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CHAPTER 6

Priority Queues (Heaps)

6.1 Yes. When an element is inserted, we compare it to the current minimum and change the minimum if the new

element is smaller. deleteMin operations are expensive in this scheme.

6.2

6.3 The result of three deleteMins, starting with both of the heaps in Exercise 6.2, is as follows:

6.4 (a) 4N

(b) O(N2)

(c) O(N4.1)

(d) O(2N)

6.5 public void insert( AnyType x )

{
if ( currentSize = = array.length - 1 )
enlargeArray( array.length * 2 + 1 );

©2012 Pearson Education, Inc. Upper Saddle River, NJ. All Rights Reserved.
 // Percolate up
int hole = + + currentSize;
for ( ; hole > 1 && x.compareTo( array[ hole / 2 ] ) < 0; hole
/ = 2)
array[ hole ] = array[ hole/2 ];
array[ 0 ] = array[ hole ] = x;
}

6.6 225. To see this, start with i = 1 and position at the root. Follow the path toward the last node, doubling i

when taking a left child, and doubling i and adding one when taking a right child.

6.7 (a) We show that H(N), which is the sum of the heights of nodes in a complete binary tree of N nodes, is

N − b(N), where b(N) is the number of ones in the binary representation of N. Observe that for N = 0 and

N = 1, the claim is true. Assume that it is true for values of k up to and including N − 1. Suppose the left and

right subtrees have L and R nodes, respectively. Since the root has height  log N  , we have

H (N ) = log N  + H (L) + H (R )
= log N  + L − b(L) + R − b(R)
= N − 1 + (  Log N  − b(L) − b(R) )

The second line follows from the inductive hypothesis, and the third follows because L + R = N − 1. Now the

last node in the tree is in either the left subtree or the right subtree. If it is in the left subtree, then the right

subtree is a perfect tree, and b(R) = log N  − 1 . Further, the binary representation of N and L are identical,

with the exception that the leading 10 in N becomes 1 in L. (For instance, if N = 37 = 100101, L = 10101.) It

is clear that the second digit of N must be zero if the last node is in the left subtree. Thus in this case,

b(L) = b(N), and

H(N) = N − b(N)

If the last node is in the right subtree, then b(L) =  log N  . The binary representation of R is identical to

N, except that the leading 1 is not present. (For instance, if N = 27 = 101011, L = 01011.) Thus

b(R) = b(N) − 1, and again

H(N) = N − b(N)

(b) Run a single-elimination tournament among eight elements. This requires seven comparisons and

generates ordering information indicated by the binomial tree shown here.

©2012 Pearson Education, Inc. Upper Saddle River, NJ. All Rights Reserved.
 The eighth comparison is between b and c. If c is less than b, then b is made a child of c. Otherwise, both

c and d are made children of b.

(c) A recursive strategy is used. Assume that N = 2k. A binomial tree is built for the N elements as in part (b).

The largest subtree of the root is then recursively converted into a binary heap of 2 k − 1 elements. The last

element in the heap (which is the only one on an extra level) is then inserted into the binomial queue

consisting of the remaining binomial trees, thus forming another binomial tree of 2 k − 1 elements. At that

point, the root has a subtree that is a heap of 2 k − 1 − 1 elements and another subtree that is a binomial tree of

2k−1 elements. Recursively convert that subtree into a heap; now the whole structure is a binary heap. The

running time for N = 2k satisfies T(N) = 2T(N/2) + log N. The base case is T(8) = 8.

6.9 Let D1, D2, . . . ,Dk be random variables representing the depth of the smallest, second smallest, and kth

smallest elements, respectively. We are interested in calculating E(Dk). In what follows, we assume that the

heap size N is one less than a power of two (that is, the bottom level is completely filled) but sufficiently

large so that terms bounded by O(1/N) are negligible. Without loss of generality, we may assume that the kth

smallest element is in the left subheap of the root. Let pj, k be the probability that this element is the jth

smallest element in the subheap.

Lemma.

k −1
For k > 1, E (Dk ) =  p j ,k (E (D j ) + 1) .
j =1

Proof.

An element that is at depth d in the left subheap is at depth d + 1 in the entire subheap. Since

E(Dj + 1) = E(Dj) + 1, the theorem follows.

©2012 Pearson Education, Inc. Upper Saddle River, NJ. All Rights Reserved.
 Since by assumption, the bottom level of the heap is full, each of second, third, . . . , k − 1th smallest

elements are in the left subheap with probability of 0.5. (Technically, the probability should be half − 1/(N −

1) of being in the right subheap and half + 1/(N − 1) of being in the left, since we have already placed the kth

smallest in the right. Recall that we have assumed that terms of size O(1/N) can be ignored.) Thus

1  k − 2
p j ,k = pk − j ,k = k −2  
2  j −1 

Theorem.

E(Dk)  log k.

Proof.

The proof is by induction. The theorem clearly holds for k = 1 and k = 2. We then show that it holds for

arbitrary k > 2 on the assumption that it holds for all smaller k. Now, by the inductive hypothesis, for any

1  j  k − 1,

E (D j ) + E (Dk − j )  log j + log k − j

Since f(x) = log x is convex for x > 0,

log j + log k − j  2 log ( k 2 )

Thus

E (D j ) + E (Dk − j )  log( k 2 ) + log ( k 2 )

Furthermore, since pj, k = pk − j, k,

p j ,k E (D j ) + pk − j ,k E (Dk − j )  p j ,k log ( k 2 ) + pk − j ,k log ( k 2 )

From the lemma,

k −1
E (Dk ) =  p j , k (E (D j ) + 1)
j =1
k −1
=1+  p j, k E(D j )
j =1

Thus

©2012 Pearson Education, Inc. Upper Saddle River, NJ. All Rights Reserved.
 k −1
E ( Dk )  1 +  p j , k log ( k 2)
j =1
k −1
 1 + log ( k 2)  p j , k
j =1

 1 + log ( k 2)
 log k

completing the proof.

It can also be shown that asymptotically, E(Dk)  log(k − 1) − 0.273548.

6.10 (a) Perform a preorder traversal of the heap.

(b) Works for leftist and skew heaps. The running time is O(Kd) for d-heaps.

6.12 Simulations show that the linear time algorithm is the faster, not only on worst-case inputs, but also on

random data.

6.13 (a) If the heap is organized as a (min) heap, then starting at the hole at the root, find a path down to a leaf by

taking the minimum child. The requires roughly log N comparisons. To find the correct place where to move

the hole, perform a binary search on the log N elements. This takes O(log log N) comparisons.

