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STARTING OUT WITH JAVA™
From Control Structures through Data Structures

FOURTH EDITION

Tony Gaddis

Haywood Community College

Godfrey Muganda

North Central College

330 Hudson Street, NY NY 10013

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Copyright © 2019, 2016, 2012, 2007 by Pearson Education, Inc. or its
affiliates. All Rights Reserved. Printed in the United States of America. This
publication is protected by copyright, and permission should be obtained
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: Gaddis, Tony, author. | Muganda, Godfrey, author.

Title: Starting out with Java. From control structures through data structures /
Tony Gaddis, Haywood Community College, Godfrey Muganda, North
Central College.

Description: Fourth edition. | Pearson, [2019] | Includes bibliographical

references and index.

Identifiers: LCCN 2018002219| ISBN 9780134787961 | ISBN 013478796X

Subjects: LCSH: Java (Computer program language) | Data structures

(Computer science)

Classification: LCC QA76.73.J38 G33 2019 | DDC 005.13/3--dc23 LC

record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2018002219

1 18
ISBN-13: 978-0-13-478796-1

ISBN-10: 0-13-478796-X
Contents in Brief
1. Chapter 1 Introduction to Computers and Java 1

2. Chapter 2 Java Fundamentals 27

3. Chapter 3 Decision Structures 111

4. Chapter 4 Loops and Files 189

5. Chapter 5 Methods 269

6. Chapter 6 A First Look at Classes 317

7. Chapter 7 Arrays and the ArrayList Class 403

8. Chapter 8 A Second Look at Classes and Objects 493

9. Chapter 9 Text Processing and More about Wrapper Classes 557

10. Chapter 10 Inheritance 611

11. Chapter 11 Exceptions and Advanced File I/O 701

12. Chapter 12 JavaFX: GUI Programming and Basic Controls 759

13. Chapter 13 JavaFX: Advanced Controls 823

14. Chapter 14 JavaFX: Graphics, Effects, and Media 909

15. Chapter 15 Recursion 999

16. Chapter 16 Sorting, Searching, and Algorithm Analysis 1027

17. Chapter 17 Generics 1079

18. Chapter 18 Collections and the Stream API 1125

19. Chapter 19 Linked Lists 1195

20. Chapter 20 Stacks and Queues 1245

21. Chapter 21 Binary Trees, AVL Trees, and Priority Queues 1287

1. Index 1353

2. Appendices A–M Companion Website

3. Chapters 22–25 Companion Website

4. Case Studies 1–7 Companion Website

Contents
1. Preface xxv

1. Chapter 1 Introduction to Computers and Java 1

1. 1.1 Introduction 1

2. 1.2 Why Program? 1

3. 1.3 Computer Systems: Hardware and Software 2

1. Hardware 2

2. Software 5

4. 1.4 Programming Languages 6

1. What Is a Program? 6

2. A History of Java 8

5. 1.5 What Is a Program Made Of? 8

1. Language Elements 8

2. Lines and Statements 11

3. Variables 11

4. The Compiler and the Java Virtual Machine 12

5. Java Software Editions 13

6. Compiling and Running a Java Program 14

6. 1.6 The Programming Process 16

 1. Software Engineering 18

7. 1.7 Object-Oriented Programming 19

1. Review Questions and Exercises 21

2. Programming Challenge 25

2. Chapter 2 Java Fundamentals 27

1. 2.1 The Parts of a Java Program 27

2. 2.2 The print and println Methods, and the Java API 33

3. 2.3 Variables and Literals 39

1. Displaying Multiple Items with the + Operator 40

2. Be Careful with Quotation Marks 41

3. More about Literals 42

4. Identifiers 42

5. Class Names 44

4. 2.4 Primitive Data Types 44

1. The Integer Data Types 46

2. Floating-Point Data Types 47

3. The boolean Data Type 50

4. The char Data Type 50

5. Variable Assignment and Initialization 52

6. Variables Hold Only One Value at a Time 53

 5. 2.5 Arithmetic Operators 54

1. Integer Division 57

2. Operator Precedence 57

3. Grouping with Parentheses 59

4. The Math Class 62

6. 2.6 Combined Assignment Operators 63

7. 2.7 Conversion between Primitive Data Types 65

1. Mixed Integer Operations 67

2. Other Mixed Mathematical Expressions 68

8. 2.8 Creating Named Constants with final 69

9. 2.9 The String Class 70

1. Objects Are Created from Classes 71

2. The String Class 71

3. Primitive Type Variables and Class Type Variables 71

4. Creating a String Object 72

10. 2.10 Scope 76

11. 2.11 Comments 78

12. 2.12 Programming Style 83

13. 2.13 Reading Keyboard Input 85

1. Reading a Character 89
 2. Mixing Calls to nextLine with Calls to Other Scanner
Methods 89

14. 2.14 Dialog Boxes 93

1. Displaying Message Dialogs 93

2. Displaying Input Dialogs 94

3. An Example Program 94

4. Converting String Input to Numbers 96

15. 2.15 Common Errors to Avoid 99

1. Review Questions and Exercises 100

2. Programming Challenges 106

3. Chapter 3 Decision Structures 111

1. 3.1 The if Statement 111

1. Using Relational Operators to Form Conditions 113

2. Putting It All Together 114

3. Programming Style and the if Statement 117

4. Be Careful with Semicolons 117

5. Having Multiple Conditionally Executed Statements 118

6. Flags 118

7. Comparing Characters 119

2. 3.2 The if-else Statement 121

3. 3.3 Nested if Statements 124

 4. 3.4 The if-else-if Statement 128

5. 3.5 Logical Operators 134

1. The Precedence of Logical Operators 139

