Endless Ebook, One Click Away – Start Downloading at ebookname.

com

Practical SQL Microsoft SQL Server T SQL for

Beginners Mark O’Donovan

https://ebookname.com/product/practical-sql-microsoft-sql-
server-t-sql-for-beginners-mark-odonovan/

OR CLICK HERE

DOWLOAD EBOOK

Browse and Get More Ebook Downloads Instantly at https://ebookname.com

Click here to visit ebookname.com and download ebook now
Instant digital products (PDF, ePub, MOBI) available
Download now and explore formats that suit you...

Beginning T SQL with Microsoft SQL Server 2005 and 2008

Paul Turley

https://ebookname.com/product/beginning-t-sql-with-microsoft-sql-
server-2005-and-2008-paul-turley/

Microsoft SQL Server 2008 For Dummies 1st Edition

Chapple

https://ebookname.com/product/microsoft-sql-server-2008-for-
dummies-1st-edition-chapple/

Microsoft SQL Server 2012 with Hadoop 1st Edition

Debarchan Sarkar

https://ebookname.com/product/microsoft-sql-server-2012-with-
hadoop-1st-edition-debarchan-sarkar/

Strategies for Successful Animal Shelters 1st Edition

Laura A. Reese Ph.D.

https://ebookname.com/product/strategies-for-successful-animal-
shelters-1st-edition-laura-a-reese-ph-d/
King Tiger vs IS 2 Operation Solstice 1945 Duel First
Edition David R. Higgins

https://ebookname.com/product/king-tiger-vs-is-2-operation-
solstice-1945-duel-first-edition-david-r-higgins/

English Civil War Brassey s History of Uniforms 1st

English ed Edition Philipp Elliot-Wright

https://ebookname.com/product/english-civil-war-brassey-s-
history-of-uniforms-1st-english-ed-edition-philipp-elliot-wright/

The Method of the Divine Government Physical and Moral

2nd Edition James Mccosh

https://ebookname.com/product/the-method-of-the-divine-
government-physical-and-moral-2nd-edition-james-mccosh/

Social Movements 2nd Edition Staggenborg

https://ebookname.com/product/social-movements-2nd-edition-
staggenborg/

Mobile Robots Towards New Applications 1st Edition

Aleksandar Lazinica

https://ebookname.com/product/mobile-robots-towards-new-
applications-1st-edition-aleksandar-lazinica/
Practical Handbook of Photovoltaics Fundamentals and
Applications 1st Edition Augustin Mcevoy

https://ebookname.com/product/practical-handbook-of-
photovoltaics-fundamentals-and-applications-1st-edition-augustin-
mcevoy/
 Practical Sql
Microsoft Sql Server T-SQL
for Beginners
2nd Edition
By
Mark O'Donovan
Copyright © 2019 Mark O’Donovan
All rights reserved.
 Contents

Software and Sample data

Overview
Section 1. Sql Server Install and Tour
Section 2. Starting Sql Development
Section 3. Advanced Queries
Section 4. Sql Beyond the Basics
Conclusion
Quiz Answers
Useful Websites
 Copyright

All rights reserved.

No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or

by any means without written permission from the author.

Disclaimer
Although the author and publisher have made every effort to ensure that the
information in this book was correct at press time, the author and publisher do
not assume and hereby disclaim any liability to any party for any loss, damage,
or disruption caused by errors or omissions, whether such errors or omissions
result from negligence, accident, or any other cause.

Information sold in this book is sold without warranty, either expressed or

implied.

Title: Practical Sql - Microsoft Sql Server T-SQL for Beginners – Second
Edition

Version: 2.0
Software and Sample Data
The examples in this book used Sql Server 2017 Express which is as of
writing this book a free version of sql server available for download from
Microsoft.

You can download all the sample data and examples for this book from

https://github.com/techstuffy/Practical-Sq

There should be no problem with running these exercises on later versions of

Sql Server but we cannot give a 100% guarantee.

Most examples will run on previous versions of Microsoft Sql Server but
some functions might differ or not exist on previous versions such as the format
function.

If you have problems accessing the sample data please contact me using
techstuffy.com.
Overview
A brief overview of the different sections contained within this book :

Section 1. Sql Server Install and Tour

This Section takes the reader from downloading and installing sql server to
creating a sql table and performing basic queries on the data within the table.

Chapter 1

This chapter introduces the book , how to use the book and where to get
downloads.

Chapter 2

Here we cover how to get a free copy of sql server express and the
installation of the software.

Chapter 3

Once sql server has been installed this chapter will take you on a brief tour of
the software and how to login to the sql server for the first time.

Section 2. Starting Sql Development

Section 2 introduces the basics of sql development namely how to create
databases, tables and fields and the fundamental statements that perform the
basic operations on your data.

Chapter 1

This chapter will show you how to create your first sql server database and
the various properties of sql server databases.

Chapter 2

Once you have created your database this chapter will explain and give
examples of creating sql server tables to store your data.

Chapter 3
 In the final chapter of this section with introduce the basic sql statements to
insert, query, update and delete data from a sql table.
Section 3. Advanced Queries

Section 3 goes into sql development in more detail cover ways of grouping
data, creating conditional statements and joining tables of data together.

Chapter 1

This chapter covers how to perform calculations on groups of data such as

how to sum all the numbers in a field or count the number of rows in a table.

Chapter 2

Next we cover various functions that allow us to manipulate string fields in

various ways.

Chapter 3

Conditional statements allow us to return different values depending on the

value of another of another expression. For example you might want to return a
different value depending on the time of day or the month it ways when the
query was executed.

Chapter 4

When developing sql databases more often than not the data you need to
return will be in more than one table. This chapter covers the various ways you
can combine the data in 2 or more tables.
Section 4. Sql Beyond the Basics
Now that the basics of sql development have been covered Section 4 carries
on by introducing more development techniques such as using Stored
Procedures, Functions and Views, Triggers, database design rules and much
more.

Chapter 1

The sql developer can add rules to the check that the data being added to the
table is valid, this chapter will show you ways to create various constraints.

Chapter 2

Templates are a useful sql server feature. We will show you how to use
Templates to speed up your sql development to save you time and create
consistency and also how to create your own sql server templates.

Chapter 3

When you start to develop more complex queries you can add them to stored
procedures so that they can be saved in the database and executed with a single 1
line statement at a later date.

We will cover to create stored procedures and pass parameters to the stored
procedures.

Chapter 4

Views allow you to hide complex SELECT statements so you only need to
run a simple select statements. Using View can save you copying and pasting
large chunks of code and make it easier to read the sql that you have developed.

Chapter 5

Next we will cover different types of functions that can be created and how
they compare to stored procedures.

Chapter 6
 Synonyms are aliases for tables and are especially useful when you start to
develop code that uses references to multiple databases.

We will show you how to create and manage synonyms within your
database.

Chapter 7

Triggers allow you to execute some tsql when an action is taken on the
database or table. We will cover how to create various triggers and use them for
various purposes such as auditing and preventing users from creating tables.

Chapter 8

When you start to develop sql for large amounts of data the design of the
database will be increasingly more important. We will cover the fundamental
rules of database design called normal forms.

Chapter 9

As a sql developer you can be expected to predict every possible problem

that might occur while your code is running. Sql Exceptions allow the developer
to define a course of action to take when an unexpected error occurs.

Chapter 10

Finally we cover Transactions. Transactions are the 'all or nothing' in the sql
world. You might have a number of changes to tables within your stored
procedure but want all the changes to be saved as long as there has been no
errors executing any of the statements, transactions will allow to do this.
Section 1. Sql Server Install and Tour

1. Introduction

“Knowledge isn’t power until it is applied.” – Dale Carnegie

The purpose of this book is to teach the user sql database development.