(b) Find a path of minimum children, stopping after log N − log log N levels. At this point, it is easy to

determine if the hole should be placed above or below the stopping point. If it goes below, then continue

finding the path, but perform the binary search on only the last log log N elements on the path, for a total of

log N + log log log N comparisons. Otherwise, perform a binary search on the first log N − log log N

elements. The binary search takes at most log log N comparisons, and the path finding took only log N − log

log N, so the total in this case is log N. So the worst case is the first case.

(c) The bound can be improved to log N + log*N + O(1), where log*N is the inverse Ackerman function (see

Chapter 8). This bound can be found in reference [17].

6.14 The parent is at position (i + d − 2) d  . The children are in positions (i − 1)d + 2, . . . , id + 1.

6.15 (a) O((M + d N) logd N).

(b) O((M + N) log N).

(c) O(M + N2).

(d) d = max(2, M/N). (See the related discussion at the end of Section 11.4.)

©2012 Pearson Education, Inc. Upper Saddle River, NJ. All Rights Reserved.
6.16 Starting from the second most signficant digit in i, and going toward the least significant digit, branch left for

0s, and right for 1s.

6.17 (a) Place negative infinity as a root with the two heaps as subtrees. Then do a deleteMin.

(b) Place negative infinity as a root with the larger heap as the left subheap, and the smaller heap as the right

subheap. Then do a deleteMin.

(c) SKETCH: Split the larger subheap into smaller heaps as follows: on the left-most path, remove two

subheaps of height r − 1, then one of height r, r + 1, and so one, until l − 2. Then merge the trees, going

smaller to higher, using the results of parts (a) and (b), with the extra nodes on the left path substituting for

the insertion of infinity, and subsequent deleteMin.

6.19

6.20

6.21 This theorem is true, and the proof is very much along the same lines as Exercise 4.20.

6.22 If elements are inserted in decreasing order, a leftist heap consisting of a chain of left children is formed. This

is the best because the right path length is minimized.

6.23 (a) If a decreaseKey is performed on a node that is very deep (very left), the time to percolate up would be

prohibitive. Thus the obvious solution doesn’t work. However, we can still do the operation efficiently by a

combination of remove and insert. To remove an arbitrary node x in the heap, replace x by the merge of its

left and right subheaps. This might create an imbalance for nodes on the path from x’s parent to the root that

©2012 Pearson Education, Inc. Upper Saddle River, NJ. All Rights Reserved.
 would need to be fixed by a child swap. However, it is easy to show that at most logN nodes can be affected,

preserving the time bound.

This is discussed in Chapter 11.

6.24 Lazy deletion in leftist heaps is discussed in the paper by Cheriton and Tarjan [10]. The general idea is that if

the root is marked deleted, then a preorder traversal of the heap is formed, and the frontier of marked nodes is

removed, leaving a collection of heaps. These can be merged two at a time by placing all the heaps on a

queue, removing two, merging them, and placing the result at the end of the queue, terminating when only

one heap remains.

6.25 (a) The standard way to do this is to divide the work into passes. A new pass begins when the first element

reappears in a heap that is dequeued. The first pass takes roughly 2*1*(N/2) time units because there are N/2

merges of trees with one node each on the right path. The next pass takes 2*2*(N/4) time units because of the

roughly N/4 merges of trees with no more than two nodes on the right path. The third pass takes 2*3*(N/8)

time units, and so on. The sum converges to 4N.

(b) It generates heaps that are more leftist.

6.26

6.27

6.28 This claim is also true, and the proof is similar in spirit to Exercise 4.20 or 6.21.

©2012 Pearson Education, Inc. Upper Saddle River, NJ. All Rights Reserved.
6.29 Yes. All the single operation estimates in Exercise 6.25 become amortized instead of worst-case, but by the

definition of amortized analysis, the sum of these estimates is a worst-case bound for the sequence.

6.30 Clearly the claim is true for k = 1. Suppose it is true for all values i = 1, 2, . . . , k. A Bk + 1 tree is formed by

attaching a Bk tree to the root of a Bk tree. Thus by induction, it contains a B0 through Bk − 1 tree, as well as the

newly attached Bk tree, proving the claim.

6.31 Proof is by induction. Clearly the claim is true for k = 1. Assume true for all values i = 1, 2, . . . ,k. A Bk + 1

k 
tree is formed by attaching a Bk tree to the original Bk tree. The original thus had   nodes at depth d. The
d 

 k 
attached tree had   nodes at depth d−1, which are now at depth d. Adding these two terms and using a
 d − 1

well-known formula establishes the theorem.

6.32

6.33 This is established in Chapter 11.

6.38 Don’t keep the key values in the heap, but keep only the difference between the value of the key in a node

and the value of the parent’s key.

6.39 O(N + k log N) is a better bound than O(N log k). The first bound is O(N) if k = O(N/log N). The second

bound is more than this as soon as k grows faster than a constant. For the other values (N/log N) = k = (N),

the first bound is better. When k = (N), the bounds are identical.

©2012 Pearson Education, Inc. Upper Saddle River, NJ. All Rights Reserved.
Another Random Scribd Document
with Unrelated Content
throwing away their idols and attending the church services, which
are thronged every Sabbath. The famous Juju temple, studded with
human skulls, is going to ruin. A village opposite Bonny has been
named “The Land of Israel” because there is not an idol to be found
in it. At an important market town thirty miles in the interior, the
chiefs and people, influenced by what they had seen at Bonny, and
without ever having been visited by a Christian teacher,
spontaneously built a church with a galvanized iron roof, and
benches to seat 300 worshipers, got a school-boy from Bross to read
the church services on Sundays, and then sent to ask the Bishop to
give them a missionary.

CANOE TRAVEL ON THE NIGER.