2. Checking Numeric Ranges with Logical Operators 140

6. 3.6 Comparing String Objects 142

1. Ignoring Case in String Comparisons 146

7. 3.7 More about Variable Declaration and Scope 147

8. 3.8 The Conditional Operator (Optional) 149

9. 3.9 The switch Statement 150

10. 3.10 Displaying Formatted Output with System.out.printf and

String.format 160

1. Format Specifier Syntax 163

2. Precision 164

3. Specifying a Minimum Field Width 164

4. Flags 167

5. Formatting String Arguments 170

6. The String.format Method 172

11. 3.11 Common Errors to Avoid 174

1. Review Questions and Exercises 175

2. Programming Challenges 181

4. Chapter 4 Loops and Files 189

1. 4.1 The Increment and Decrement Operators 189

1. The Difference between Postfix and Prefix Modes 192

2. 4.2 The while Loop 193

1. The while Loop Is a Pretest Loop 196

2. Infinite Loops 196

3. Don’t Forget the Braces with a Block of Statements 197

4. Programming Style and the while Loop 198

3. 4.3 Using the while Loop for Input Validation 200

4. 4.4 The do-while Loop 204

5. 4.5 The for Loop 207

1. The for Loop Is a Pretest Loop 210

2. Avoid Modifying the Control Variable in the Body of the for

Loop 211

3. Other Forms of the Update Expression 211

4. Declaring a Variable in the for Loop’s Initialization

Expression 211

5. Creating a User Controlled for Loop 212

6. Using Multiple Statements in the Initialization and Update

Expressions 213

6. 4.6 Running Totals and Sentinel Values 216

1. Using a Sentinel Value 219

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possessed neither the vigour nor the prudence which circumstances
demanded.
The rumours which soon began to circulate at Rome of the perils
which Cæsar was incurring at Alexandria, rendered his conduct
uncertain; he hesitated to put down, with a firm hand, the disturbers
of the republic, whom the death of his master might make more
powerful than himself. The son-in-law of Cicero, Cornelius Dolabella,
overwhelmed with debt, had followed the example of Clodius in
getting himself adopted by a plebeian, and had thus acquired the
tribunate. In this position he had recommended himself, like Cælius,
to the worst classes of the citizens, by urging an abolition of debts.
One of his colleagues resisted, and both betook themselves to
violence. For some time Antony looked on as if uncertain which party
to espouse; but a domestic affront from Dolabella, who had
intrigued with his wife, roused his passion; he attacked the turbulent
mob with arms, and filled the streets with the indiscriminate
slaughter of eight hundred citizens. He did not venture, however, to
punish the author of the disturbance, but contented himself with
menaces and precautions till the fortunate arrival of the dictator
himself in September, 47.

Roman Battering-ram with Testudo

Contrary to the apprehensions of many of the citizens Cæsar’s

return was marked by no proscription. He confined himself to the
confiscation of the estates of the men who still remained in arms
against him; and that of Pompey himself, whose sons were in the
hostile camp, he set up to public auction. A portion of them was
bought by Antony, who ventured to evade the due payment of the
price. He conceived that his services might command the trifling
indulgence of release from a paltry debt. He found, however, that his
patron was in earnest, and prudently submitted to the affront. The
dictator remained only three months in Rome. Every moment was
fully occupied in the vast work of reconstructing the government;
but we know not what were the special measures enacted at this
period, and Cæsar’s legislation may fitly be reserved to be
contemplated hereafter at a single view. Two consuls were
appointed for the remaining three months of the year, and for the
next ensuing Cæsar nominated himself for the third time, together
with Lepidus. He caused himself also to be again created dictator.
His partisans he loaded with places and honours, and sated the
populace with largesses. The soldiers demanded the fulfilment of his
repeated promises. Those of the tenth legion broke out into open
revolt, and ran from Campania to Rome to extort their claims. Cæsar
convoked them in the Field of Mars, approached them unattended,
mounted his tribunal, and demanded the statement of their
grievance. At the sight of their redoubted general their voices
faltered, their murmurs died away; they could only ask for their
discharge. “I discharge you, citizens,” replied the imperator; and
they cowered under this disparaging appellation, abashed and
humiliated. To the fierce and haughty soldier the peaceful name of
citizen seemed a degradation. They entreated to be restored to their
ensigns, and submitted to severe punishment in expiation of their
fault. This simple incident is a key to the history of the times. This
application of the title of citizen, and the effect it produced, show
plainly that the basis of Cæsar’s force was purely military, and that
Cæsar himself knew it. This was the point at which every party
leader in turn had tried for years to arrive, and Cæsar had
succeeded.