More precisely you will learn sql development on Microsoft Sql Server using
the version of Sql from Microsoft called T-SQL (T-SQL stands for Transact
SQL).

When starting to learn anything new there often appears to be an

overwhelming amount to learn.

With the Practical Series of books and 'Practical Sql' in this case you will be
guided from the basics to more advanced techniques.

The instructions are kept concise with the focus being on useful examples.
The aim here is that you will be more likely to remember what is said about a
topic and can always refer back to the examples at a later date if required.

Practical Sql
'Practical Sql' will cover the tsql development language used on the
Microsoft Sql Server Database system.

Sql Server Development is a topic that many IT Professionals avoid but there
really is no need as the basics and even more advanced techniques can be
acquired easily.

In other words Sql development is not a skill that will be of use to just DBA's
and developers.

There are many applications that rely on sql server databases so some
knowledge of databases it becoming a common requirement.
2. Sql Server Installation

The installation of Sql Server Express is straightforward, should not cause

any problems and free.

You can download the current version of Sql Server Express from the
following location:

https://www.microsoft.com/en-gb/sql-server/sql-server-editions-express

Click download now to get ‘sql server express 2017’.

System Requirements for Microsoft® SQL Server® 2017 Express

Supported Operating System

Windows 10 , Windows 8, Windows 8.1, Windows Server 2012, Windows

Server 2012 R2, Windows Server 2016

Processor

Intel - compatible processor with a minimum speed of 1 GHz or a faster

processor

RAM

Minimum 512MB

Hard Disk Space

4.2 GB of Disk Space

Limitations : Microsoft SQL Server Express supports 1 physical processor,

1 GB memory, and 10 GB storage
1. Once the download has completed double click on the file to start the
installation.
2. Click the Installation menu option on the left hand side of the screen
and then select
3. Select the Basic installation type.
1. Click Accept .

2. Click Install and wait for the installation files to be downloaded and
installed.

3. Once the installation has completed you will be presented with details
about your sql server. In particular make a note of your instance name
as this might be different from the screenshot below if you already
have a version of sql express on your machine:
Other documents randomly have
different content
window. The conjecture is, at least, as plausible as another that has been
advanced; namely, that Arundel is derived from Hirondelle[41], the name of
Bevis’s horse.”
The Park of Arundel, which contains much picturesque scenery and many
thriving plantations, was originally the hunting-forest of the ancient
Counts, and covered a great extent of country,
which is now either under cultivation, or
converted into pasture. Beyond the pleasure-
grounds, immediately under the Keep, is the
Inner Park, entirely surrounded by an artificial
earth-work, still perfect, and adorned with
magnificent elm and beech trees. The new, or
Outer Park, comprises an extent of nearly twelve
hundred acres, enclosed by a high wall with
lodges, and stocked with a thousand head of deer.
The scenery is variegated by numerous
undulations of surface—alternate ridge and
ravine, grove and glade, and watered by rivulets
that derive their source from the neighbouring
Downs.
At a short distance from the entrance to the Park, on the south side, is
Hiorne’s Tower, the subject of the accompanying view. It is a triangular
building, about fifty feet in height, with a turret at each angle, and in design
and execution presents an admirable specimen of Gothic architecture. The
merit of the design is due to the late distinguished architect, Mr. Hiorne, who
superintended its erection, and left it as a monument to his name. The view
from this tower, under a favourable atmosphere, presents a magnificent
prospect of the adjoining Park. The soft pastoral hills that trace their bold
outline on the sky; the umbrageous woods that cover the nearer acclivities;
the villages, hamlets, and isolated dwellings that infuse life and activity into
the picture; the herds of deer that are seen at intervals through the trees; the
distant channel with its shipping, and the shining meanders of the river Arun
—all present, in combination, one of the most richly diversified landscapes
on which the eye of poet or of painter could love to expatiate.
To the readers of romance this scene is rendered doubly interesting by its
immediate vicinity to Pugh-dean, where the graves of Bevis, the giant
castellan of Arundel, and his horse Hirondelle, carry us back to the days of
King Arthur and his knights. To this personage we have already adverted[42];
“but of his connexion with the Castle of Arundel,” says Tierney, “it were
difficult to trace the origin, although there can be little doubt that it existed at
a very early period. At the bottom of the valley called Pugh-dean, the
locality now under notice, is a low oblong mound, resembling a raised grave
in its form, and known in the traditions of the neighbourhood as ‘Bevis’s
burialplace.’ It is about six feet wide, and not less than thirty feet long. It is
accompanied by several
smaller but similar mounds; and although peculiar in its shape, as compared
with Roman and other tumuli which have been examined at different times,
has, nevertheless much of a sepulchral character in its appearance. It was
lately opened to a depth of several feet, but nothing was discovered in it. In
the middle, however, at the bottom to which the ground was originally made
to shelve from each end, a level space of about six feet in length had been
left, as if for the reception of a deposit; and as the lightness of the soil above
seemed to indicate that it had been merely removed, it is not improbable that
this deposit may have rewarded some antiquary more fortunate than those
who were engaged in the late excavation.”
Not far from this retired valley a different interest is excited by its having
been the site of the chapel and hermitage of St. James—an hospital for
lepers, and built soon after the middle of the thirteenth century, for the
reception of the unhappy outcasts who were afflicted with that loathsome
malady. The clump of trees observed in the view marks the locale of this
ancient sanctuary, which must have enclosed a very considerable area.
A pleasing incident in the history of Arundel, is the visit of the Empress
Matilda to her step-mother, Queen Adeliza, as already alluded to in our
notice of Albini. Accompanied by her natural-brother, Robert of Gloucester,
and a retinue of one hundred and forty knights, she was received within the
walls of the Castle, and treated with all the distinction which her own dignity
and the affection of her relative could bestow. The news of her arrival,
however, threw the army of King Stephen into immediate motion, and
brought the engines of war under the walls of the Castle. Fearful of the
consequences, Queen Adeliza determined to try the effects of policy in lieu
of force, and appealed to the chivalrous feelings of the incensed Monarch, in
behalf of her illustrious but ill-timed visitor. She assured him that the only
object of her royal guest in making this visit, was to gratify those feelings of
love and relationship, which might be reasonably supposed to exist between
mother and daughter; that the gates of the Castle had been thrown open to
her, not as a rival to the throne, but as a peacefully disposed visitor, who had
a longing desire to see her native land, and who was ready to depart
whenever it should please the King to grant her his safe-conduct to the
nearest port. It was, moreover, delicately insinuated, that to lay siege to a
Castle, where the only commander of the garrison was a lady, and where the
only offence complained of was a mere act of hospitality to a female
relation, was surely an enterprise neither worthy of a hero such as his
Majesty, nor becoming in him who was the crowned head of the English
chivalry.
The result of this appeal, or of some more convincing argument[43], has
been already stated in the safe retirement of Matilda from the scene of
danger, and her return to Normandy. But a small chamber over the inner
gateway enjoys
the traditionary fame of having been her sleeping room, during her sojourn
in the Castle. It is a low square apartment, such as the castellan might have
occupied during a siege. But, as an imperial chamber, it never could have
had more than one recommendation, namely its security, in times when
security was the chief object to be kept in view; and six centuries ago it was
no doubt a very eligible state chamber. The bedstead on which the Empress
is said to have reposed—for we would not disturb any point of popular and
poetical faith—is certainly a relic of considerable antiquity. Its massive
walnut posts are elaborately carved, but so worm-eaten, that, unless tenderly
scrutinised, the wood would be apt to fall into powder in the hands of the
visitor. Looking upon this, as a relic of the twelfth century, it may be
imagined with what feelings the daughter of a King, the consort of an
Emperor, and mother of a King, laid her head upon that humble couch,
reflected on her checkered fate, and felt the shock of warlike engines under
the battlements.
 “ ’Mid crash of states, exposed to fortune’s frown,
Uneasy lies the head that wears a crown.”

