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 Design Patterns
Elements of Reusable Object-Oriented Software

Produced by KevinZhang
 Design Patterns: Elements of Reusable Object-Oriented Software

Contents

Preface to CD ........................................................ 5

Preface to Book ...................................................... 7

Foreword ............................................................. 9

Guide to Readers .................................................... 10

1 Introduction ...................................................... 11
1.1 What Is a Design Pattern? ...................................... 12
1.2 Design Patterns in Smalltalk MVC ............................... 14
1.3 Describing Design Patterns ..................................... 16
1.4 The Catalog of Design Patterns ................................. 18
1.5 Organizing the Catalog ......................................... 21
1.6 How Design Patterns Solve Design Problems ...................... 23
1.7 How to Select a Design Pattern ................................. 42
1.8 How to Use a Design Pattern .................................... 44

2 A Case Study: Designing a Document Editor ......................... 46

2.1 Design Problems ................................................ 46
2.2 Document Structure ............................................. 47
2.3 Formatting ..................................................... 53
2.4 Embellishing the User Interface ................................ 56
2.5 Supporting Multiple Look-and-Feel Standards .................... 60
2.6 Supporting Multiple Window Systems ............................. 64
2.7 User Operations ................................................ 72
2.8 Spelling Checking and Hyphenation .............................. 77
2.9 Summary ........................................................ 90

Design Pattern Catalog .............................................. 93

3 Creational Patterns ............................................... 94

Abstract Factory ................................................... 99
Builder ........................................................... 110
Factory Method .................................................... 121
Prototype ......................................................... 133
Singleton ......................................................... 144

Discussion of Creational Patterns .................................. 153

2
 Design Patterns: Elements of Reusable Object-Oriented Software

4 Structural Patterns .............................................. 155

Adapter ........................................................... 157
Bridge ............................................................ 171
Composite ......................................................... 183
Decorator ......................................................... 196
Façade ............................................................ 208
Flyweight ......................................................... 218
Proxy ............................................................. 233

Discussion of Structural Patterns ................................. 246

5 Behavioral Patterns .............................................. 249

Chain of Responsibility ........................................... 251
Command ........................................................... 263
Interpreter ....................................................... 274
Iterator .......................................................... 289
Mediator .......................................................... 305
Memento ........................................................... 316
Observer .......................................................... 326
State ............................................................. 338
Strategy .......................................................... 349
Template Method ................................................... 360
Visitor ........................................................... 366

Discussion of Behavioral Patterns ................................. 382

6 Conclusion ....................................................... 388

6.1 What to Expect from Design Patterns ........................... 388
6.2 A Brief History ............................................... 392
6.3 The Pattern Community ......................................... 393
6.4 An Invitation ................................................. 395
6.5 A Parting Thought ............................................. 396

A Glossary ......................................................... 397

B Guide to Notation ................................................ 404

B.1 Class Diagram ................................................. 404
B.2 Object Diagram ................................................ 406
B.3 Interaction Diagram ........................................... 407

C Foundation Classes ............................................... 409

C.1 List .......................................................... 409
C.2 Iterator ...................................................... 412
C.3 ListIterator .................................................. 413

3
 Design Patterns: Elements of Reusable Object-Oriented Software

C.4 Point ......................................................... 413

C.5 Rect .......................................................... 414

Bibliography ....................................................... 416

4
 Design Patterns: Elements of Reusable Object-Oriented Software

Preface to CD

As we were writing Design Patterns, we knew the patterns we weredescribing had

value because they had proven themselves in manydifferent contexts. Our hope was
that other software engineers wouldbenefit from these patterns as much as we had.

Now, three years after its debut, we find ourselves both grateful andthrilled
by how the book has been received. Lots of people use it.Many tell us the patterns
have helped them design and build bettersystems. Many others have been inspired
to write their own patterns,and the pool of patterns is growing. And many have
commented on whatmight be improved about the book and what they would like to
see inthe future.

