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4. The ratio of the circumference of a circle to its diameter is known as pi (symbol π), which has a
value of 3.14… (the periods mean many decimal places). Average all the values of π in Data Table
2.1 and calculate the experimental error.

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15
 Part B: Area and Volume Ratios

1. Obtain one cube from the supply of same-sized cubes in the laboratory. Note that a cube has six
sides, or six units of surface area. The side of a cube is also called a face, so each cube has six
identical faces with the same area. The overall surface area of a cube can be found by measuring
the length and width of one face (which should have the same value) and then multiplying
(length)(width)(number of faces). Use a metric ruler to measure the cube, then calculate the
overall surface area and record your finding for this small cube in Data Table 2.2 on page 23.

2. The volume of a cube can be found by multiplying the (length)(width)(height). Measure and
calculate the volume of the cube and record your finding for this small cube in Data Table 2.2.

3. Calculate the ratio of surface area to volume and record it in Data Table 2.2.

4. Build a medium-sized cube from eight of the small cubes stacked into one solid cube. Find and
record (a) the overall surface area, (b) the volume, and (c) the overall surface area to volume ratio,
and record them in Data Table 2.2.

5. Build a large cube from 27 of the small cubes stacked into one solid cube. Again, find and record
the overall surface area, volume, and overall surface area to volume ratio and record your findings
in Data Table 2.2.

6. Describe a pattern, or generalization, concerning the volume of a cube and its surface area to
volume ratio. For example, as the volume of a cube increases, what happens to the surface area to
volume ratio? How do these two quantities change together for larger and larger cubes?

As the volume of a cube increases the surface area to volume ratio approaches zero.

Part C: Mass and Volume

1. Obtain at least three straight-sided, rectangular containers. Measure the length, width, and height
inside the container (you do not want the container material included in the volume). Record these
measurements in Data Table 2.3 (page 23) in rows 1, 2, and 3. Calculate and record the volume of
each container in row 4 of the data table.

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16
 Width

Length

Height

Figure 2.2

2. Measure and record the mass of each container in row 5 of the data table. Measure and record the
mass of each container when “level full” of tap water. Record each mass in row 6 of the data table.
Calculate and record the mass of the water in each container (mass of container plus water minus
mass of empty container, or row 6 minus row 5 for each container). Record the mass of the
water in row 7 of the data table.

Measure the
volume here

Figure 2.3

3. Use a graduated cylinder to measure the volume of water in each of the three containers. Be sure
to get all the water into the graduated cylinder. Record the water volume of each container in
milliliters (mL) in row 8 of the data table.

4. Calculate the ratio of cubic centimeters (cm3) to mL for each container by dividing the volume in
cubic centimeters (row 4 data) by the volume in milliliters (row 8 data). Record your findings in
the data table.

5. Calculate the ratio of mass per unit volume for each container by dividing the mass in grams (row
7 data) by the volume in milliliters (row 8 data). Record your results in the data table.
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17
 6. Make a graph of the mass in grams (row 7 data) and the volume in milliliters (row 8 data) to
picture the mass per unit volume ratio found in step 5. Put the volume on the x-axis (horizontal
axis) and the mass on the y-axis (the vertical axis). The mass and volume data from each
container will be a data point, so there will be a total of three data points.

7. Draw a straight line on your graph that is as close as possible to the three data points and the
origin (0, 0) as a fourth point. If you wonder why (0, 0) is also a data point, ask yourself about the
mass of a zero volume of water!

8. Calculate the slope of your graph. (See appendix II on page 397 for information on calculating a
slope.)

Δy (800 – 400) g
Slope = =
Δx = 1.0 g/mL
–
(800 400) mL

9. Calculate your experimental error. Use 1.0 g/mL (grams per milliliter) as the accepted value.

You can expect less than 10 percent error, probably less than 5 percent.

10. Density is defined as mass per unit volume, or mass/volume. The slope of a straight line is also a
ratio, defined as the ratio of the change in the y-value per the change in the x-value. Discuss why
the volume data was placed on the x-axis and mass on the y-axis and not vice versa.

Because if you don't have a volume of water, you do not have a mass. Volume is the
independent variable and mass is the dependent variable.

11. Was the purpose of this lab accomplished? Why or why not? (Your answer to this question should
show thoughtful analysis and careful, thorough thinking.)

(Student answers will var y.)

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18
 Results

1. What is a ratio? Give several examples of ratios in everyday use.

A relationship between numbers or quantities.
Examples: 100 cents per dollar, 60 seconds per minute, 365 days per year.

2. How is the value of π obtained? Why does π not have units?

By taking the ratio of the circumference of a circle to the diameter.
Both circumference and diameter are measured in the same units and when you divide the
circumference by the diameter the units cancel out.

3. Describe what happens to the surface area to volume ratio for larger and larger cubes.
Predict if this pattern would also be observed for other geometric shapes such as a sphere.
Explain the reasoning behind your prediction.
Surface area to volume ratio approaches zero for larger and larger cubes.
This pattern would also be true for other shapes because surface area is propor tional to length
squared and volume is propor tional to length cubed so surface area/volume is propotional to
1/length which goes toward zero as the object gets larger.

4. Why does crushed ice melt faster than the same amount of ice in a single block?
There is more surface area for the smaller pieces of ice than the single block , the air is in
contact with more of the ice, so it melts faster.

5. Which contains more potato skins: 10 pounds of small potatoes or 10 pounds of large potatoes?
Explain the reasoning behind your answer in terms of this laboratory investigation.
The 10 lbs of small potatoes have more potato skins. There is more total surface area for
the same smaller potatoes than the larger potatoes.

6. Using your own words, explain the meaning of the slope of a straight-line graph. What does
it tell you about the two graphed quantities?
The slope of a straight-line graph tells you how one quantity changes when the other
variable changes. In this case, the slope equals 1.0 g/mL. This tells me that the mass of water in
grams equals the volume of the same water in milliliters.

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19
7. Explain why a slope of mass/volume of a particular substance also identifies the density of that

substance.

Density is mass/volume. The slope equals the change in mass divided by the change in
volume. This is the same as density.

Problems

An aluminum block that is 1 m × 2 m × 3 m has a mass of 1.62 × 104 kilograms (kg). The
following problems concern this aluminum block:

2m
One
1m face

3m

Figure 2.4

l. What is the volume of the block in cubic meters (m3)?