The other events and incidents which give Arundel particular distinction
among the ancient baronial seats of England, are partly owing to the regal
dignity of its visitors. It was here that Alfred and Harold are believed to have
resided; and it was in the castle of Arundel that William Rufus, on his return
from Normandy, celebrated the feast of Easter.[44] In 1302, King Edward the
First spent some time within its walls: and from the fact of its containing an
apartment familiarly known as the ‘King’s Chamber,’ it is probable that, in
later times, it was often graced by the royal presence.[45] The luxury and
splendour of its apartments are amply attested by the minute inventories of
the costly materials employed in their decoration; while the princely
revenues of many of its lords permitted them to indulge in a style of
hospitality to which few subjects could aspire. It was frequented by the élite
of our English chivalry; beauty and valour were its hereditary inmates; its
court resounded to the strains of music; while military fêtes and religious
solemnities gave alternate life and interest to its halls. Many a plan,
afterwards developed in the field or the senate, was first conceived and
matured in the baronial fastness of Arundel. One of the dark yet dramatic
scenes of which it has been the theatre, is the conspiracy, in which the Earls
of Arundel, Derby, Marshall, and Warwick; the Archbishop of Canterbury,
the Abbot of St. Alban’s and the Prior of Westminster, met the Duke of
Gloucester, for the final ratification of the plot. After receiving the
sacrament, says the Chronicle, they solemnly engaged, each for himself, and
for one another, to seize the person of King Richard the Second; his brothers,
the Dukes of Lancaster and York; and, finally, to cause all the lords of the
King’s Council to be ignominiously put to death. This plot, however, was
happily divulged in time to defeat its execution; and Arundel was brought to
the block on the evidence of his son-in-law, Earl Marshall, then deputy-
governor of Calais.[46]
So great, says Caraccioli, “was the hereditary fame of Arundel Castle,
and so high its prerogative, that Queen Adeliza’s brother, Joceline of
Lorraine, though a lineal descendant of Charlemagne, felt himself honoured
in being nominated to the title of its Castellan.” From William de Albini,
Joceline received in gift Petworth, with its large demesne; and on his
marriage with Agness, heiress of the Percies, took the name of Percy—and,
hence, probably, the origin of “Percy’s Hall,” an apartment which has existed
from time immemorial in Arundel Castle.
Of Isabel de Albini, the widow of Earl Hugh, the following anecdote is
preserved:[47]—Having applied to the King for the wardship of a certain
person, which she claimed as her right, and failing in her suit, she addressed
him in these spirited words:—“Constituted and appointed by God for the just
government of your people, you neither govern yourself nor your subjects as
you ought to do. You have wronged the Church, oppressed the nobles, and to
myself, personally, have refused an act of justice, by withholding the right to
which I am entitled.” “And have the Barons,” said the King, “formed a
charter, and appointed you their advocate, fair dame?” “No,” replied the
Countess; “but the King has violated the charter of liberties given them by
his father, and which he himself solemnly engaged to observe; he has
infringed the sound principles of faith and honour; and I, although a woman,
yet with all the freeborn spirit of this realm, do here appeal against you to the
tribunal of God. Heaven and earth bear witness how injuriously you have
dealt with us, and the avenger of perjury will assert the justice of our cause.”
Conscious that the charge, though boldly spoken, was the voice of public
opinion, and struck with admiration of her frank spirit, the King, stifling
resentment, merely rejoined, “Do you wish for my favour, kinswoman?”
“What have I to hope from your favour,” she replied, “when you have
refused me that which is my right? I appeal to Heaven against these evil
counsellors, who, for their own private ends, have seduced their liege lord
from the paths of justice and truth.”
We now take a short retrospect of the public services, patriotic
achievements, and traits of personal character, which have distinguished the
thirty-two lords of Arundel from the period of the Conquest down to our
own times. Of several of these, however, our notice must be exceedingly
brief.—Of Roger Montgomery and his family we have little to add beyond
what has appeared in Mr. Tierney’s elaborate History of Arundel, to which
we have so often referred in the preceding pages. Of William de Albini, the
fourth earl, the following historical incident is recorded:—When at length,
after
much fruitless warfare, Henry Plantagenet appeared in England at the head
of the nobles who espoused his rights, Albini had the happiness to achieve
what may be justly considered greater than any victory; he prevented the
effusion of blood. Henry’s army was then at Wallingford, where Stephen, at
the head of his forces, was arranging the line of battle. The armies were
drawn out in sight of each other; Stephen, attended by Albini, was
reconnoitring the position of his opponent; when his charger becoming
unmanageable, threw his rider[48]. He was again mounted; but a second and
a third time a similar accident occurred, which did not fail to act as a
dispiriting omen upon the minds of those who were witnesses of the
occurrence. Taking advantage of the superstitious dread thus excited among
the troops, Albini represented in emphatic terms to Stephen the weakness of
his cause when opposed by right and justice, and how little he could
calculate upon men whose resolution in his service had been already shaken
by the incident which had just occurred. His counsel was taken in good part;
Stephen and Henry, adds the historian, met in front of the two armies: an
explanation ensued, reconciliation was effected; and in the course of the year
a solemn treaty was ratified, by which Stephen adopted the young
Plantagenet as his successor to the throne. The most important affair in
which Albini’s service was called for, was the splendid embassy to Rome,
 the object of
which was to
counteract the
effect of à-
Becket’s personal
representations at
the papal court.
That mission
failed in effecting
the reconciliation
intended, owing
to the intemperate
language of the
prelates who were
associated with
Albini in the
cause. His own
speech, as
recorded by
Grafton, is
characteristic of
good sense and
moderation:
—“Although to
me it is unknown,
saith the Erle of
Arundell, which
am but unlettered
and ignorant, what it is that these bishoppes here have sayde, (their speeches
being in latin,) neyther am I in that tongue able to expresse my minde as they
have done; yet, beyng sent and charged thereunto of my prince, neyther can,
nor ought I but to declare, as well as I may, what the cause is of our sendyng
hether; not to contende or strive with any person, nor to offer any iniury or
harm unto any man, especially in this place, and in the presence here of such
a one unto whose becke and authoritye all the worlde doth stoope and yelde.
But for this intent in our Legacy hether directed, to present here before You
and in the presence of the whole Church of Rome, the devocion and loue of
our king and master, which ever he hath had and yet hath still toward You.
And that the same may the better appere to yr. Excellencie, hee hath
assigned and appointed to the furniture of this Legacy, not the least, but the
greatest; not the worst, but the best and chiefest of all his subiects; both
archbishoppes, bishoppes, erles, barons, with other potentates mo, of such
worthinesse and parentage, that if he could have found greater in all his
realme he would have sent them both for the reverence of Your Person and
of the Holy Church of Rome,” &c.
But this oration, “although it was liked for the softnesse and moderation
thereof, yet it failed of its object; it could not perswade the bishop of Rome
to condescende to their sute and request, which was to have two legates or
arbiters to be sent from him into England, to examine and to take up the
controversie betwene the kinge and the archbishoppe.”
Subsequently to this, Albini was sent on a more agreeable mission, that of
conducting the Princess Matilda into Germany, on the eve of her marriage
with Henry, Duke of Saxony; and five years later was selected by the king as
one of his “own trustees to the treaty of marriage between his son Prince
John, and the daughter of Hubert, Count of Savoy.” Shortly afterwards he
commanded the royal forces at Fornham in Suffolk, and gained a complete
victory over the rebellious sons of King Henry—in whose unnatural cause
the disaffected at home had been joined by a numerous body of foreigners—
and took prisoners the Earl of Leicester, with his Countess and all his retinue
of knights. Albini was a great benefactor of the church; he built “the abbey
of Buckenham; endowed various prebends in Winchester; founded the priory
of Pynham, near Arundel; the chapel of St. Thomas at Wymundham,” and
died at Waverley in Surrey.
To Albini’s son and grandson we have already adverted, but conclude
with a brief incident in the life of William, the third earl of his family.
When the banner of the cross was waving under the walls of Damietta,
and the chivalry of Christendom flew to the rescue, the gallant Albini was
too keenly alive to the cause to resist the summons. In that severe
struggle, he hoped to acquire those laurels which would leave all other
trophies in the shade; and with the flower of our English chivalry embarked
for the Holy Land, and served at the siege of that fortress. Two years he
remained a staunch supporter of the cross—a soldier whom no dangers could
dismay, no difficulties intimidate; and long after his companions had
returned to the white cliffs of Albion, the lion-standard of Albini shone in the
van of the Christian army. On his way home, however, he had only strength
to reach an
obscure town in
the
neighbourhood of
Civita Vecchia,
near Rome, where
he was taken ill
and expired. His
eldest son, the
fourth earl, died
without issue; and
the short life of
his successor,
Hugh de Albini,
appears to have
passed without
any remarkable
event or incident, save latterly in active warfare in France, where, at the
battle of Taillebourg, in Guienne, he displayed, though ineffectually, the
hereditary valour of his family.
The first of the Fitzalans who held the title and estates of Arundel was
appointed one of the Lord Marchers, or Wardens of the Welsh Border; and
found to his cost that the Ancient Britons did not submit to the daily
encroachment made upon their rights and hereditary privileges, without
having frequent and formidable recourse to arms. He maintained a high
station at court, was admitted to the royal confidence, and had the
“command of the Castle of Rochester when the approach of the King’s
forces compelled the disaffected Barons to raise the siege.” At the battle of
Lewes he distinguished himself in the royal cause; but at the close of that
disastrous field—along with the two princes, Edward and Henry—fell into
the “hands of the victorious Barons.”
Of the battle of Lewes, we select the following graphic picture from
Grafton:—“Upon Wednesday the 23rd of May, early in the morning, both
the hostes met; where, after the Londoners had given the first assault, they
were beaten back, so that they began to drawe from the sharpe shot and
strokes, to the discomfort of the Barons’ hoste. But the Barons encouraged
and comforted their men in such wise, that not all onely, the freshe and
lustye knights fought eagerly, but also such as before were discomfited,
gathered a newe courage unto them, and fought without feare, in so much
that the King’s vaward lost their places. Then was the field covered with
dead bodyes, and gasping and groning was heard on every syde; for eyther
of them was desyrous to bring others out of lyfe. And the father spared not
the sonne, neyther yet the sonne spared the father! Alliaunce at that time was
bound to defiaunce, and Christian bloud that day was shed without pittie.
Lastly the victory fell to the Barons; so that there was taken the King, and
the King of Romaynes, Sir Edward the King’s sonne, with many other
noblemen,” among whom was Fitzalan, Earl of Arundel, “to the number of
fifteen barons and banerets; and of the common people, that were slain,
about twenty thousand, as saith Fabian.”
This was Fitzalan’s last appearance in the field; and, as a security for his
good behaviour, he was required “to surrender the Castle of Arundel or
deliver his son as a hostage,” into the hands of the Earl of Leicester. “For
their safe keeping, the prisoners were sente unto dyverse castellis and
prysons, except the King, his brother the King of Almayne, and Sir Edwarde
his sonne; the which the barons helde with them vntill they came to
London.”
Richard the third earl takes an eminent station in the family history. He
first travelled in France and Italy, in compliance with the rules of his
order[49]; then served in Wales, performed several exploits against Madoc;
became distinguished among the chivalry of his day; held a command in the
expedition organised for the subjugation of Scotland; fought at Falkirk; and
subsequently took part at the siege of Caerlaverock Castle, where in the
language of the minstrel, “who witnessed the fray,” he is complimented as—

