grandson of Rollo. He died in 996.—[Ed.]
[3] Charles le Brun, a distinguished painter of the French school, flourished during
the seventeenth century. The son of a sculptor, who placed him under Simon Vouet,
the young artist made such progress that at the age of fifteen he painted a remarkable
picture, “Hercules Destroying the Horses of Diomede,” which brought him at once
into public notice. Le Brun’s patron, the Chancellor Seguier, sent him to Italy, with an
introduction to Nicholas Poussin, whose pure and correct taste, however, seems to
have had little influence on the French artist, who, though possessing an inventive
and somewhat elevated genius, often showed himself a mannerist.—[Ed.]
[4] “Historical Topography of Ancient Paris in the district of the Louvre and
Tuileries.” By Berty and Legrand.
[5] Probably an abbreviation, or corruption, of cap-mail.—[Ed.]
[6] Or brassarts—pieces to protect the upper part of the arms.—[Ed.]
[7] This title is not chronologically correct. Henry of Bolingbroke had been
created Duke of Hereford nearly a year before his intended combat with Norfolk, at
Coventry, in 1398; when the king, Richard II., interfered, and banished both nobles
from the kingdom.—[Ed.]
[8] Anglicè, partisan—a kind of pike or lance.—[Ed.]
[9] Martel-de-fer—a weapon combining a hammer and pick; used by cavalry in
the Middle Ages, to damage and destroy armour. It was generally hung at the saddle-
bow.—[Ed.]
[10] Tassets—parts of the cuirass.
[11] Morion—a kind of helmet, usually worn by foot-soldiers.—[Ed.]
[12] So called, it may be presumed, from its form and make.—[Ed.]
[13] Latin, Luteus—muddy.—[Ed.]
[14] Quincunx order is a method of arranging five objects, or pieces, in the form of
a square; one being in the centre, and one at each corner.—[Ed.]
[15] Limousine—a term applied to enamelling, and derived, as some writers
assume, from Leonard Limousin, a famous artist in this kind of work, resident at
Limoges. It is, however, more probable it came from the province Limousin, or
Limosin, of which Limoges was the capital; and that Leonard acquired the surname
of Limousin from his place of birth or residence; just as many of the old painters are
best known by theirs.—[Ed.]
[16] Ogivale—a term used by French architects to denote the Gothic vault, with its
ribs and cross-springers, &c. It is also employed to denote the pointed arch.—
Gwilt’s Encyclopædia of Architecture.—[Ed.]
[17] This is a literal rendering of the text of M. Labarte; but the artists to whom
allusion is made were only two, Niccola and Giovanni, sculptors and architects of
Pisa. According to Vasari, Niccola, father of Giovanni (Jean or John), first worked
under certain Greek sculptors who were executing the figures and other sculptural
ornaments of the Duomo of Pisa and the Chapel of San Giovanni.—[Ed.]
[18] Andrea di Cione Orcagna.—[Ed.]
[19] Autochthone—relating to the aboriginal inhabitants of a country: the use of
the word here is not very intelligible.—[Ed.]
[20] Gnomon—literally the upright piece of wood or metal which projects the
shadow on the plane of the dial.—[Ed.]
[21] This clock, as many readers doubtless know, was removed some years ago,
when St. Dunstan’s Church, in Fleet Street, was rebuilt.—[Ed.]
[22] The reader will notice a discrepancy between this description of the chorus
and that given in a preceding paragraph. We have retained both, mainly because it is
now impossible to determine what the instrument really was: no mention of it appears
in any book we have consulted.—[Ed.]
[23] Nabulum—a name evidently derived from the Hebrew word nebel, generally
translated in the Scriptures as a psaltery.—[Ed.]
[24] The Welsh or Scotch Crwd.—[Tr.]
[25] In German Geige, “fiddle.”—[Tr.]
[26] Henry IV., born at Pau, in the Béarn.—[Ed.]
[27] The English “knave” is only our old equivalent for the German knabe, and
had originally the same meaning of servant; it is also nearly similar in sense to the
French valet.—[Tr.]
[28] Paul, the Silentiary, is so named from holding in the court of Justinian the
office of chief of the Silentiarii, persons who had the care of the palace. He wrote a
poem on the rebuilding of St. Sophia, at Constantinople, which was translated from
Greek into Latin, and published with notes, by Du Cange, of Paris, in 1670. It is this
to which M. Lecroix refers in the text.—[Ed.]
[29] Amandaire—almond-shaped. Strictly speaking, the aureola is the nimbus of
the whole body, as the nimbus is the aureola of the head. In Fairholt’s “Dictionary of
Terms in Art” is an engraving showing a saint standing in the centre of an almond-
shaped aureola—[Ed.]
[30] Grisaille—white and black.—[Ed.]
[31] Probably Alfonso is thus designate!.—[Ed.]
[32] This is obviously a misconception. Lanzi, alluding to the picture, says, “Had
Leonardo desired to follow the practice of his age in painting in distemper, the art at
this time would have been in possession of this treasure. But being always fond of
attempting new methods, he painted this masterpiece upon a peculiar ground, formed
of distilled oils, which was the reason that it gradually detached itself from the wall,”
&c. And a later authority, Kugler, thus writes: “The determination of Leonardo to
execute the work in oil-colours instead of fresco, in order to have the power of
finishing the minutest details in so great an undertaking, appears to have been
unfortunate.” Distemper differs from fresco in that it is painted on a dry, and not a
damp, wall; but in both the vehicle used is of an aqueous, and not an oily, nature.—
[Ed.]
