1

PIOTR . GROTOWSKI


MILITARY ATTIRE OF WARRIOR SAINTS BETWEEN ICONOGRAPHY AND
WRITTEN SOURCES.


At the preceding Congress professor Ch. Walter suggested focusing on the
hagiographic texts and ceremonial manuals as the sources for further research on the
iconography of Warrior Saints
1
. Today I would like to revert to the question and ask, if the
iconography of Warrior Saints can help us in a reconstruction of military equipment of the
imperial army. Extended studies on Byzantine weapons and armour have been carried out for
almost forty years
2
, but many problems remain unsolved. The main reason for such a situation
is limited number and incompleteness of data we posses to reconstruct Byzantine military
equipment.
Especially scanty is our evidence derived from archaeological excavations a main
source of primary importance in research on material culture in general. Greek and Turkish
archeologists are focused mainly on ancient strata and Bulgarian researchers are interested
rather in excavations connected with periods of their own history. But even if we carried out
more comprehensive archeological studies, there is no certainty that they would bring
satisfying results, because weapons beeing precious objects were not left on battlefields.
Moreover, since Christianity became an official religion of the Empire, weaponry and armour
were no longer put in graves or stored as offerings in the temples. Even single examples of
weaponry placed in churches as relics (like a St. Theodore Tiros shield hung in his church in
Daliasandos in Seleucia, a sword and a shield of Theodore Stratelates at the Blacherne Church
in Constantinople)
3
had been plundered by the Turks after fall of the Empire. . The problem

1
Ch. Walter, Les sources littraires des Saints Guerriers byzantins, [in :] XX
e
Congrs international des tudes
byzantines. Collge de France Sorbonne, 19-25 Aot 2001. Pr-actes, III. Communications libres , Paris
2001, p. 113.
2
Selected bibliography taking into consideration the most significant works can be enlisted as follows: A.
Mller, Das Heer Justinians, Philologus. Zeitschrift fr das Klassischealtertum und sein Nachleben 71 (1912),
No. 1, p. 101-138; F. Cumont, LUniforme de la Cavalerie Orientale et le Costume byzantin, Byzantion 2
(1925), p. 181-191; E. Dark Influences touraniennes sur lvolutio de lart militaire des Grecs, des Romans et
des Byzantins, Byzantion 10 (1935), p. 443-469 and 12 (1937), p. 119-147; A. ,
X X x, . , 1954; A.
Bruhn Hoffmeyer, Military Equipment in the Byzantine Manuscript of Scylitzes in Bibliotheca National in
Madrid, Gladius 5 (1966); J. F. Haldon, Some Aspects of Byzantine Military Technology from the Sixth ot the
Tenth Centuries, Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 1 (1975), p. 11-46; G. Ravegnani, Soldati di Bisanzio in
et Giustinianea, (Materiali e Ricerche Collana della Facolt di Lettre e Filosofia dell Universit di Venezia,
Nuova Serie 6 Sezione di studi storici 4), San Sebasitiano, s. d.; T. G. Kolias, Byzantinische Waffen. Ein
Beitrag zur byzantinischen Waffenkunde von den Anfngen biz zur latenischen Erberung, (Byzantina
Vindobonensia 17) Wien 1988, idem, H Hoiti|q t_voioyio ov Huovivov, Loovq. Eioqovi|q
Etqpio q, 1iioooi|q , 2_oiq, ou Hovtioqiou Ioovvivov IH (1989), No. 1, pp. 17-41; idem,
1o oio oq uovivq |oivovio, [in:] H Kottpivq oq oo Huovio (16-17 2t. 1988), Aqvo
1989, p. 463-476; P. Schreiner, Zur Ausrstung des Kriegers in Byzanz, dem Kiever Ruland und Nordeuropa
nach bildlichen und literarischen Quellen, [in:] Les pays du Nord et Byzance (Scandinavie et Byzance). Actes
du colloque nordiaque et international de byzantinologie tenu Upsal 20 22 avril 1979, ed. R. Zeitler,
Uppsala 1981 (published in Figura 19 (1981), p. 215 236); M. Parani, Reconstructing the Reality of Images:
Byzantine Material Culture and Religious Iconography (11th-15th centuries), Leiden-Boston 2003, p. 101-154.
3
Constantino Porfirogenito de Thematibus, ed. A. Pertusi, (Bibliotheca apostolica Vaticana) Citta del Vaticano
1952, p. 77
20 21
: ...Loiioovo,, tv q o o|ouopiov ou tyoioopupo, Otoopou tv o pouiio ou
voou ouou oo|ptooi.; i
12- , ed. . , 1872, p. 34 [101]
, .
2
well illustrates, on the one hand, the abundance of findings in ancient temples and places of
cult, like the Olympia stadium, where much booty brought as offerings were found, and on
the other, a very limited number of items of medieval Byzantine armour. Among few items
known to us today, only one made of long lamellas, and dated to 12
th
century, found during
excavations at Great Palace in the years 1935-1938 is beyond suspicion
4
. Metal rings
(probably part of a former mail coat) discovered in the burial at St. Achilleos on the shore of
the Mikri Prespa lake is hard to interpret as certainly Byzantine. The geographic location of
this find provokes a question whether it was not a Slavonic burial place
5
. The mail might be
also of western origin. Similarly, three mail coats held at Mt. Athos may be connected with
Crusaders (one at Dionisiou Monastery, probably from the end of the 11
th
or 12
th
century;
according to the later legend, it belonged to the St. George) or Turks (fragments of two
hauberks at Great Lavra), as well as with Byzantium
6
.
Facing such conditions of research, written texts of military manuals, chronicles and
representations in art appear to be very useful. Fortunately, a surviving group of at least ten
treatises on military strategy dated to the 6
th
and 10
th
centuries usually contains a chapter
devoted to armament
7
. Despite their dependence on earlier works, evident in structure and in
frequent quotations, their practical use required a continual actualization of data to ensure
safety of the army during war. Unfortunately, their texts are often not very informative as
regards the appearance of soldiers and technology used in the production of armour and
weapon. In such a situation, iconography became an equally important source; however,
usually it does not respond to the question of "what" but to the question of "how". Interpreting
pictorial representations we always should remember three basic rules. First of all, we deal
with two-dimensional pictures of a three-dimensional object created by an artist according to
the style of a particular epoch. In our current state of knowledge, it is hard to agree with a still
occurring opinion that Byzantine art was always conventional and traditional. Paradoxically,
provincial works are often more useful for research purposes as being less tied to ancient
tradition. The Byzantine attitude to its Hellenic heritage seems also to be changing throughout
the ages. Frequent occurrence of muscle armour in the 9
th
and 10
th
century objects of art does
not indicate the popularity of this protection in the army, but it rather reflects a strong
influence of antique patterns on artists of this period. On the other hand, analysis of 11
th
and
12
th
century representations reveals much more independence than we would expect.
Gradually, a penchant towards more and more detailed display elements of costume in the art
could be observed. It allows us to recognize them precisely. The situation changed after 1204
when under western influence and in new economic conditions iconography lost its
credibility. The so-called Paleologian Renaissance offers us mainly too imaginative picture of