“Richard le Conte de Aroundel,

Beau chivalier, et bien aimé,
I vi je richement armé;
En rouge au lyon rampart de or—[50]”

and in various capacities appears to have done the state much acceptable
service.
1306. During the life of Edmund, the fourth Earl, the affairs of Scotland
assumed a threatening aspect; and the King, exasperated by the murder of
Comyn, resolved to march an army across the frontier. Great preparations
were made to render the expedition, in all respects, worthy of the grand
object in view. The royal armies were ordered from their cantonments, and
hastened into the field under the command of Aymer de Valence, Earl of
Pembroke.
In preparation for the expedition, “proclamation was made, that a grand
national fete would solemnise the movement; that the Prince of Wales
would be knighted on the Feast of Pentecost; and all the young nobility of
the kingdom were summoned to appear at Westminster to receive that
honour along with him. On the eve of the appointed day (the 22nd of May)
270 noble youths, with their pages and retinues, assembled in the Gardens of
the Temple, in which the trees were cut down that they might pitch their
tents; they watched their arms all night, according to the usage of chivalry;
the prince, and some of those of highest rank, in the Abbey of Westminster;
the others in the Temple Church. On the morrow, Prince Edward was
knighted by his father in the Hall of the Palace, and then proceeding to the
Abbey, conferred the like honour on his companions. A magnificent feast
followed, at which two swans covered with nets of gold being set on the
table by the minstrels, the King rose, and made a solemn vow to God and to
the swans, that he would avenge the death of Comyn and punish the perfidy
of the Scottish rebels. Then, addressing his son and the rest of the company,
he conjured them, in the event of his death, to keep his body unburied until
his successor should have accomplished this vow. The next morning the
prince, with his companions, departed for the Borders; Edward himself
followed by slow journeys, being only able to travel in a litter.”
Such was the bright morning of Edmund Fitzalan’s life; and the annexed
gives us the dark contrast in his tragical end.
1326. The citizens, says Froissart, seeing they had no other means of
saving the town, their lives, and their fortunes, acceded to the Queen’s terms,
and opened their gates to her. She entered the town attended by Sir John de
Hainault, with all her barons, knights, and esquires, who took their lodging
therein. The others, for want of accommodation, remained without. Sir Hugh
Spencer and the Earl of Arundel were then delivered to the Queen to do with
them according to her good pleasure. The Queen then ordered the elder
Spencer and Arundel to be brought before her eldest son and the barons
assembled, and said that she and her son would see that Justice should be
done unto them according to their deeds. “Ah, madam,” said Spencer, “God
grant us an upright judge and a just sentence; and that if we cannot find it in
this world, we may find it in another.” The charges against them being read,
an old knight was called upon to pass sentence; and her son, with the other
barons and knights, pronounced the prisoners guilty. Their sentence was, that
they, the said Earl of Arundel and Spencer, should be drawn in a hurdle to
the place of execution, there to be beheaded, and afterwards to be hung on a
gibbet. “The which was duly carried into effect on the feast of St, Denis,” at
Bristol—or, according to others, at Hereford.
Richard, the son and successor of Edmund, became highly distinguished
among the great men of his time. His life and exploits make no
inconsiderable figure in the national annals.
 When a fleet of cruisers, sent out by the French for the annoyance of
British commerce in the Channel, had made prizes of many of our best
merchant ships, pillaged several towns on the coast, and caused much
consternation to all who were interested in the prosperity of commerce,
Arundel