Volume = (length)(width)(height) = (3 m)(2 m)(1 m) = 6 m 3 .

2. What are the dimensions of the block in centimeters (cm)?

300cm by 200cm by 100cm

3. Make a sketch of the aluminum block and show the area of each face in square centimeters (cm2).

2
30,000 cm2
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20
 4. What is the volume of the block expressed in cubic centimeters (cm3)?

(300 cm)(200 cm)(100 cm) = 6,000,000 cm 3 .

5. What is the mass of the block expressed in grams (g)?

1.62 × 10 4 kg × 1000 g/1 kg = 1.62 × 10 7 g

6. What is the ratio of mass (g) to volume (cm3) for aluminum?

mass/volume = 1.62 × 10 7 g/6 × 10 6 cm 3 = 2.7 g/cm 3

7. Under what topic would you look in the index of a reference book to check your answer to
question 6? Explain.

Check the value of mass density for aluminum.

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21
Invitation to Inquiry

If you have popped a batch of popcorn, you know that a given batch of kernels might pop into
big and fluffy popcorn. But another batch might not be big and fluffy and some of the kernels might
not pop. Popcorn pops because each kernel contains moisture that vaporizes into steam, expanding
rapidly and causing the kernel to explode, or pop. Here are some questions you might want to
consider investigating to find out more about popcorn: Does the ratio of water to kernel mass
influence the final fluffy size of popped corn? (Hint: measure mass of kernel before and after
popping). Is there an optimum ratio of water to kernel mass for making bigger popped kernels? Is the
size of the popped kernels influenced by how rapidly or how slowly you heat the kernels? Can you
influence the size of popped kernels by drying or adding moisture to the unpopped kernels? Is a
different ratio of moisture to kernel mass better for use in a microwave than in a convention corn
popper? Perhaps you can think of more questions about popcorn.

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22
 Data Table 2.1 Circles and Ratios

Small Circle Medium Circle Large Circle

Trial 1 2 3 1 2 3 1 2 3

Diameter 5.5
____ 5.4
____ 5.5
____ 8.7
____ 8.5
____ 8.6
____ 12.5
____ 12.4
____ 12.3
____
(D)

Circumference ____ 18.3

18.0 ____ 17.8 ____
____ 24.7 27.1
____ 27.6
____ 38.9
____ 38.6
____ 38.7
____
(C)

Ratio of C/D ____ 3.39

3.27 ____ 3.24 ____
____ 3.15 3.19
____ 3.21
____ 3.11
____ 3.11
____ 3.15
____

C 3.20 Experimental error: 2% from π

Average =
D

Data Table 2.2 Area and Volume Ratios

Data Table 2.2 Area and Volume Ratios

Small Cube Medium Cube Large Cube

Small Cube Medium Cube Large Cube

Surface Area ________________

24.4 ________________
96 ________________
386
Surface Area ________________ ________________ ________________
(cm2)

Volume ________________
8 ________________
64 ________________
512
Volume ________________ ________________ ________________
(cm3)

Ratio 3.0 (cm2)/(cm3) 1.5 (cm2)/(cm3) 0.75 (cm2)/(cm3)

Ratio of
of Area/V
Area/Volume
olume ________________
________________ ________________
________________ ________________
________________

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23
 Data Table 2.3 Mass and Volume Ratios

Container Number 1 2 3

1. Length of container 6 cm
_________cm 10 cm
_________cm 20 cm
_________cm

2. Width of container 4 cm
_________cm 5 cm
_________cm 7.5 cm
_________cm

3. Height of container 8 cm
_________cm 4.5 cm
_________cm 6.5 cm
_________cm

3 3
4. Calculated volume 192 cm3
________cm
3 225 cm3
________cm 975 cm3
________cm

5. Mass of container 200 g

__________g 250 g
__________g 400 g
__________g

6. Mass of container and water 392 g

__________g 475 g
__________g 1375 g
__________g

7. Mass of water 192 g

__________g 225 g
__________g 975 g
__________g

8. Measured volume of water 192 mL

_________mL 225 mL
_________mL 975 mL
_________mL

9. Ratio of calculated volume to

measured volume of water
3
1.0 cm3/mL
_______cm/mL _______cm/mL 1.0 cm3/mL
1.0 cm3/mL _______cm/mL
3 3

10. Ratio of mass of water to

1.0 g/mL 1.0 g/mL 1.0 g/mL
measured volume of water _________g/mL _________g/mL ________g/mL

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24
 Physical Science/Tillery
Mass vs. Volume of Water

1000
•

800
Volume (mL)
600 400
•

200
•

0
600
800

400

200
1000

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Other documents randomly have
different content
detested Rupert, envenomed his anger. He wrote to the prince an
offensive letter, which concluded with these words: "My conclusion
is to desire you to seek your subsistence, until it shall please God
to determine of my conditions, somewhere beyond seas; to which
end I send you herewith a pass, and I pray God to make you
sensible of your present position and give you means to recover
what you have lost, for I shall have no greater joy in a victory than
a just occasion without blushing to assure you of my being your
loving uncle and most faithful friend,—C. R."

Prince Rupert had taken refuge in Oxford. He did not depart,

despite the injunctions of the king. He asserted that he had been
calumniated, and asked to make an explanation to his uncle; but
Lord Digby had taken care to prevent the interview. Charles
resumed the road to the north. He wished to relieve Chester, which
was again besieged, and was now the only port in which the
assistance expected from Ireland could arrive. He was in sight of
the town with five thousand men, Welsh foot-soldiers or cavaliers of
the north, when he was attacked in the rear by a Parliamentary
corps, commanded by Major-General Poyntz. A detachment coming
from the little army which was investing Chester, attacked the
advance guard at the same time. The king, pressed between two
fires, after a desperate resistance, saw his best officers fall around
him, and was compelled to return to Wales, abandon Chester to its
fate and once more separated as though by an insurmountable
barrier from that camp of Montrose which constituted his only
hope.