4
See G. Brett, W. J. Macaulay, R. B. K. Stevenson, The Great Palace of the Byznatine Emperors, being a First
Report on Excavations carried out in Istanbul on Behalf of the Walker Trust (the University of St. Andrews),
1935-1938, Oxford-London 1947 (reprint Gerard Brett, The Great Palace of the Byzantine Emperors the
Mosaic and Small Finds, s. l., 1947), p. 21-27, 99, fig. 58, 7; and also reconstruction by P. Beatson Byzantine
Lamellar Armour: Conjectural Reconstruction of a Find from the Great Palace in Istanbul, Based upon Early
Medieval Parallels, Varangian Voice 49 (1998), p. 3-8. Besides, about two hundreds cooper lamellas of armour
found with a coin from Period of Manuel I melted with them during fire (nr 292, 580), in the same place was
discovered about fifty arrowheads, spearhead, spurs and elements of horse harness.
5
M. Parani, o. c., p. 113.
6
All three examples have not been published until now, see photonegative at Byzantine Ephorate in Thessaloniki
(No. Dionisiou 757).
7
Details concerning particular editions of antique and Byzantine Tactics, relationship of texts redaction one to
another and paraphrases discuss A. Dain (- J. A. de Foucault), Les stratgistes byzantins, Travaux et Mmoires 2
(1967), p. 317-392; see also H. Hunger Die hochsprachliche profane Literatur der Byzantiner, (Handbuch der
Altertumswissenschaft 12/5) Mnich 1978, vol. 2, p. 323 338 (with further bibliography on p. 339 340); A.
Kazhdan, E. McGeer, Strategika, [in:] The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, ed. A. P. Kazhdan, Oxford 1991,
vol. 3, p. 1962.
3
the armament in representations of Warrior Saints which in fact is useless for any research or
reconstructions. While in iconography a view of the traditionally equipped saint was still
present, at the same time real elements of body protection became strongly dependent on the
western war techniques
8
. We should take into consideration the style of representation as
crucial for its validity for further historical research.
The next step to be taken is to confront the image with written sources. Sometimes, it
is very difficult and we face likely misinterpretation. Therefore it is necessary to take special
care and to direct attention to all premises resulting also from the linguistic origin of the
terms
9
. Of course, there is a possible connection between the separate elements of armour or
weapons worn by military saints and a description found in written sources, but it does not
indicate any possibility of identify their appearance with any specific kind of military field
formation, e. g. heavy armored cavalry (kataphraktoi) or light infantry (psiloi). However, such
confrontation usually allows us to exclude participation of artists imagination in the picture,
as in the case of representations of Saints George and Mercurios on the pillars of the
Cappadocian Cave church Direkli Kilise in Ihlara (976 1025)
10
, where particular elements
of attire were misrepresented and freely put together.
Finally, in reconstructing military garments we should remember that the majority,
even these used at court ceremonies were of practical character and their protective or
offensive function on the battlefield was of primary importance. An experimental method
applied to iconography researches by the Australian scholar Tim Dawson has brought
interesting results. For example he reconstructed Byzantine klibanion as interwoven with
leather strips to make it more flexible and protect lamella rows from rubbing against each
other. Dawsons model demonstrated an unexpectedly hard endurance against arrows. It well
explains the popularity of this kind of breastplate in Byzantium, for it was still exposed to
attacks of eastern nomad tribes. M. Parani has recently subjected the idea of this
reconstruction to criticism and pointed out that longitudinal zones between the rows of
lamellas do not occur in all representations
11
. However, Paranis explanation of thin brownish
bands as an artistic convention in hinting at shadow seems to be hardly convincing. We