hoisted his flag on board the “Admiral,” and put to sea. Another fleet was
ordered to co-operate with him in the eastern coast; the first cruise checked
the audacity of the enemy, and re-established public confidence and good
order.
 1340. His next public service was off the harbour of Sluys, where, in an
engagement with the French fleet, he was second in command under King
Edward the Third, and gained a complete victory.
“When the king’s fleet,” says the chronicler, “was almost got to Sluys,
they saw so many masts standing before it, that they looked like a wood. The
king asked the commander of his ship what they could be, who answered
that he imagined they must be that armament of Normans which the King of
France kept at sea, and which had so frequently done him much damage, had
burnt the good town of Southampton, and taken his large ship the
‘Christopher.’ The king replied, I have for a long time wished to meet with
them, and now, please God and St. George, we will fight with them; for in
truth they have done me so much mischief, that I will be revenged upon
them if possible.”
The large ships under Lord Arundel, the bishop of Norwich, and others,
now advanced, adds Froissart, and ran in among those of Flanders: but they
had not any advantage; for the crossbow-men defended themselves gallantly
under their commander Sir John de Bucque. He and his company were well
armed in a ship equal in bulk to any they might meet, and had their cannons
on board, which were of such a weight, that great mischief was done by
them. This battle was very fierce and obstinate, for it continued three or four
hours; and many of the vessels were sunk by the “large and sharply-pointed
bolts of iron which were cast down from the maintops, and made large holes
in their decks.” When night came on, they separated, and cast anchor to
repair their damage and take care of the wounded. But at the next flow of the
tide, they again set sail and renewed the combat; yet the English continually
gained on the Flemings, and, having got between them and Blanquenberg
and Sluys, drove them on Cadsand, where the defeat was completed.
So great was the disaster to the French monarch on this day, that none of
his ministers would venture to communicate to him the amount of life and
property which had been sacrificed. What the minister, however, durst not
reveal, the king’s jester found means to divulge. “What arrant cowards are
those English!” said the jester. “How so?” demanded Philip. “Because,”
answered zany, “they had not courage to jump overboard, as the French and
Normans did lately at Sluys[51].” This opened the king’s eyes, and prepared
him for the disastrous tidings that were now poured in upon him.
Six years later, Arundel was appointed admiral of the king’s fleet, and
conveyed the great military expedition from Southampton to Normandy.
When the troops were disembarked at La Hogue, he was created constable of
the forces; and with Northampton and other noblemen commanded the
second division at the battle of Cressy[52].
During the heat of the combat, when Prince Edward was surrounded by
the enemy and in personal jeopardy, Arundel and Northampton hastened to
his support; ordered their division forward, and closed with the enemy. The
English rushed upon their assailants with renewed ardour; the French line
was charged, broken, and dispersed; “earls, knights, squires, and men-at-
arms, continuing the struggle in confused masses, were mingled in one
promiscuous slaughter.” When night closed, King Philip, with a retinue of
only five barons and sixty knights, fled in dismay before the cry of “St.
George for England!” Eleven princes, twelve hundred knights, and thirty
thousand soldiers, had fallen on the side of the French.
On another occasion, but on a different element, Arundel was present
with the king, in his “chivalrous engagement with the French fleet, off
Winchelsea;” and four years later was deputed to the court of Pope Innocent,
then at Avignon, in the fruitless attempt to arrange the articles of a
permanent reconciliation between the Crowns of England and France.
Arundel survived these brilliant events many years; and during the leisure
secured to him by his great public services, appears to have found
occupation for his active mind and munificent taste in repairing and
embellishing his ancestral[53] Castle, where he died at an advanced age, and
bequeathed immense possessions to his family.
The contrast presented in the life and destinies of his son forms a
melancholy page in the family history. He was a brave man, and had
performed several gallant exploits. But it was his misfortune to fall upon evil
times, of which intrigue, disaffection, private revenge, and outward violence
were leading characteristics. Associating with the turbulent spirits who
surrounded an imbecile and capricious monarch, his character took the
complexion of the age.
1397. He is said to have been at the head of a conspiracy already
mentioned in this work, page 39, and which is thus recorded by Holinshed,
Grafton, and others of the old chroniclers[54]. The Earls of Arundel, Derby,
Marshal, and Warwick; the Archbishop of Canterbury, Arundel’s brother; the
Abbot of St. Alban’s, and the Prior of Westminster, met the Duke of
Gloucester[55] in Arundel Castle, where, receiving first the sacrament by the
hand
s of
the
Arch
bish
op,
they
resol
ved
to
seize
the
pers
on of
King
Rich
ard
the
Seco
nd,
and
his
brothers the Dukes of Lancaster and York, to commit them to prison, and
cause the lords of the King’s Council to be drawn and hanged. This plot,
however, was divulged, it is said, by the Earl Marshal, and the apprehension
of Arundel led to the family catastrophe, which with some little abridgment
of the original authors is related as follows:—
Apprehended under assurances of personal security, he was hurried to the
Tower, and finally tried and condemned by the Parliament at Westminster.
On the feast of St. Matthew, Richard Fitz Alaine, Earl of Arundel, was
brought forth to swear before the King and whole Parliament to such articles
as he was charged with.[56] And as he stood at the bar, the Lord Neville was
commanded by the Duke of Lancaster, which sat that day as High Steward
of England, to take the hood from his neck, and the girdle from his waist.
Then the Duke of Lancaster declared unto him that for his manifold
rebellions and treasons against the king’s majesty, he had been arrested, and
hitherto kept in ward, and now at the petitions of the lords and commons, he
was called to answer such crimes as were there to be objected against him,
and so to purge himself, or else to suffer for his offences, such punishment as
the law appointed.
First he charged him that he had ridden in armour against the King in
company of the Duke of Gloucester, and of the Earl of Warwick, to the
breach of peace and disquieting of the realm.
His answer hereunto was, that he did not this upon any evil meaning
towards the King’s person, but rather for the benefit of the King and realm, if
it were interpreted aright and taken as it ought to be.
It was further demanded of him, why he procured letters of pardon from
the King, if he knew himself guiltless. He answered he did not purchase
them for any fear he had of faults committed by him, but to stay the
malicious speech of them that neither loved the King nor him.
He was again asked whether he would deny that he had made any such
rade with the persons before named, and that in company of them he entered
not armed unto the King’s presence against the King’s will and pleasure. To
this he answered he could not deny it, but that he so did.
Then the speaker, Sir John Bushie, with open mouth besought that
judgment might be had against such a traitor; and “your faithful commons,”
said he to the King, “ask and require that so it may be done.” The Earl,
turning his head aside, quietly said to him, “Not the King’s faithful
commons” require this, “but thou, and what thou art I know.” Then the eight
appellants standing on the other side, cast their gloves at him, and in
prosecuting their appeal—which already had been read—offered to fight
with him, man to man, to justify the same. “Then,” said the Earl, “if I were
at libertie, and that it might so stande with the pleasure of my sovereign, I
would not refuse to prove you all liars in this behalfe.”
Then spake the Duke of Lancaster, saying to him, “What have you further
to say to the points laid before you?” He answered, that of the King’s grace
he had his letters of general pardon, which he required to have allowed.
Then the duke told him that the pardon was revoked by the prelates and
noblemen in Parliament; and therefore willed him to make some other
answer.
The Earl told him again that he had another pardon under the King’s great
seal, granted him long after the King’s own motion, which also he required
to have allowed. The Duke told him that the same was likewise revoked.
After this, when the Earl had nothing more to say for himself, the Duke
pronounced judgment against him as in cases of treason is used.
But after he had made an end, and paused a little, he said, “The King our
sovereign lord of his mercy and grace, because thou art of his blood, and one
of the Peers of the realm, hath remitted all other pains, saving the last that is
to say, the beheading, and so thou shalt only lose thy head;”—and forthwith
he was had away, and led through London, unto the Tower-hill. There went
with him to see the execution done, six great lords, of whom there were three
earls, Nottingham, that had married his daughter; Kent, that was his
daughter’s son; and Huntington, being mounted on great horses, with a great
company of armed men, and the fierce bands of the Cheshiremen, furnished
with axes, swords, bows and arrows, marching before and behind him, who
only in this parliament had licence to bear weapon, as some have written.
When he should depart the palace, he desired that his hands might be loosed
to dispose of such money as he had in his purse, betwixt that place and
Charing Cross. This was permitted; and so he gave such money as he had in
alms with his own hands, but his arms were still bound behind him.
When he came to the Tower-hill, the noblemen that were about him
moved him right earnestly to acknowledge his treason against the king. But
he in no wise would do so; but maintained that he was never traitor in word
nor deed; and herewith perceiving the Earls of Nottingham and Kent, that
stood by with other noblemen, busy to further the execution, and being, as ye
have heard, of kin, and allied to him, he spake to them, and said, “Truly it
would have beseemed you rather to have been absent, than here at this
business. But the time will come ere it be long, when as many shall marvel
at your misfortune as do now at mine.” After this, forgiving the executioner,
he besought him not to torment him long, but to strike off his head at one
blow, and feeling the edge of the sword, whether it was sharp enough or not,
he said, “It is very well, do that thou hast to do quickly,”—and so kneeling
down, the executioner with one stroke, strake off his head. “Then returned
they that were at the execution and shewed the kinge merily of the death of
the erle; but although the kinge was then merry and glad that the dede was
done, yet after exceedingly vexed was he in his dremes.” The Earl’s body
was buried, together with his head, in the church of the Augustine Friars in
Bread-street, within the city of London.
The death of this earl[57] was much lamented among the people,
considering his sudden fall and miserable end, whereas, not long before
among all the noblemen of this land, there was none more esteemed; so
noble and valiant he was that all men spake honour of him.
After his death, as the fame went, the king was sore vexed in his sleep
with horrible dreams, imagining that he saw this earl appear unto him,
threatening him, and putting him in horrible fear, as if he had said with the
poet to King Richard—