THE AFRICAN WAR

As soon as this sedition was repressed Cæsar departed to crush

the remnant of his enemies assembled in Africa. The defeated host
had been scattered in various directions, but the largest division of
the fugitives had made its way to Dyrrhachium, and there
deliberated on its further movements. Cato, to whom the command
was offered, waived it in favour of Cicero, as his superior in rank; but
the orator declined to associate himself further in the honours and
perils of a fruitless struggle, and departed mournfully for Italy. His
life was with difficulty preserved from the fury of Cneius, the elder
son of the great Pompey, a man of ungovernable passions and
slender capacity. Shortly afterwards Scipio assumed the command of
the main body, and carried it to Utica in the province of Africa. Cato
at the head of another division skirted the coasts of Greece and Asia,
and picked up some scattered adherents of the cause. He followed
in the track of Pompey, but when the news of his chief’s
assassination reached him, he landed on the shore of Libya, and
demanded admission within the walls of Cyrene. The natives shut
their gates; but Cato, always loath to exercise any unprofitable
severity, generously abstained from chastising them. Anxious now to
effect a junction with the remainder of his friends, he coasted
westward as far as the lesser Syrtis, and then plunged with his little
army into the sandy desert. The seven days’ march through this
inhospitable region, torrid with heat and infested with serpents, was
justly considered one of the noblest exploits of the Roman
legionaries. The poet of the Pharsalia exalts it above the three
triumphs of Pompey and the victories of Marius over the tyrant of
Numidia. He turns with pardonable enthusiasm from the deified
monsters, the Caligulas and Neros of his own day, to hail its achiever
as the true Father of his Country, the only worthy object of a free
man’s idolatry.
The arrival of Cato at the headquarters of the republicans in Utica
was quickly followed by that of Cneius Pompey, and in the course of
the year 47 the remains of the great host of Pharsalia were
assembled with many reinforcements under the banners of Scipio.
These forces amounted to not less than ten complete legions, and
Juba, who could bring one hundred and twenty elephants into the
field, besides innumerable squadrons of light cavalry, had promised
his assistance. The officers began to brag of their future triumphs
almost as loudly as before their recent disasters. Their defiance was
re-echoed to the opposite shores of Italy, and caused fresh dismay
to the time-servers, who had abandoned the Pompeian cause on the
event of its first discomfiture. But this force, numerous as it was,
was not in a condition, it would seem, to choose a distant field of
operations. The want of money may have compelled its chief still to
act on the defensive, and await through a whole year the expected
attack of the enemy. Nor were these chiefs themselves unaffected by
personal jealousies. Scipio and Varus contended for the command,
the one as the foremost in rank and dignity, the other as the
legitimate proconsul of the province; while Juba, conscious of his
own importance to the cause, affected to lord it over both. Cato
alone continued still to act with his usual simplicity of purpose and
patriotic devotion. But his noble demeanour rebuked the selfishness
of his associates, and they contrived to remove him from their
counsels by charging him with the defence of Utica, while they
shifted their own quarters to the neighbourhood of Hadrumetum.
The brave philosopher rejoiced that he was not compelled to draw
his sword in civil strife, while he busied himself not the less earnestly
in the collection of stores and preparation of defence. Of all the
professed asserters of Roman liberty he alone really lamented the
necessity of arming in her cause; from the first outbreak of the war
he had refused to trim his venerable locks or shave his grizzled
beard, and from the fatal day of Pharsalia he had persisted in sitting
at his frugal meals, and denied himself the indulgence of a couch.
A whole year had now passed, while the
[47-46 b.c.] republicans contemplated with folded arms the
perils Cæsar had surmounted in Alexandria, the
victory he had gained over Pharnaces, and the brilliant reception he
had met with in Rome. Cæsar assembled six legions and two
thousand horse at Lilybæum in Sicily, and in the middle of October
47, he appeared off the African coast with the first division of his
forces, and summoned the republicans in their camp at Hadrumetum
to surrender to “Cæsar the imperator.” “There is no imperator here
but Scipio,” they replied, and inflicted death upon his envoy as a
deserter. The dictator sailed on to Leptis, and was there invited to
take shelter, while he awaited the arrival of the rest of his
armament.
While these reinforcements were coming slowly in he was
attacked by Scipio, and subjected to annoyance and peril from the
movements of the enemy’s cavalry. Labienus, who frequently
charged him at the head of the Roman horse, distinguished himself
by the bitter taunts with which he addressed the veterans whom he
had so often led to victory. But Cæsar maintained himself in a
fortified position till he could move forward with a force of five
legions. At the same time the alliance he had formed with the
Mauretanian kings, Bogudes and Bocchus, the jealous rivals of the
Numidians, enabled him to draw off Juba to the defence of his own
capital Cirta. He pushed on, offering battle, which Scipio, though
with double his numbers, steadily refused, until Juba returned with
his vaunted elephants and cavalry. The necessities of the Roman
chiefs compelled them to submit to revolting indignities at the hands
of this barbarian ally. He forbade Scipio the use of the imperator’s
purple cloak, which he declared to belong only to kings. When he
issued his royal mandates to the Roman officers, they were observed
to be even more punctually obeyed than the orders of the general
himself.
At last on the 4th of April the armies met on the field of Thapsus.
On this occasion many of Cæsar’s men were fresh recruits, and he
was not without some misgivings about their steadiness. But they
were not less impatient for the onset than the veterans, whom their
general recommended to their imitation, and loudly demanded the
signal to engage. While he still hesitated, checking with hand and
voice the impatient swaying of the lines, suddenly the blast of a
single trumpet burst forth on the right wing. The impetuous ferocity
of the tenth legion could no longer brook restraint; they had raised
the signal unbidden; and now the whole army rushed forward in one
unbroken body, overpowering their officers’ efforts to detain them.
Cæsar, when he beheld rank after rank pouring by him, without the
possibility of recall, gave the word “Good luck” to his attendants, and
spurred his horse to the head of his battalions. The combat was
speedily decided. The elephants, thrown into confusion by the first
discharge of stones and arrows, turned upon the ranks they were
placed to cover, and broke in pieces their array. The native cavalry,
dismayed at losing their accustomed support, were the first to
abandon the field. Scipio’s legions made little resistance; they sought
shelter behind their entrenchments. But their officers had fled, and
the men, left without a commander, rushed in quest of their
discomfited allies. They found the Numidian camp in the hands of
the enemy; they begged for quarter, but little mercy was shown
them, and Cæsar himself beheld with horror a frightful massacre
which he was powerless to control. Scipio escaped to the coast, and
embarked with others for Spain, but was intercepted and slain.[119]
Juba and Petreius fled together, and sought refuge within the walls
of Zama. But the Numidians rejoiced in the defeat of their tyrants
and refused them solace or shelter. The fugitives, repulsed in every
quarter, and disdaining to solicit the victor’s clemency, placed
themselves at a banquet together, drank their fill of wine, and
challenged each other to mortal combat. Petreius, the elder of the
two, was despatched by his opponent, who then threw himself upon
his own sword.[120]
The rout of Thapsus was known at Utica on the same evening. On
the morrow Cato convened the Roman officers and residents, and
laid before them the state of their affairs. Calmly and cheerfully he
enumerated his means of defence, and desired them to decide for
themselves whether they would resist the conqueror, or seek safety
in flight or capitulation. The knights and senators, despairing of
pardon, would have held out to the uttermost; but the traders and
men of peace, who had long settled in Utica, and were conscious
that they had done nothing hitherto to provoke the wrath of the
assailant, insisted on a timely surrender. When it was known that
Cæsar was approaching, Cato caused all the gates to be closed
except that which led to the sea, and urged all that would to betake
themselves to the ships. He dismissed his personal friends, of whom
a few only, and among them his own son, insisted on remaining with
him; for he had plainly intimated that for his own part he would not
quit his post. With these cherished associates he sat down to supper,
and discoursed with more than his usual fervour on the highest
themes of philosophy, especially on the famous paradox of the
stoics, that the good man alone is free, and all the bad are slaves.
His companions could not fail to guess the secret purpose over
which he was brooding. They betrayed their anxiety only by silent
gestures; but Cato, observing the depression of their spirits, strove
to reanimate them, and divert their thoughts by turning the
conversation to topics of present interest.
The embarkation was at this moment
[46 b.c.] proceeding, and Cato repeatedly inquired who
had already put out to sea, and what were the
prospects of the voyage. Retiring to his chamber he took up the
Dialogue on the Soul, in which Plato recorded his dying master’s last
aspirations after immortality. After reading for some time he looked
up and observed that his sword had been removed. In the irritation
of the moment he gave way to a burst of violence, such as often
marked the behaviour of the Roman master to his slave; calling his
attendant to his presence he struck him on the mouth, bruising his
own hand with the blow. He then sent for his son and friends, and
rebuked them sharply for their unworthy precaution; “as if,” he said,
“I needed a sword to kill myself, and might not, if I chose, put an
end to my existence by dashing my head against the wall, or merely
by holding my breath.” Reassured perhaps for the moment by the
calmness of his demeanour, they restored him his weapon, and at
his earnest desire once more left him alone. At midnight, still
anxious about those who were departing, he sent once again to
inquire if the embarkation were completed. The messenger returned
with the assurance that the last vessel was now on the point of
leaving the quay. Thereupon Cato threw himself on his bed, as if
about to take his rest for the night; but when all was quiet he seized
his sword and thrust it into his stomach. The wound was not
immediately mortal, and the victim rolled groaning on the floor. The
noise at once summoned his anxious attendants. A surgeon was at
hand, and the sufferer was unconscious while the protruding
intestines were replaced, and the gash sewn up. But on coming to
himself he repulsed his disconsolate friends, and tearing open the
fatal wound, expired with the same dogged resolution which had
distinguished every action of his life.