8
. ,
, [in:] , (
. No. 682, , No. 22), 1995, p. 567-626.
Rare exceptions of new equipment depicted on frescoes of Serbia churches publishes . . ,
j j , , 1957, p. 113-114, fig. 63, 70. One of reasons
of such a situation could be disappearance of independent military system after 1204, see T. G. Kolias,
Byzantinische Waffen..., p. 27; and also P. Magdalino, The Byzantine Army and the Land: From Stratiotikon
Ktema to Military Pronoia, [in:] Byzantium at War (9
th
- 12
th
c.), Athens 1997, p. 32-36; I. Karayannopoulos,
Ein Beitrag zur Militrpronoia der Paleologenzeit, [in:] Geschichte und Kultur der Palaiologenzeit Referate
des Internationalen Sumposions zu Ehren von Herbert Hunger, Wien 1996, s. 71-89 on developement of a
new pronoia system.
9
As an example of telling names we can enumerate zava from Arab. jubbah, servula sandals of peasants,
kavadion from Persian divided, cutting, kremasmata Greek skirt, see T. Kolias, Zo o, ooptiov,
Zooptio q,, Jahrbuch der sterreichischen Byzantinistik 29 (1980), p. 27 35 ; T. Dawson, Kremasmata,
Kabadion, Klibanion: Some Aspects of middle Byzantine Byzantine military equipment reconsidered, Byzantine
& Modern Greek Studies 22 (1998), p. 38-50; H. A. 1oupi |i, Htpi ou tuou ov ittov
o|opooyyiov |oo iov o|opo vi|ov, /ti|oypoi|ov op_tiov q, tot, ioi vto , Eiitvi|t, 6
(1923), p. 444-473.
10
See N. & M. Thierry, Nouvelles glises rupestres de Cappadoce. Rgion du Hasan Dai, Paris 1963, p. 187,
fig. 89c.
11
T. Dawson, o. c., p. 38 50; idem, Suntagma Hopln. The Equipment of Regular Byzantine Troops, c.950 to
c.1204, [in:] A Companion to Medieval Arms and Armour ed. D. Nicolle, Woodbridge 2002, p. 81 90 and J.
Haldon, Warfare, State and Society in the Byzantine World 565 1204, (Warfare in History) London 1995, p.
134. Cf. M. Parani, o. c., p. 107 and footnote 25, where she rejected Dawsons thesis arguing that there are also
representations of lamellar armour without bands
4
should also be aware that not all Byzantine artists were familiar enough with details of
production of such an elaborate type of breastplate. One also can claim that less improved
kinds of body protection without leather strips could coexist at the same time with more
advanced ones.
Most scholars agree that the iconography of Warrior Saints and their costume was
shaped by ancient patterns of Roman gods in military uniform
12
. A selection of the elements
of their equipment such as a breastplate with pteryges, a spear, a shield and a sword show a
strong connection with pagan tradition. It seems that in the period before Iconoclasm, there
predominated a pattern of Warrior Saint in the civil uniform of a court official (long chlamys
with tablions). However, we possess a few examples of images in full armament, mainly from
areas that remained out of imperial control during the period of Iconoclasm. Among them one
can meet examples, that prove a clear dependence on elder model. Since the type of Warrior
on horseback has been broadly discussed
13
, I will concentrate on another example of the
infantry type. On the obverse of early Episcopal seals one owned by Bishop Peter of
Euchaita (ca. 650-730) has a saint (undoubtedly Theodore) in a scale breastplate with a shield
and a cross-pointed spear (crux hastata), who pierces with this symbolical weapon a snakelike
dragon writhing at his feet. A tree visible in the background was probably mechanically taken
from the older pattern. In this case it had to be a one of late antique silver coins presenting
Athena in the armour with Kekrops and an olive tree as her attributes
14
. After Iconoclasm, the
number of representations in military attire rose significantly, probably as a result of the
growing cult of those saints from the new military aristocracy of Asia Minor. The basic
elements of their equipment remained the same.

12
E. H. Kantorowicz, Gods in Uniform, Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society105 (1961) No. 4,
pp. 368-393, (reprinted in Selected Studies, New York 1965.) and recently D. Ivanov, The Army of God, Sofia
2004, esp. p. 11-30.
13
See esp. Ch. Walter, The Intaglio of Solomon in the Benaki Museum and the Origins of the Iconography of
Warrior Saints, Ltiiov q, Xpioiovi|q, Ap_oioioyi|q, Eoiptio,, Series ', vol. IE' (1989 1990), p.
35 41 (= Pictures as Language. How the Byzantines Exploited Them, London 2000); idem, New Grecian
Gallery, Warrior Saints December 1972 February 1973, London 1972; Ch. Clermont Ganneau, Horus et
Saint Georges daprs un bas-relief indit du Louvre, Revue Archologique 32 (1876), p. 372-399; T. Grecki, Z
problematyki ikonografii witych wojownikw w malarstwie ciennym katedry w Faras, Rocznik Muzeum
Narodowego w Warszawie 24 (1980), p. 173-254; G. Kazarow, The Thracian Rider and St. George, Antiquity
12 (1938), No. 47, p. 290-296. Hypothesis about connections between representations of Warrior Saints on
horseback and Tracian Rider, Mitra Cabires, Perseus and other antic heroes criticizes Ch. Walter, The Thracian
Horseman: Antecestor of the Warrior Saints? [in:] First international Symposium for Thracian Studies.
Byzantine Thrace Image and character, Komotini, May 28
th
31
th
1987, ed. Ch. Bakirtzis, vol. 1,
Byzantinische Forschungen 14/1 (1989), p. 659 660, 664 667, fig. 2 4, at the same time he points out their
universal character.
14
See G. Zacos, A. Veglery Byzantine Lead Seals, Basel, Berne 1972, vol. 1, part 1, No. 1283a c, 1287, 1285,
1288 (dates Peters seal to the second half of 7
th
or beginning of 8
th
century); V. Laurent, Le Corpus des sceaux
de lempire byzantine, Paris 1963, vol. 2, part 1, No. 852 (dates generally to 8
th
century), 936; seals are published
also by . , o. c., p. 575 576, fig. 23a-b and Ch. Walter, Theodore, Archetype of the Warrior Saint,
REB 57 (1999), s. 163-210, p. 173, fig. 2. Identification of the owner of seal from Euchaita is possible thanks to
the inscription on the reverse: +CVV (Otoo|t, oq ti Htpo tio|oo
Eu_oiov) (see also The Prosopography of the Byzantine Empire I (641 867), ed. J. R. Martindale, London
2001 (CD-ROM), Petros 51). The inscription on the another seal (1285) dated to 6
th
century reads as follows:
/VM/HTPOo (Ioovvoou qpooiiou) and can not be excluded, that it belonged to one of the
autocephalic bishops of Euchaita (since 7
th
cent.) or metropolitans of nearby Amasia like John who participated
at third Council at Constantinople see PBE I, Ioannes 44). To the names of the owners of two remaining seals
related probably blocked monograms: i . For examples coins with Athena of which the
latest minted series are dated to the years 264 267 AD see The Athenian Agora, Results of Excavations
Conducted by The American School of Classical Studies of Athens, ed. H. Kroll, A. S. Walker, vol. 26 The
Greek Coins, Princeton 1993, p. 102, 140 141 (esp. No. 250), 151 153, fig. 139a g, 140a e; M. Kpi|ou
loio vq, Eitoivo. Oqooupoi 1993 |oi tovotvo voiooo. Eiiqvioi|oi _povoi 6 . . .,
Ap_oioioyi|ou Ltiiov 48 (1993), pt. ' 1 (_povi|o), p. 46 47, fig. 23/7.
5
Therefore, the question arises if mid-Byzantine images of Warrior Saints show a real
soldier of the time, or maybe only reflect an old formula used since antiquity. Some scholars
analyzing representations from this period, turn attention towards gilded breastplates
(although we know from the sources that they were used also on battlefield
15
) or elaborately
embroidered chlamyses and put forward the hypothesis that iconography reflects the official
costume of court guards
16
. Therefore, to decide if the image of Warrior Saints entirely
corresponds with the uniform of palace guards or an official robe worn in the capital during
court festivals, one should confront it with the descriptions in such manuals as the Book of
Ceremonies or Strategicons.
Leaving aside problems connected with weaponry and armour, I would focus on one
specific variety of representation, which has not been recognized till now as a military
costume
17
. As stated above the presence of the chlamys and breastplate as well as limited
items of weaponry in the iconography of Warrior Saints indicates that, according to long-
lasting tradition, their images were stylized towards that of an ancient imperial palace guard.
However, one can distinguish a group of representations, within which it is possible to notice
references to the uniform worn during court ceremonies. This garment may be considered as
contemporary with the artist. On the leaves of an ivory triptych in the Palazzo Venezia in
Rome (10
th
century) we encounter a group of Warrior Saints (both Theodores, George,
Procopios, Demetrios, Eustratios, Eustathios and Arethas) wearing chlamyses. Two of them
Eustathios and Theodore Stratelates shown in the upper row have also long tunics with broad
strips of fabric decorated with jewelry running down from the shoulder and another similar
stretching from the bottom edge of the robe to the knee
18
. Location of those decorations as
well as their specific shape: narrow at the end and pointed with a broader, circular form
surrounding a cabochon in the middle allow us to recognize them as ancient clavi
(chrysoklavia)
19
and then to identify a long tunic with a robe of imperial officials called