“Nunc quoque factorum venio memor umbra tuorum,

In sequor et vultus ossea forma tuos.”—

With which visions being sore troubled in sleep, he cursed the day that ever
he knew the earl. And he was the more unquiet, because he heard it reported
that the common people took the earl for a martyr, insomuch that some came
to visit the place of his sepulture, for the opinion they had conceived of his
holiness. And, when it was bruited abroad, as for a miracle, that his head
should be grown to his body again, the tenth day after his burial; the king
sent about ten of the clock in the night certain of the nobility to see his body
taken up, that he might be certified of the truth. Which done, and perceiving
it was a fable, he commanded the friars to take down his arms, that were set
up about the place of his burial, and to cover the grave, so as it should not be
perceived where he was buried.
In less than two years, however, King Richard himself was a captive in
the hands of his subjects. Young Arundel and the son of the late Duke of
Gloucester were appointed his keepers. “Here,” said Lancaster, as he
delivered[58] Richard into their custody[59], “here is the king; he was the
murderer of your fathers; I expect you to be answerable for his safety.”
During the first five years of Henry the Fourth, young Arundel, among
other services, shared with his sovereign the reverses which attended his
invasion of the Welsh frontier, and his campaign against Owen Glendower.
—But at length the scenes of the camp gave place to domestic festivities;
and his approaching marriage with Donna Béatrice, daughter of John the
First, king of Portugal, was publicly announced. Great preparations were
made to receive the bride with all the honours due to her beauty and station;
the royal palace and the earl’s ancestral castle were sumptuously fitted up for
her reception. She left Portugal with a splendid retinue, made a prosperous
voyage, and arrived in London in the middle of November. On the twenty-
sixth of the same month the solemnity took place in the Royal Chapel,
where, in the
presence of the
King and Queen,
Donna Béatrice
gave her hand to
the young Earl of
Arundel.
Their
subsequent arrival
at Arundel, and the
rejoicings which
there met the royal
bride, may be
better imagined
than described. All
that could add to
the splendour of
the gala was
ingeniously
arranged and
displayed; and on
her triumphant
entry under the old
Norman gateway
of her husband’s
castle, Donna
Béatrice might
well confess that
“the castled
heights of Algarva
were not so
beautiful as the verdant hills, and embattled towers, of Arundel.”
Among the personal exploits by which his brief career was subsequently
distinguished, is the following.—During the excitement which prevailed in
France in consequence of the murder of the Duke of Orleans, “the author of
that assassination, Charles Duke of Burgundy, now taking the alarm, applied
to the English monarch for assistance.” His request was instantly complied
with; for Henry had “private motives which prompted him in this instance.”
1411. Arundel, at the head of a strong body of archers and men-at-arms,
was despatched to join the Burgundian leader, whom he met at Arras; and
thence directing their march upon the capital, arrived on the twenty-third of
October. The first point of attack was St. Cloud, where Arundel took charge
of the assault, and marching his men to the bridge which here crosses the
Seine, carried it by storm; took possession of the town with severe loss to the
enemy, and returned with numerous prisoners, immense booty, and the
thanks of the Burgundian chief.
The same Earl was also present at the siege of Harfleur, in the subsequent
reign; and under both sovereigns held many distinguished posts of high trust
and honour. But returning from the last campaign in ill health, he died at his
paternal seat of Arundel, where a magnificent monument, quartered with the
royal arms of Portugal, attests his virtues and patriotic services.
Of John Fitzalan, the eighth Earl, the public services and achievements,
“during the French wars,” are not sufficiently prominent to demand any
special notice in these pages; but John Fitzalan, the ninth Earl, is justly
celebrated for his abilities both as a soldier and a senator.
In the grand tournament[60] which took place in the French capital in
honour of the coronation of Henry the Fifth, the English monarch, there was
a brilliant display of all that was most dazzling to the eye, and daring to the
imagination. But at the close of the scenes in which the pride and prowess of
chivalry were never more strikingly exemplified, Arundel[61] and the Comte
de St. Pol, grand master of the household, were acknowledged to have
carried away the prize from every competitor[62].
Four years later, an event occurred which was destined to close his
military career and carry him off in “the blaze of his fame.” This happened
in an attack upon the old castle of Gerberoi, near Beauvais, during the
operations of the English army in Picardy.
 Leaving Gournay at midnight, the Earl arrived in eight hours with the
advanced guard in sight of the towers of Gerberoi. But in his impatience to
reduce the fortress, he had miscalculated the strength of its walls and
garrison, with the experience of its veteran commandant La Hire, and his
own diminutive force. “The enemy,” says Holinshed, “perceiving that his
horses were weary and his archers not yet come up, determined to set upon
him before the arrival of his footmen, which they knew to be a mile behind.”
As soon as he came in sight the gates were suddenly thrown open, and three
thousand troops rushing upon the handful of men under his command, threw
them into confusion. An unequal conflict ensued—struck with panic, and
pressed by an overwhelming majority, the rout of the English became
general. Arundel, with a few undaunted followers, who had sworn to share
his glory or his grave, took up his position in “a little close” or corner of a
field, where his rear was under cover of a strong hedge, threw up a hasty
fortification of pointed stakes, and thus protected, kept the enemy at bay. But
other and more powerful means of annoyance were at hand. La Hire ordered
three culverins to be brought from the castle, and planted in front of the
“forlorn hope.” The first shot told sadly upon the members of this intrepid
band; but in the presence of their chief, nothing could damp their fortitude,
nothing could paralyse their exertions. The first discharge was received with
a shout of triumph and defiance. But the third striking Arundel in the knee,
shattered the bone and threw him to the ground. This shot was the loss of the
day. The French commander, seizing the favourable moment, rushed upon
the entrenchment—and while Arundel, though faint with loss of blood and
racked with pain, still continued to cheer on his men—effected a breach and
took captive the gallant earl and his companions.
Arundel survived the disaster for some time, but died at last of his wound,
and was buried in the church of the Grey Friars—the Frères Mineurs—of
Beauvais.
In the collegiate church of Arundel, where he had previously selected his
own place of interment, a cenotaph of beautiful design and elaborate
workmanship still marks the spot; but, owing to some unknown cause, as
Mr. Tierney informs us, “his executor neglected this last injunction;” and the
soldier was not permitted to find rest in the sepulchre of his fathers.
1304. Humphrey, his son, became heir to his titles and estates; but, not
surviving his father more than three years, they again passed to his uncle,
William Fitzalan, then in his twenty-first year. The events of his life,
however, are not of a character to interest the reader by any bright displays
of moral excellence, which could be handed down as examples to posterity.

