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Porting to the Symbian Platform

Open Mobile Development in C/C++

Porting to the Symbian
Platform
Open Mobile Development in C/C++

Lead Author
Mark Wilcox

With
Lauri Aalto, Will Bamberg, David Caabeiro, Ivan Litovski,
Gábor Morvay, Lucian Piros, Jo Stichbury, Paul Todd,
Gábor Torok, Vinod Vijayarajan

Reviewed by
Nicholas Addo, Michael Aubert, Serage Bet-el-mat, Madhavan
Bhattathiri, Robert Cliff, David Crookes, Biswajeet Dash, Craig
Heath, John Imhofe, Mark Jacobs, Erik Jacobson, Pekka Kosonen,
Ian McDowall, Lucian Piros, Mangesh Pradhan, Steve Rawlings,
Salvatore Rinaldo, Espen Riskedal, Andy Sizer, Colin Ward

Head of Technical Communications, Symbian

Jo Stichbury

Managing Editor, Symbian

Satu Dahl
This edition first published 2009
 2009 John & Wiley Sons Ltd

Registered office
John Wiley & Sons Ltd, The Atrium, Southern Gate, Chichester, West Sussex, PO19 8SQ,
United Kingdom

For details of our global editorial offices, for customer services and for information about
how to apply for permission to reuse the copyright material in this book please see our
website at www.wiley.com.
The right of the author to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted in
accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval
system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical,
photocopying, recording or otherwise, except as permitted by the UK Copyright, Designs
and Patents Act 1988, without the prior permission of the publisher.

Wiley also publishes its books in a variety of electronic formats. Some content that appears
in print may not be available in electronic books.

Designations used by companies to distinguish their products are often claimed as

trademarks. All brand names and product names used in this book are trade names, service
marks, trademarks or registered trademarks of their respective owners. The publisher is not
associated with any product or vendor mentioned in this book. This publication is
designed to provide accurate and authoritative information in regard to the subject matter
covered. It is sold on the understanding that the publisher is not engaged in rendering
professional services. If professional advice or other expert assistance is required, the
services of a competent professional should be sought.

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
ISBN 978-0-470-74419-2

Typeset in 10/12 Optima by Laserwords Private Limited, Chennai, India

Printed and bound in Great Britain by Bell & Bain, Glasgow
 Contents

About this Book ix

Author Biographies xv

Author’s Acknowledgements xxi

Symbian Acknowledgements xxiii

1 Introduction 1
1.1 What Is Porting? 2
1.2 What Is Portability? 2
1.3 Why Port to Mobile Platforms? 3
1.4 Why Get Interested Now? 6
1.5 Why Port to the Symbian Platform? 17

2 The Porting Process 23

2.1 Choosing a Project 24
2.2 Analyzing the Code 28
2.3 Re-architecting 29
2.4 Setting Up the Development Environment 31
2.5 Integrating with the Symbian Build System 34
2.6 Compiling 39
2.7 Fixing Problems 41
2.8 Running and Testing 44
vi CONTENTS

2.9 Debugging 45
2.10 Re-integrating 46
2.11 Summary 47

3 Symbian Platform Fundamentals 49

3.1 In the Beginning 49
3.2 Naming Guidelines and Code Conventions 50
3.3 Data Handling 55
3.4 String Handling: Descriptors 59
3.5 Error Handling and Memory Management 71
3.6 Event-Driven Programming 93
3.7 Writeable Static Data 99
3.8 Multiple Inheritance 100
3.9 Summary 102

4 Standard APIs on the Symbian Platform 103

4.1 P.I.P.S. Is POSIX on Symbian OS 104
4.2 Open C 106
4.3 The STLport, uSTL and Open C++ 107
4.4 Which Version of Symbian OS? 108
4.5 How to Use the APIs 109
4.6 Examples: SoundTouch and SoundStretch 114
4.7 Known Limitations, Issues and Workarounds 120
4.8 Summary 131

5 Writing Hybrid Code 133

5.1 Popular APIs You Can’t Use Directly 134
5.2 How to Create a Hybrid Port 140
5.3 Example: Guitune 145
5.4 Summary 157

6 Other Port Enablers 159

6.1 Real-time Graphics and Audio Libraries 159
6.2 Simple DirectMedia Layer 168
6.3 OpenKODE 169
6.4 Qt 177
6.5 Summary 187

7 Porting from Mobile Linux 189

7.1 Major Players in the Mobile Linux Space 190
7.2 Porting from Linux to Symbian 195
7.3 Summary 206
 CONTENTS vii

8 Porting from Microsoft Windows 207

8.1 Architecture Comparison 208
8.2 Application Compatibility 209
8.3 Development Languages and SDKs 210
8.4 SDKs and APIs 214
8.5 Porting an Application 216
8.6 Windows-specific Issues 220
8.7 Signing and Security 233
8.8 Porting from C# and .NET 236
8.9 Summary 240

9 Porting from Other Mobile Platforms 243

9.1 Android 244
9.2 BREW 253
9.3 iPhone OS 254
9.4 Summary 270

10 Porting a Simple Application 271

10.1 Selecting a Project 271
10.2 Analyzing the Code 273
10.3 Setting Up the Development Environment 275
10.4 Integrating with the Symbian Build System 276
10.5 Getting It to Compile 277
10.6 Getting It to Work 277
10.7 Extensions Specific to Mobile Devices 281
10.8 Deploying and Testing on Target Hardware 286
10.9 Re-integrating 287
10.10 Summary 287

11 Porting Middleware 289

11.1 GDAL 290
11.2 Qt 301
11.3 Summary 307

12 Porting a Complex Application 309

12.1 Selecting a Project 310
12.2 Analyzing the Code 311
12.3 Re-architecting 312
12.4 Setting Up the Development Environment 315
12.5 Integrating with the Symbian Build System 315
12.6 Getting It to Compile 318
12.7 Re-writing the User Interface 325
viii CONTENTS

12.8 Testing and Debugging 329

12.9 Re-integrating 330
12.10 Summary 330

13 The P.I.P.S. Architecture 333

13.1 The Glue Code 334
13.2 The Core Libraries 335
13.3 The Backend 336
13.4 Emulator Writeable Static Data Support 343
13.5 Summary 345

14 Security Models 347

14.1 The Capability Model 348
14.2 Process Identity 356
14.3 Data Caging 357
14.4 Code-Signing and Certification 359
14.5 Certification and Platform Security 361
14.6 Development Code 366
14.7 Tool Support 368
14.8 Symbian Platform Security Compared with Other
Models 369

15 Writing Portable Code and Maintaining Ports 375

15.1 Recognizing Portable Code 376
15.2 Design Strategies and Patterns 377
15.3 Strategies for Maximizing the Number of Portable
Modules 386
15.4 Configuration Management 392
15.5 Summary 395

Appendix A Techniques for Out-of-Memory

Testing 397

References 409

Index 411
 About this Book

I originally started writing this book as part of the Symbian Press Tech-
nology series back in May 2008. Since that time, a lot has changed in
the mobile software world, particularly for those working with Symbian
devices. The book you now hold in your hands is published by the
Symbian Foundation using a rather more informal approach.
Determining the content of a technical book in a fast-moving indus-
try is never easy but when organizations and strategies are changing
faster than the code, it becomes extremely difficult. Because of that,
several sections of this book have been revised multiple times in a
valiant effort to bring the most relevant and up-to-date information to
you, the reader. I sincerely hope we’ve succeeded. Nevertheless, we
anticipate further changes, if only to some of the URLs we reference.
For that reason, you can find a wiki page for this book at developer.
symbian.org/wiki/index.php/Porting_to_the_Symbian_Platform, which
will also be used to host the example code accompanying the book
and to record errata reported against this version of the text.