[33] Deacon of the Church at Aquila, and afterwards attached to the court of
Charlemagne. Paul, who died about the year 799, was distinguished as a poet and
historian.—[Ed.]
[34] Or San-Gemignano, a small town between Florence and Siena.—[Ed.]
[35] Giorgione studied under Giovanni Bellini, younger brother of Gentile, and
son of Jacopo. M. Lacroix does not even mention Giovanni Bellini, though he is
generally esteemed before his father and brother, besides being the master of two of
the greatest painters of the Venetian school, Titian and Giorgione; who, however,
soon cast aside the antiquated style of their early instructor.—[Ed.]
[36] The famous picture, an altar-piece, representing “Christ bearing his Cross,”
known by the name of Lo Spasimo di Sicilia, from its having been painted for the
convent of Santa Maria della Spasimo at Palermo, in Sicily. It is now in the Museum
of Madrid.—[Ed.]
[37] We can find no authority to support this statement.—[Ed.]
[38] Holbein died of the plague which prevailed in London in 1554.—[Ed.]
[39] This name is generally written Jeannet, and, according to Wornum’s “Epochs
of Painting,” seems to have been applied indiscriminately almost to the two painters,
Jehannet or Jehan Clouet, father and son. M. Lacroix appears also to include François
under the same general cognomen; which, indeed, appears to have been a species of
surname.—[Ed.]
[40] Buziack is the name by which this old wood-engraver is generally known.—
[Ed.]
[41] The legend which accompanies this engraving is in old Italian; it relates to the
famous prophecy of Isaiah as to the birth of Christ (Isaiah vii. 14).
[42] We presume this plate to be that commonly known among collectors of prints
as “Death’s Horse;” it represents a knight on horseback followed by Death. The best
impressions of this plate are prior to the date 1513. It is also called “The Christian
Knight,” and “The Knight, Death, and the Devil.”—[Ed.]
[43] That Marc Antonio studied painting under Raphael, as is here implied, is
more than doubtful, though he engraved a very large number of his various
compositions, and was highly esteemed by the great master.—[Ed.]
[44] Giovanni B. B. Ghisi; Giorgio and Adams, his two sons; and Diana, his
daughter.—[Ed.]
[45] This engraver, generally known by the single name of George, usually signed
his plates with the surname Peins or Pentz.—[Ed.]
[46] He was born at Prague, although most of his works were executed in England.
—[Tr.]
[47] Ambons—a kind of pulpit in the early Christian churches.—[Ed.]
[48] Strasbourg spire is 468 feet in height, the highest in the world. Amiens, the
next, a mere flèche, is 422 feet.—[Tr.]
[49] M. Lacroix uses the word Romane throughout, with reference to this style of
architecture: we have adopted Norman as that most commonly associated with it, and
because it is a generic term comprehending Romanesque, Lombardic, and even
Byzantine.—[Ed.]
[50] Oculus (eye).—This word is not known in the vocabulary of English
architects; but it is evidently intended to signify a circular window.—[Ed.]
[51] Officers who had jurisdiction over, and were inspectors of, works of masonry
and carpentry.
[52] The word is derived from vellus, which merely signifies the skin of any beast,
not of a calf only.—[Ed.]
[53] The word is derived from the Latin uncialis, and is applied to letters of a
round or hook-shaped form: such were used by the ancients as numerals, or for words
in abbreviated inscriptions.—[Ed.]
[54] Minuscule.—Less or little. The term is evidently here intended to distinguish
small letters from capitals.—[Ed.]
[55] Palimpsest—a kind of parchment from which anything written could easily
be erased.—[Ed.]
[56] Librarian probably; though libraire means only a bookseller, bibliothécaire
being the French for a librarian.—[Tr.]
[57] Translation: “This is Monseigneur St. Louis’ Psalter, which belonged to his
mother.”
[58] Antiphonaries—books containing the responses, &c., used in Catholic
church-services.—[Ed.]
[59] “Garni de deux fermaulx d’argent, dorez, armoiez d’azur à une aigle d’or à
deux testes, onglé de gueulles, auquel a ung tuyau d’argent doré pour tourner les
feuilles, à trois escussons desdites armes, couvert d’une chemise de veluyau vermeil.”
[60] Probably this “pilgrimage” refers to some one of the great European Councils
or Diets held in the city during the Middle Ages, as were Congresses in later times.—
[Ed.]
[61] Sic; but it should evidently be the fifteenth century.—[Ed.]
[62] Anglicè, Stephens, by which name this illustrious family of scholars and
printers is most popularly known in England. They were ten in number, who
flourished between 1512 and about 1660. Anthony, the last distinguished
representative of the family, died in poverty at the Hôtel Dieu, Paris, in 1674, at the
age of eighty-two.—[Ed.]
*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE ARTS IN THE
MIDDLE AGES AND AT THE PERIOD OF THE RENAISSANCE ***
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