“Obsequious—veering round with every change,

Now to the liege professing homage fervent;
Then as the sceptre dropp’d, could it seem strange
That faction found him its most humble servant!”

Yet with all his political faults, there was much in his private life and
conversation—much in his munificence to the church—and still more in his
encouragement of learning, to rescue his name from oblivion. He died at
Arundel, and was buried with his ancestors in the Chapel, where a splendid
altar-tomb attests his love and patronage of the fine arts.
In the preface to Caxton’s Golden Legende, honourable mention is made
of the puissant, “noble and vertuous lorde, Willyam, Erle of Arundelle.”
Dallaway quoting Vincent says—“William Earle of Arundell, a very father
of nurture and courtesy, died at a great age at Arundell, and there
triumphantly lieth buried.”
 His successor, Thomas Fitzalan, was a man whose address and
accomplishments found ready acceptance at court, and secured the good-will
and approbation of more than one sovereign.
1543. Henry Fitzalan, on succeeding his father this year, returned from
Calais to England, and at Arundel kept the Christmas festivities in such style
with his neighbours, that it is known, says the MS. Life quoted by Mr.
Dallaway, as “the great Xmas of Arundel.”
1544. At the siege of Boulogne, in the following year, he was nominated
by King Henry as marshal of the field. The siege on this occasion proved
tedious; the town and garrison were resolute in their defence, and day after
day the besiegers were baffled in their efforts to force them to a capitulation.
At last, however, a mine, which had been successfully worked beneath the
castle, was sprung at midnight; the explosion shook the whole citadel, and

general confusion ensued. Seizing the favourable moment, Arundel ordered

the battering ordnance to play with redoubled fury upon the walls; and
heading at the same time a resolute detachment, took his station in the
entrenchments. There, while the shot and shell struck and exploded in the
ramparts over his head, he waited till a breach in the masonry was effected;
and then throwing himself into the gap, cheered on his men to the assault.
Inspired by their leader’s example, every soldier did his duty; the besieged
were driven from the works; their guns were turned against themselves, the
ramparts were cleared; capitulation was effected, and before morning the
flag of England floated in triumph from the Castle of Boulogne.[63]
But neither prowess in the field nor wisdom in the cabinet could exempt
Arundel from the trials, calumnies, and persecutions of those who only saw,
in the royal favour extended to him, a grand obstacle to their own
advancement. After the demise of Henry, charges were accordingly brought
against him, which—although never proved—formed the ground of his
exclusion from the council, were attended with a heavy fine, and aggravated
by imprisonment. The false evidence, however, on which these penalties
were inflicted, being speedily detected, his confinement was very brief. A
large portion of the fine was remitted, but the remembrance of such
unmerited treatment was never to be effaced. Subsequently, on the exhibition
of further charges against him, he was again sent to the Tower, where he was
detained a close prisoner during thirteen months, and was then enlarged on
payment of a heavy fine, and admonished to “behave himself according to
the duty of a nobleman, and to prove in deeds what he professed in words.”
But events were now fast hastening to a crisis. The demise of the royal
minor, the elevation of Lady Jane Grey, the ebullitions of party violence—all
spread universal excitement and alarm throughout the country.
Arundel, who had long fostered a spirit of secret enmity and revenge
against Northumberland, as the author of his misfortunes, now perceived that
the moment of retaliation was at hand. He invited and promised the full
weight of his support to the Princess Mary in private; but in public he
zealously espoused the cause of her rival, the Lady Jane; and was among the
first who offered her homage, and swelled the magnificence of her entry into
London.
1544. Northumberland was blinded by so much apparent devotion to the
cause; and when he reluctantly quitted London to stem the torrent that was
now rapidly setting in from the east, Arundel, says Stow, took leave of him
in these specious and hollow terms: “Farewell, my lord; and I pray God be
with your grace. Sorry indeed am I, that it is not my chance to go with you,
and bear you company, in whose presence I could find in my heart to shed
my blood, even at your feet.” But as soon as Northumberland was gone,
Arundel changed his tone; denounced him as a traitor; declared his
sentiments; and boldly asserted the sovereign right of the eldest daughter of
Henry the Eighth. His fervid eloquence and appeal to the nobles present
made a deep and visible impression. Pembroke[64], infected by the
enthusiasm of the speaker, starting up, and grasping the hilt of his sword,
exclaimed, “Either this sword shall make Mary queen, or I will die in her
quarrel!” The result needs not be told. In an instant the whole aspect of
affairs was changed. That very night Mary was proclaimed in every street of
the city—banquets, bonfires, riots, and illuminations, were called to attest
the fact.
The news of the revolution were scattered in all points of the compass,
and at Cambridge reached the Duke of Northumberland, who was astounded
at what had happened, and felt all the paralysing influence of his critical
position.
When Arundel, whose revenge was now secure, arrived with the warrant
for his apprehension, the duke threw himself upon his mercy, and implored
him, says the Chronicler, “to be good to him for the love of God!” But
Arundel coldly replied that his grace should have sought for mercy sooner,
and then committing him to safe custody, ordered him off to the Tower.
During the reign of Mary, Arundel had many honours heaped upon him,
and filled several important offices of state; nor did court favour desert him
on the accession of Elizabeth, who even made him her familiar companion,
and became his frequent guest. She visited him at her splendid palace of
Nonsuch, of which he was keeper; joined in all the revels in celebration of
her visit; accepted at her departure a “cupboard of plate” and repaid him
with assurances of cordial regard and unlimited confidence.
Flattered by such manifestations of royal favour, Arundel went so far in
his loyal attachment as to become one of her Majesty’s impassioned suitors.
He was a Catholic indeed, but love and loyalty were divinities to which
religion had been often known to bend; and having given his vote and
influence to all her state measures—and not weighing the “queen’s sincerity
by his own”—he looked forward with bright anticipations of the future. But
Elizabeth was as much an adept in manœuvring as the earl; her chief object
had now been accomplished; she no longer required his services—she
remembered his support of her sister Mary; and when Arundel ventured to
address her as the royal Chloë of his admiration, the queen threw off the
mask, and instead of receiving the homage thus tendered, in the sense it was
meant, ordered the noble earl to be placed under arrest. Well might he
exclaim—

“Tantæne animis cœlestibus iræ?”