15
Ioannis Cinnami Epitome rerum ab Ioannine et Alexio Comnenis gestarum, ed. A. Meineke, (Corpus
Scriptores Historiae Byzantinae) Bonnae 1836, 109
24
-110
1
[88] under year 1150 mentions gilded armour of John
Kantakuzenos, thanks to which he was recognized as a Byzantine commander by Serbs, and Anne Comnne,
Alexiade (Rgne de lEmpereur Alexis I Comnne 1081 1118), ed. & translation B. Leib, Paris 1943, vol. 2, p.
213
26 7
[X 7/3] says that envoys of Hugon de Maine to John the dux of Dyrrachion wore gold breasplates and
graves.
16
See for example E. Kantorowicz, Ivories and Litanies, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 5
(1942), p. 56 81 (who analyzes mid-Byzantinie ivory triptychs and points out specific place of saints in
military garment corresponding with the place of imperial guards surrounding emperor at throne); and recently
Parani, o. c., p. 113.
17
D. Mouriki, The Mosaics of Nea Moni on Chios, Athens 1985, vol. 1, p. 141-2; and after her M. Parani, o. c.,
p. 151-2 and note 252 treat costume of Saints Sergios and Bakchos as typical for civilian services, and wonder
why both brothers were excluded from the group of Warrior Saints.
18
See A. Goldschmidt, K. Weitzmann, Die byzantinischen Elfenbeinskulpturen des X. XIII. Jahrhunderts, vol.
2 Reliefs, Berlin 1934 (reprint Berlin 1979), No. 31.
19
Borrowed from the Etrurian vestment clavi in ancient Rome having form of golden or purple vertical strips
decorated tunics of senators (clavi lati, hence: tunica laticlavia) and emperors (clavi augusti, tunica
augusticlavia) from where was taken to the early Christian iconography of martyrs and Christ, see H. Leclercq,
Clavus, [in:] Dictionnaire darchologie chrtienne et de liturgie, ed. F. Cabrol, H. Leclercq, U. I. Marrou, Paris
1909, vol. 3/2, p. 1847-1850; N. P. evenko, Clavus, [in:] The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, ed. A. P.
Kazhdan, Oxford 1991, vol. 1, p. 469-470; E. Hula, Clavus (2), [in] Paulys Real Encyclopdie der classischen
Altertumswissenschaft, ed. A. von Paulys, G. Wissowa, W. Kroll, Stuttgart (Mnchen), vol. 4, p. 4 9; E.
Pochmarski, Clavus, [in:] Bildwrterbuch der Kleidung und Rstung. Vom Alten Orient bis zum ausgehenden
Mittelalter, ed. H. Khnel, Stuttgart 1992, p. 55; P. Southern, K. Ramsey Dixon, The Late Roman Army, London
1996, p. 122, fig. 57 (pavement in Piazza Armerina on Sicily showing guardsmen with shield; 3
rd
-4
th
AD).
Numerous preserved examples of originated from Egypt early Byzantine clavi (sometimes very close in its form
to the visible in Rome triptych) and tunics decorated in such manner are stored i. e. in the Hermitage, Victoria &
Albert Museum and Metropolitan Museum in New York (especially found in Achemin, ca. 400 500, tunic with
scenes with Dionysius, No. 26.9.8. and many others, see e. g. L. G. Turell Coll, Los tejidos coptos del Museo de
6
spekion. This kind of attire originated from the mantle called sagion, but finally assumed the
form of a tunic with distinguishing chrysoklavia. The final shape of a white spekion as an
official uniform was formed no earlier than in last decades of 6
th
century. In the mosaic on the
north side of the sanctuary in San Vitale in Ravenna (ca. 546-48), one of the skutarioi
accompanying Justinian is shown in a long tunic with clavia, but its colour is green, not
white
20
. V. Lazarev thinks that in this case a group of military saints was shown in the
vestment of civilian officials. Indeed the Book of Ceremonies prescribed the spekion as an
element of official uniform of chamberlain (parikomenos) and patricians (patrikioi), but in
another place the text says that it is also worn by so called bearded protospatharioi who held
also swords and a reed. Thus identification of the saints in the triptych at Palazzo Venezia as
representatives of the second office is confirmed by the long swords in round pointed