Rev. W. Allan writing from Bonny in 1889 says: “The worship of

the iguana is overthrown, the priest is a regular attendant at the
house of God, and the iguana itself converted into an article of food.
The Juju temple, which a few years ago was decorated with 20,000
skulls of murdered victims, I found rotting away in ruin and decay. I
passed through the grove which was formerly the receptacle of so
many murdered infants, and I found it had become the regular
highway from the town to the church, and that the priest was now a
baptized Christian. At 11 o’clock I went ashore and addressed 885
worshipers, including the king, the three former heathen priests,
chiefs, and a multitude of slaves, and was thankful to ascertain that
the work of conversion was still going on; for, in addition to 648
persons already baptized, of whom 265 are communicants, there are
over 700 at Bonny alone who are now under instruction.”
Bishop Crowther has now about 10,000 Christians under his
care. He lately opened at Bonny a new church built of iron, with
sittings for 1,000.
The agents of the Wesleyan Missionary Society have been as
zealous and successful, in a somewhat more limited sphere, as those
of the Church of England, with whom they have generally lived and
labored in harmony and love. Among the emigrants from Sierra
Leone there were many Wesleyans who preferred their own
ministers, whilst the domain of heathendom, on every hand, was
sufficiently extensive to occupy the agents of both societies. At an
early period a commodious Wesleyan Mission-house and chapel were
erected at Lagos, where the work has progressed in a very
satisfactory manner from the beginning. Many have been converted
from time to time and united in church fellowship, some of whom
have gone out to make known the good news to their fellow-
countrymen. To provide for the training of native preachers and
teachers, as well as to give a better education to those who are in a
position to need it, a Wesleyan high school has been erected and
opened at Lagos, which promises to be a most useful institution.
Common day-schools are also taught in connection with all the out-
stations of the Lagos circuit, and the Gospel is preached to the
people in two or three different languages. They have about 6,000
adherents. The drink traffic is one of the great hindrances to
missionary work in this section.
 Says Rev. W. Allan: “In Africa we have to contend against the
devil’s missionary agency. The liquor traffic is increasing, and it is a
gigantic evil—greater, even, than the slave trade—debasing the
people and ruining legitimate commerce. In West Africa it has
deepened the degradation of the negro instead of civilizing him.
Over 180,000,000 gallons of spirits had been imported last year in
the district of Sierra Leone, and in Lagos it was far larger, while all
the land was strewn with demijohns. The Niger Company imported
220,000 gallons during the last two years, and 500 cases of gin and
500,000 gallons of rum were landed by the Caliban, in which I sailed
from Liverpool. The selling price of rum is less than a penny a
gallon, and the gin sold at three-pence a bottle. The liquor so sold
was of the most execrable character.”
A lurid picture of the western part of this region has lately been
presented by the English district commissioner. He says: “The
population, which has been recruited for many years past by a
constant influx of refugees from the surrounding tribes, falls roughly
into three divisions. These are: the Popos, chiefly engaged in fishing,
forestry, and farming, but averse to steady work of any sort, and
much addicted to theft; the Yombas, the most enterprising people in
the district; and the Houssas, who are farmers and palm-nut
gatherers. The Mohammedans among them are more enterprising
and industrious than the fetish worshipers; while the Christians,
though few in number, form a fairly thriving community. But all are
alike in ‘intense and obtuse conservatism, so long as they are left to
their own devices, and in a keen spirit of petty trading.’ The sole
article of their moral code is ‘to do to your neighbor as you hope to
avoid being done to by him.’ It is useless to appeal to any higher
motive, and it is certain that without European influence to urge
them on commerce must decline. Fishing is carried on wholly in the
lagoons, the people never having had the enterprise to build surf-
boats, which would enable them to engage in sea-fishing. Some
progress has been made in agriculture, owing to the efforts of the
Roman Catholic Mission at Badagry, the administrative centre. In the
Frah Kingdom, also, the local British officer has succeeded in
inducing the people to plant a considerable area of fertile land with
corn, so that villages which were almost starving two years ago on
smoked fish are now supplying large quantities of grain to the local
markets. But this increased prosperity has only increased the
drunken habits of the people, who exchange for vile imported spirits
the products of their labor. Katamu, the Frah capital, is rapidly falling
into a ruinous state of disrepair. Every fourth or fifth house is a rum
shop, and the so-called palm-wine sheds are filled every night with
drunken men and women. The evils of the drink traffic are so
apparent to the people themselves that they have petitioned the
Governor to put an end to the sale of liquor altogether. If this were
done the fertile flood lands of Frah might become a source of food
supply for the whole colony. In spite of the valuable resources of the
forests, nothing is done to develop them save the collection and
treatment of the palm-nuts. Trading is the African’s special delight,
but until quite recently the markets of Lagos were not in a
prosperous condition. Now that a British firm has established a
branch at Badagry, and made the place a market town, it is
estimated that 5,000 persons with every variety of native produce
assemble there every market day, and in eight months the monthly
export has increased from £30 to £1,878. Cocoanut planting, road
making, corn-growing, and the cessation of the drink traffic appear
to be the official methods for civilizing the West African negro.”
An extensive district on the western coast of Africa, between
Sierra Leone and Cape Coast Castle received the name of Liberia,
from the circumstance of its being colonized by liberated slaves and
free persons of color from America. On the 22d of November, 1888,
the secretary of the Manchester Geographical Society read an
interesting paper contributed by the Hon. G. B. Gudgeon, consul-
general for Liberia in London. The following is an extract: “It was
stated that the famous negro republic of Liberia was founded by the
American Colonization Society in 1822. The work of civilizing and
Christianizing the inhabitants of that almost unknown country was
entirely carried on for more than twenty years by this society. The
missions established along the coast and at various points inland had
developed into Liberia’s prosperous towns and settlements. It
became an independent state in 1847. Nearly 2,000,000 souls were
subject to the rule of the Liberian Republic, consisting of about
40,000 freed slaves and their descendants, the remainder belonging
to numerous aboriginal tribes. While the state possessed a seaboard
of 500 miles and an interior extending over 200 miles, she had
acquired no territory except by treaty, purchase, exchange, or barter.
Bishop Taylor had described the country as healthy and its climate
salubrious and enjoyable, without a plague of flies and with few
mosquitoes. Many travelers had confirmed the bishop’s testimony.
The Republic of Liberia stood before the world as the realization of
the dreams of the founders of the American Colonization Society,
and in many respects more than the realization. Far beyond the
recognized limits of the country, and hundreds of miles away from
the coast, the effects of American civilization were to be witnessed.
Men of color entirely governed the republic, and if any proof were
wanting of the capacity of freedmen to govern, Liberia was an
interesting illustration. The ability, learning, and skill of many of
Liberia’s citizens were found in their code of laws, which for
humanity, justice, and morality no other country could excel. The
English tongue is spoken throughout the republic except among the
native tribes not yet civilized; but among these too it is making good
progress.”
Rev. S. L. Johnson, who recently visited Liberia, says: “The
scenery along the coast of Liberia, from Cape Mount to the Gulf of
Guinea, a distance of about 600 miles, is exceedingly grand. A few
miles from the coast the country rises to hills, with gigantic trees,
presenting a panorama that can only be described by a skilful artist.
“Monrovia is the capital of the republic. It rests on a beautiful
hill overlooking the sea, surrounded by trees. There are many fine
buildings in the city, which are creditable to the Monrovian people.
The president’s house is built of brick, as are also many of the
buildings; others are built of stone. The wharves face the sea, where
there are colored firms doing business with England, Germany, and
America.
“Mr. Sherman does a large business with England and America.
After my return to England I wrote to Mr. Sherman for information
regarding the articles of trade. This is the answer:—‘The articles of
trade are palm-oil, palm kernels, coffee, ivory, camwood, ginger, and
rubber. Many of our merchants do a business of $100,000 to
$150,000 a year. A vessel left here for New York on the 7th inst.,
with a cargo of $50,000 worth, collected within two months. In this
cargo were 118,000 pounds of coffee.’
“The soil of Liberia is extremely fertile, and produces all kinds of
tropical fruits, sugar-cane, indigo, Indian corn, rice, cotton, cocoa,
peanuts, and coffee, the latter the finest in the world. Vegetables are
cultivated with great success. There are to be found the finest dye-
woods, ebony, gum plant, and the gigantic palm-trees, which
produce the palm-oil. On my way to England from Africa 1,500 casks
were shipt on the same steamer to Liverpool, a good share of it
being from the coast of Liberia. Goats, swine, sheep, cattle, and
fowls, all thrive in Liberia.
“This republic has a glorious work to accomplish in the future. It
will undoubtedly be in time, the most prosperous state on the west
coast of Africa. With the civil, social, and religious advantages she
enjoys, she must succeed. The annexation of the kingdom of
Medina, with five hundred thousand inhabitants, and her wide and
fertile domain, extending over two hundred miles into the interior,
will no doubt inspire renewed energy in giving fuller opportunities for
the advancement of the Gospel, as well as an open door for
civilization and commerce.
“Much zeal and perseverance have been displayed throughout
the republic. Fine churches, school buildings, and a college are to be
seen in Monrovia.
 “At Nifou, on the coast of Liberia, I counted forty-nine canoes,
with two or three men in each, going out fishing. At twenty-five
minutes to ten we stopt at Grand Cess, Liberia. Here fifteen canoes
came out, with from three to twenty men in each. These belong to
the Kru tribe, the aborigines of a part of Liberia. They are a fine-
looking people, and very industrious. But for this class of people I do
not know what the European traders of the African steamship
companies would do. All the steamers reaching Sierra Leone and the
coast of Liberia take on board a gang of ‘Kru-men’ to do the work of
the ship. One hundred and thirty men were taken on board our
steamer to go down the coast to work. Many of them speak broken
English well.”
 LIBERIA.
Larger.