What Is Covered?
The primary topic of this book is, as the title suggests, porting software
to the Symbian platform. Further explanation of what exactly we mean
by ‘porting’ and why you’d want to port to the Symbian platform can
be found in Chapter 1. Before getting that far though, you might want to
know what the Symbian platform is.
 x ABOUT THIS BOOK

Terminology and Version Numbering

In June 2008, Nokia announced its intention to acquire the shares in
Symbian Ltd that it didn’t already own and create a nonprofit organization,
called the Symbian Foundation. By donating the software assets (formerly
known as Symbian OS) of Symbian Ltd, as well as its own S60 platform,
to this nonprofit entity, an open source and royalty-free mobile software
platform was created for wider industry and community collaboration
and development.
The acquisition of Symbian Ltd was approved in December 2008 and
the first release of the Symbian platform is expected in the second quarter
of 2009, shortly after this manuscript goes to the publisher.
For that reason, most of the material in this book applies to versions of
Symbian code released before the creation of the Symbian Foundation.
Table 1 maps the naming and numbering of the releases of the Symbian
platform, Symbian OS and S60 covered in this book. Symbian∧ 1 is a
renaming of S60 5th Edition and Symbian OS v9.4 to denote the starting
point for the Symbian platform releases. The first version of the plat-
form released by the Symbian Foundation independently is Symbian∧ 2
(pronounced ’Symbian two‘).

Table 1 Symbian Platform Releases

Symbian platform S60 platform Symbian OS
n/a 3rd Edition v9.1
n/a 3rd Edition, Feature Pack 1 v9.2
n/a 3rd Edition, Feature Pack 2 v9.3
Symbian∧ 1 5th Edition v9.4
Symbian∧ 2 5th Edition, Feature Pack 1 v9.4 (+ some features
back-ported from v9.5)
Symbian∧ 3 n/aa v9.5 (and community
contributions)
Symbian∧ 4 n/a n/ab
a When the Symbian Foundation is fully operational, Nokia is expected to stop marketing S60 as an

independent brand.
b Although Symbian Ltd had a roadmap beyond Symbian OS v9.5, the content of future releases is unlikely

to resemble the previous plans very closely.

Core Material
The core material of this book explains how to go about porting your
code to the Symbian platform. Descriptions of the various technologies
and APIs available to help you can be found in Chapters 2 to 6:
 ABOUT THIS BOOK xi

• Chapter 2 explains how to increase the chances of your porting

projects succeeding. It includes details of common issues that will be
faced when porting to the Symbian platform.
• Chapter 3 describes key features of the native programming environ-
ment on the Symbian platform, Symbian C++, and compares them
with some standard C/C++ alternatives that can be used.
• Chapter 4 provides details of the APIs that are available for standard
C/C++ programming on the platform and how you can use them.
• Chapter 5 discusses some popular APIs you might be using on other
platforms that aren’t available the Symbian platform and what alter-
natives are available. In many cases, this can mean that you need to
write some native Symbian C++ code, so I also explain how you can
write hybrid code, mixing Symbian C++ with standard C/C++.
• Chapter 6 explains the other APIs that are available on, or coming
soon to, the Symbian platform that could make the task of porting
easier. These APIs include cross-platform standards being developed
by industry consortiums and the popular Qt application framework.

Platform-Specific Porting Guides

Following on from the core material, Chapters 7 to 9 focus on the details
of porting from some other common platforms. Chapter 7 describes a
variety of mobile Linux variants, the APIs they provide, and how to
port code from them to the Symbian platform. Chapter 8 focuses on
porting from Microsoft Windows platforms, both desktop and mobile,
and also includes a section on porting code written for the .NET Compact
Framework. Chapter 9 covers three mobile platforms which have less
in common with Symbian: Android, BREW and iPhone. The chapter
attempts to provide a mental map for migrating from these platforms as
well as advising on the most appropriate target APIs for porting projects
in each case.

Porting Examples
Code examples are provided throughout the book wherever appropriate,
but Chapters 10 to 12 focus on larger porting projects for which full source
code is available. Chapter 10 describes an extremely simple application
written using Qt that can be ported with virtually no code changes at
all. Chapter 11 describes two middleware ports that were in progress
at the time of writing, the Geospatial Data Abstraction Library (GDAL)
and the Qt cross-platform application framework itself. The chapter
explains the high-level technical details of the ports and also discusses
the issues that the ports highlight which should be common to most
 xii ABOUT THIS BOOK

middleware porting efforts. Chapter 12 introduces a more complex open

source mobile application that is being ported from Windows Mobile to
the Symbian platform, targeting the Qt APIs as far as possible.

Advanced Topics
The final three chapters of the book add useful information for those
who have become comfortable with the basic porting process and would
like some more advanced material. Chapter 13 explains the architecture
of the P.I.P.S. layer which provides POSIX and standard C support on
the Symbian platform. Chapter 14 provides a comprehensive guide to
Symbian platform security and compares it with the security models
in place on other mobile platforms. Finally, Chapter 15 is intended
to provide advice and best practice for those attempting to write and
maintain a common code base across multiple platforms.

Who Is this Book For?

Chapter 1 of this book is intended to be readable by a non-technical
audience; it provides an introduction for those trying to understand the
current state of available programming environments on the Symbian
platform in comparison with those available on other mobile platforms.
The rest of the book was written with two primary audiences in mind:

• Developers familiar with other platforms wanting to port their code to

the Symbian platform
• Existing Symbian developers wanting to port code written for other
platforms to include in their projects.

However, there is a third audience who may also find this book extremely
useful: experienced standard C/C++ and POSIX developers who would
like to start developing for the Symbian platform. There are many
open source developers, particularly for Linux-based platforms, who
are interested in mobile software. These developers should find that the
programming environment on the Symbian platform is becoming increas-
ingly familiar and this book provides a guide that should enable them to
leverage their existing knowledge to target Symbian-based devices.