Monserrat. Presentacin de la coleccin, Antiquit tardive 12 (2004), fig. 1. Ioannis Malalae, Chronographia,
ed. I. Thurn, (Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae 35) Berolinii 2000, p. 384
5
[XVIII 56], mentions clavia in
his description of the vestment of king of India. Golden clavi (_puoo|ioo, o _puoo oupo|ioo or
oupo|ioo) as ornament of imperial skaramangion mentions Constantin VII Porphyrognte, Le livre des
Crmonies, ed. A. Vogt, (Collection Byzantine) Paris 1938-1939, vol. 1, p. 92
15 16
[I 26], 101
19
[I 27], 132
13 14

[I 31], 155
16 17
[I 39], 172
9 10
[I 44], and also diwitision in: Constantini Porphyrogeniti Imperatoris De
Cerimoniis Aulae Byzantinae libri duo, ed. I. Reiskii, (CSHB) Bonnae 1829, vol. 1, p. 414
8
[I 91], 423
2
[I 92].
See also representation of Constantine the Great during battle on the Mulvian bridge on fol. 440r and king
Ezekiach on fol. 435v of Homilies of Gregory of Nazianzos (Par. gr. 510) and the same king on fol. 446v Paris
Psalter (Par. gr. 139), L. Brubaker, Vision and Meaning in Ninth Century Byzantium. Images as Exegesis in
the Homilies of Gregory of Nazianzus, Cabridge1999, p. 163, 371, fig. 43, 45, 161; S. Der Nersessian, The
Illustrations of the Homilies of Gregory of Nazianzus. A Study of the Connections between Text and Images,
Dumbarton Oaks Ppaper 16 (1962), fig. 15; A. Cutler, J. M. Spieser, Byzance mdivale 700 1204,
(Collection lunivers des formes), Paris 1996, fig. 117-118.
20
See E. Piltz, Middle Byzantine Court Costume, [in:] Byzantine Court Culture from 829 to 1204 ed. H.
Maguire, Washington 1997, p. 45, fig. 15 (who also interprets tunics of Solomon guards as spekion of
protospatharioi); L. Brubaker o. c., p. 265, fig. 25; S. Der Nersessian, o. c., fig. 8;; Age of Spirituality, Late
Antique and Early Christian Art, Third to Seventh Century: Catalogue of the Exhibition at The Metropolitan
Museum of Art, November 19, 1977, through February 12, 1978, red. K. Weitzmann, New York 1979, No. 65.
The skutarii regiment during late Roman period was the most important part of the imperial officers academy
(scholae palatinae). It consisted of two units counting 200 soldiers, Ioannnes Lydus, on Powers or the
Magistracies of the Roman State, introduction & translation A. C. Bandy, Philadelphia 1983, p. 20
9 12
[I 5/9]
(identifying skutarioi with aspidiotes); Notitia Dignitatum, ed. O. Seeck, Berolini 1876 (reprint Frankfurt/a M.
1962), p. 13 [Or. V], 17 [Or. VI], 21 [Or. VII], 32 [Or. XI] 131 [Occ. VI], 142 [Occ. VII], 144 146 [Occ IX];
Ammien Marcellin. Histoire, ed. & translation E. Galletier, Paris 1978 1999, vol. 1, p. 81 [XIV 7/9], 151, [XVI
4/1], 156 [XVI 6/2], who also mentions tribunes (rectors) of skutarioi: Skudilon, Cella and Nestica, see vol. 1, p.
98 [XIV 10/8], 170 [XVI 11/6], vol. 2, p. 65 [XVII 10/5]. Skutarioi were still present on Byzantine court, where
they subordinated to drungarios of the Viglia, J. F. Haldon, Byzantine Praetorians: An Administrative,
Istitutional and Social Survey of the Opsikion and Tagmata, c. 580 900. (Hoi|iio uovivo 3) Bonn
Berlin 1984, p. 241; however Leonis Imperatoris Tactica, ed. R. Vri, (Sylloge Tacticorum Graecorum 3),
Budapesti 1917, vol. 1, p. 75
999
76
1004
[IV 56] informs that this term being an equivalent of ancient hoplites
was in 9
th
century almost forgotten: Oi tv yop op_ioioi oiuiqio, tuopouvt, ioo, opotuoov
ov ot ityotvov oiiov, vuv t o|ouo ov |oioutvov, o iiov t |oi ouou ou ovooo, io
qv oyov q, o|i|q, titq, |oi po to, otitiov opo i|pov opo ovov oyvooutvou,). In
the other place, the same author identifies skutarioi with hoplites , vol. 1, p. 137
1610 - 1612
[VII 3], 169
1987 1989