Death of Cato

(From a drawing by Mirys)

Cato had no cause to despair of retaining life under the new

tyranny. At an earlier period he had meditated, in such a
contingency, seeking refuge in retirement and philosophy. But his
views of the highest good had deepened and saddened with the fall
of the men and things he most admired. He now calmly persuaded
himself that with the loss of free action the end of his being had
failed of its accomplishment. He regarded his career as prematurely
closed, and deemed it his duty to extinguish an abortive existence.
[121] Cæsar, when he heard of his self-destruction, lamented that he
had been robbed of the pleasure of pardoning him, and to his
comrades in arms he exhibited, according to the most credible
accounts, the same clemency by which he had so long distinguished
himself. But the same man who could now speak and act thus
generously, did not scruple, at a later period, to reply to Cicero’s
panegyric with a book which he called the Anti-Cato, in which he
ridiculed the sage’s vain pretensions, and scoffed at him for raking in
his brother’s ashes for the golden ornaments of his pyre, for
transferring to Hortensius the wife who had borne him as many
children as he desired, and taking the widow to his arms again
enriched with a magnificent dowry. Could the proud philosopher
have anticipated a time when the wantonness of power might sport
unchecked with the good fame of its victims, he would have shrunk
from such moral degradation with greater horror than from the
servitude of the body.c

SALLUST’S COMPARISON OF CÆSAR AND CATO

“After hearing and reading of the many glorious achievements

which the Roman people had performed at home and in the field, by
sea as well as by land, I happened to be led to consider what had
been the great foundation of such illustrious deeds. I knew that the
Romans had frequently, with small bodies of men, encountered vast
armies of the enemy; I was aware that they had carried on wars
with limited forces against powerful sovereigns; that they had often
sustained, too, the violence of adverse fortune; yet that, while the
Greeks excelled them in eloquence, the Gauls surpassed them in
military glory. After much reflection, I felt convinced that the
eminent virtue of a few citizens had been the cause of all these
successes; and hence it had happened that poverty had triumphed
over riches, and a few over a multitude. And even in later times,
when the state had become corrupted by luxury and indolence, the
republic still supported itself, by its own strength, under the
misconduct of its generals and magistrates; when, as if the parent
stock were exhausted, there was certainly not produced at Rome, for
many years, a single citizen of eminent ability. Within my
recollection, however, there arose two men of remarkable powers,
though of very different character, Marcus Cato and Caius Cæsar,
whom, since the subject has brought them before me, it is not my
intention to pass in silence, but to describe, to the best of my ability,
the disposition and manners of each.
“Their birth, age, and eloquence, were nearly on an equality; their
greatness of mind similar, as was also their reputation, though
attained by different means. Cæsar grew eminent by generosity and
munificence; Cato by the integrity of his life. Cæsar was esteemed
for his humanity and benevolence; austereness had given dignity to
Cato. Cæsar acquired renown by giving, relieving, and pardoning;
Cato by bestowing nothing. In Cæsar there was a refuge for the
unfortunate; in Cato, destruction for the bad. In Cæsar, his easiness
of temper was admired; in Cato, his firmness. Cæsar, in fine, had
applied himself to a life of energy and activity; intent upon the
interests of his friends, he was neglectful of his own; he refused
nothing to others that was worthy of acceptance, while for himself
he desired great power, the command of an army, and a new war in
which his talents might be displayed. But Cato’s ambition was that of
temperance, discretion, and, above all, of austerity; he did not
contend in splendour with the rich, or in faction with the seditious,
but with the brave in fortitude, with the modest in simplicity, with
the temperate in abstinency; he was more desirous to be, than to
appear, virtuous; and thus, the less he courted popularity, the more
it pursued him.”e[122]

FOOTNOTES

[119] [Florusd says: “Scipio got off in a ship but, as the enemy
overtook him, he thrust his sword into his bowels; and when
some one asked where he was, he returned this answer: ‘The
general is well.’” Appianf says: “he ran his sword through his
body, and threw himself into the sea.”]
[120] [Says Florusd: “Petreius slew both Juba and himself; and
the half-consumed meats and funeral dishes were mixed with the
blood of a king and a Roman.”]
[121] [Florusd in Roman fashion says: “Hearing of the defeat of
his party, he did not hesitate to die; but even cheerfully, as
became a wise man, hastened his own death.”]
[122] [Sallust’s comparison of Cæsar and Cato should not
mislead the reader as to the importance of the latter, who in fact
exercised little influence on the great events of his age.]
 CHAPTER XXV. THE CLOSING SCENES OF
CÆSAR’S LIFE
THE END OF THE AFRICAN WAR

The suicide of Cato was the consistent act of a heathen

philosopher, determined at least to maintain the purity of his soul
uncontaminated by base compliances. Assuredly the calm dignity of
its execution demands our respect and compassion, if not the
principle on which it was based. Far different was the manner in
which the rude barbarian Juba and the coarse soldier Petreius ran
forward to meet their ends. They had escaped together from the
field of battle, and the Numidian offered to provide shelter for his
companion in one of his own strongholds. The Roman province was
so ill-disposed towards the barbarian chief that he was obliged to
hide himself by day in the most secluded villages, and roam the
country on his homeward flight during the hours of darkness. In this
way he reached Zama, his second capital, where his wives and
children, together with his most valuable treasures, were deposited.
This place he had taken pains to fortify at the commencement of the
war, with works of great extent and magnitude. But on his
appearance before the walls, the inhabitants deliberately shut their
gates against him and refused to admit the enemy of the victorious
Roman. Before setting out on his last expedition, Juba had
constructed an immense pyre in the centre of the city, declaring his
intention, if fortune went ill with him, of heaping upon it everything
he held most dear and precious, together with the murdered bodies
of the principal citizens, and then taking his own place on the
summit, and consuming the whole in one solemn conflagration. But
the Numidians had no sympathy with this demonstration of their
sovereign’s despair, and resolved not to admit him within their walls.
Juba having tried in vain every kind of menace and entreaty, to
which no reply was vouchsafed, at last retired, but only to
experience a similar reception in every other quarter to which he
resorted. He at least had little to hope from the clemency which the
victor had extended to his conquered countrymen. His companion,
hard as his own iron corslet, scorned to accept it. The fugitives
supped together, and, flushed with the fumes of the banquet,
challenged each other to mutual slaughter. They were but unequally
matched; the old veteran was soon despatched by his more active
antagonist, but Juba was constant in his resolution, and only
demanded the assistance of an attendant to give himself the last
fatal stroke.
Nor was the fate of Considius, of Afranius, and Faustus Sulla less
disastrous. The first of these had abandoned the defence of
Thysdrus at the approach of the forces which Cæsar despatched
against it, and attempted to make his escape with the treasures he
had amassed into the territories, until now friendly, of the Numidian
chieftains. He was destroyed, for the sake of his hoarded booty, by
the Gætulians who accompanied him in his flight. The others had
retained the command of a squadron of Scipio’s cavalry, and after
burning one town which had shut its gates against them had made a
desperate attack on the military post which Cato maintained outside
the walls of Utica, to wreak an unworthy vengeance on the Cæsarian
partisans there kept in custody. Baffled in this object they had made
their way into Utica, while Cato still commanded there, and had
added bitterness to his last days by the violence and ferocity of their
behaviour. From thence they led their ruffians along the coast in the
hope of finding means of transporting them into Spain. But on their
way they fell in with Sittius, who was advancing to join Cæsar; their
men were routed and themselves taken. The bands of the Roman
adventurer carried on war with the same brutality as the barbarians
among whom they practised it. The captors quarrelled among
themselves; their passions were inflamed, perhaps, in the
distribution of the prisoners and the booty; and both Afranius and
Faustus were killed in the fray which ensued. But the massacre of
the son of the dictator Sulla, accidental as it was, or at least
unauthorized, could hardly fail of being charged as a deliberate act
upon the representative of Marius.
While his foes were thus flying and falling, Cæsar advanced
triumphantly from the scene of his last exploit, receiving the
submission of the towns on his way, carrying off the stores and
treasure collected for his enemies’ use, and leaving garrisons to
retain them in fidelity. As he drew near to Utica he was met by L.
Cæsar, whose petition for mercy seems to have been confined to his
own person, and to whom, as well as to a long list of distinguished
nobles, the conqueror extended the promise of his protection. He
lamented with every appearance of sincerity that Cato had robbed
him of the pleasure of pardoning one who, of all his antagonists, had
been the most obstinate in his opposition, and the most inveterate in
his hatred. The fatal compliance of the Utican senators, who, not
content with obeying his enemies’ commands, had contributed
money to their cause, furnished him with a specious pretence for
rifling their coffers of the treasures he now most urgently needed.
His requisitions amounted to two hundred millions of sesterces. At
the same time the city of Thapsus was mulcted in two millions, and
the company of Roman traders in three. Hadrumetum paid down
three millions, and its Roman capitalists five. Leptis and Thysdrus
also suffered in due proportion. A grand auction was held at Zama
for the sale of all the objects of Juba’s royal state, and of the goods
of the Roman citizens who had borne arms under the tyrant’s orders.
Upon the people who had so boldly defied their sovereign, and
refused him admittance within their walls, honours and largesses
were munificently showered, and the taxes heretofore demanded for
the royal treasury were partially remitted by the collectors of the
republic. But the country of Numidia was deprived of its
independence, and definitely reduced to the form of a province,
under the proconsulate of Sallust. The rewarded and the punished
acquiesced equally in the conqueror’s dispositions; the submission of
Africa to his authority was from thenceforth complete. The Uticans
were allowed to commemorate with a funeral and a statue the
humane and noble conduct of their late governor.