The arrest however was soon removed; and with his enlargement a more
rational course presented itself for his choice. His health requiring change of
climate, he went abroad; and after spending fourteen months in travel
beyond seas, he returned to London in a style that resembled the triumphant
progress of a sovereign, and to present, as a peace-offering to her Majesty, “a
pair of the first silk stockings[65] ever seen in England.”
Once more restored to favour, he did not long maintain his position; but
again lapsing into unlawful practices, by tampering in the question
respecting Mary, Queen of Scotland, and the Duke of Norfolk, his son-in-
law; he finally lost the queen’s countenance, and was recommitted as a
prisoner to the palace of Nonsuch. The dreams of ambition were now past.
On his liberation, he retired from the political world to spend the remainder
of his days in study and domestic seclusion, where he could moralise on the
mad projects of ambition, the vexations and vanities of court life.
1589. He died at Arundel House in the Strand, and was buried “with
solemn pomp and costly funerall” in the collegiate Chapel of Arundel, where
his monument is still an object of no common interest to the stranger.
We shall next, in accordance with our plan, proceed to notice such
passages in the history of the Howards, Earls of Arundel, as may best
exhibit some of the public services, the extraordinary events, or striking
incidents in which they have severally been engaged. In these sketches,
however, we purpose to exemplify the character of each by authentic traits of
conduct in the field and the cabinet; in the noon of fame, and in the night of
misfortune.
In a review of their history and achievements, however, our notice,
strictly speaking, ought to commence at that period when the titles of
Arundel and Norfolk became first united in the same Peer. But the task will
not be tedious, and cannot be uninteresting, to present our readers with a
genealogical epitome of the Howards of Norfolk.
 The origin
of this family
is involved in
obscurity,
which the
diligence of
research
appears to
have
rendered
more
obscure,
making
darkness
visible. For
antiquity’s
sake,
however, it is
sufficient to
state that the
name was of
some
distinction in
the 13th
century; and that the ancestor of the present family, John Howard of Wigen
Hall, in Norfolk, was a Judge of Common Pleas, summoned to Parliament
by Edward the First, and distinguished for his talents and public services.
1298-1307. Sir Robert Howard, the fifth in regular descent, had the good
fortune to contract a marriage alliance with the second daughter of
Mowbray, Duke of Norfolk, and his Duchess Elizabeth, sister and co-heir of
Thomas Fitzalan, Earl of Arundel. By her father’s side, the noble bride was a
grand-daughter of Margaret Plantagenet, whose father—Thomas de
Brotherton—was the fifth son of Edward the First. This alliance, by
connecting Sir Robert and his descendants with the blood royal of England,
opened a path to those splendid honours by which they were subsequently
distinguished. Sir John Howard, his immediate descendant, was promoted
during the reign of three successive sovereigns to many high 1483. posts of
trust and dignity; and at last summoned to Parliament by the title of Baron
Howard. Thirteen years later he was elevated to the highest title in the
peerage; his son was created Earl of Surrey, by Richard the Third; he was
invested with the hereditary office of Earl Marshal of England; dignities
which his ancestors Mowbray, Thomas de Brotherton, and Roger Bigod, had
severally enjoyed as Dukes of Norfolk. But the high honours thus showered
upon him, were doomed very shortly after to be blasted. The battle of
Bosworth was at hand; he had “touched the highest point of all his
greatness,” and whilst—

He bore his blushing honours thick upon him,

The third day came a frost, a killing frost.

The following letter, written only a very few days previous to the battle, and
addressed to the Sheriff of Norfolk, is a document of no inconsiderable
interest:—“To my well-beloved Friend John Paston, be this bill delivered in
haste.—Well beloved Friend, I commend me to you, letting you to
understand that the King’s enemies be a-land, and that the King would have
set forth as upon Monday, but only for our Lady-day; but for certain he
goeth forth as upon Tuesday, for a servant of mine hath brought to me the
certainty. Whereupon I pray you that ye meet with me at Bury, as upon
Tuesday night, and that ye bring with you such company of tall men, as ye
may goodly make at my cost and charge; beside that which ye have
promised the King; and I pray you, ordain them jackets of my livery, and I
shall content you at your meeting with me—Your lover, J. Norfolk.”—
Green.
One of the most important days in the annals of Great Britain was now at
hand. The royal family was nearly extinct; the nobility was sadly diminished
and cut off; the nation itself was thinned of its best and bravest inhabitants—
the sad results of twelve sanguinary engagements; and again two formidable
armies had taken the field under two of the ablest politicians that ever
hoisted the standard of ambition or revenge.
On this memorable day King Richard’s front was commanded by the
subjects of this notice, John Duke of Norfolk, and his son, the Earl of
Surrey; the second by Richard in person; and the right wing by Henry, Earl
of Northumberland. Richmond’s front, being very inferior in numbers to that
of his rival, was thinly extended over a wide surface, so as to present a more
formidable appearance, and was commanded by John de Vere, Earl of
Oxford, whose father and brother had both perished on the scaffold in
support of the house of Lancaster. De Vere was also first-cousin to Norfolk,
whose blood he was destined to shed on this disastrous field. The other
divisions of Richmond’s army were led by Sir John Savage, and Sir Gilbert
Talbot; while Richmond himself took up a conspicuous station in the field
under his uncle the Earl of Pembroke.
After a night of fearful preparation, Norfolk, in issuing forth early in the
morning, discovered the following rhyme rudely pencilled on the door of his
tent—sadly ominous of the event at hand—

“Jack of Norfolk, be not too bold,

For Dickon, thy master, is bought and sold[66].”

The battle, now set in array, commenced with a discharge of arrows; after
which, the Earl of Oxford, in order to concentrate his forces, issued a
command, that every man should fight close to his standard. In this
movement, Norfolk and Oxford, leading their respective vans, approached
each other. With a rancour sharpened at this moment by their very
relationship, each singled out the other as an object worthy of his lance. With
cool determined intrepidity they dashed forward to the rencontre; and
shivering their spears at the first thrust, drew their swords and resumed the
trial of strength and skill. Rushing in upon his antagonist’s guard, Norfolk’s
powerful arm made a sweeping blow at the head of De Vere; but the blade
glancing down from his polished helmet failed in its effect, and only
wounded him in the left arm.
 Quickly recovering his balance, and exasperated by the dread of
discomfiture more than the pain of his wound, Oxford returned the blow
with tremendous effect; hewed the visor from Norfolk’s helmet, and thereby
exposed his face to the missiles that were falling in showers around them.
Oxford, like a generous knight, disdaining to take advantage of his gallant
adversary, instantly dropped the point of his weapon. But his forbearance did
not save his noble kinsman; for, at the same instant, struck in the forehead by
a shaft which penetrated the brain, Norfolk made a convulsive spring in the
saddle, and fell prostrate on the field. Oxford, deeply affected by his death,
sadly exclaimed—“A better knight cannot die, though he might in a better
cause!”
The result of this day needs not to be told; but the anecdote of the young
Surrey, embarked in the same cause, and in fulfilment of the same oath of
fidelity which bound his father to the standard of King Richard, is worth
repeating in this place.
During the heat of the battle, conscious of his father’s fall, and exhausted
by extraordinary exertions of mind and body, he was surrounded by a
powerful body of his antagonists, each of whom was ambitious to
distinguish himself by disabling or making him prisoner. Observing at this
moment the brave Sir John Stanley in the last charge, Surrey presented to
him the hilt of his sword, and said, “The day is your own, there is my sword;
let me die by yours—but not by an ignoble hand!” “God forbid,” replied the
generous Stanley—“live for new honours. Stanley will never shed the blood
of so brave a youth. No fault attaches to you! the error was your father’s!”
“What!” rejoined Surrey, again recovering his sword; “does the noble Talbot
insult the vanquished? Loyalty, Sir Knight, is the watchword of our house.
My father revered the sacred authority of the king, though he lamented the
errors of the man. Never shall I repent the choice I have made, seeing that it
can leave no stain upon my honour. Whoever wears the crown, him will I
fight for; nay, were it placed on nothing better than a stake in that hedge, I
would draw my sword in its defence.”
The same frank and gallant bearing in the presence of Richmond after the
battle, secured for young Surrey the royal confidence.
The scene is thus described by Sir John Beaumont, in his “Bosworth
Field.”
Welcome to our website – the ideal destination for book lovers and
knowledge seekers. With a mission to inspire endlessly, we offer a
vast collection of books, ranging from classic literary works to
specialized publications, self-development books, and children's
literature. Each book is a new journey of discovery, expanding
knowledge and enriching the soul of the reade

Our website is not just a platform for buying books, but a bridge
connecting readers to the timeless values of culture and wisdom. With
an elegant, user-friendly interface and an intelligent search system,
we are committed to providing a quick and convenient shopping
experience. Additionally, our special promotions and home delivery
services ensure that you save time and fully enjoy the joy of reading.

Let us accompany you on the journey of exploring knowledge and

personal growth!

ebookname.com