[VII 49 (56)], 251
2900 2901
[IX 70 (74)]; Auo|poopo, /tovo, 21 ou 2oou 1o|i|o , ed. & translation.
K. Hooiovo,, Aqvoi, vol. A', p. 324 [XIV 64], 332 [XIV 78] (text follows after Das Strategikon des
Maurikios, ed. & translation G. T. Dennis & E. Gamillscheg, (CFHB 17) Wien 1981, p. 434
12 13
[XII 12]) that
allows us to conclude they were a formation of heavily armoured foot soldiers. During Paleologian period the
imperial shield was carried by the officer called o|out pio,, Pseudo Kodinos, Trait des offices, ed. J.
Verpeaux, Paris 1975, p. 183
11 15
[183] (while during Constantine Porphyrogenitos reign spatharioi were
official shield-bearer, see Constantin VII Porphyrognte, o. c., vol. 1, p. 4
18 20
[I 1]). About guard with spears
and shields surrounding Alexios I throne still mentions Anne Comnne, o. c., vol. 2, p. 181
16 20, 23 24
[X 9/2]:
oi t opoo tpovt,, [...] t| iooqoo, ivo, ou ooiii|ou povou ti , qvotit , o_qo touou,
iioov |oooqoovt, |oi oiov tvoy|oiiootvoi ov ouo|poopo, [...] tiotv t |oi t tuovuov
ttpoi |oioovo uooiooi.
7
scabbards held in the hand
21
. Military character of the whole group is emphasized also by a
metrical inscription placed in the middle of a panel. It tells about the martyrs' help in scolding
enemies of emperor (founder of the triptych)
22
. White spekions as an element of the
protospatharios uniform can be also found in the miniature presenting the Judgement of
Solomon in Homilies of Gregory of Nazianzos (Par. gr. 510, fol. 215v) and in the 10
th
century
fresco on the south wall of St. Demetrios church at Thessalonike. In the miniature the white
spekions are a part of the costume of the imperial entourage standing behind the throne and
the fresco shows an imperial triumph where they are worn by the two antecessors on foot
accompanying a riding emperor (probably Leo VI the Wise)
23
.
Although in the mid-Byzantine court the title of the protospatharios could be
purchased by bribery, and Theodore Studite considered this group as people depraved and
wicked; but yet their rank was still significant as officials who continued the tradition of
ancient lictors carrying the emperors' weapon during solemn processions and triumphs.
Holding this office was treated as a great honour and that is why candidates applying for it
were willing to pay a considerable amount of money
24
. Thus, introduction of the uniform of
high rank officers to the iconography of Warrior Saints became understandable as a means to
illustrate their special position in the celestial hierarchy as associated immediately with God.
Official vestment was also used to specify two members of scholia gentilum saints
Sergios and Bakchos. They are depicted as wearing uniforms of protospatharioi in mosaics at
the Daphni monastery near Athens (ca. 1100)
25
. As a matter of fact, a broad patterned golden
badge covering the shoulders of the white tunic of the saints (especially Sergios) does not
resemble in shape chrysoclavia but other elements typical of this formation: maniakions
26
,
swords in a scabbard, and particularly long sticks decoratively pointed with a knob and

21
Cf. . . , XII -
, [in:] - .
, 1970, p. 64. Constantini Porphyrogeniti Imperatoris De Cerimoniis, vol. 1, p. 585
7 9
[II 15];
Constantin VII Porphyrognte, o. c., vol. 1, p. 73
29 30
[I 10]: tioi pooooo pioi tuvou_oi,
tpitiqt voi ot ot ot ot |io |io |io |io o oo o iqivo iqivo iqivo iqivo _puoo _puoo _puoo _puoo |ioo |ioo |ioo |ioo |oi |oi |oi |oi ooi ooi ooi ooi o oo o, ,, ,137
10 12
[I 36]: oi t opo oi
pooooo pioi opouoi o ot ot ot ot |io |io |io |io ou ou ou ou o o o o v vv v |oi |oi |oi |oi ooi ooi ooi ooi o oo o, ou ooo ouoi t oooo |iio. On the sword
as an essential element of spatharios uniform turns attention M. Whitby, On the Omission of a Ceremony in
Mid Sixth Century Constantinople: Candidati, Curopalatus, Silentiarii, Excubitores and Others, Historia 36
(1981), No. 2, p. 467.
22
Text publish N. Oikonomides, The Concept of Holy War and Two Tenth century Byzantine Ivories, [in:]
Peace and War in Byzantium. Essays in Honor of George T. Dennis, S. J. ed. S. Miller, J. Nesbitt, Washington
1995, p. 73, 76 , who connects triptych with the last years of Constantine Porphyrogenente reign.
23
L. Brubaker, o. c., p. 265, fig. 25; S. Der Nersessian, o. c., fig. 8; X. Mo|ipq,, H Hooiii|q ou Ayiou
Lqqpiou, Otoooiovi|q 1997, p. 65-67, fig. 35, who recognize emperor as Justinian II or Basil II during their
triumphal entrances to the church after their victories over Slavs.
24
In the year 907 or 907 some cleric named Ktenas through the mediation of emperors chamberlain
(paroikomenos) Samon bought title of protospatharios. On the beginning emperor Leo VI resisted to sell title
and yelled only after inquirer offered forty litrae of gold (1 litre = ca. 319-324 g), a pair of earrings worth 10
litrae and a silver plaque with gilded images of animals of the same value, see DAI, vol. 1, p. 244
235 256
[50],
vol. 2, p. 194 195; E. Schilbach, Byzantinische Metrologie, (Handbuch der Altertumswissenschaft 12/4)
Mnchen 1970, p. 277-278; idem, Byzantinische metrologische Quellen, (Byzantine Text and Studies 19)
Thessaloniki 1982, p. 14, 72
13 16
[II 6], 74
16 21
[II 7]. M. McCormick, Eternal Victory. Triumphal Rulership in
Late Antiquity, Byzantium and the Early Medieval West, (Past and Present Publications) Cambridge 1986, p.
201, note 62 quotes a letter of Saint Theodore Studite (Patrologiae cursus completus, Series graeca, ed. J. P.
Migne,, vol. 99, p. 1569) where author consoles of spatharios Evdokimos despairing because of his blindness
could not take a part in imperial processions. Theodore writes this situation will protect him from contact with
similar villains and scoundrels (i. e. companions of Evdokimos).
25
See P. Lazarides, The Monastery of Daphni, Brief Illustrated Archaeological Guide, Athens s. d., fig. 40 41;
E. Diez, O. Demus Byzantine mosaics in Greece, Hosios Lucas & Daphni, Cambridge Mass. 1981, fig. 68-69.
26
Torque is a very important element of a couple of saints because it derived from the text of their Passio.
Before the were put to death, their insignia and especially mentioned in the text collars were taken away, see I.
Van den Gheyn, Passio antiquor Ss. Sergii et Bacchi, Analecta Bollandiana 14 (1895), p. 380.
8
vertical edge with three leaves and pearls on the end clearly indicate their official position.
The last element called spathovaklion (from spathion a sword and Latin baculus, Greek
baktron a stick, a club) can be interpreted as sign of a Scholia unit
27
. White spekions with
golden clavi on the shoulder and along the bottom edge, as well as spathovaklia held in the
right hand and swords in scabbard in left distinguish also Sergios and Bakchos in mosaics of
the dome in the narthex at Nea Moni on Chios
28
. Despite the lack of gold collars, the presence
of all the mentioned elements typical of protospatharios uniform, allows connection of their
images with this group of officers. One also can find spathovaklion in the hands of Sergios
and Bakchos in the fresco in the narthex of the Hagia Sophia at Trebizond (ca. 1260)
29
. This
time saints were painted with a broad torque but without swords, while on bluish tunics were
thrown purple cloaks with tablions. St. Procopios, depicted by master Peter on a 13
th
century
Sinai icon, wears red chlamys with a gold tablion put on a light blue tunic and a gold collar
30
.
The sword in the scabbard held in the saints left hand again confirms the military character of
his garment.
The unusual colour of the tunic for protospatharioi and candidatoi uniforms in the last
two examples as well as the presence of tablion typical rather for civil offices point out that
in the 13
th
century maybe as a result of the abolition of both formations after the capture of