The Future of the Symbian Platform

Just before the final draft of this book went to the publisher, Nokia
submitted a proposal to the Symbian Foundation about their plans for the
 ABOUT THIS BOOK xiii

future of the platform’s user interface and programming environment. The

essence of this proposal was that the current application framework for the
platform should be replaced with Qt and a new user interface built on top
of it. This proposal had not yet been accepted at the time of writing but,
assuming it is, this implies that the material covered in most of this book
is more important than ever, not just for porting but also for those wanting
to write new C++ applications for Symbian. At the same time, some of
the material focused on the creation of user interfaces with the current
application framework is likely to lose relevance over time. You are
advised to check the latest platform roadmaps at developer.symbian.org
and select the appropriate technologies from this book accordingly.
Other documents randomly have
different content
 Baked dishes are not common among the peasantry. Boiling,
roasting and frying are the common modes of preparing food.
Kibbeh is a mixture of meat and burghul, bruised together in a
mortar until it becomes a jellied mass, when it is pressed into pans,
scored off into cakes and fried with semen. Maḳlûbeh is a
preparation of rice and eggplant cooked in a deep dish, and, when
served, turned out, upside down; whence the name, which means
“turned over.” Keftah is a meat cake fried in semen, not very
different from Hamburg steak. Mujedderah, or 'aṣîdeh, is a mixture
of rice and lentils. Sometimes fried onion scraps are served with it.
A favorite vegetable called kûsâ, which looks like a cucumber and
tastes like our summer squash, is often hollowed out, stuffed with
meat and rice and boiled. Here is a combination of fruit, flesh and
vegetable worth trying: A roll of tender grape-leaves stuffed with
rice and meat and then boiled. It makes a little sausage-like affair of
which a Scotch professor said that, if there were sausages in
Paradise, they would be of this kind. The natives call all stuffed
dishes of these sorts maḥshy, stuffed. A maḥshy made of eggplant is
called shaykh el-maḥshy, the chief of the maḥshys. Kids, lambs and
chickens also are stuffed. With some of these maḥshys, leben sauce
is served and with others lemon-juice.
Salads of all kinds are enjoyed by the people. Ḥumuṣ b’ṭeḥîneh is
made from dried chick-peas boiled, mashed with olive-oil and
flavored with ṭeḥîneh. Ṭeḥîneh is a mixture of olive-oil, serej and
some sour substance, either vinegar or lemon-juice.
Caraway, anise, thyme and mint are used as seasonings.
The common cooking fats are semen, olive-oil and serej, the latter
being a rich cooking oil made from simsim seeds.
An out-of-door luxury is the new parched wheat,[92] called frîḳy,
when immature heads are roasted, and kalîyeh, when ripe grain is
roasted. The peculiar milk of a fresh goat or sheep, curdled a little,
by being placed over the fire, and sweetened, is considered a dainty.
Cooked sheep’s brains are a delicacy and very nourishing.
The fruits of Palestine are many. The better known varieties are
the grape, orange, lemon, apricot, plum, pomegranate, quince,
citron, watermelon, cantaloup, date, mulberry and medlar. This last
mentioned fruit is known by the Turkish name akydunya, literally, the
next world. The cherry and peach find a congenial climate in the
country. The apple and pear do not thrive so well in Palestine as in
the neighborhood of Damascus. Of apricots there are several
varieties. A large sweet kind, of which the seed pit has a taste
similar to the almond nut, is called for that reason lôzeh. Another
kind is called klâby, and yet another mestkâwy. Apricot leather is
displayed in large sheets in the markets. From pomegranates, of
which there are at least three flavors, sweet, medium and sour, and
from lemons, drinks are prepared. Distilled orange-flower water is
esteemed as a flavoring extract. A little of it in water is good for a
sour stomach.
Of nuts there are the almond, pistachio and walnut. The almond is
frequently eaten green, when the kernel is in a milky state and the
whole nut with its shell is tender. Chestnuts and peanuts are
imported. Melon and pumpkin seeds are eaten. Sesame, or simsim,
seeds are sprinkled over cakes. Partially ripened chick-peas, roasted
on the stems, are very much liked. Mulabbas, which simply means
covered, generally refers to sugar-coated, roasted chick-peas. These
roasted peas without the sugar are called iḳḍâmeh, or ḳâḍâmeh.
Jellies are called ṭoṭleh. They are often served to guests, in such
cases being offered before the coffee, which must always be the last
of any number of refreshments. A dish of jelly or jam, with several
spoons and a tumbler of water, is passed around. Each guest takes a
spoon and helps himself to a taste of jelly, then puts the soiled
spoon into the vessel of water.
The people are very fond of honey. Many kinds of pastes, cakes
and confections have honey as a prominent ingredient. Some of
them seem very cloying to the unaccustomed Western taste.
Ḥelâweh and mulabbas are the very common confections in the
villages. The first looks like light-colored molasses candy and comes
in bulk. It is used as a food with bread. It is made from the root of
the simsim plant, the oil of which imparts to it its peculiar flavor.
There is a local hit to the effect that “the people of Nâblus eat their
sweets first.” The word used to express satisfaction with a flavor is
zâky, which is equal to our colloquialism, “it tastes fine,” or the
German, “grossartig.” A rebuke of an inordinate appetite is apparent
in the proverb, “Let a dog take a taste, but not a son of Adam [i. e.,
a man].”
The list of foods should include some of the many varieties of
edible wild growths.[93]
Khurfaysh is a plant with a little notched leaf having milk-white
veins. The edible stalk that grows up from the center is very
delicious and refreshing when tender.
Murrâr, a bitter herb, looks, during its early growth, a little like the
dandelion. Later it develops a thorn.
Ḳurṣ'anneh bears a small leaf suitable for salad.
Ḥumayḍeh has a leaf with red veins and a red back. It is used less
commonly than the others.
Dhanbat faras (tail of a mare) looks like young onion leaves.
Ḥasak is used more especially for cows, and ḥalîbet es-sukûl is fed
to the kids when milk is scarce. It yields, when broken, a thick milky
juice. The fruit of the cactus or prickly-pear is yellow, seedy and
sweetish. For some reason or other the name for this plant, in
Arabic, and the word for patience are the same, ṣubr. This cactus
fruit is much esteemed. A story is told of a man with a prodigious
appetite for it who was going along by the hedges of prickly-pear
near Ludd and followed by some cows which ate up the peelings of
the fruit as he dropped them. The story says that the cows had to
stop eating the peelings before the man’s appetite for the fruit had
been fully gratified. This is only a sample of the many stories told
about great eaters.
The carob-pod is chewed.[94] It has a flavor like that of sweetened
chocolate. Green carob-pods may be cooked in a toothsome way
with milk.
A receipt for making “Turkish Delight.” The first essential is a
perfectly clean cooking dish, as the secret of good Turkish Delight is
to prevent burning or sticking. One-half pound of corn-starch, three
pounds of sugar and ten cups of water are to be used. The corn-
starch is to be dissolved in two cups of water and strained. The
remaining eight cups of water, hot, and the sugar are to be made
into a syrup. When the syrup is almost at the boiling point, clear
with the white of an egg, skim off, add the juice of a half lemon and
strain through a cloth. Pour the corn-starch solution into the hot
syrup, stirring continually, and allowing the mixture to boil until very
thick, an hour if necessary, stirring all the time to prevent sticking to
the bottom. This constant stirring during the cooking is very
important. Blanched almonds and the flavoring (generally mistkâ
gum) are put in just before taking the dish from the fire. The whole
is then poured into a large shallow tin into which fine sugar has
been sifted. When the paste has cooled it may be scored and cut.
There is almost no drinking of alcoholic liquors among the
peasantry. On the feast-days the convents offer 'araḳ, a native grape
brandy, to callers. The increasing influence of foreigners tends to an
increase of drinking customs in the cities and the extension of such
habits into the country villages. This influence comes through the
foreign ecclesiastics in the convents, monasteries and patriarchates,
business and travel, and sometimes the example of missionaries.
Among Moslems the habit of using ardent liquors is supposed not to
exist, but an aged official of wide experience told me that he knew
of two hundred fifty Moslems in Jerusalem who were hard drinkers,
and that the Turkish officials as a class were taking up the custom
rapidly. Said a poor Moslem girl in Hebron despairingly of her
brother, who had taken up with the drinking habit, “Why, my brother
drinks like a Christian!” Of an inveterate and shameless toper the
Arabs say that “he would drink from his shoe.”
The custom among the country people is to eat out of a common
dish.[95] If it contains rice the food is rolled into balls and put into the
mouth with the fingers. The bread is held on the knee, as one sits in
squatting posture, and bits are torn from it. With these bits of bread
the food may be dipped up, especially if it be oil or leben. Portions of
meat are taken with the fingers. A wooden spoon is sometimes
used. When guests are eating, the women of the family are not
present, but often eat in another place and use the remains of the
men’s feast. In the field the workers gather around the dish that has
been brought from the village. They may be sitting in the broiling
sun. It is customary to invite the passer-by to the repast.
 The first meal of the day is not usually taken until the middle of
the forenoon, and is a light one. The second one, at or after noon,
may be heartier. The evening meal is the best. Meat is almost a
luxury, the increase in its use denoting progress in prosperity.
Almost any discriminating person will decide for the native peasant
costume as more modest, graceful and artistic than the European
styles. One feels disappointed and defrauded at sight of a villager
togged in European trouserings. The village woman descends in the
scale of attractiveness just so far as she submits to the fashion of
Western dressmaking. Stockings are seldom worn by the country
people when they are in vigorous health. At best the stocking is an
unsanitary snare. Men generally wear the roomy shoe having buffalo
rawhide from India for the soles and a red or brown goat-skin for
the uppers. Women seldom wear shoes inside the village for fear of
ridicule. When they are out in the rough places they wear the same
kind of shoe as the men.
The fully dressed fellâḥ, (peasant) has in his outfit the following
articles:

Dîmâyeh, or ḳumbâz, a long dress or tunic.

Shirîhah, a girdle studded with the razât, which are ornaments like little silver
buttons.
Ṣadrîyeh, a vest.
Ṭuḳṣîreh, a small blue jacket made of jûkh, a blue cloth. Sometimes a European
jacket is worn or a sheepskin is used.
'Abâh (colloquial, 'abâyeh), a homespun woolen overcoat, striped.
Ṣirmâyeh, a shoe, heavy or light according to the season.
Leffeh, a general name for the entire head-dress.
The leffeh consists of the following parts:
Ṭuḳîyeh, a cotton skull-cap.
Libbâd, a skull-cap of woolen felt put on over the cotton one.
Ṭarbûsh, a hat proper, usually a red fez-like head-covering, broad and flat, put
on over the ṭuḳîyeh and libbâd.
Scarfs are wound around the rim of the ṭarbûsh so as to make a
very heavy border (a thin scarf helping to pad out a heavier one).
Mendîl, a thin scarf used under a heavier one.
Maḥrameh, a white heavy scarf.
 Kefîyeh, a yellow and fancy variety of scarf.
In the leffeh or head-dress are tucked, for convenience in
carrying, the following articles:
Mirât, a mirror (a tiny glass).
Mishṭ, a comb for the beard.
Maṣṣâṣat, a cigarette holder.
Dukhân, tobacco.
Khalḳat (aṣfat), a ring (yellow) for the thumb (bahim).
Khâtim (fuḍat), a seal[96] ring (silver) for the little finger (khanaṣet).
Dubleh, a guard.
All these small articles following are in or about the girdle or belt:
Ghâb, a cartridge-belt.
Shibrîyeh, a dirk carried in the belt.
Ṣifn, tow.
Zinâreh, a steel for igniting the tow in striking a light.
Ṣuwâneh, a flint.
Mûs, a clasp knife.
Zaradeh, a chain to which the knife is attached.