THE RETURN TO ROME

Cæsar settled the affairs of Africa with his usual despatch, and
sailed from Utica on the fourteenth day of April, 46 b.c. On his way
to Italy, he stopped at Caralis, in Sardinia. The aid which the island
had afforded to his adversaries furnished him with a decent pretext
for extorting from the inhabitants large sums of money. At the end
of the same month he again weighed anchor; but the prevalence of
easterly winds drove him repeatedly to shore, and he at last reached
Rome on the twenty-eighth day after his departure from the
Sardinian capital. The reports he received at this time of the revival
of the republican cause in Spain did not give him much uneasiness.
Cneius had been detained by sickness in the Baleares, and the
fugitives from the field of Thapsus had been almost all cut off in
their attempts to reach the point to which their last hopes were
directed. The legionaries who had mutinied against Cassius Longinus
were still either unsatisfied with their treatment under the
commander who had superseded him, or fearful of their general’s
vengeance when a fitting opportunity should arrive. It was from
Cæsar’s own soldiers that the invitation had gone forth to the
republican chiefs to renew the struggle on the soil of Spain. The
spirit of the old commonwealth still survived in many of the towns of
Bætica; promises of support were freely given; but the remnant of
the African armament was contemptible both in numbers and ability.
Of all the haughty nobles who had thronged the tent of Pompey at
Luceria or Thessalonica, not one with a name known to history
remained in arms, except Labienus alone. He indeed had succeeded
in making his escape from Africa, in company with Varus; but the
insurgents had already placed themselves under the command of
Scapula and Aponius, officers of their own, nor would they suffer
themselves to be transferred from them to any other except the son
of the great Pompey. The extent to which the flame of insurrection
had spread was probably unknown at this time to Cæsar. He was
impatient to reap at last the fruit of so much bloodshed, to assume
the post of honour he had won, and to work out the principles and
objects of so many years of anticipation. A distant and contemptible
outbreak might be subdued without meeting it in person.
Accordingly, C. Didius, an officer of no eminent reputation, was sent
with a naval and military force to the succour of Trebonius, whom,
however, he found already expelled from his government by the
growing force of the new movement.
Meanwhile Rome had sunk, during the conqueror’s absence, into a
state of torpid tranquillity. The universal conviction that the dictator’s
power was irresistible had quelled all further heavings of the spirit of
discontent. Dolabella had been gratified with a command in the late
campaign; while others, in whose fidelity and military skill he could
rely, had been left behind to overawe disaffection. The most
illustrious of the nobility having now no occasion to remain at Rome
for the sake of paying court to a jealous ruler, had retired generally
to their country seats; but Cicero seems to have feared giving
occasion for distrust if he withdrew himself from the broad eye of
public observation. He occupied himself, however, in his philosophical
studies, and could rejoice that he had never, like so many of his
contemporaries when plunging into the excitements of political life,
abandoned the literary pursuits common to them in youth. While he
still regarded the contest in Africa with the sentiments of a true
republican, he confessed with a sigh that though the one cause was
assuredly the more just, yet the victory of either would be equally
disastrous. He probably held aloof from the proceedings of the
servile senate, which occupied itself during the months of Cæsar’s
absence in devising new honours for his acceptance. First of all it
decreed the religious ceremony of a thanksgiving of forty days,
being twice the term to which the compliance of popular gratitude
had ever previously extended, and it was by the length of the
observance that the honour was estimated. Next it appointed that
the victor’s triumphal car should be drawn by horses of white, the
sacred colour, and that the number of his attendant lictors should be
doubled. He was to be requested to undertake the office of censor
for three years, under a new title, which should not remind the
citizens too closely of the times of republican liberty, that of
præfectus morum, or regulator of manners. The changes which the
revolutionary storm had effected in the condition of so many of the
citizens justified a resort to the old constitutional resource for
purging the senate of scandalous or impoverished members, and
infusing new blood into its veins.
The most substantial of all these tributes to Cæsar’s ascendency
was the decree by which he was appointed dictator for a period of
ten years; for thus the initiative of legal measures was united in his
hands with the command of the legions both at home and abroad.
Other specious honours, in the taste of the times, were accumulated
upon him. His chair was to be placed between those of the consuls
in the assembly of the senate; he was to preside and give the signal
in the games of the circus; and his figure in ivory was to be borne in
procession among the images of the gods, and laid up in the Capitol,
opposite the seat of Jupiter himself. A statue was to be erected to
him in bronze, standing upon a globe, with the inscription, “Cæsar
the demi-god.” His name was to be engraved on the entablature of
the Capitol, in the place of that of Catulus, its true restorer. The
historian who recounts these honours assures us that many others
besides these were offered; he has only omitted to specify them
because Cæsar did not think fit to accept them. It is difficult to
imagine to what lower depth of obsequiousness the senate could
have descended, or what higher dignities the conqueror would have
rejected.