27
About maniakions and swords beeing together with the spekion an elements of protospatharios uniform see
Constantini Porphyrogeniti Imperatoris De Cerimoniis..., vol. 1, p. 574
12 13
: pooooopioi toptoov o
touov oi_opio |oi ovio|io, p. 575
8 9
[II 15]: pooooopioi toptoov o _puoo ot|io |oi
_puoo ovio|io , p. 640
10
[II 41], 722
3 5
[I 52] (= N. Oikonomids, Les listes de prsance byzantines des XI
e

et X
e
sicles, Paris 1972, p. 127
18 22
): E|q q ov tv ouoi, pooooopiov oio, q, potiov,
_puoouv ovio|iov t| iiov iiov |oi ovio|iov t| iiov iiov |oi ovio|iov t| iiov iiov |oi ovio|iov t| iiov iiov |oi opyopiov, opyopiov, opyopiov, opyopiov, ti ou ou_tvo, io _tipo, ooiito,
tiouy|ititoi _iov t |oi ou oio itu|o, _puoo|o iiqo, iiqootiq , |oi iioq, |o||ivoo ouv
oiioi, _puouovoi,; and especially about bearded protospatharioi Constantin VII Porphyrognte, Le
livre des Crmonies, ed. A. Vogt, (Collection Byzantine) Paris 1939, vol. 2, p. 110
10 11
[I 76]:
pooooopioi opooi qiioytvoi o t ot|io ouov |oi o ovio|io.; and also M. Whitby, o. c.,
p. 468. and supra, footnote 21. Spathobaklion hold on imperial court is mentioned by Constantin VII
Porphyrognte, o. c., vol. 1, p. 66
2 3
, 74
3 4
[I 10], 93
32
94
2
[I 26], 137
13 20
[I 36] (context of description of
procession at the feast of Purification of the Virgin Ypapandi, is unclear, because spathobaklion and maniakion
on the basis of this fragment can be ascribed to spatharioi and their commanders as well as to other
representatives of palatial guard spatharokandidatoi, manglawitoi, and even patrikioi), vol. 2, p. 61
5 7
[I 58],
95
20 22
, 99
18 20
(during parade in hippodrome together with maniakion) [I 73], 110
5 9
[I 76]; Constantini
Porphyrogeniti Imperatoris De Cerimoniis..., vol. 1, p. 541
19 20
[II 9], 574
10 12
[II 15] (almost solely with
reference to this group of officers during the reception ceremony of Arab envoys in 946); also see T. Dawson,
Suntagma Hopln, p. 86, who however does not connect this insignia with representations in the art. Cf.
opinion of Kolias, Byzantinische Waffen..., p. 178 179, who mistakenly interprets spathobaklion as a kind of
mace described in Digenis Akritis, The Grottaferrata and Escorial versions, ed. & translation, E. Jeffreys,
(Cambridge Medieval Classics 7) Cambridge 1998., p. 88
378
[IV] oooppoiv. A club (poo,, tpyiov)
occurring as an insignia of other court officials (ostiarioi, silentiarioi, kuropalatoi) and others, see E. Piltz, o. c.,
p. 47; eadem, Le costume officiel des dignitaires byzantins la poque Palologue, Figura 26 (1989), p. 62; M.
Whitby o. c., p. 469, 472). See also Three Treatises on Imperial Military Expeditions, ed. J. F. Haldon, (CFHB
28) Wien 1990, p. 148
856 857
[C]: oiotv t o, oo opyuiov tvt pooooopioi tuvou _oi to
_puoov |iiovi ov |oi oooo|iiov. and commentary on p. 290 291 (where Haldon after Vogt put
forward hypothesis that spathobaklion was a long club with two-edged, bronze or iron blade) and Constantini
Porphyrogeniti Imperatoris De Cerimoniis, vol. 2, p. 174 - 175. Spathobaklion having similar form to depicted
on mosaic in Daphni held also archangel Michael sculpted on a marble icon (12
th
century) stored at Late
Antiquity and Byzantine Art Museum in Berlin, see The Glory of Byzantium. Art and Culture of the Middle
Byzantine Era A. D. 843 1261, red. H. C. Evans, W. D. Wixom, New York 1997, No. 12.
28
See D. Mouriki, o. c., vol. 2, fig. 58, 60.
29
See D. Talbot Rice, The Church of Hagia Sophia at Trebizond, Edinbourgh 1968, p. 142 143, fig. 60b c,
105 -106. Saints are placed on the both sides of south entrance to the narthex. Church was founded by Manuel I
the Great Komnenos (1238-1263).
30
Sinai. Treasures of the Monastery of Saint Catherine, ed. K. A. Manafis, Athens 1990, p. 113, fig. 47.
According to D. Mouriki a rich attire of Procopios suggests that the painter was inspired by the earlier miracle-
working icon of this saint stored at his shrine in Palestine.
9
Constantinople by Crusaders iconography of Warrior Saints in uniform lost its primary,
realistic character. As a matter of fact in the 10
th
century court appears the blue and white
undergarment of tribunes and vicars (who also were holding sceptres called fengia)
31
but its
shape with short sleeves and slit in the front (resembling rather skaramagion) differs from the
one in art.
Such a situation does not change the fact that images of Warrior Saints in the
uniform of prothospatharios had impact on the iconography of the Ruthenian Princes Boris
and Gleb, the sons of Vladimir I, who were assassinated in 1015 by their brother Svjatopolk.
The brothers were soon regarded as martyrs following Christ in their attitude towards death.
Initially, they were depicted in a long chlamys and fur calpac, holding crosses of martyrdom
32
.
Since the turn of the 12th century, the high descent of both brothers started to be emphasized
in art. They were presented with a sword in a scabbard held in the left hand. Undoubtedly, this
innovation was influenced by the iconography of Warrior Saints wearing official court
uniforms
33
.
To sum up, in the representation of the Warrior Saints in protospatharioi uniform we
encounter an example of actualization of iconography to which, during the mid-Byzantine
period, modern elements were introduced. This example shows us that with caution one might
state that representations of Warrior Saints allow a precise reconstruction of Byzantine
military equipment and especially the official uniform worn during court ceremonies. On the
other hand, we find in this group a proof of vital forces in mid-Byzantine art as well as an
inclination of artists not only to repeat traditional schemes of composition but also to display
the surrounding reality.