The fellâḥah (peasant woman) wears the Khurḳeh, an

embroidered dress of linen crash, with silk stitching. Over this dress
she wears the Khalaḳ, or Tôb, a long veil of the same material as the
Khurḳeh. But she is mostly distinguished by the
Uḳâ, a head-dress which is a snug little bonnet of cloth
embroidered and heavily decorated with coins.
Ṣaffeh, a row of coins over the top of the head on the bonnet.
Shakeh, a row of coins or bangles across the forehead.
Iznâḳ, a coin of especial value which hangs by a chain from the
head-dress, under the chin.
This head-dress is bound into the hair by strings and is worn night
and day.
In the division of household labor the man goes to the market,
field or on the road with the animals, leaving almost all the work
about the house to be done by women and children. Indeed, these
may often be called upon to assist in carrying to or from the market,
in watching on the threshing-floor or in the vineyard and orchard, in
helping harvest the crops or in gleaning, sifting and cleaning grain.
Children sometimes carry food to the workers who are at a distance.
The man may make repairs about his house, if skilful enough to do
so. He drives the bargains and settles business matters. Upon the
woman falls most of the work of the household. It is often hard and
long because of primitive methods and scanty means.[97] The older
girls may help considerably, especially by taking much of the care of
the children. The woman’s day begins early with the grinding of flour
for bread.[98] She probably cleaned the wheat on the previous
afternoon while there was light. Grinding can be done in the early
morning before daylight. The woman sweeps and cleans and cooks
food for the family. She makes long trips into the uncultivated
country about the village to bring home head-loads of brush, thorns
or grass. She must make daily trips at least, and sometimes several
a day, to the spring, or possibly to a cistern, for the water supply.
She often keeps chickens. Gardening is the man’s work, though the
woman must often help in the little plot if there be one. Now and
then a woman may find time to attend to her personal appearance.
If her dress of linen crash be soiled she may take it with other
washing to the spring or cistern. She first soaks her clothes and then
laying them on a rock pounds out the dirt with a short club. If the
silk embroidery on the dress makes it unadvisable to wet the cloth,
she rubs off the dirt with bread-crumbs. She occasionally gets an
opportunity to take off her head-dress of coins, clean the coins and
comb out and wash her hair, or she may do the similar service of
washing and head-cleaning for her children.
The peasant women are sometimes skilful in embroidering in silk,
with a cross-stitch, on linen and on cotton. They make a good deal
of basketwork from wheat straw, which they dye a brilliant blue,
green, red, purple and brown. Cooking dishes, platters, bowls and
jars are made of clay by the women. The women of any village keep
to the making of such vessels and shapes as they have learned best.
The Râm Allâh women make a reddish jar of huge size ornamented
with a brown painted band of a basketwork pattern. This jar is
known colloquially as jarreh. The smaller size goes by the same
name or else by the term hisheh. Hish is a kind of red stone that is
pulverized to make jar material. The long jar that is used for carrying
water from the spring to the house is called zarawîyeh. The
zarawîyeh zerḳa is a product of Gaza, and the zarawîyeh bayḍeh of
Ramleh and Ludd. Another large variety of jar is called zîr. Any tiny
jar used as a drinking vessel or for cooling drinking water may be
called sherbeh. The little milk jars with a very wide mouth are called
kûz or, by the fellaḥîn, chûz.
The peasant, when well fed, clothed and sheltered, is a fine
specimen of physical humanity. When ill he is miserable indeed, and
greatly to be pitied. Hospitals and other European helps are assisting
of late where but a short time ago there was nothing but native
ingenuity. Even now the very poor can hardly be said to be supplied
with adequate assistance. In the more backward villages, farther
from centers where physicians and dispensaries are available, the
most curious shifts are made to drive off disease and win health.
Among Moslems and Christians similar means are taken. Mothers
pray at shrines and sacred trees, tying up bits of rag to keep the
prayers in the minds of the saints who have been invoked. It takes
kindliness and patience to win over the poorest and most suspicious
of the sick peasantry. And it will take more than that to secure
suitable nursing for invalids.
One child of Christian parents wore a bone from a wolf’s snout
about the neck as a charm. It was the gift of the paternal
grandmother. A wolf’s jaw-bone is a potent charm. A Moslem said
that the wolf was a friend of his family and that if one killed a wolf
with a knife and then wrapped the knife in a handkerchief or other
cloth it would prove efficacious in time of sickness. For instance, if a
child were ill with a cough it was only necessary to draw the back of
the knife-blade across the throat in imitation of cutting and say,
“Allâh and the wolf,” “Allâh and the wolf,” then make a noise like the
growl of a wolf and the child would be well. The many superstitious
remains of primitive religious notions are usually preserved among
the women of the land.
Slips of paper, with verses from the Ḳurân written on them, are
soaked in water and the drink administered to patients by the very
ignorant. Burning and bleeding are frequently resorted to. More
nauseating practises are the utilization for medicinal purposes of the
froth that forms at the mouth of a maniac, or of a derwîsh (dervish)
who, in the excitement of his exercises, has fallen down insensible.
It is considered proper for the friends of the sick to call, and
sometimes the room where the patient is lying is full of talking
neighbors.[99] Fortunate is it if some of them be not smoking as well
as making a noise. Figs are used as drawing plasters.[100] For
soreness of the gums or teeth a dry fig is heated and laid on the
spot. A relic of the days of quacks is found in the proverb, “Ask one
who will try and not a doctor.” Doubtless the next proverb in order
would be the one running, “Patience is the key of relief.” Of palsy the
peasants say, “Palsy, then don’t doctor it.”