A recurring comment in all the feedback has been how well-suited thebook is to
hypertext. There are numerous cross-references, andchasing references is
something a computer can do very well. Sincemuch of the software development
process takes place on computers, itwould be natural to have a book like ours
as an on-line resource.Observations like these got us excited about the potential
of thismedium. So when Mike Hendrickson approached us about turning the bookinto
a CD-ROM, we jumped at the chance.

Two years and several megabytes of e-mail later, we're delighted thatyou can
finally obtain this edition, the Design Patterns CD,and put its unique capabilities
to work. Now you can access a patternfrom your computer even when someone has
borrowed your book. You can search the text for key words and phrases. It's also
considerably easier to incorporate parts of it in your own on-line
documentation.And if you travel with a notebook computer, you can keep the
bookhandy without lugging an extra two pounds of paper.

Hypertext is a relatively new publishing venue, one we arelearning to use just

like everyone else. If you have ideas on howto improve this edition, please send
them [email protected] you have questions or suggestions
concerning the patternsthemselves, send them to
[email protected] list. (To subscribe, send e-mail to
[email protected] the subject "subscribe".) This list has quite
a few readers, and many of them can answer questions as well as we can—andusually
a lot faster! Also, be sure to check out thePatterns Home Page
athttp://hillside.net/patterns/.There you'll find other books and mailing lists
on patterns, notto mention conference information and patterns published on-line.

This CD entailed considerable design and implementation work. We areindebted to

Mike Hendrickson and the team at Addison-Wesley for theiron-going encouragement
and support. Jeff Helgesen, Jason Jones, andDaniel Savarese garner many thanks
5
 Design Patterns: Elements of Reusable Object-Oriented Software

for their development effort andfor patience despite what must appear to have
been our insatiableappetite for revision. A special acknowledgment is due IBM
Research,which continues to underwrite much of this activity. We also thankthe
reviewers, including Robert Brunner, Sandeep Dani, Bob Koss, ScottMeyers, Stefan
Schulz, and the Patterns Discussion Group at theUniversity of Illinois
Urbana-Champaign. Their advice led to at leastone major redesign and several minor
ones.

Finally, we thank all who have taken time to comment on DesignPatterns. Your
feedback has been invaluable to us as we striveto better our understanding and
presentation of this material.

Zurich, Switzerland E.G.

Sydney, Australia R.H.

Urbana, Illinois R.J.

Hawthorne, New York J.V.

August 1997

6
 Design Patterns: Elements of Reusable Object-Oriented Software

Preface to Book

This book isn't an introduction to object-oriented technology or design. Many

books already do a good job of that. This book assumes you are reasonably proficient
in at least one object-oriented programming language, and you should have some
experience in object-oriented design as well. You definitely shouldn't have to
rush to the nearest dictionary the moment we mention "types" and "polymorphism,"
or "interface" as opposed to "implementation” inheritance.

On the other hand, this isn't an advanced technical treatise either. It’s a book
of design patterns that describes simple and elegant solutions to specific problems
in object-oriented software design. Design patterns capture solutions that have
developed and evolved overtime. Hence they aren't the designs people tend to
generate initially. They reflect untold redesign and recoding as developers have
struggled for greater reuse and flexibility in their software. Design patterns
capture these solutions in a succinct and easily applied form.

The design patterns require neither unusual language features nor amazing
programming tricks with which to astound your friends and managers. All can be
implemented in standard object-oriented languages, though they might take a little
more work than ad hoc solutions. But the extra effort invariably pays dividends
in increased flexibility and reusability.

Once you understand the design patterns and have had an "Aha!" (and not just a
"Huh?") experience with them, you won't ever think about object-oriented design
in the same way. You'll have insights that can make your own designs more flexible,
modular, reusable, and understandable—which is why you're interested in
object-oriented technology in the first place, right?

A word of warning and encouragement: Don't worry if you don’t understand this
book completely on the first reading. We didn’t understand it all on the first
writing! Remember that this isn't a book to read once and put on a shelf. We hope
you'll find yourself referring to it again and again for design insights and for
inspiration.