31
Constantin VII Porphyrognte, o. c., vol. 2, p. 103
8 11
[I 74]: Xpq t yivoo|tiv o i oi piouvoi |oi oi
i|opioi tpit iqvoi o _puoooqtvo io|oo |ovoovi|o tvto t |oi itu|o |oi tv oiv ooi
o ootiio, oooovt, tv oii, _tpoi o ityotvo tyyio.
32
The legend of martyrdom of Boris and Gleb as well as increase of their cult in the aspect of Jaroslav the Wise
establishing independence of Rus church is discussed among others by . . ,
, 8 (1946), p. 231 240 (see also p.
226 229, fig. 1 2, 4 5 on the early iconography of both brothers with examples of representations on
enkolpions and in miniatures); A. Poppe, Opowie o mczestwie i cudach Borysa i Gleba, Slavia Orientalis 18
(1969), p. 267 292, 351 382 (= La naisance du culte de Boris et Gleb, Cahiers de ivilisation Mdivale 24
(1981), p. 29-53). who with details analyze relationship of Vitae and Martyrdom of brothers. According to E.
Piltz, Le costume officiel, p. 62, fig. 16 17 in court costume (however without military elements) this pair of
saints is shown also in frescoes at the church in Garda on Gotland (12
th
cent.). Bibliography of legends and
discussion particular types of representation of Boris and Gleb (also as officers and armoured riders) see J.
Myslivec, Boris und Gleb (getauft: Roman und David), [in:] Lexikon der christlichen Ikonographie, ed. E.
Kirschbaum, W. Braunfels, vol. 58, Rom - Freiburg - Basel, 1968-1976, vol. 5, p. 438 441 and fig. 1, 3. A
conical calpac of gray wool was worn by Andronic Comnen during his coronation in the year 1181. As a
reference to the habits of tribes inhabited north-eastern shore of Black Sea explain this fact Nicetae Choniatae,
Historia, ed. I. A. van Dieten, part 1, Prefationem et Textum Continens, (CFBH 11/1) Berolini 1975, p. 271
54 55

(see also description of earlier meeting with officials on the Bosphorus shore, p. 252
75 76
); Eustathios of
Thessaloniki, The Capture of Thessaloniki. A translation with introduction and commentary by John R. Meville
Jones, Australian Asociation for Byzantine Studies, Byzantina Australiensia 8, (Canberra 1988), ed. &
translation, J. R. Melville Jones, p. 50
25 28
(who derives this piece of garment from the Lazica) and commentary
on p. 187.
33
See for example Kiev icon dated to the turn 12
th
and 13
th
century (now in Museum of Art in Kiev) and
representations on the frame Novgorod icon of St. Nicholas from Novodzievici monastery (12
th
Cent.; now in
Trietiakovska Gallery in Moscow), cf. Glory of Byzantium..,. fig. on p. 284; . . , o. c., p. 64 and fig.
on p. 67. About 12
th
century changes on iconography of Boris and Gleb cf. . . , o. c., p. 244
245 and fig. 5/4 5, 5 (of special interest are the examples of metal suspenders with images of those saints on
horses and with full armament).