As might be expected, this territory, extending upwards of 300

miles along the coast to Cape Palmas, has been occupied by the
American churches—viz. the Baptist, Methodist Episcopal, Protestant
Episcopal, and Presbyterian Church (north). Much zeal and
perseverance have been displayed in connection with all these
agencies, and the result is seen in the parsonages, and places of
worship, colleges and school buildings which have been erected in
most of the towns and villages in the settlements, and in the
improved morals of the people.
 METHODIST PARSONAGE OF AFRICA.

For some years past the Missionary Society of the Methodist

Episcopal Church has been gradually reducing the appropriations for
the carrying on of the missions from $37,000 to $2,500—a procedure
that has been regarded by the conference in Liberia as inconsistent
with the general spirit of the church and the growing interest felt of
late years in the evangelization of Africa, and which for a time
threatened to result in a severance of the ecclesiastical relations
subsisting between the conference and the society. The action of the
latter has been dictated solely by an earnest desire to secure in the
native churches “the development of a spirit of self-reliance and
independence—elements indispensable to a self-perpetuating church
in any land.” The General Conference of 1888 changed the name
and boundaries of the “Liberian Conference” to the “African Annual
Conference” embracing the entire continent of Africa. In the other
missions in Liberia there seems also a disposition to rely on foreign
aid.
Fernando Po is one of the most important islands on the
western coast of Africa, and enjoys many advantages from its
peculiar position. It is situated in the Gulf of Guinea, about seventy
miles from the coast of Benim. It is thirty miles long and twenty
broad; and in its general aspect it is rugged and mountainous in the
extreme, though there are some fertile valleys between the
mountains, and several promising tracts of land along the shore.
Among the settlers and aborigines of Fernando Po some really
useful missionary work has been done at different times, which
deserves a passing notice. The first in the field were the agents of
the Baptist Missionary Society. They labored for several years among
the settlers of all classes with very good results, whilst the English
had possession of the island; but when it was given over to the
Spaniards, Roman Catholicism was proclaimed to be the established
religion of the settlement, and the harshness and persecution with
which the Baptist missionaries were treated by the government
authorities ended in their removal to the continent. In 1870—some
improvement having taken place in the Spanish government—the
Primitive Methodists were induced to commence a mission in
Fernando Po, the Rev. Messrs. Burnett and Roe being the first
missionaries sent out. They and their successors labored for several
years very successfully. In 1879, in consequence of some
misunderstanding, the missionaries were again banished from the
island. An appeal was at once made to the home authorities, and in
the course of a few months they were allowed to return.
 This question of conflict between Protestant and Catholic
mission work in Africa has, at certain times and in certain places,
been serious, and is greatly to be regretted, for it destroys the
efficacy of both Churches, and proves a stumbling block to the
natives. Pinto speaks of it with amazement, in his trip across the
continent. He found places where the natives had been utterly
demoralized by the spirit of contention indulged by the two
Churches, and where their final answer to his advice to live at peace
and deal justly with one another was, that white people might talk
that way, but their actions proved that they did not mean what they
said.
In former times—notably in the Spanish, French and Portuguese
provinces of Africa—the Catholic mission was a part of the political
establishment, and it was expected to use its influence to extend
and perpetuate the power which protected it. This was equivalent to
warning off all competitors as intruders. Happily this condition is
undergoing rapid modification.
Similarly, the Protestant mission of other countries was treated
as part of the commercial establishment, under the protection of the
consul, and of the trading company, to whom the territory was
allotted. Its business was therefore, in part, to cultivate the trading
spirit and make its success contribute to the wealth of the parent
country. This notion, too, is undergoing modification.
All of which is directly in the line of that Christian enterprise so
much needed for the conversion of the African heathen.
On the mainland opposite Fernando Po, and on into the interior,
good work has been done. We will speak first of the Old Calabar
Mission.
Old Calabar, on an affluent of the Cross river, is a recognized
centre of the trade of the Oil river sections. It has a population of
15,000 natives and 150 white. An insight into the characteristics of
the natives beyond Old Calabar can best be gotten from the journey
of Mr. Johnson up the Cross river in 1888. His object in making an
ascent of the river was to treat with the natives and at the same
time settle an old quarrel between the Union people and the tribes
about Calabar. Stopping, merely to observe that the Kruboys, of
whom Mr. Johnson speaks, are the Krumen—Kroomen—of the
Liberian coast, among whom Bishop Taylor has, in his four years of
African labors, established more than twenty missions, we let the
adventurer tell his own story. He says: “Having decided to ascend
the Cross river and having no steam launch at my disposal, I was
obliged to make the journey in native canoes, of which I hired three,
and fitted the largest with a small house in the centre for my
lodging. I took with me about thirty Kruboys. These invaluable native
workers come from the Liberian coast. Without their aid European
enterprise on the west coast of Africa would be at a standstill; for,
invariably, the negroes who are indigenous will not undertake any
persistent work. The Kruboy is a strong, good tempered, faithful
creature; able to row, paddle, carry, dig, wash clothes, or turn his
hand to anything—in fact, he is a great deal sharper and more
industrious than the average English navvy. My first object in going
up the Cross river was to settle an outstanding quarrel between the
people of a district called Umon and the natives of Old Calabar.
Union is at a distance of about a hundred miles from the sea. The
people speak a language quite distinct from the Calabar language.
They were, till lately, terribly priest-ridden. Their life was a burden to
them, with its load of cruel superstitious practices. The last few
years, however, since they have come into contact with the
missionaries, the state of affairs has greatly improved. As I appeared
in the light of a mediator, I was most warmly welcomed. An
imposing fleet of eighty large Calabar canoes reached Umon soon
after I arrived, and formed a really pretty sight, as they were all
painted in brilliant, but tasteful combinations of color, their little
houses hung with bright carpets or leopard skins, each canoe being
decorated with gaudy banners. The crews were most fantastically
dressed in gorgeous clothes. The beating of drums, blowing of
horns, and the firing of guns made a clamor most disturbing to my
comfort, which I promptly stopped. I need hardly say that I had the
Calabar people all under my control, for there was not only a
personal attachment between us, but they knew that I was working
in their interest, and the Umon people were much impressed by the
way in which my shabby little despatch canoe, with two of my
Kruboys in it, could marshal the imposing Calabar fleet.
“As both sides were longing to have their quarrel at an end, and
were fully prepared to accept my decision, the conference was a
brief one. I decided that it was six of one and half a dozen of the
other. I made the Calabar people surrender the Umon captives, and
the Umon surrender their Calabar prisoners. Peace was
reestablished, trade was resumed, and I was free to continue my
journey.
“We next visited the important Akuna-Kuna country, very
populous, and inhabited by friendly, industrious people, whose chiefs
very promptly and willingly concluded a treaty with the British
Government, and loaded me with such an abundance of provisions—
bullocks, goats, sheep, fowls, ducks, yams, and Indian corn—that
our progress was seriously impeded, our canoes nearly capsized,
and my Krumen suffered severely from indigestion.
 AFRICAN VILLAGE AND PALAVER TREE.