IN A DOORYARD. WOMEN CLEANING WHEAT

 ON TOP OF AN OVEN. WOMEN SIFTING WHEAT

The following data, taken from accounts of medical assistance

rendered to inhabitants of a score of villages in the country about
Râm Allâh for a year are suggestive of the distribution of ailments.
Leaving out of the account wounds, the chief ailments were
classified under fevers,[101] malaria and typhus, with gastric troubles
nearly akin. Then comes the second group of troubles, with
influenza and pneumonia. Third in frequency was rheumatism.
Enteric troubles were rarely mentioned. Eye troubles are common,
but the physician is not resorted to as frequently as would be
supposed. A few cases of abscess, dropsy and eczema were
mentioned. May and June, October and November, brought
numerous cases of fevers. January and March exceeded in
pulmonary affections, though they were pretty generally met with
throughout the year. Autumn is a very unhealthy season. The dust
blowing about the villages in the high winds is laden with abundant
filth in pulverized form. Sunstroke is not unknown among the
natives.[102] The reapers in the Ghôr are often stricken with deadly
fever, probably because of the poor water supply, hot sun, cold
nights and irregular meals. Contagious skin, scalp and eye diseases
are to be dreaded. Because of the lack of facilities and knowledge in
the care of children convalescing from measles, ḥuṣbeh, that disease
is much feared, and the mortality among the young is great. The
typhoid cases in the country are long and tedious, though not
perhaps so violent as with us. Leben makes an ideal food for the
patient.
Certain of the fountains of the country are provided with a more
or less capacious catch-basin from which animals as well as people
may drink. The fastidious are not to be blamed if they insist on
seeing their own drinking water taken from the actual flow of the
spring and under such conditions as shall not subject them to the
washings of other people’s mouths. Often at such places leeches
thrive in the water, and where they are known to abound the natives
seldom let their animals drink if other available water be near.
People, too, are often bothered by the leeches lodging in the sides of
the mouth or throat. Those that are swallowed cause no
inconvenience, but when tiny leeches lodge in the side of the throat
and grow to an uncomfortable size they have to be extracted. One
day I was lunching with the local physician, Dr. Philip Ma'lûf, when a
poor woman from el-Bîreh, not finding him at the dispensary, sought
him at his home. She was troubled with a leech which had grown to
uncomfortable size in her throat and was using up too much of the
blood needed in her system. After the parasite was removed she
haggled about the price of the operation.
At another time I saw a little girl sitting on a chair in the sun in
front of the doctor’s dispensary. The doctor said that her leech was
too difficult of observation and approach with his tweezers, but that
in the warm sun it would be tempted within reach.
Medical assistance in the form of hospital or dispensary facilities is
now offered at Hebron, Jaffa, Gaza, Jerusalem, Nâblus, Nazareth,
Tiberias, Ṣafed, Haifa, es-Salṭ and Kerak. To these places the
peasantry come from the country about, bringing their ills for
treatment at the hands of foreign physicians. From the country
around Nâblus, for instance, many patients come to receive the
skilful attention of the surgeon at the Church Missionary Society
Hospital in the city. Among these cases are many suffering with
diseased bones.
The medical department of the American College at Beirut is an
exponent of modern medical science for all Syria. There native
physicians are trained in medicine and pharmacy and go to all parts
of the Turkish empire, Egypt and the Sudan. The European hospitals
in the country are in charge of expert physicians assisted by well-
trained nurses.
Here and there one meets dumb people. In Râm Allâh is a dumb
man, the well-to-do father of a considerable family. He is keen, alert
and very skilful at making himself understood by motions.
The blind are receiving some attention. Schneller’s school in
Jerusalem makes provision for them. Miss Lovell, an English woman,
has a small school for blind girls where she works assiduously for
their welfare. The French Roman Catholic Sisters care for some.
The first hospital asylum in all Syria for the humane and scientific
treatment of the insane was founded a few years ago and first
opened to patients August 9, 1900. It is just a short drive out of
Beirut, at a place called 'Aṣfûrîyeh, within the Lebanon government
district. Its founders are Mr. and Mrs. Theophilus Waldemeier. Mr.
Waldemeier was for over twenty years the superintendent of the
English Friends’ Mission at Brummana and other stations in Mount
Lebanon. Advancing years seemed to make it wisest that he should
relinquish the many-sided mission work. With his wife he planned a
world tour in the interests of a work which he had thought over for
many years. While friends were advising and expecting him to take a
deserved rest he began to plan for this new enterprise, which he
sweetly calls his “evening sacrifice”; a hospital for the right
treatment of the insane, of which the country has many. The
Waldemeiers visited successfully in Europe and America and
returned with funds to build. They found a fine property of over
thirty acres belonging to one of the effendîyeh class of natives, a
Moslem who was in need of funds and good enough not to make too
hard terms with these philanthropists. In the first two years the
institution treated two hundred twenty-seven patients and sent away
thirty-six patients recovered.
Mr. Waldemeier and his gifted wife treated us with the greatest
cordiality, when we called on them, and showed us detail after detail
of the work, the new building and so on, just as if they were
enthusiastic devotees of an interesting new game; and so they are
devotees of the old, the ever new game, of doing good. A large,
well-equipped administration building, another for women patients
and still another one for men were already up and fully used, forty
patients at a time being the capacity. A new building was being
erected to be used for the most violent cases. The story of some
cases is a sad one. A surgeon of the Egyptian army was with us as
we inspected the wards where the women patients are kept, filled
mostly with young girls. He said, “I never saw anything so sad. The
wounded and the dying on the battle-field do not make me feel like
this.” The causes of the troubles of these sufferers are various. Ten
distinct kinds of mania are recorded on the books, among them
cases resulting from alcoholic excess, from typhoid fever and those
that are hereditary. No patients are received unless there is
reasonable expectation of their recovery under treatment.
The nurses and attendants in the women’s ward seemed to be
much interested in their charges and to develop a real affection for
them. There are no bonds in the whole institution. The severe cases
are put to bed. As soon as their condition will warrant it they are set
to work at something that will keep them busy, laundering or helping
in various ways about the institution, always with ample supervision.
One bright-faced patient possessed with the notion that the devil
was in her nose made that member the object of her constant
thought, keeping it always covered.
We saw a large, powerfully-made man standing behind the iron
grating of one of the men’s windows. He was an alcoholic case who
was sent away from the hospital at one time apparently cured, but
fell into the old ways again and now is hopeless, incurable.
Some of the patients come to the hospital in a most wretched
state of filth. Some come loaded with the chains that the ignorant
country people have put on them. Some have been isolated in caves
and scantily fed, some have been beaten. Some have been made to
drink water in which written texts of the Ḳurân have been soaked.
Many are the ways with which the superstitious natives would treat
these unfortunates. Sometimes the insane are looked upon with
superstitious awe as of an order other than ordinary human beings
and to be invoked. At other times the people are said to beat them
in order to drive out the demon, but more often, according to their
own saying, they let them pretty much alone. “For,” say they, “God
has touched him; that is enough; leave him alone.”[103] All through
the country this unconscious fraternity lives its life apart from men.
Only their bodies are in contact with the world of reality. They are
fed or beaten, caged or prayed to, in turn. We saw one of these
unfortunates who had been groveling in a fit on the street in
Jerusalem near the Jaffa Gate. He had a small cord drawn through a
fleshy place in his abdomen, by working which back and forth well-
meaning spectators had caused considerable blood to flow, thinking
to relieve him. We have seen them wandering in the streets of
Damascus with the freedom of the city, all making way for them;
and well they might; we did, too, for I’ve never seen human beings
more unutterably filthy. In the village of 'Ayn 'Arîk there was a dumb
maniac who went about naked.[104] He was credited with being a
wily, or holy man. Families having a sick person among them would
sometimes send him presents of roast stuffed fowls and secure from
the wily some of his hairs, which they would burn near the patient,
hoping thereby to effect a cure.
The leprous generally congregate outside the cities and follow the
trade of begging. Hospitals and asylums are provided for them, but
many of them prefer the freedom which puts them obnoxiously in
the way of those who can be teased for alms.
Death among the peasantry is an occasion for long mourning. The
body is wrapped, and placed in the ground and protected from the
falling earth as well as may be by the use of stones. On the top of
the grave the heaviest stones obtainable are packed to make it
difficult for the hyenas to secure the body. It is customary to watch
the grave many nights to keep these creatures away.[105] The more
advanced peasantry try to secure a wooden coffin for the body
about to be buried. The natives are capable of much tenderness and
consideration at these sad times. The many bearers take turns
assisting in the carrying of the body on the way to the grave. Visitors
from other villages come to assist in the mourning for the deceased.
They are provided with food and shelter while they remain. The
public mourning lasts as long as visitors continue coming to offer
condolences, which may be for many days. At weddings the singers
are men, but at funerals the women perform the part. The same
native melody is used on both occasions. The death of a young man
is an occasion for especial grief, since so many family hopes and
prospects are thereby disappointed. A prop and stay in the tribe is
withdrawn and the calamity is very severe. The women are
sometimes seen on the threshing-floor marching slowly round and
round, wailing out the dirge. One of the saddest cases that came
under my observation was that of a young man who, leaving his
family, emigrated to America in search of fortune. While in Monterey,
Mexico, he heard of the death of an uncle in the home village and
grieved over it. He was taken ill, probably with yellow fever, went to
the hospital and died there in a short time. When the news reached
Râm Allâh the grief was keen. It is customary at such a time for the
women to go either to the threshing-floor or the cemetery to mourn.
[106]
But in this case, as the man was buried far away, the women
assembled on a small piece of ground that was owned by some of
the tribe where there was a fig-tree. They sat under this talking until
the company increased to over forty women. They had all left their
head-dresses, ornamented with coins, at home, and their hair fell in
disheveled condition over their necks and shoulders. Some of them
had daubed their faces with soot. Some were dressed in their oldest
and poorest clothing; one had on a fancy Bethlehem costume, but
her disordered hair was bound with crêpe. A circle was formed and
the women marched to the accompaniment of the mourning song.
Now and then a few would break from the circle into the middle and,
tossing their arms above their heads, perform a funeral dance. The
name of the deceased was Butrus (Peter) and the widow’s name was
Na'meh (Naomi). The following is a translation of the words which
the women sang at the time:
O door of the house, fall down
For one who went and did not return;

For one who left his wife,

A trust remaining with me.

Butrus in the distant country calls,

“O, Ḥanna, take me back to my country.”

The gun appears, but the lion appears not;

Lo, the strap of the gun is damp with mist.

The gun appears, but the lion comes not;

Lo, the strap of the gun is dripping with mist.

(At the time of the burial)

O my sorrow, there are his people;
Early were they at the burial place.

Early rose the sexton for the burial,

And the ḥarîm is soiled with dust.

The women of his kindred rend their finery

For Butrus who sank into the grave.

The women of his kindred tear their coverings,

Because Butrus is left in America.

(Impersonating Butrus)
Don’t take me down into the ships,
My sister on the seashore is grieving.