The army of Montrose no longer existed. For ten days already, the
marquis had, like the king, been seeking a shelter while
endeavoring to collect his soldiers. On the 30th of September he
had been beaten at Philip-Haugh by David Lesley. His forces had
dissolved at the first blow. Brilliant and rash, in the base he excited
envy, while in the timid he inspired no sense of security. A reverse
sufficed to dissipate all his successes, and on the morrow of his
defeat the conqueror of Scotland was only an audacious outlaw.
This last blow overwhelmed the king. He no longer knew where to
rest his hopes. Urged by Lord Digby, he retired to Newark, while
the courtier, determined to avoid an interview with Prince Rupert,
who had set out to rejoin the king, placed himself at the head of
fifteen hundred horse, which Charles still possessed. Under the
pretext of taking succor to Montrose, he started for the north.

The explanations of Prince Rupert did not satisfy the king,

notwithstanding the favorable declaration of the council of war. The
insolence of the cavaliers who accompanied his nephew hurt his
dignity. A quarrel began. "Begone, begone!" exclaimed Charles
angrily, "and do not appear again before me." Agitated in their
turn, Rupert, his brother Maurice, and their partisans quitted
Newark in the middle of the night. The king was no longer safe
there. Lord Digby had been defeated at Sherborne, in his march
towards the north. There were now on the king's side neither
soldiers nor generals. Charles assembled together four or five
hundred cavaliers, the remnants of several regiments, and, on the
3d of November, at eleven o'clock at night, he left the town, taking
the road to Oxford. He re-entered the city after a forced march,
thinking himself saved, for he had once more found his council and
his court, and could indulge his habits and find some repose.

The relief was not of long duration. The royalist towns were falling
one by one into the power of Fairfax and Cromwell. Fifteen had
surrendered or had been taken by assault within five months.
Scarcely had Charles returned to Oxford, when he wrote to the
Prince of Wales to hold himself in readiness to proceed to the
Continent. At the same time he made overtures of peace to
Parliament, demanding a safe-conduct for four negotiators.

Never had Parliament been less inclined towards peace. The

hundred and thirty new members, who had replaced in the House
of Commons those who had followed the king, had increased the
power and daring of the Independents, though all did not belong to
their party. The severities towards the Royalists were redoubled.
The war everywhere became harsher, sometimes cruel. Fairfax
alone still preserved the fine humanity which distinguished nearly
all the leaders at the opening of the war. Misunderstandings broke
out even between the Scots and the Houses. The former
complained that their army was not paid; the latter, that an army of
allies plundered and devastated, like a hostile body, the counties
which it occupied. The strongest fermentation, the deepest hostility,
the bitterest and most decisive measures on all hands, left little
chance for peace to arrest or even suspend the rapid course of
events.

The overtures of the king were rejected, and a safe-conduct was

refused to the negotiators. Charles persisted, but without success,
and as he proposed to repair to Westminster to negotiate in person
with Parliament, his enemies solemnly declared that they at length
possessed proof of the falsity of his words. The king had concluded
a treaty of alliance with the Catholic Irishmen still in revolt. Ten
thousand of these barbarians, under the orders of the Earl of
Glamorgan, were soon to land at Chester. They had obtained, as
the price of their assistance, the complete abolition of the penal
laws against the Catholics, and the freedom of their worship.
Ireland, in fact, was delivered up to the Papacy. For two months
the Committee of the two kingdoms had known of the conspiracy
and reserved the publication of it for an important occasion. The
day had at length arrived.

The king was struck down by this discovery. For two years he had
personally conducted this negotiation with the Earl of Glamorgan,
the eldest son of the Marquis of Worcester. Brave, generous,
thoughtless, passionately devoted to his master in danger, and to
his oppressed religion, Glamorgan had plotted in every form,
proceeding incessantly from England to Ireland, often entrusted
with secret missions unknown to the Marquis of Ormond, lieutenant
of the king in Ireland, and alone knowing to what point the
concessions of the king might reach. The treaty had been
concluded since the 20th of August preceding, and Parliament did
not know all that Charles had promised in its name.

When it was learned in Dublin that the plot was known in London,
Ormond easily saw what a blow the affairs of the king had
sustained even among his own party. He immediately caused
Glamorgan to be arrested as having exceeded his powers. The earl
kept his counsel, and did not produce the secret documents signed
"Charles," which he held in his hands. He even said that the king
was not bound to ratify what he had thought himself able to
promise for him. On his part, Charles hastened to disown the affair
in the proclamation which he addressed to the Houses, as well as
in his official letters to the Council of Dublin. Glamorgan, he said,
had no other mission than to recruit soldiers and to second the
efforts of the Lord Lieutenant. Neither Parliament nor the people
believed this. Glamorgan, being soon released, recommenced his
attempts to assemble an Irish army to proceed to England. In reply,
the command of Cromwell, already several times renewed, was
again prolonged, and the king found himself compelled to resume
hostilities as though he had been in a position to sustain them.

The last remnants of the royalist armies still fought, but without
ardor and without hope. When the Prince of Wales found himself
abandoned by his generals, Goring and Grenville, he implored Sir
Ralph, now Lord Hopton, to resume command of the troops in the
west. "Your Highness," replied the brave soldier, "I cannot obey you
without resigning myself to the sacrifice of my honor, for with the
troops which you have entrusted to me how can I preserve it?
Their friends alone fear them; their enemies despise them; they are
only terrible on the day of pillage; and only determined when they
are resolved to fly. However, since your Highness has judged it well
to summon me, I am ready to follow you at the risk of losing my
honor;" and he resumed the command of seven or eight thousand
men who detested him, and to whom his discipline was odious. On
the 16th of February he was defeated by Fairfax at Torrington,
upon the borders of Cornwall. All the troops that had remained with
him were dispersed. Fairfax pursued him, while the Prince of Wales,
driven into a corner at the Land's End, in Cornwall, embarked for
the Scilly Isles, being unwilling to leave English soil. Fairfax offered
honorable conditions. Hopton, free from all anxiety as to the safety
of the prince, desired to attempt once more to fight with the small
corps which he had re-formed with great difficulty; but the soldiers
called upon him to capitulate. "Bargain, then," said Hopton, "but
not for me." He embarked with Lord Chapel to join the Prince of
Wales. The king now possessed in the south-west only insignificant
garrisons, scattered in a few towns.