“Some distance up the river we had rather a ticklish task to

perform. Another quarrel, and that a bitter one, had to be settled
between the people of Akuna-Kuna and the inhabitants of Iko-Morut.
Here I was awkwardly situated. Had I been enabled to travel in a
steam-launch, I could have gone safely up the river, or in any
direction where there was sufficient water; but traveling simply in
native canoes, the inhabitants of these wild countries in the interior,
who look on every stranger as an enemy, had no idea that a white
man was visiting them, and often proceeded to attack us before I
could make myself seen.
“As soon as we came in sight of the stockaded villages of Iko-
Morut, many excited chocolate-colored natives could be seen
hurrying along the banks of the stream and posting themselves in
ambush behind the trees. Then first one gun, then two, three, four
guns went off; then there was a regular hail of slugs and stones,
whipping up the surface of the water, and, in one or two cases,
whizzing over our canoes. In the face of this warm reception, it
would have been impossible to proceed, for, at any moment, a shot
might strike our canoes and send them to the bottom. As to
returning the fire of these poor, stupid savages, nothing was further
from my thoughts. It was always open to me to retreat, and, unless
I could proceed peacefully and with a friendly reputation preceding
me, it was futile to continue my ascent of the Cross river. So I had
the canoes steered to an unoccupied sand-bank in the center of the
stream, and as soon as the natives saw that we stopt, they ceased
firing. Then I got into my small despatch canoe, with two
interpreters, hoisted my white umbrella, and assuming my smile,
quietly landed on the crowded beach, to the silent amazement of the
natives, who were armed to the teeth. I was conducted to the chief,
who, for a long time, could not be prevailed on to see me, on
account of my presumed powers to bewitch him; but a little friendly
conversation through the red screen of his apartment, and the hint
that I had brought a pretty present, reassured him, and we soon
made excellent friends.
“To make a long story short; the result of my stay at Iko-Morut
was equally satisfactory to that of Umon. I made peace between
Akuna-Kuna and Iko-Morut, and the chiefs of the latter place
concluded a treaty with me.
“Then on, beyond Iko-Morut, day after day, we paddled up the
beautiful stream, sometimes received by the natives in a gush of
friendliness, sometimes sullenly avoided, sometimes boisterously
attacked. At length, in the heart of the cannibal country, on the
outskirts of Atam, where the Cross river attains its furthest reach to
the north, our journey came forcibly to an end. I had several times
been captured and released, several times fired at and then hugged
by those who had attacked me, but the strain was becoming too
great for the nerves of my Kruboys.
“As we approached one village, a shot, better directed than
usual, went through the roof of my little ark, and though no doubt
our ultimate reception at the village would have been the same as at
the preceding ones—first sullen hostility, then timid inquiry, and
lastly a cordial hand-shaking and hugging, and the giving of presents
—still, before this happy consummation should come about, some of
us might have been accidentally killed, or our canoes—our only
means of regaining civilization—sunk or disabled; consequently I
decided to turn back. Then ensued an awful afternoon, when for
miles and miles we had to run the gauntlet past populous villages of
cannibals, whom we had much difficulty in avoiding on our ascent of
the river; and who, taking our retreat for a flight, seemed bent on
capturing us or plundering our canoes and eating the wretched
Kruboys, who turned blue with fright at the prospect of being eaten,
as they desperately paddled down the river past shrieking natives,
who waded out into the shallows, or pursued us in canoes. Every
now and again we would stick on a sand bank, and the shouts of the
natives would come nearer and nearer; then we would get off again,
and paddle for our lives; then stick again, and so on, till at last we
were out of this savage district. I hesitate to say hostile, for,
wherever I landed, or was captured, I was always well treated as
soon as they found out what I was like and what my objects were in
visiting their country. At length we arrived in the delightful district of
Apiapum, where we put up for a week at the clean and comfortable
town of Ofurekpe, whose chief and people were some of the nicest,
kindliest, most friendly folk I have ever seen in Africa, though they
were in their practical way cannibals, like their neighbors—that is to
say, they were given to eating the flesh of all whom they might
catch in war. I did not here observe that other kind of cannibalism
which I have occasionally met on the Upper Cross river, which is of a
sentimental character, namely, where the old people of that tribe,
when they become toothless and useless, are knocked on the head,
smoke-dried, pounded into paste, and re-absorbed into the bosom
of the family.”
The Old Calabar Mission originated with the Jamaica Presbytery
of what is now the United Presbyterian Church of Scotland. The first
band of missionaries, led by Mr. Hope Waddell, a member of the
Jamaica Presbytery, reached their field of labor on the Old Calabar
river on April 10th, 1846. They were cordially welcomed by King
Eyamba and the chiefs of Duke Town, as also by King Eyo of Creek
Town and his chiefs. Suitable sites for mission stations were readily
granted. Mr. Waddell held a service with Eyamba and his chiefs the
first Sunday after his arrival, and presented the former with a Bible.
Mission houses and schools were in due time erected at both
stations, a printing press being also usefully employed in scattering
the seeds of Divine truth. At Creek Town the first sermon was
preached in the court yard of King Eyo’s palace, the king himself
acting as interpreter.
The mission was reinforced in July, 1847, by the arrival of
additional missionaries from Jamaica.
In May previous King Eyamba died. It was the occasion of one
of those scenes of cruelty, too common in heathen lands.
Notwithstanding the efforts of the missionaries, no fewer than a
hundred victims were sacrificed, among whom were thirty of the
king’s wives. Here is the account given of the burial: “The people
dug a large hole in one of King Eyamba’s yards, and having decked
him in his gayest apparel, with the crown on his head, placed him
between two sofas, and laid him in the grave. They killed his
personal attendants, umbrella carrier, snuff box bearer, etc., (these
the king was supposed to need in the world of spirits), by cutting off
their heads, and with their insignia of office threw them in above the
body; and after depositing a quantity of chop and of coppers, they
cover all carefully up, that no trace of a grave could be seen. Over
this spot a quantity of food is daily placed.”
In February, 1850, an Egbo law was passed abolishing the
inhuman practice of sacrificing human beings when a king or chief
died. It is spoken of as “A good day for Calabar”—“One memorable
in the annals of the land.” About the same time the marriage
ceremony was introduced—King Eyo having witnessed the first
regular marriage.
 On the suggestion of Mr. Waddell, their domestic idol, which
consisted of a stick surmounted by a human skull and adorned with
feathers, was expelled from every house.
The death of King Eyo in December, 1858, put the Egbo law to
the test. Much excitement prevailed. Fears were entertained that the
old superstition would triumph. Happily no such dreaded result
followed. Other heathen practices were one by one abandoned
through the influence of the mission.
The mission extended its sphere of operations from time to time
—Ikunetu, situated on the Great Cross river, about twenty miles