Don’t take me down to the foreign ships,

My sister on the seashore is calling.

(The mourners)
O my sorrow, they went on the seas and remained:
Oh, I wonder how they are, have they changed?
O , o de o t ey a e, a e t ey c a ged

O my sorrow, they went on the seas and stayed the night:

Oh, I wonder how they are, or are they dead?

Bring me knowledge, O great bird, O little one;

America, is it far away and without a wall?

Bring me knowledge, O bird, O birds;

America, is it far away and without measure?

Greet them, O bird, O pigeon,

In their far country setting up the tents.

(Impersonating Butrus)

On the shore of the sea the gazels are browsing;

Oh, the descent to the ship, it is bad.

On the shore of the sea the gazels are airing;

Oh, the descent to the ship, it is bitter.

On the seashore, wondering whither to turn,

Appear, O Na'meh! the ship goes.

At the hospital I am thirsty, I want to drink;

Bid me good-by, my brother, the ship goes.

(The mourners)
Write on the flat slate,
“Thy time came; what could we do, my spirit?”

Write on the flat marble,

“Thy time came; what could we do, my precious one?”

O scribe, writing with a costly pencil,

Greet the absent one and clasp hands.

(Impersonating Butrus)
 Thy robe is long, Na'meh, cut from it;
Have slight regard for fine appearance when we are gone.

Thy robe has a long trail;

Have little care for fine style when we are gone.

(The mourners)
The tassel on his head-gear dangles;
Tell his mother to continue mourning.

The tassel on his head-dress droops;

Tell Na'meh to quit fine dressing.

(Introducing the refrain at the mill)

Say to us, O Na'meh, in the night,
“How often have I worn the best of silk!”

Say to us, O Na'meh, in the afternoon,

“How often have I worn Egyptian silk!”

(Closing)
O ye strangers bearing the coffin,
Wait until his family arrive.

O ye strangers bearing the coffin,

Wait until his kinsfolk come.

The grave of Butrus by the road is in neglect;

He wants a guide to lead him home.