Sir Jacob Astley was defeated at Stow, in Gloucestershire, as he

was advancing with three thousand men to join the king, who had
issued forth with fifteen hundred horse from Oxford to meet him.
The rout was complete. The aged Astley resisted for a long while,
then fell into the hands of the enemy. The soldiers, touched by his
white hairs and his courage, brought him a drum. He sat down;
then addressing the Parliamentary officers, he said, "Gentlemen,
you may now sit down and play, for you have done all your work, if
you fall not out among yourselves." The king had no longer any
hope save in the dissensions which he might foment among his
enemies. He had for a long while been maintaining secret relations
with the Independents, especially with Vane. He wrote himself to
the latter after Astley's disaster, "Be assured that everything shall
come to pass according to my promise. By all that is dearest to a
man, I implore you to hasten your good offices, for otherwise it will
be too late, and I shall perish before gathering the fruit. Trust to
me. I will fully reward your services. I have said all. If in four days
I should not have an answer I shall be compelled to find some
other expedient. May God direct you! I have done my duty." He at
the same time addressed a message to the Houses, offering to
disband his troops, to open all his towns, and to take up his
residence again at Whitehall.

Great was the emotion at Westminster; all knew that if the king
were at Whitehall he would no longer be the object of the
disturbances if the city should break out, and all were equally
determined not to fall into his power. All the necessary precautions
were adopted to prevent Charles from appearing unexpectedly in
the capital. Violent measures were taken against those who should
negotiate secretly or who should maintain any relations with him.
Vane left the letter of the king unanswered.

Meanwhile Fairfax advanced, and Oxford was about to be invested.

The king made an offer to Colonel Rainsborough, who had already
arrived before the town, to surrender to him on condition that he
should conduct him to Parliament at once. The colonel refused.
Charles was about to fall as a prisoner of war into the hands of his
enemies. One resource only remained to him. For two months M.
de Montreuil, the French ambassador, had been laboring to procure
him an opportunity of taking refuge in the camp of the Scots. He
thought himself secure of the personal safety of the king in the
midst of an army which looked upon Charles as its legitimate
sovereign. The queen, still in France, also kept up relations with the
Scotch military leaders. She urged her husband to put trust in
them. He still hesitated, but he issued forth from Oxford on the
27th of April, at midnight, followed only by his valet-de-chambre,
Ashburnham, and a clergyman. Dr. Hudson, well versed in all the
roads.

For a moment, when at Harrow-on-the-Hill, in sight of London, the

king stopped. Should he take a bold step and suddenly appear in
the midst of the city? It was too venturesome a stroke for his timid
and sensitive dignity. He turned away, directing his course towards
the north, still desiring to join Montrose. Hudson, who had gone
forward to reconnoitre, came back to say that M. de Montreuil still
answered for the Scots. The king at length made up his mind,
though from weariness rather than from choice. On the morning of
the 5th of May he arrived at Kelham, the headquarters of the
Scotch commander.
The Earl of Leven and his officers at first affected surprise, but they
received the king with great respect. They however hastened to
apprise the Parliaments of Edinburgh and London, and, in the
evening, when the king wished to give the watchword to the
sentinels placed at his door, "Pardon me, Sire," Leven said, "I am
the oldest soldier here; your Majesty will permit me to undertake
that duty."

It was soon known in London that the king had quitted Oxford, but
nothing indicated the direction of his flight. On the 6th of May it
was at length learned that he had confided his person to the
Scotch, who had raised their camp and were marching in great
haste towards the border. They only stopped at Newcastle. From
there the king could negotiate with the Presbyterians of the two
kingdoms.

This was what all the Independents dreaded. For a year past
everything had prospered with them. They were masters of the
army, and all daring spirits, the energetic and ambitious had placed
themselves under their banner. Their influence continued to
increase on all hands. They were ruined if at the moment of
reaching the summit of power, the king should ally himself with the
Presbyterians against them.

They adopted every means to ward off the blow, without scrupling
to offend the Scotch, whom they desired to separate from the
Presbyterian party in England. The Commons voted that the Scotch
army was no longer necessary; that a hundred thousand pounds
would be paid to it in advance on account of their claims, and that
it should be induced to return to Scotland. Insults were lavished
upon those allies, of whom it was now desired to be rid at all costs.

The Scotch and their illustrious guest facilitated the task of their
enemies. They were not angry, but they hesitated, they felt their
way carefully, they were afraid to take sides. The king still
endeavored to deceive his rebellious subjects. "I do not despair," he
wrote to Lord Digby before his departure from Oxford, "of inducing
the Presbyterians or the Independents to join with me to
exterminate each other, and then I shall become once more king in
reality." On their side, the Presbyterians, passionately attached to
the Covenant, would not hear of any arrangement which did not
secure the triumph of their Church. While promising the king to
negotiate for peace, they gave further tokens of fidelity towards
their brothers, the English, and caused the execution of the most
illustrious companions of Montrose, who had been prisoners of war
since the battle of Philip-Haugh. The Marquis of Ormond published
a letter of the king, asserting that he only repaired to the camp of
the Scotch upon their promise, in case of need, to support him and
his just rights. The Scotch immediately caused this almost exact
interpretation of their words to be belied. The cavaliers could no
longer have access to their master, and the clergy were invited to
instruct the monarch in the true doctrine of Christ.

Charles did not resist, but even bore with the theological
discussions; though the learned preacher, Henderson, who had
undertaken his conversion, was not able to congratulate himself
upon having shaken the king's fidelity to the Anglican Church.
Charles was expecting proposals from the House, to whom he
caused to be surrendered all the towns which still held out for him.
But he hoped for aid from Ireland, and he wrote to Glamorgan,
who was still the sole depositary of his secret designs, "If you can
procure a large sum of money for me, pledging my kingdoms as a
guarantee, I shall be delighted, and as soon as I shall have
recovered the possession, I will amply pay this debt. Tell the nuncio
that if I find some means of placing myself in his hands and yours,
I will certainly not neglect it, for all the others despise me as I fully
see."

At length the proposals of Parliament arrived: they were more

humiliating and harsh than those which the king had hitherto
rejected. He was asked to adopt the Covenant, to abolish the
Church of England, to consign to the Houses for twenty years the
command of the army, the militia, and the navy; to allow to be
excluded from the armistice seventy-one of his most faithful friends,
while all those who had taken arms for him were to be removed
from all public functions at the good pleasure of Parliament. On all
sides he was urged to accept this disgraceful peace. The queen
sent messenger after messenger to him. M. de Bellièvre, the French
ambassador, proceeded to Newcastle to advise him to accept it in
the name of his court. Several towns in Scotland sent amicable
petitions to him. The city of London wished to do likewise: a formal
prohibition only prevented it. Threats were coupled with entreaties.
The general assembly of the Scotch Church demanded, if the king
should refuse the Covenant, that he should be forbidden to remain
on Scottish soil, and the Chancellor of Scotland, Lord Lowsden,
made him understand that, deprived of his hereditary kingdom, he
might very probably find himself deposed in England.