above Creek Town, being occupied in 1856, and Ikorofiong, also on
the Cross river, about twenty miles above Ikunetu, in 1858. The
Presbytery of Old Calabar was established September 1st, 1858,
under the designation of the Presbytery of Biafra.
In 1878 Mr. Thomas Campbell, the European evangelist at Old
Town, accompanied by a number of natives, explored in two
directions—first in Oban, up the Qua river, and then beyond Nyango,
on the Calabar river. Everywhere he was well received by the chiefs
and people. On September 6th, 1880, there was an agreement
entered into between D. Hopkins, Esq., British consul, and the kings
and chiefs of Calabar, in accordance with which a number of
superstitious and cruel customs are held as criminal and punishable
by law. These include the murder of twin children, human sacrifices,
the killing of people accused of witchcraft, the giving of the esere or
poison bean, the stripping of helpless women in the public streets,
etc., etc.
In the Missionary Record, June, 1881, appears the following
intelligence: “The mission which seemed so long fruitless, is now one
of the most fruitful in the whole earth. The increasing number and
activity of the communicants, the increasing number of students in
training as teachers and evangelists, and the manifestations of a
Christian liberality not yet reached at home, tell of the changes
which the Gospel has wrought. We ploughed in hope: we sowed in
tears: and now already we reap in joy. The most recent tidings are
the most heart-stirring. A new tribe, which had long resisted our
approach, has been visited. They had never seen among them a
white man till they looked on the face of the devoted Samuel
Edgerly. They invite teachers to settle among them. They offer us
suitable sites. The country is far beyond the swamps; it is high and
healthy. This favorable entrance was greatly aided by the wise and
good King Eyo, who sent a prince to accompany Mr. Edgerly beyond
Umon to Akuna Kuna. When the expedition returned and the king
heard the result, he gave utterance to one of the noblest of
sentiments. ‘God,’ said he, when Mr. Edgerly had told his tale, ‘has
unlatched the door, and wishes us to push it open.’”
Such results as have been achieved at the Old Calabar Mission
are worth all the money and toil and sacrifice of health and even of
life which they have cost.
The mission to the Cameroons was established in 1845 by the
Baptist Missionary Society. When the missionaries of that society
were expelled from the neighboring island of Fernando Po, where
they had been laboring since 1841, they settled among the Isubus at
Bimbia, where a mission had previously been projected. The mission
was afterwards extended to King Bell’s Town in an easterly direction,
the people inhabiting that region being the Dualas. The entire New
Testament has been translated into the languages of both tribes.
The Gaboon Mission was called into existence by the American
Board in 1842. Baraka was the first station occupied. It was
transferred in 1870 to the Mission Board of the American
Presbyterian Church (north.) The Mpongwes on the coast, and the
Shekanis, Bakalais, and Pangwes in the interior, are the tribes
embraced in the field of operation. Not much progress has been
made owing to the opposition of the Roman Catholics. In all the
French possessions on the west coast of Africa the Roman Catholics
predominate and very little has been accomplished. Recently the
Paris Evangelical Missionary Society has been doing a good work at
Senegal and other settlements.
 We come now to Angola. Angola was discovered by European
mariners long before Christopher Columbus had given to the world
another continent, yet many years passed before the value of the
discovery was recognized and the country taken possession of and
occupied by the Portuguese, at that period when Portugal was made
remarkable by the commercial enterprise and maritime prowess of
its people, more than three hundred years ago.
For several years before the occupation of Angola, the king of
Congo had been doing a large and lucrative trade with the
Portuguese in slaves. The sources from which were drawn victims to
keep alive this nefarious barter were never failing. The superstitions
of the people, their customs and habits, a season of drouth, a failure
of crops, in fact anything, even the least trivial happenings, were all
factors giving Congo’s king excuse for the selling of his subjects to
securing wealth; wealth represented by many wives, granaries filled
to bursting with manioc, and wooded hills and fertile valleys stocked
to overrunning with flocks of sheep and droves of lowing kine;
wealth which enabled Congo to dominate and overawe all
contemporary tribes, and which naturally incited the jealousy of
other kings and chiefs who ruled over the natives of other districts in
this country of Congoland.
Among the savage rulers who were envious of the power of
their rival, was Nmbea, king of Angola, autocrat of a large and
densely populated country. Holding at his disposal millions of
helpless and superstitious subjects, Nmbea soon recognized that by
copying the practices of his powerful neighbor he, with but little
difficulty, would also become chief and powerful. So, moved by this
desire, he opened a correspondence with the Portuguese. He sent
one of the rich men of his tribe, with presents of slaves, ivory and
strangely wrought curios, as ambassadors to the Portuguese court at
Lisbon, with instructions to endeavor to have the Portuguese
establish trading relations between the two kingdoms.
At this time the attention of the Portuguese queen and the
people generally was attracted towards Brazil. Enterprising colonists,
venturesome explorers and wealth seekers of all classes saw in this
South American district a new Cathay. Thousands from among the
patrician, as well as other thousands from more humble circles,
rushed into that new land, necessarily causing large sums of money
to follow in their wake. The enthusiasm with which this American
opportunity was cultivated and the resultant drain from the royal
treasury and from the coffers of the people caused Queen Catherine
to receive with indifference all stories of African wealth. Thus
obstacles were formed which prevented Nmbea from carrying out his
plans until several years had passed, when the growing demands for
slaves, needed to supply labor in Brazilian mines and on East Indian
coffee farms, had become a matter of great importance. Then the
request of Angola’s king was considered, and a party of Portuguese
were landed at a place in his kingdom which they called St. Paul de
Loanda.
In the selection of this place these adventurers were most
fortunate, for it was not long before trade, in ever-increasing
volume, flowed towards the sea coast at this point. The growth of
the city was rapid and, despite wars with native tribes and trouble
with marauding Dutch, it grew wealthy and powerful. Large and
beautiful cathedrals were built, imposing palaces were erected as
were many important public buildings, and dotted here and there
about the suburbs, were fruitful farms and valuable plantations. So
with the moving years the city waxed strong and mighty, thriving on
its traffic in human flesh. But a time came when this trade was
shaken to its base and the prosperity of its citizens brought to a
temporary end.
The inhabitants of the civilized world began to look with disfavor
upon the slave traffic, and were induced to attempt its suppression.
This, for Loanda, was the writing on the wall, for it meant the
placing of an embargo upon the trade which was the only source
from which the city derived revenue for its support. Philanthropy
succeeded, and as a consequence Loanda’s glory faded. The palaces
passed away, the stately cathedrals crumbled into ruins and the
large and costly slave barracoons became useless except as fuel for
the poor.