CÆSAR’S TRIUMPHS
 The time had now arrived for the celebration of the Gallic triumph,
which had been so long postponed. In the interval, the imperator’s
victories had been multiplied, and the ranks of his veterans had been
recruited by fresh enlistments; so that every soldier who had shared
in his later perils and successes demanded the reward of
participating in his honours. Cæsar claimed not one, but four
triumphs: the first, for his conquest of the Gauls; the second for his
defeat of Ptolemy; another, for his victory over Pharnaces; and the
last, for the overthrow of Juba. But he carefully avoided all reference
to what were in reality the most brilliant of his achievements. In
Spain and Thessaly he had routed the disciplined legions of his own
countrymen; but their defeat brought no accession of honour or
territory to the republic. The glory it reflected on the victor was
dubious and barren. The four triumphs were celebrated, with
intervals of a few days between each, that the interests of the public
might not pall with satiety. The first procession formed in the
Campus Martius, outside the walls of the city. It defiled through the
triumphal gate at the foot of the Capitoline Hill, and crossed the
deep hollow of the Velabrum and Forum Boarium, on its way to the
Circus Maximus, which occupied the valley between the Palatine and
Aventine. In passing through the Velabrum, the chariot in which the
imperator stood, happened to break down; a mischance which so
affected him that he never afterwards, it is said, ascended a vehicle
without repeating a charm.
The long procession wound round the base of the Palatine,
skirting the Aventine and Cælian hills, to the point where the arch of
Constantine now stands. There it began the ascent of the gentle
slope which separates the basin of the Colosseum from that of the
Roman Forum. It followed the same track which now leads under
the arch of Titus, paved at this day with solid masses of hewn stone,
which may possibly have re-echoed to the tramp of Cæsar’s legions.
Inclining a little to the right at the point where it gained the summit
of the ridge and looked down upon the comitium and rostra, in the
direction of the Capitol, it passed before the spot where the temple
of Julius was afterwards built; thence it skirted the right side of the
Forum, under the arch of Fabius, till it reached a point just beyond
the existing arch of Severus, where the two roads branched off, the
one to the Capitoline temple, the other to the Mamertine prison.
Here it was that Cæsar took the route of triumph to the left, while
Vercingetorix was led away to the right, and strangled in the
subterranean dungeon. The Gallic hero doubtless met with firmness
and dignity the fate to which he had so long been doomed, while his
conqueror was exhibiting a melancholy spectacle of human infirmity,
crawling up the steps of the Capitol on his knees, to avert, by an act
of childish humiliation, the wrath of the avenging Nemesis. The next
instance of similar degradation recorded is that of the emperor
Claudius, who being corpulent and clumsy performed the ungraceful
feat with the support of an arm on either side. The practice was
probably of no unusual occurrence, and was deeply rooted, we may
believe, in ancient and popular prejudices. A remnant of it still exists,
and may be witnessed by the curious, even at the present day, on
the steps of the Ara Cœli and at the Santa Scala of the Lateran.
The days of triumph which succeeded passed over with
uninterrupted good fortune. The populace were gratified with the
sight of the Egyptian princess Arsinoe led as a captive at the
conqueror’s wheels; but she was spared the fate of the Gallic
chieftain out of favour to her sister, or perhaps out of pity to her sex.
The son of the king of Numidia who followed the triumphal car was
also spared, and lived to receive back his father’s crown from
Augustus. Though Cæsar abstained from claiming the title of a
triumph over his countrymen, he did not scruple to parade their
effigies among the shows of the procession. The figures or pictures
of the vanquished chiefs were carried on litters, and represented the
manner of their deaths. Scipio was seen leaping desperately into the
sea; Cato plunging the sword into his own bowels; Juba and Petreius
engaged in mortal duel; Lentulus stabbed by the Egyptian assassin;
Domitius pierced perhaps in the back, in token of his flight. The
figure of Pompey alone was withheld for fear of the commiseration it
might excite among the people whose favourite he had so lately
been. Nor, as it was, were the spectators unmoved. Upon the
 unfeeling display of Roman defeat and
disaster they reflected with becoming
sensibility. But the pictures of Achillas and
Pothinus were received with unmingled
acclamations, and loud was the cry of scorn
at the exhibition of Pharnaces flying in
confusion from the field. After all, the most
impressive part of the ceremony must have
been the appearance of the rude veterans
whose long files closed the procession. With
what ignorant wonder must the children of
Gaul and Iberia, of Epirus and Africa, have
gazed at the splendour of the city, of which
the fame resounded in their native cabins!
What contempt must they have felt for the
unarmed multitudes grinning around them!
How reckless must they have been of the
A Sacrificator dignity of the consuls and senators, they
who claimed the license of shouting derisive
songs in the ears of their own commander!
Little did they think that grave historians would sum up their coarse
camp jokes in evidence against the fame of their illustrious leader;
still less did they dream of the new power which the military class
was thenceforth to constitute in the state. Rome in fact was their
own; but it was a secret they were not yet to discover.
The satisfaction of his armed supporters, however, was the first
condition on which the supreme power of the dictator must
henceforth be maintained in the city. It was a matter, indeed, of
hardly less importance to secure the good humour of the urban
population. While the soldiers receive each a donative of twenty
thousand sesterces, the claims of the much larger multitude of the
free citizens were not undervalued severally at four hundred;
especially as they received the additional gratification of one year’s
remission of house rent. It does not appear how this indulgence
differed from that for which Cælius and Dolabella had raised their
commotions; but the dictator had so strenuously resisted every
attempt to set aside the just claims of creditors on all previous
occasions, that it can hardly be doubted that in this case he gave the
landlords compensation from the public treasury. The mass of the
citizens was feasted at a magnificent banquet, at which the Chian
and Falernian wines, the choicest produce of Greece and Italy,
flowed freely from the hogshead, and towards which six thousand
lampreys, the most exquisite delicacy of the Roman epicure, were
furnished by a single breeder. The mighty multitude reclined before
twenty-two thousand tables; each table having its three couches,
and each couch, we may suppose, its three guests; so that the
whole number feasted may have amounted to nearly two hundred
thousand. When Cæsar undertook the functions of his censorship,
the number of recipients of the public distributions of corn was
estimated at 320,000. Upon a scrutiny into their claims as genuine
and resident citizens, he was enabled to strike off as many as
150,000 from this list. Adding to the remainder the senators and
knights, and the few wealthy individuals who might have scorned to
partake of a state provision, the sum will correspond pretty
accurately with the number of the imperial guests as above
computed.
The public shows with which these gratifications were
accompanied were carried out on a scale of greater magnificence
than even those recently exhibited by Pompey. There was nothing in
which the magistrates of the republic vied more ostentatiously with
one another than in the number of wild beasts and gladiators which
they brought into the arena. The natural taste of the Italian people
for shows and mummery degenerated more and more into an
appetite for blood; but in this, as in every other respect, it was
Cæsar’s ambition to outdo his predecessors, and the extraordinary
ferocity and carnage of the exhibitions which he complacently
witnessed excited a shudder even in the brutal multitude. The
combatants in the games of the Circus were either professional
gladiators, who sold their services for a certain term of years, or
captives taken in war, or lastly public criminals. But Cæsar was,
perhaps, the first to encourage private citizens to make an exhibition
of their skill and valour in these mortal combats. He allowed several
men of equestrian rank, and one the son of a prætor, to demean
themselves in the eyes of their countrymen by this exposure to the
public gaze. It was only when a senator named Fulvius Setinus
asked permission thus to prostitute his dignity, that the dictator was
at last roused to restrain the growing degradation.
If the people of Rome were shocked at the bloodshed which they
were invited to applaud, it seems that they were offended also at
the vast sums which were lavished on these ostentatious spectacles.
They would have preferred, perhaps, that the donative to
themselves should have been greater, and the soldiers even
exhibited symptoms of discontent and mutiny in consequence. No
instance of Cæsar’s profuse expenditure excited greater admiration
than his stretching a silken awning over the heads of the spectators
in the Circus. This beautiful material was brought only from the
farthest extremity of India, and was extremely rare and precious at
Rome at that time. Three centuries later it was still so costly that a
Roman emperor forbade his wife the luxury of a dress of the finest
silk unmixed with a baser fabric. But a more permanent and worthy
object of imperial expenditure was the gorgeous Forum of which
Cæsar had long since laid the foundation with the spoils of his Gallic
Wars. Between the old Roman Forum and the foot of the Quirinal, he
caused a large space to be enclosed with rows of marble corridors,
connecting in one suite halls of justice, chambers of commerce, and
arcades for public recreation. In the centre was erected a temple to
Venus the ancestress, the patroness for whom Cæsar had woven a
breastplate of British pearls, and whose name he had used as his
watchword on the days of his greatest victories. He now completed
the series of his triumphal shows by the dedication of this favourite
work. It remained for centuries a conspicuous monument of the
fame and magnificence of the first of the Cæsars. His successors
were proud to cluster new arches and columns by its side, and
bestowed their names upon the edifices they erected in connection
with it. Finally, Trajan cut through the elevated ridge which united
the Capitoline with the Quirinal, and impeded the further extension
of the imperial forums. He filled the hollow with a new range of
buildings, occupying as much ground as the united works of his
predecessors in this quarter. The depth of his excavation is indicated,
it is said, by the height of the pillar which bears his name.