This beginning of public mourning was on November 23. On

December 14 the funeral services were held in the village church,
just as if the deceased were there. But the public mourning did not
cease as long as visiting mourners from other villages came to
condole with the family. It is customary for women in mourning to
forbear changing or washing their dresses for months.
 Graves are usually bordered with heavy broken stone partly
sunken into the earth. For shaykhs and notables an oblong, box-like
structure of stone and mortar is built over the grave, and perhaps a
headstone erected, with an inscription in Arabic. The variety in the
ornamentation of graves is very considerable, especially in different
districts of the country.
Egypt was suffering from an epidemic of cholera in the summer of
1902. The news of cholera in Egypt makes one apprehensive lest
through carelessness the disease should be brought into Palestine,
although the quarantines are supposed to be enforced strictly on all
lines of communication by sea or land. Toward the last of September
the rumor got about that cholera was in the country and that cases
had appeared as near as Hebron, twenty miles south of Jerusalem.
By the middle of October rumor was persistent that Ludd and Jimzû
were affected by the fell disease. English physicians in Jaffa
published and circulated a poster instructing the people as to means
of prevention. The Jerusalem government issued orders to the
villages to clean the village streets and burn up the refuse. This
would be a boon under any circumstances. The city streets were put
into an excellent condition of cleanliness. Whitewash was freely used
on the walls of the buildings, especially in the Jewish quarter. In a
day or two Jaffa was reported to be infected by the cholera and, as
the days went by, rumors came from one after another village that it
was attacked by the scourge, which the natives call the yellow air.
They give it this name because of their belief that it is a pestilential
breath traveling in the air. One day, when the refreshing west wind
was blowing up from the sea, a peasant in our village expressed the
hope that the wind would change soon, as he feared that it might
bring up the yellow air from the infected villages down in the
Mediterranean plain. This ignorance of the real nature of the disease
accounts, together with a fatalistic carelessness about observing the
right precautions, for the awful hold that it gets on an Eastern
country. It thrives best in the lowland country and least in the
highlands, not being supposed to ascend over two thousand feet
with any likelihood of persistence. But it was often carried to greater
heights, causing much anxiety. Hebron, for instance, is over three
thousand feet above sea-level. The bacillus has its greatest
opportunity in running water, as at springs. In order to attack the
human being it must enter the alimentary canal, usually, of course,
by the mouth. A weakened constitution, excessive fear, nervousness
and chills from great or sudden changes of temperature, make
favorable conditions for its seizure of the individual. It usually begins
with a diarrhea, which, if unchecked, is rapidly succeeded by the
peculiar cholera discharges and a physical collapse that is as
complete as the weakness induced by days and weeks of other
severe diseases. Relief has to be prompt, the temperature restored
and the discharges checked very soon in order to afford any
reasonable hope of recovery. Most foreigners escape attack by
attending very strictly and conscientiously to the proper precautions
and heeding early indications, without allowing themselves to be
disturbed by unnecessary fears. But they should be personally sure
that only cooked food is eaten, no raw fruit or vegetables; that all
water, for whatever purpose destined, be boiled, whether it is to be
drunk or used to wash the person, hands, face, teeth or body, or
used to wash clothing or dishes. When cholera is in the vicinity
unboiled water should not be used for any purpose.
The people in our own village prohibited the approach of any
persons from the village of Ludd. These local prohibitions through
the country multiplied, making a set of quarantines that prevented
travel and trade in many of the country districts. Our native village
physician was taken by the government and placed in charge of the
quarantine station at Bâb el-Wâd, which is on the Jerusalem-Jaffa
carriage road. The railroad trains between Jaffa and Jerusalem were
forbidden to stop anywhere between Bittîr and Jaffa. Some friends in
Jerusalem feared to come out to visit us, only ten miles away, for
fear that quarantine might be imposed at any moment, thus
preventing their return to the city. However, that necessity did not
arise during the whole time the disease was in the country. But to
the north of us we were cut off from Nâblus, to the east from the
Jordan country, to the west from the villages and cities in the plain.
Jerusalem was cut off from Hebron on the south. To have cut us off
from Jerusalem would have made a very tiny island of our
neighborhood. So long as we were part of the large island of which
Jerusalem was the center, and our district remained free of the
scourge, we were in a very happy case compared with what might
happen any day. The peasantry in the villages west of Jerusalem
depend a good deal on the sale of vegetables, fruit, bread and milk
in the city, but soldiers prevented them from coming in to pursue
their usual business.
October closed with very conflicting reports as to the nature of the
sickness that was taking the people off, some declaring that it was
not cholera, but only similar; that it was this and that other thing.
The governor called together the merchants of Jerusalem and urged
them to maintain regular prices, but they replied that this was their
opportunity. He forbade any rise in wheat. However, prices on most
foodstuffs and imported supplies began to rise. The train service on
the Jaffa-Jerusalem line was discontinued. People rushed to the
shops in the city and bought up canned goods and groceries.
Camphor rose in price also, as the natives bought it to make little
camphor-bags, which they would smell frequently. Men were
stationed out on the paths leading to our village to prevent the
entrance of people from suspected districts. In Jaffa some deaths
were reported in the dirty section about the boat landings. Gaza
reported the highest mortality, forty a day. Some of the inhabitants
of Gaza moved out on the seashore and lived in tents. No deaths
occurred among them. Ramleh set about providing its own cordon,
and although it was very near some of the worst of the afflicted
places, it kept itself free from the epidemic. Some Gaza men who
essayed to reach Jerusalem were put under arrest.
By November 5 the general impression was that the cholera was
lessening its violence. The people of Ludd were getting straitened for
food. The hospital and medical service of Miss Newton of Jaffa were
a great blessing. She sent medical assistance to the people in Ludd
also and was very prompt in getting in food supplies to the
quarantined villagers. The dearth of food in Hebron threatened to
cause a rise of prices beyond the reach of the poor. But some of the
officials wishing to come to Jerusalem, the quarantine was lifted for
a day to accommodate them, when some wheat slipped into Hebron
from Jerusalem. In Jaffa the English church was open twice a day for
special prayers for the cessation of the cholera.
We were greatly saddened toward the middle of November by the
news that Mrs. Torrance, wife of the physician in the Scotch Mission
at Tiberias, had fallen a victim to the cholera.
Some travelers who were having hard work getting through the
country on account of the crisscrossing of the quarantines, were in a
hotel in Nazareth when, during the night, a man came up to that
hotel from Tiberias and developed a case of cholera. The hotel
guests found in the morning that they were quarantined in the
house. By the earnest use of talk and money they got the privilege
of passing the time of their quarantine in some tents. They feared
that, if they remained in the hotel and more cases developed, their
detention might be lengthened indefinitely.
Some Jifnâ men who had been in Jaffa for weeks evaded the
quarantine regulations and returned to their village, which was one
hour north of us. Their own relatives were the first to drive them
back with stones. The neighbors reported the facts to the police in
Jerusalem and soldiers came out and shut up the quarantine
jumpers in caves until they could be returned to the quarantine
station at Bâb el-Wâd to pass the legal number of days.
On November 18 we heard of a man who had come from es-Salṭ
to Jerusalem and died, of cholera apparently, in Khan es-Sulṭân. This
was the cause of some worry, but no cases resulted. On the 19th, as
we were thinking that the colder weather would check the disease,
we heard that it had increased considerably in Jaffa. On November
20 our village physician returned for a short visit to disprove to his
family the report that he had succumbed to the cholera. He had
about a dozen or fourteen people in quarantine at Bâb el-Wâd, who
were taking that tedious way of journeying. The government
provided tents at two and a half or three francs per day. Each person
secured his own food by post carrier from Jerusalem or elsewhere.
The claim is now made that the cholera got into the country through
the faithlessness of the quarantine official south of Gaza. He is
accused of having let through seven thousand persons at a bishlik
(eleven cents) apiece. The story of how the cholera entered Ḳubâb is
illustrative. That village and the village of Barrîyeh use the same
fountain for water, the 'Ayn Yerdeh. Cholera was in Barrîyeh, and one
mother who had lost a little child wished to keep its garments. She
took them to the 'Ayn Yerdeh to wash them. Very soon a score of
Ḳubâb people were victims of cholera, and three hundred in all died
in that village. The doctor reported the people in the villages as very
eager for instructions and obedient in observing them when the
disease was at its height. He says that there were no tears, only
great desire to escape the dreadful enemy. He went to the different
villages near his station and, standing outside, summoned the
shaykhs and chief villagers within hearing distance, where he
exhorted them to use the necessary precautions. The Moslems have
the custom of washing the corpses of their dead. This contributed
much to the spread of the disease, as the flushings of water, vile
from the body of the cholera victim, carried the germs all about the
house floor and infected a considerable space. The physician’s orders
were to bury the deceased, clothing and all, and cover with six
baskets of dry lime. Then all articles used or defiled by the sufferer
were to be burned.
Friday evening, November 21, some Jaffa Christians sought to flee
from their city and come to Râm Allâh, but the Râm Allâh people
drove them back with threats and stones. Some of the Râm Allâh
people recommended a cordon for all roads about the village, but
the poorer inhabitants declared that they could not stand the
increased price of living that would ensue. December 3 we heard
that some Constantinople physicians had visited Jaffa and declared
the disease not cholera but malignant typhoid fever. It made little
difference to the generality what they chose to call it. By December
6 cholera was reported at Jericho. It was reported at an end in
Ḳubâb but continuing in Jaffa with a very variable death-rate. By the
middle of December six thousand deaths had been reported in Gaza.
The reports from Jaffa always minified the number of victims. One
physician stated that, when the reports said fifteen a day, he knew
there were from fifty to seventy a day. It was said that Moslems
were evading the government’s orders regarding instant disposal of
the corpses and secreting their dead, in order that they might carry
out the custom of washing and otherwise preparing the body for
burial. Hunger probably played an important part in the death-rate.
The outside world never knew the facts. By the middle of January
the cholera was announced at Turmus 'Âyâ, a little south of ancient
Shiloh. But the disease had done its worst for the country for that
season.
The work of Miss Newton in Jaffa and vicinity was very effective
and impressed the Moslems greatly. One leading Moslem in Jaffa
tried to collect money for the suffering, but met with no very
generous response. He exclaimed of this English woman, “Do you
mean to tell me that the Moslems, all of them, will go to heaven and
this noble young woman will go to hell? Her shoe is purer than their
souls.”

53. Deut. 14: 21; 15: 3; 23: 20; cf. Matt. 5: 44–46

54. Psalm 127: 3–5.

55. Gen. 24: 60.

56. Cf. Deut. 21: 1–9.

57. Gen. 24: 3–4; 28: 2; Num. 36: 8–11.

58. Gen. 29: 26.

59. Gen. 29: 34; 30: 20.

60. Cf. Deut. 22: 23, 24.

61. Cf. Gen. 24: 65.

62. Matt. 9: 15.

63. Isa. 61: 10; Jer. 2: 32.

64. Gen. 29: 22.

 65. In the evening of the wedding-day when the bridegroom is
allowed a glimpse of his wife’s face before he goes to join his friends
in the merrymaking, he presses a gold coin on her forehead. It is his
gift, and falls into her lap.

66. The two songs on this page are from eṭ-Ṭayyibeh.

67. A fragrant herb.

68. From eṭ-Ṭayyibeh.

69. From Râm Allâh.

70. Cf. Judges 6: 11.

71. From Râm Allâh.

72. Means a woman who is a member of the tribe of Ḥadâd.

73. From eṭ-Ṭayyibeh.

74. From eṭ-Ṭayyibeh.

75. Gen. 15: 2.

76. Psalm 131: 2.

77. Zech. 8: 5.

78. Cf. Deut. 22: 8.

79. Cf. Ex. 20: 12.

80. Cf. Luke 1: 61; 2 Sam. 2: 12, etc.

81. Ruth 1: 20.

82. Cf. Ish-bosheth.

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