ST. PAUL DE LOANDA.

Larger.

Then for years death-like quiet reigned in the city, and all signs
of commerce ceased. But this stagnation was not to last forever.
England and other commercial nations of Europe, in their efforts to
find markets for the sale of the products of their mills and
workshops, had established depots for trade at almost every
important place in the world. The eyes of European merchants were
turned towards the prolific field of southwest Africa.
Stories which told how great wealth was to be gained in African
trade began to be chronicled in the exchanges of all the great
commercial centres, and a wave of commercial endeavor was put in
motion, which carried with it many richly freighted barks to again fill
the harbor of the African city of St. Paul de Loanda. Since then
Loanda has improved beyond all expectation, and now the vessels of
four lines of steamers as well as many sailing craft are constantly in
the harbor loading and discharging their cargoes. Many large public
buildings have been built. Acres of flat and swampy shore have been
reclaimed and are now utilized for docks and wharfs. Ruins of
churches and monasteries have been cleared away and walks and
squares have been laid out and planted. There are many shops
supplied with all kinds of European goods. Pipes have been laid,
through which flows into the city sweet water from the river Bengo,
nine miles away, and when the railway, now in course of
construction, is in operation to bring the products of the farms,
plantations and rich forests of the interior to the city, Loanda will
have become a fair specimen of a thriving tropical town.
The city is situated on the shore of a large and beautiful bay
and is divided into a lower and an upper town. The “Cidade Buixa,”
or lower town, which is built on the flat shore which fringes the
water of the bay, nestles at the base of a hill and straggles up its
rising sides until it joins the “Cidade Alto.” The upper town stretches
along the brow of the elevation and sweeps outward towards the
ocean until it ends at a bold and rocky precipice where Fort St.
Miguels, a frowning sentinel, watches over the safety of the port.
The harbor is a bay where a thousand ships might at one time
ride at anchor and find secure protection from the severest storm. A
long, low and narrow neck of land, called Isle of Palms, leaves the
mainland about twelve miles to the south and runs north until it
reaches a point opposite the city, where it flattens out its surface of
sunlit sands to give protection to the harbor of which it forms the
southern boundary.
 FOREST SCENE IN ANGOLA.