THE LAST CAMPAIGN

Our review of the dictator’s proceedings in

[46-45 b.c.] the discharge of his civil functions must be
postponed, but only for a moment, to relate the
short episode of his last military exploit. The despatches of his
lieutenants in Spain represented that province as rapidly falling into
the hands of the republican faction. Varus and Labienus had escaped
from Africa, and joined the standard under which Scapula
marshalled the disaffected legions in Spain. Cneius Pompeius had
also issued from his retreat in the Balearic Isles, and as soon as he
appeared in their camp every chief of the oligarchy waived his own
pretensions to the command in deference to the man who
represented the fame and fortunes of their late leader. Yet Scapula
had the confidence of the soldiers, Labienus was an officer of tried
ability and reputation, and Varus had at least held the highest
military commands, while Cneius himself was personally unknown to
the legions in Spain, and his only achievement in war had been a
dashing naval exploit. So cowed by its repeated reverses was the
spirit of the old Roman party, which had revived for a moment in
Africa with vain exultation at finding itself relieved from the
ascendency of its own military champion. Cneius, on his part, seems
to have regarded the renewed contest in the light of a private
quarrel. His war-cry was not “Rome,” “Liberty,” or “The Senate,” but
“Pietas,” “Filial Duty.”
The disaffection among Cæsar’s soldiers had become widely
spread; a large body of them had enrolled themselves under their
new leaders; their numbers had been augmented by provincial
enlistments; even slaves had been drafted into the ranks; while the
cities and states of the peninsula lent their aid more or less openly
to the cause. It was not in the remoter parts of the province or
among the half-subdued native principalities, but in the centre of
Roman influence and civilisation, in Corduba itself, that the standard
of the adventurers was unfurled. Cæsar had completed the
ceremonies of his quadruple triumph, and was deeply engaged in
the arduous task of legislation for the new system of government
which he had undertaken to raise, when he found it necessary to
postpone every other occupation to meet his enemies once more in
arms. So uncertain and tedious was the navigation of those days
that he may have chosen the land route across the Alps and
Pyrenees, for the sake of reaching his destination with greater
speed.[123]
The details of the campaign into which he immediately plunged
are given, but very obscurely, in the last of the series of
contemporary memoirs which have hitherto been our guides
throughout the military history of the period. In point of composition
it betrays less literary accomplishment than any of its kindred works.
The rude soldier who seems to have been its author had no
hesitation in recording in their undisguised enormity the cruelties
which disgraced the conduct of both parties. Cæsar’s character for
humanity suffers more in this than in any other contemporary
narrative of his actions. The campaign was, indeed, a series of
butcheries on either side, but Cneius was, perhaps, the most
savagely ferocious of all the captains of the civil wars. The scene of
the last act of Roman liberty was laid in the valley of the
Guadalquivir and the defiles of the Sierra de Tolar. After a variety of
desultory movements, of which we obtain from the narrative only an
indistinct notion, we find the rival armies at last drawn up in hostile
array on the field of Munda. Cæsar was this time superior in
numbers, and especially in cavalry; but the enemy was well posted,
and fought well: never, it is said, was the great conqueror brought
so near to defeat and destruction.b
 “When the armies were going to close, Cæsar, seeing his men go
on but coldly and seem to be afraid, invoked all the gods,
beseeching them with hands lifted up to heaven, not to let the lustre
of so many glorious actions be darkened in one day, and running
through the ranks, encouraged his soldiers, taking off his head-piece
that he might be better known. But do what he could, he could not
raise their spirits, till snatching a buckler out of a soldier’s hand, he
said to the tribunes who were about him, ‘This shall be the last day
of my life, and of your engagement in the war.’ And at the same time
made furiously towards the enemy; he had scarce advanced ten feet
but he had above two hundred darts thrown at him, some of which
he avoided by bending his body, and others received on his buckler,
when the tribunes ran with emulation to get about him, and the
whole army thereupon charging with all their fury, they fought all
day with divers advantage, and at length towards the evening the
victory fell to Cæsar, and it is reported that hereupon he was heard
to say these words, ‘that he had often fought for victory, but that
now he had fought for life.’
“After the defeat, Pompeius’ men flying into Corduba, Cæsar, to
prevent their escape thither, lest they should rally and renew the
fight, caused the place to be invested by the army, where the
soldiers being so tired that they could not work in the
circumvallation, heaped up together the bodies and armour of the
slain, which they kept piled up with their javelins stuck into the
ground, and lay all night under that kind of rampire. Next morning
the city was taken. Of Pompeius’ captains, Scapula setting up on a
pile of wood burned himself; the heads of Varus, Labienus, and
other persons of quality were brought to Cæsar. As for Pompeius, he
fled from the battle with a hundred and fifty horse, bending his
course towards Carteia where his fleet lay; he entered the port in a
litter, and in the habit of a private man. But seeing the seamen had
likewise lost all hopes, he threw himself in a little boat, in which as
he was going out to sea, his foot tangling in the cordage, one of his
people going to cut the rope, by mischance cut his heel, so that to
cure his wound he was forced to go ashore at a small village, where
hearing that Cæsar’s horsemen were coming, he took his flight
through a country covered with thorns and briers, which added to
his wound, so that being tired and sitting down at last under a tree,
he was found by those who gave him chase, and slain, generously
defending himself; his head was carried to Cæsar, who caused it to
be buried. Thus [says Appian] was this war ended by one only fight
and contrary to the opinion of all the world.”g
Of all the leaders of the senatorial party, Sextus Pompeius was
now the only survivor. He had made his escape from the field of
Munda, and had an asylum in the wildest districts of the Hither
Province. He had nothing to hope from the clemency of the
conqueror, who had shown unusual bitterness against his family by
the confiscation of their patrimonial estates, and was now preparing
to celebrate his triumph over them as foreigners and enemies of the
state. Thus driven to despair, he infused new spirit into the
predatory habits among the tribes among whom he had taken
refuge, and continued to defy the power of the provincial authorities.
Cæsar occupied himself for some months in reconstituting the
government of Spain, taking precautions for the entire subjugation
of the party which had shown such vitality in that quarter. The battle
of Munda was fought on the seventeenth of March, but the dictator
was not at liberty to return to Italy till September, after an absence
of ten months.
The hostile attitude of the last of the Pompeians in Spain was not
the only exception to the tranquillity which prevailed generally
throughout the empire. In Gaul the Bellovaci had risen in arms; but
this movement was expeditiously repressed by Decimus Brutus, the
proconsul of the newly conquered province. In the extreme East,
however, the republican party still continued to make head, under
the leadership of Cæcilius Bassus. Their champion was an obscure
knight, and their forces were insignificant, consisting principally of
two legions which Bassus had seduced from their allegiance to
Sextus Cæsar, the commander to whose care Syria had been
entrusted by his kinsman. But the proximity of the Parthians, ever on
the watch for an opportunity to wound the sides of their great rivals,
rendered any movement in this quarter formidable. Sextus Cæsar
was murdered by his soldiers, and Bassus took possession of the city
of Apamea, which, with the assistance of the national enemies, he
continued to keep against the petty attempts which were made to
dislodge him. The dictator kept his eye upon him, and already
meditated his destruction; but for the present he was content to
leave his temerity unpunished, while he applied himself to the
consolidation of his power by bold and comprehensive legislation at
home.b