All was powerless against the pride of the king, his religious
scruples and also some secret hope which credulous or intriguing
friends still kept alive. After having delayed his reply from day to
day, he at length consigned to the commissioners on the 1st of
August, a written message, in which, without absolutely rejecting
the proposals, he again demanded that he should be received in
London to negotiate in person with Parliament.

The Independents were unable to restrain their joy. "What is to

become of us," said a Presbyterian, "now that the king has refused
our proposals?" "What would have become of us if he had accepted
them?" replied an Independent. The Scotch proposed to withdraw
from England; but they required first the settlement of the arrears,
and their claims were enormous. It was necessary to decide who
should dispose of the person of the king. The parties commenced
the struggle upon this point.

An understanding was arrived at, however, after bitter words and

reciprocal recriminations. The arrears were fixed at four hundred
thousand pounds sterling, and the House of Commons finally
brought the Lords to accept the vote in the terms it had given out
for five months past, "that to Parliament alone belonged the right
of disposing of the king's person." The Scots resisted feebly, saying
that Charles was their king as well as the sovereign of the English.
Charles continued to demand to negotiate in person with
Parliament.

The wish was as useless the fifth time as the first. The Houses had
just signed the treaty which arranged for the withdrawal of the
Scotch army, and how the price should be paid. The name of the
king was not mentioned in all the clauses of this negotiation, but,
on the 3d of December, 1646, at the moment when the convoy of
wagons bearing twenty thousand pounds sterling to the Scotch,
entered York, the Houses voted that the king should be conducted
to Holmby Castle, in Northamptonshire. On the 12th of January,
1647, nine commissioners, three Lords, and six members of the
Commons departed from London to take possession respectfully of
their sovereign. The dignity of the king proudly resisted this terrible
blow. "I am bought and sold," he said, when he learnt that the
Parliament of Scotland officially consented to his being consigned
into the hands of the English; but he quietly finished his game of
chess, replying to the growing anxiety of his servants that he would
make known his will to the commissioners when they should arrive.
He awaited them without countenancing the confused projects of
flight or insurrection which were being hatched around him. The
people began to take pity on him. One Sunday, at Newcastle, the
Scotch minister who preached before him having chosen his text
from a version of the 52d Psalm, beginning,

Why dost thou, tyrant, boast thyself,

Thy wicked deeds to praise?

the king suddenly rose and began instead of this the 56th Psalm,
commencing,
 Have mercy on me, Lord, I pray,
For men would me devour!

The whole congregation joined with him. A last attempt of the

Scotch in favor of the Covenant having miscarried, the Scotch army
delivered both Newcastle and the king into the hands of the
English. On the 9th of February, Charles left that town under the
escort of a regiment of cavalry, everywhere followed by a numerous
crowd which thronged on his way, not hostile, but respectful, and
asking him to touch the sick persons afflicted with king's evil. The
commissioners became uneasy at this gathering, but their
prohibitions were ineffectual. When the king arrived at Holmby,
where many gentlemen from the neighborhood had assembled, he
congratulated himself upon the reception which he had received
from his subjects.

Dissensions at Westminster broke out afresh. Assured of the person

of the king, the Presbyterians, whose influence had once more
become paramount in the House, in consequence of the terror
which the Independents began to inspire among moderate men,
carried a motion for disbanding the army, except the troops
required by the war in Ireland and the service of the garrisons.
Fairfax was to retain the command of the reduced forces, but no
officer under his orders was to rise above the rank of colonel. All
were obliged to conform to the Presbyterian form of government. A
loan was voted to pay the arrears due the soldiers. Cromwell sat in
the House, when this vote dealt a death-blow to the army he had
been instrumental in forming, and among whom his authority
continued to increase. He remained in London, and burst into
protestations of devotion towards Parliament, but the numerous
friends who followed his secret inspiration secretly entertained the
natural discontent of the army. A petition, modest and friendly in
tone, reached the Houses, signed only by fourteen officers. They
promised to repair to Ireland at the first order, merely offering their
humble advice upon the payment of the troops and the guarantees
to which they were entitled. After this petition, which was
somewhat ill-received, came another, more firm and precise,
demanding the prompt settlement of the arrears, the pensions for
the widows of the soldiers, and asserting the right of the troops to
decline service in Ireland. The petition was read at the head of the
regiments, and the officers who refused to sign were assailed with
threats.

Parliament became incensed and commanded Fairfax to put an end

to all these disorders. The facts were impudently denied. The
House sent five commissioners to headquarters, to urge forward
the disbandment. Two hundred officers came to meet them. "Who
are to command us in Ireland?" asked Lambert, a brilliant soldier,
ambitious and skilled in oratory. "Major-General Skippon and Major-
General Massey." "They are brave soldiers, but we must have
general officers whom we have so many times put to the proof."
And all the officers exclaimed at once, "Yes, all, Fairfax and
Cromwell." A few days afterwards, eight regiments of cavalry
refused to repair to Ireland. "A treacherous snare," said the petition
brought to the House, "to separate the soldiers from the officers
whom they love, and to cover the ambition of a few men who have
tasted sovereignty, and who in order to remain masters, degenerate
into tyrants." The attack was personal. The soldiers who had
brought the petitions were sent for. "Where was this letter taken
into consideration?" the speaker asked them. "At a meeting of
regiments." "Have your officers approved of it?" "Very few know it."
"Have you not been cavaliers?" "We entered the service of
Parliament before the battle of Edgehill, and we have never quitted
it. We are only the agents of our regiments."

A great uproar arose in the House. Cromwell leant over Ludlow.