This spit of land is partly covered with groves of cocoa palms,

among which the residents of the city have erected many small
houses where they visit daily to enjoy surf bathing. On other parts of
this sandy breakwater are numerous villages occupied by native
fishermen, who make an easy living.
Loanda contains a population of nearly 20,000 people, about
one-third of whom are white. The houses, as a rule, are built of
stone and roofed with tile, and are large and commodious. The
houses all have spacious yards attached, in which are situated the
stores, kitchens, wells and habitations of the slaves and servants.
Arranged in this manner, and with wide and spacious streets, the city
is very open and comparatively healthy. It covers a large expanse of
ground. The principal business street contains a number of fine
structures. On it are situated the buildings of the Banco da Ultra
Marenho, the barracks of the military police, the custom-house and
the offices of the foreign consuls. There are also three hotels, many
stores and warerooms, several billiard rooms and cafés. In the
middle of the street rows of banyan trees have been planted, making
a shady walk, where the natives gather to buy and sell.
These open-air sales, called in Bunda talk “Quitanda” market,
are well patronized. Four uprights, a few “Loandas” mats for a shed,
a stone-bowled pipe and a wooden pillow, are all the furnishings
needed to make comfortable the colored women merchants. On the
ground and all around the booths are laid out pieces of cotton,
cheap calico, brilliantly colored handkerchiefs, native-made baskets
containing balls and reels of cotton, beads, needles, pins, etc., cheap
crockery and cutlery, empty bottles and balls of different colored
clay. Suspended from the uprights and resting against the trees are
stacks of native tobacco, plaited into rolls or wound about sticks and
sold by inches. The venders at these open sales are always women,
and as a rule are clean and comely. They are shrewd sellers and
close buyers, and in a few years become, from a native’s point of
view, quite wealthy. When conducting the business of the day, they
squat or lie down upon the sand and indulge in quip and joke, and
gossip with one another and their customers.
Covering a whole square in the center of the lower town is the
general market. It is a large, square, uncovered enclosure made of
terra cotta and brick, built in excellent taste. All the public buildings
of Loanda are under the direct control of the military police and are
well conducted.
At break of day one hears the loud sound of many horns,
trumpets and beating drums. Down through the flower scented
streets, in soldierly order moving, with burnished guns and glistening
bayonets, 100 blacks, all dressed in spotless white, come marching
until they reach the market gates. Here good Father Anselmo, of the
Ursulines, pours out a benediction upon the market and the awaiting
people. When the gates are opened the police take their stations
and the market is ready to receive the buyers and sellers of the day.
Through the open portals into the market flows a stream of
laughing, singing men and women. One carries upon her head a
large basket, from whose open top protrudes the heads of cackling
geese and scolding hens. Another has a pot of neichineas (water
oil). Some bring meat and others vegetables. Millions of fleas and
“jiggers” are always present, and in and out among the wares run
countless naked and dirty children. The buyers and sellers shout
aloud in boisterous tone.
Besides this market there is another given up entirely to the sale
of fish. In the haze of early morning, far out upon the ocean,
hundreds of black spots are seen bobbing up and down upon the
water. They are the canoes of the fishermen who are hastening
towards the land with the fruit of their night’s labor. In a little time
they reach the shore and their scaly cargoes are tumbled out upon
the sands. The women and children at once proceed to clean the
fish. In one spot they arrange the fish for drying, while others salt
and pack them in barrels for shipment. Others, again, fry, boil and
roast the fish and all are eating raw or half-cooked fish, interspersing
everything with shouting, singing, dancing and grunts of satisfaction.
During the period when the city’s prosperity was interrupted, its
streets were left uncared for and their beautiful pavements became
covered with a bed of loose red sand, which was washed by the rain
down from the surrounding hills. This drifting still continues,
rendering walking so very difficult that it is indulged in only by the
convicts and natives. The better classes have resource to the
“maxilla.” The “maxilla” is a flat frame of canework with one or two
arms at the side and a low back provided with a cushion. This frame
is hung by cords to a hook on a palm pole, about eighteen feet long,
and is carried upon the shoulders of two blacks, who travel with it
easily at the rate of three or four miles an hour. It is covered with an
awning of oiled cloth and has silk curtains hung all around it.
Loanda is a convict settlement, but, contrary to what might be
expected, its people are remarkably law-abiding. This may arise from
the fact that discovered law-breakers are punished most severely,
often dying under the lash. The convicts, as a rule, are store-keepers
and farmers. They are prosperous, and soon become contented with
their lot and rarely return to Europe. Ignorant and unrefined, they
assimilate readily with the native classes, and take part in all their
pleasures.
The “batuco,” country dance, is the popular form of amusement.
A “batuco” is danced in the following fashion: A large ring is formed
of men and women. On the outside several fires are kept burning,
near which are assembled the musicians with horns, drums and the
twanging “maremba.” Others clap their hands and sing a kind of
chorus. Two dancers, a man and a woman, jump with a yell into the
ring, shuffle their feet with great rapidity, passing backwards and
forwards. Then facing one another, suddenly advance and bring their
breasts together with a whack. These dances are not in great favor
with the better class of free blacks, but this does not prevent them
from occurring every night. Although the abolition of slavery is
supposed to have taken place in 1878, almost all servants are slaves.
They are well treated, however, as public opinion condemns
harshness and quite a rivalry exists in having household slaves well
dressed and happy looking.
The city has no places of public amusement except a theatre,
but this for some time has not been used on account of a social war
between the married women and those who do not consider the
marriage ceremony essential to their welfare. There is a fair military
band, however, which plays twice a week in the park in the upper
town, and there is hardly a night that there is not something going
on at some of the private homes. A dance at the Governor’s palace
is certain to be given once a mouth.
The aborigines of Loanda owe much to the Catholic Church. Its
priests have taught the natives many trades and industries. There
are four newspapers published in the city, but they deal mainly in
unpleasant personalities.
Even more important than Angola, in a commercial and political
sense, is the Portuguese province to the south, known as Benguella,
with Benguella as the capital. The town is an old one and has not
shared the decay incident to the early Portuguese settlements on the
western coast. The harbor is excellent, and is the entrepôt to the
celebrated Bihé section, through a series of tribes which Pinto visited
and which he describes as of superior physique and intelligence.
Benguella was once the seat of an active slave trade, and Monteiro
says, in his volume published in 1875, that he has seen caravans of
3,000 blacks coming into Benguella from Bihé, fully 1,000 of which
were slaves. The white settlers cleared many fine plantations about
Benguella, which they stocked with slaves and upon which large
crops of cotton were formerly raised. The contiguous tribe is the
Mundombe, wild and roving, dirty and selfish, little clothed and living
in low round-roofed huts. Cattle are their principal riches, yet they
seldom partake of their flesh, except upon feast days, when the
whole tribe assembles, and as many as 300 head of fine cattle are
dispatched in a single day.
It is only within the last few years that this region has been
entered by the Protestant missionaries. In 1880 the American Board
sent out three missionaries to Benguella, the port of the Bihé
country. They were Rev. Walter W. Bagster, grandson of Samuel
Bagster, publisher of the Polyglot Bible, and the leader of the
expedition; the Rev. Wm. H. Sanders, son of a missionary in Ceylon;
and Mr. Samuel T. Miller, both of whose parents were slaves. The
kings of Bailunda and Bihé showed themselves friendly, and the
missionaries, since reinforced, entered hopefully upon their work. On
February 22, 1882, Mr. Bagster died from malarial fever. Bishop
Taylor has opened up a number of stations in Angola, of which
mention will be made when we come to speak of his work in
establishing self-supporting missions in Africa.
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