THE LAST TRIUMPH

On the 13th of September, 45, the dictator

[45 b.c.] appeared once more at the gates of Rome, but
he did not triumph till the commencement of
October. His victory was represented as gained over the Iberians;
the miserable outcasts whom Cneius had banded together were all
confounded together under the common title of strangers and
enemies. Two of the dictator’s lieutenants, Fabius, and Pedius who
was also his kinsman, were allowed the honour of separate
triumphs. These ceremonies were followed as usual with games and
festivals, which kept the populace in a fever of delight and
admiration. They had complained that among the numerous
spectacles offered to their view each citizen could witness only a
portion, while to the foreigners who flocked to this great feast of
nations, the dramatic entertainments had been unintelligible. The
games were now multiplied in various quarters of the city, while
plays were represented in different languages for the benefit of
every people. The subjects of the empire had entered Rome as
conquerors in Cæsar’s train, and thus he inaugurated the union of
the capital with the provinces. Kings and commonwealths sent their
ambassadors to this mighty congress of nations. Among them were
the Moors and the Numidians, the Gauls and the Iberians, the
Britons and the Armenians, the Germans and the Syrians. The Jews,
insulted by Pompey and rifled by Crassus, offered their willing
homage to the champion who alone of all the Romans had spoken to
them in the language of kindliness and respect. Cleopatra the queen
of Egypt came, her crown in her hand, offering her treasures and
her favours to her admirer and preserver. All in turn had trembled at
the official caprices of the Roman knights, and Cæsar could afford
them perhaps no sweeter revenge, nor represent to them more
vividly the extent of his power, than in degrading before their faces
these petty tyrants of the provinces. He compelled one of them,
named Laberius, who was also a dramatic composer, to enact one of
his own comic pieces, that is, to dance and sing upon the stage
before the concourse of citizens and strangers. “Alas!” said the
wretched man in his prologue, “after sixty years of honour I have
left my house a knight, to return to it a mime. I have lived one day
too long.” Cæsar restored to him the golden ring of knighthood,
forfeited by this base but compulsory compliance. He presented him
also with a large sum of money, to show perhaps more completely
the prostration of his order.
Such trifling persecutions, whether personal or political in their
objects, are undoubtedly pitiable enough. But it is Cæsar’s glory that
his arm fell heavily upon none of his fellow-citizens. The nephew of
Marius forgot the banishment of his uncle, the ruins of Carthage,
and the marshes of Minturnæ; the avenger of the Sullan revolution
scorned to retaliate the proscriptions; the advocate of Cethegus and
Lentulus refrained from demanding blood for blood. It is worth
remarking that Cicero, the most humane perhaps of his own party,
the most moderate in sentiments, the fairest estimater of men and
measures, could hardly persuade himself of the possibility of Cæsar
abstaining from massacre. Such was the wise man’s reading of the
history of his countrymen; and when at last he found that the
conqueror meditated no such use of his victory, his heart, we fear,
still remained untouched, and he never, perhaps, renounced the
secret hope that Cæsar’s opponents would prove less merciful than
himself.
 Nor was the conqueror’s clemency confined to sparing the lives of
his opponents. He refrained from confiscation which had been wont
to accompany the edicts of his predecessors. The wealth indeed
which was poured into Rome from the tribute of so many new
subjects, and the plunder of so many temples, rendered it more easy
to practise this unusual liberality. It was ungenerous perhaps to
make the estates of his great rival the chief exception to this rule of
moderation. But Cæsar intended to brand as rebels to constituted
authority the men who renewed the strife after Thapsus, and this
confiscation was meant, not as an insult to the dead, but as a
punishment of the living opponent. The name of the Great Pompey
had already passed into the shrine of history, and the victor was
proud of closing the fasti of the republic with so illustrious a title. Far
from approving the precipitation of his flatterers in removing the
statues of Pompey and Sulla, he caused them to be restored to their
places in front of the rostra, among the effigies of the noblest
champions of the free state. Towards the institutions of the
commonwealth he evinced a similar spirit of deference. He sought
no new forms under which to develop his new policy. Sulla had
attempted to revive the aristocratic spirit of the ancient constitution
by overthrowing the existing framework of the laws; but the popular
dictator, in laying the foundation of a more extensive revolution,
studied to preserve it intact. While making himself an autocrat in
every essential exercise of power, he maintained, at least in outward
seeming, all the institutions most opposed to autocracy, the senate,
the comitia, and the magistracies. But he had long before said that
the republic was no more than a shadow, and these very institutions
had long been merely the instruments by which tyrants had worked
out the ends of their selfish ambition.
Cæsar now was fully aware that he could sway the Roman world
unchecked by the interference of a senate, two-thirds of which
perhaps were nominees of his own. Under the sanction of an organic
law he had raised the number of the assembly to nine hundred, thus
degrading the honour by making it cheap; and he still more
degraded it in the eyes of the proudest of the citizens by pouring