"Those men," he said, "will have no rest until the army has put
them outside by the ears." The instrument was being prepared for
the execution. Two councils, one composed of the officers, the
other of the representatives of the soldiers, fixed all the
proceedings of the army. It was said that it had proposed to the
king, if he would place himself at its head, to restore to him his
just rights. The Presbyterian leaders took alarm; concessions were
made to the soldiers. Cromwell, Ireton, Skippon, Fleetwood, all
members of the Commons, were empowered to re-establish a good
understanding between Parliament and the army. They repaired to
headquarters, where their efforts, certainly not very sincere,
brought about no result. The same demands continued to arrive
from the army; immediate disbandment was ordered, and five
Presbyterian commissioners set out to see to the execution of the
decree. They found the army in a full state of insurrection. In the
council of war which Fairfax convoked, all the officers, with the
exception of six, voted that the resolutions of Parliament were not
sufficient, and that the army could not separate without more
substantial guarantees. Fairfax had become powerless; the power
was passing into the hands of the soldiers and the leaders who
possessed their confidence. The Presbyterians had now to struggle
against a new enemy. If the army joined the king, they were
ruined. Their leaders thought of becoming reconciled with the king.
Fairfax Kissing The King's Hand.
 Chapter XXV.

Charles I. And Cromwell.

Captivity, Trial, And Death Of The King.

While the Presbyterians were discussing and voting, Cromwell and

his friends were acting. On the 4th of June, news arrived in London
that on the preceding day the king had been taken away from
Holmby by a detachment of seven hundred men, and that the army
held him in its power.

It was a cornet named Joyce, of the regiment of the guards of

Fairfax, who had performed the feat. Arriving secretly with his
detachment of cavalry, he at first introduced himself alone into the
castle, then he returned at midnight with his soldiers, demanding to
speak with the king. Colonel Greaves and the commissioners of
Parliament residing with his Majesty refused; they desired to close
the iron portcullises, but the new comers dismounted and chatted
with the garrison. Colonel Greaves's men declared that they would
not be separated from the rest of the army. At midday Joyce was
master of the castle. He retired after having stationed sentinels in
various parts. In the evening he caused the king to be awakened in
order to speak to him. "I will go with you, Mr. Joyce," said Charles,
after a rather long conference, "if your soldiers confirm what you
have promised."

On the morrow, at six o'clock in the morning, Joyce's troopers were

grouped in battle-array in the courtyard. "Mr. Joyce," said the king,
appearing upon the steps, "by what authority do you intend to take
me from here?" "Sire, by the authority of the army, to prevent the
designs of its enemies, who would once more plunge the kingdom
in blood." "That is not a legal authority. I know no other in England
but mine, and after mine that of Parliament. Have you a
commission written by Sir Thomas Fairfax?" "I have the orders of
the army, and the general is included in the army." "That is not a
reply; where is your commission?" "There it is, Sire." "Where?"
"There, behind me," and he pointed to his soldiers. "Never," said
the king, smiling, "have I yet seen such a commission. It is written,
I admit, in fair characters, legible without spelling; but know that,
to take me away, you will have to use force, if you do not promise
me that nothing will be required of me which may wound my
conscience and honor." "It is not our manner," said Joyce, "to
constrain the conscience of any one, still less that of our king."
"Now, gentlemen, whither will you conduct me?" "To Oxford, Sire, if
you please." "No, the air is not good." "To Cambridge?" "No, I
prefer Newmarket; it is an air that has always suited me." "As you
will, Sire." And they departed, notwithstanding a last protest from
the commissioners of Parliament.

When the news of the capture of the king reached headquarters, it

threw Fairfax into extreme agitation. "I do not like this," he said to
Ireton; "who gave such orders?" "I ordered," said Ireton, "that the
king should be secured in Holmby, but not that he should be made
to depart thence." "It was quite necessary," said Cromwell, who
had arrived from London, "otherwise the king would have been
taken and brought back to Parliament." Charles received the staff
of the army at Childersley, near Cambridge. The majority, Fairfax
taking the initiative, kissed his hand with respect. Cromwell and
Ireton held aloof. Fairfax protested to the king that he was a
stranger to the project of his removal. "I do not believe you," said
the king, "unless you hang Joyce." Joyce was sent for. "I have told
the king," he said, "that I had no commission from the general. I
acted by order of the army. Let it be assembled again; if three-
fourths do not approve of the act, I consent to be hanged at the
head of the regiment." Joyce was not hanged. "Sir," said the king
to Fairfax on leaving him, "I have as good interest in the army as
you." And continuing to complain of the violence which he had
suffered, but satisfied in his heart at changing his prison and seeing
discord break out among his enemies, he established himself at
Newmarket under the care of Colonel Whalley.

Cromwell returned to London. He found the House of Commons a

prey to the most violent agitation. Every one imputed to him the
audacious stroke of seizing upon the king. He passionately resented
the suspicions, taking God, the angels, and men to witness that,
before that day, Joyce was as much a stranger to him as the light
of the sun to the child in the womb of its mother. All these
protestations did not convince the Presbyterians. Hollis and
Grimstone sought everywhere for proofs against Cromwell, being
determined to demand his arrest. Two officers came to see
Grimstone. "Lately," they said to him, "at a meeting of officers it
was discussed whether it would not be advisable to purge the
army. 'I am sure of the army,' the lieutenant-general said; 'but
there is another body which it is more urgent to purge, that is the
House of Commons, and the army alone can do it.'" Grimstone took
them to Westminster; they repeated their speech before the House.
Cromwell rose, then fell upon his knees, bursting into tears, with a
vehemence of speech, sobs, and gestures which overcame with
emotion and surprise all present; praying the Lord to wreak upon
his head all His vengeance if any man in all the kingdom was more
faithful than he to the House. Then, rising, he spoke for two hours,
being humble and audacious, prolix and impassioned, with so much
success that, when he sat down, the paramount influence had
passed over to his friends, and that, "if he had wished," Grimstone
himself said, thirty years afterwards, "the House would have sent
us to the Tower, the officers and myself, as calumniators." On that
very evening Cromwell secretly quitted London, and, repairing to
the army assembled at Triploe Heath, near Cambridge, he openly
placed himself at the head of the Independents and soldiers.

A few days after his arrival the army was marching towards
London, and consternation reigned in the Houses which had
received the "humble remonstrance" of the soldiers. It was no
longer a question of the exposition of their own grievances, it was
the haughty expression of their demands regarding the general
reform of the state. They demanded, besides, the expulsion of
eleven members of the Commons, including Hollis, Stapleton,
Maynard, the enemies, they said, of the army. They advanced,
complaining as they went. They were already at St. Alban's, when
the Common Council of the city wrote to Fairfax to demand that
the army should remain forty miles from London. It was too late,
the general replied; they wanted a month's pay. The Houses
granted the pay, persisting that the army should go away. The
troops continued their march.

Parliament meanwhile redoubled its concessions. All the reproaches

which were addressed, all the requests which were made met with
a friendly reception. Remedies were granted for the grievances
complained of; the king was invited to reside at Richmond under
the sole custody of Parliament. They did all they could to escape
the necessity of mutilating their body, by expelling the eleven
members designated by the army; but, on the 26th of June, the
headquarters were at Uxbridge. The shops were closed, and people
spoke openly of the obstinacy and selfishness of the eleven
members. At length they offered to retire. Their devotion was
accepted with such satisfaction that, on the very day of their
retirement, the Commons voted that they approved of the army in
everything, and would provide for its maintenance while
commissioners should settle, in co-operation with others from the
soldiers, the affairs of the kingdom. Fairfax consented to withdraw
a few miles.

The king was informed that it was no longer desired that he should
go to Richmond. "Since my Houses ask me to go to Richmond," he
said, "if any one claim to prevent me therefrom it will have to be
by force and by seizing the bridle of my horse; and if there be a
man who dares attempt it, it will not be my fault if it be his last
act." He was informed that the Houses themselves opposed his
departure, and that they had yielded in everything to the army. He
smiled disdainfully, happy at seeing his first adversaries thus
humiliated, and he followed unresistingly the movements of the
army. He was carefully guarded, but he enjoyed a liberty which the
commissioners of Parliament had not allowed him till recently. He
had chaplains, a certain number of his friends were admitted into
his presence, he was even permitted to see his children, the Dukes
of York and Gloucester, with the Princess Elizabeth, and he was
enabled to keep them with him for two days. Some few of the
leaders of the army, Cromwell and Ireton especially, asked each
other whether the favor of the king, restored by their hands, would
not be the best guarantee for their party, and for themselves the
surest means of obtaining fortune and power.

The king resolutely forebore from any negotiation with the army,
but he was not ignorant of the relations which, with the approval of
the queen, his valet-de-chambre, Ashburnham, and the former
royalist governor of Exeter, Sir John Berkeley, maintained with
Cromwell. The manœuvres of the latter, among the army, were not
without effect: the general council of officers was preparing
proposals to remit to the king. Charles appeared cold and not very
eager when Berkeley joyfully brought the project entrusted to him
by Ireton. Never had anything so moderate been asked of a
vanquished monarch. It was required that he should surrender for
ten years the nominations to the great offices and the command of
the soldiery. The political reforms were numerous, but he was not
asked to abolish the Episcopal Church, or to ruin with fines the
faithful servants who had fought for him, and the exceptions to the
armistice numbered only seven. The king appeared so haughty that
Berkeley was confounded. "If they really wished to conclude with
me," he said, "they would propose things which I might accept."
Then, abruptly breaking up the interview, he said, "You will soon
see them only too happy themselves to accept conditions more
equitable."

Berkeley retired, endeavoring to guess the secret of so much

confidence, when he learned that a riot had broken out in the city.
Westminster was besieged by bands of citizens and apprentices,
loudly demanding the return of the king. A petition, consisting of a
pledge to do everything in order that the king might return to
London with honor and liberty, was instantly covered with a mass
of signatures. Everywhere the officers of the army, but recently
remodelled by the Independents, united themselves with the
people. The Presbyterians, defeated both in military operations and
in the Houses, felt themselves supported by the popular movement,
and resumed the control of the trainbands of London, which had
been taken from them. The House of Commons, finding its doors
forced open by a furious mob, voted the return of the king.
Parliament was besieged both by the people and the army.

The king and his confidants triumphed, for insurrection had broken
out according to their wish and at their instigation. They were
suspected among the army, and the haughtiness displayed by
Ashburnham, who had arrived three days after his master,
redoubled the ill-humor of the representatives of the soldiers, with
whom he forbore negotiating. "I have always lived in good
company," he said to Berkeley; "I can have nothing in common
with those fellows. We must secure the officers, and, through
them, we shall have the whole army." The officers themselves
began to distrust the double-dealing which Charles was carrying on.
"Sire," Ireton said to him, "do you claim to constitute yourself
arbitrator between us and Parliament? It is we who wish to be the
arbitrators between Parliament and you." They, however, officially
presented their proposals to him. The king listened to them in
silence, with an ironical smile, then he rejected them nearly all in
few words, and as Ireton was beginning to support them with
warmth, Charles abruptly interrupted him: "You cannot be without
me (he said); you will fall to ruin if I do not sustain you." The
officers looked in astonishment at Berkeley; the latter approached
the king. "Sire," he said to him in a whisper, "your Majesty speaks
as if you had some secret strength and power which I do not know
of. Since your Majesty hath concealed it from me, I wish you had
concealed it from these men too." The king endeavored to mitigate
his words, but the majority of the officers had already adopted
their course. It was said everywhere among the army, that there
was no possibility of placing reliance on the king. Charles
confidently awaited intelligence from London.

News was brought to headquarters by messengers of distinction.

More than sixty members of the two Houses, with Lord Manchester
and Speaker Lenthall at their head, arrived unexpectedly in the
army, coming, they said, to seek the security and liberty which
were denied to them by the fury of the populace. For a week
Cromwell and his friends had been laboring, through the medium of
Vane and St. John, to bring about this division among Parliament.
They affected, however, to partake of the general surprise.
Parliament, the real Parliament, with its legal chiefs and faithful
members, was henceforth united with the army and under its
protection. Joy shone on every countenance: the Lord was loudly
praised.
Berkeley was not satisfied. He hastened to bring to the king news
so fatal to the success of his negotiations; and urged him to write
to the chiefs of the army a letter which should cause a better
reception of their proposals to be hoped for. At this price, Cromwell
and Ireton still answered for the inclinations of the army. But the
king also had news from London. The members of Parliament
remaining in the capital were more numerous than those who had
quitted it. They had elected a new speaker; they had given orders
to form new regiments; the city was full of ardor, and was
preparing to defend itself. The king was formally invited to return to
London. The vote proclaimed in the streets might reach him at any
moment. "I will wait," said Charles to Berkeley. "There will be yet
time to write that letter."

The king waited, then wrote; but it was too late. Every day more
members of Parliament proceeded to join their colleagues at
headquarters. Popular exasperation gave way to fear and
uneasiness; compromises were spoken of. Cromwell caused the
king to be pressed; he continued to hesitate still. Ashburnham and
Berkeley arrived at length at headquarters, the bearers of the letter
so often demanded. The submission of the city had preceded them,
and the alliance of the king was no longer of any value to the
conquerors. Two days afterwards, on the 6th of August, the army,
bringing back the fugitive members in triumph, entered London
without one single excess characterizing their march, and Fairfax
took possession of the Tower, of which the Houses had nominated
him governor. All the acts passed by Parliament in the absence of
the members who had taken refuge in the army, were declared null
in law, for the troops were encamped around Westminster.
Everywhere the army triumphed. Parliament was now a docile and
humbled instrument in its hands.

It was in the very midst of the army that fresh difficulties were
about to arise. Intoxicated with their triumph, the obscure
enthusiasts, fanatics of religion or liberty, thought that they had
become masters, and aspired to alter not only the State, but
society itself, and the face of the world. Possessed of a blind but
pure ambition, intractable to any one who appeared to them weak
or interested, they constituted in turn the strength and terror of the
different parties who were all successively compelled to make use
of and deceive them.

Cromwell had formerly found among them a few of his most useful
agents, but they began to distrust him. The Lord had delivered into
the hands of His servants all their enemies. Meanwhile, they
continued to live upon good terms with the "delinquents," even
with the greatest of all, who had been permitted to establish
himself at Hampton Court, where he was served with idolatrous
pomp. His most dangerous councillors were allowed to approach
him, and the generals themselves saw them frequently. Rumors
were in circulation at the meetings of the soldiers, and Lilburne, still
indomitable even in the prison in which the Upper House had
caused him to be incarcerated on account of his pamphlets, wrote
to Cromwell, "If you despise my warnings as you have hitherto
done, know that I will set forth against you all that I have of
strength and influence, in order to produce changes in your
fortune, which will be very little to your liking."

Cromwell did not remain insensible to all these tokens. He begged

the king that he would place their relations under more reserve.
"As I am an honest man," he said, "I have said enough to convince
his Majesty of the sincerity of my intentions, otherwise nothing will
suffice." But with an increase of prudence, the relations of
Cromwell with the king did not become less active. The great and
firm mind of the general doubted the success of the republicans;
the desires of the enthusiasts appeared to him chimerical, and his
genius was irritated by disorder. Charles lavished promises, more
personal now than political or general. To Ireton was offered the
command of Ireland, to Cromwell the command of the armies, the
Order of the Garter, and the title of Earl of Essex. Silence was not
maintained throughout as to these negotiations, and rumors of
them reached the army, every day more resentful and defiant. Two
great Scottish noblemen, Lord Lauderdale and Lord Lanark, arrived
at Hampton Court, to urge the king once more to unite himself
finally with the Presbyterians and the Scotch, who alone were
sincere in the desire of saving him. This, for the duplicity natural to
Charles, was a new power. Everything was made known in the
council of the agitators. The soldiers separated themselves from
their leaders. A few officers and members of the Commons placed
themselves at their head. It was announced that a Scotch army
was about to march to the aid of the king; the English cavaliers
were preparing an insurrection. Cromwell became more and more
perplexed. All his skill did not suffice to divine the schemes of the
king. He saw the army, the instrument upon which he had counted,
upon the point of slipping from his grasp. The day had come for
adopting a final course of action.

It was the king himself who caused the scale to incline towards his
ruin. Cromwell had been informed by one of the spies whom he
kept at Hampton Court, that a confidential letter from the king to
the queen was to be forwarded concealed in a saddle which a man
who was not in the secret would carry upon his head. At the time
indicated, Cromwell and Ireton, clad like simple troopers, were at
the Blue Boar Inn, in Holborn, awaiting the messenger. He
appeared; both issued forth sword in hand, seized the saddle,
broke open the sides, took therefrom the letter, then returned the
saddle to the messenger, saying to him in a good-humored tone
that he was a worthy fellow, and that he might proceed on his way.

The letter was indeed confidential. Charles had written to the

queen that the two factions were courting him equally, and that he
thought of treating rather with the Scotch Presbyterians than with
the army. "Besides," he said, "rest entirely easy as to whatever
concessions I shall make them, for I shall know in due time how to
deal with the rogues, who, instead of a silken garter, shall be fitted
with a hempen cord." The two generals eyed each other, and, with
all their distrust thus confirmed, they immediately departed on their
return to their quarters at Windsor, henceforth without uncertainty
regarding their designs towards the king and his belongings.

It was time that their policy should cease to be embarrassed and

undecided. The wrath of the enthusiasts was bursting forth. On the
9th of October, five regiments of cavalry, among which figured that
of Cromwell himself, caused to be drawn up by fresh agitators,
under the name of "Situation of the Army," a long declaration of
their principles and demands, which was presented to the general.
On the 1st of November, a second pamphlet, entitled "Agreement
of the People," was addressed to the whole nation in the name of
the sixteen regiments. In each paper the soldiers accused the
officers of treason and the Houses of extortion. The most senseless
and most anarchical theories were mingled with a few noble ideas.
No more royalty and no more Upper House; the House of
Commons alone to be elected for two years. Such was the abstract
of the popular demands which threw the leaders into agitation and
uneasiness. The two Houses voted prosecutions against the authors
of the pamphlets, but at the same time decided that the king was
obliged to accept all that Parliament proposed. The committee of
officers was compelled to promise the agitators that the question of
the preservation of the royal office should be freely discussed at a
general meeting of the army, which would then be able collectively
to display its sentiments.

When the day fixed upon arrived (November the 6th), all discussion
was prohibited. The officers and agitators received orders to return
to their regiments. Three partial meetings were appointed in the
cantonments of the principal corps. Meanwhile the council of
officers was to suspend its sittings, to allow the general and
Parliament to act alone. Cromwell had decided on his course. He
had determined not to be separated from the army, or to allow it to
be destroyed by disunion and want of discipline. The soldiers
desired to have no more to do with the king. That man alone could
dispose of their obedience and their power, who would accept their