This book has had a long gestation. It has seen four countries, three of its authors'
marriages, and the birth of two (unrelated) offspring.Many people have had a part
in its development. Special thanks are due Bruce Anderson, Kent Beck, and André
Weinand for their inspiration and advice. We also thank those who reviewed drafts
of the manuscript: Roger Bielefeld, Grady Booch, Tom Cargill, Marshall Cline,
Ralph Hyre, Brian Kernighan, Thomas Laliberty, Mark Lorenz, Arthur Riel, Doug
Schmidt, Clovis Tondo, Steve Vinoski, andRebecca Wirfs-Brock. We are also grateful
to the team at Addison-Wesley for their help and patience: Kate Habib,Tiffany
Moore,Lisa Raffaele,Pradeepa Siva, and John Wait.Special thanks to Carl Kessler,
7
 Design Patterns: Elements of Reusable Object-Oriented Software

Danny Sabbah, and Mark Wegman at IBMResearch for their unflagging support of this
work.

Last but certainly not least, we thank everyone on the Internet andpoints beyond
who commented on versions of the patterns, offeredencouraging words, and told
us that what we were doing was worthwhile.These people include but are not limited
toJon Avotins,Steve Berczuk,Julian Berdych,Matthias Bohlen,John Brant,Allan
Clarke,Paul Chisholm,Jens Coldewey,Dave Collins,Jim Coplien,Don
Dwiggins,Gabriele Elia,Doug Felt,Brian Foote,Denis Fortin,Ward Harold,Hermann
Hueni,Nayeem Islam,Bikramjit Kalra,Paul Keefer,Thomas Kofler,Doug Lea,Dan
LaLiberte,James Long,Ann Louise Luu,Pundi Madhavan,Brian Marick,Robert
Martin,Dave McComb,Carl McConnell,Christine Mingins,Hanspeter Mössenböck,Eric
Newton,Marianne Ozkan,Roxsan Payette,Larry Podmolik,George Radin,Sita
Ramakrishnan,Russ Ramirez,Alexander Ran,Dirk Riehle,Bryan Rosenburg,Aamod
Sane,Duri Schmidt,Robert Seidl,Xin Shu,and Bill Walker.

We don't consider this collection of design patterns complete andstatic; it's

more a recording of our current thoughts on design. Wewelcome comments on it,
whether criticisms of our examples, referencesand known uses we've missed, or
design patterns we should haveincluded. You can write us care of Addison-Wesley,
or send electronicmail to [email protected]. You can also
obtainsoftcopy for the code in the Sample Code sections by sending themessage
"send design pattern source" to [email protected]. And now
there's a Web page at
http://st-www.cs.uiuc.edu/users/patterns/DPBook/DPBook.html for late-breaking
information and updates.

Mountain View, California E.G.

Montreal, Quebec R.H.

Urbana, Illinois R.J.

Hawthorne, New York J.V.

August 1994

8
 Design Patterns: Elements of Reusable Object-Oriented Software

Foreword

Consider the work of a future software archeologist, tracingthe history of

computing. The fossil record will likely show clearstrata: here is a layer formed
of assembly language artifacts,there is a layer populated with the skeletons of
high orderprogramming languages (with certain calcified legacy partsprobably
still showing some signs of life). Each such layer willbe intersected with the
imprint of other factors that have shapedthe software landscape: components,
residue from the greatoperating system and browser wars, methods, processes, tools.
Eachline in this strata marks a definitive event: below that line,computing was
this way; above that line, the art of computing hadchanged.

Design Patterns draws such a line of demarcation;this is a work that represents

a change in the practice ofcomputing. Erich, Richard, Ralph, and John present
a compellingcase for the importance of patterns in crafting complex
systems.Additionally, they give us a language of common patterns that canbe used
in a variety of domains.

The impact of this work cannot be overstated. As I travel aboutthe world working
with projects of varying domains andcomplexities, it is uncommon for me to
encounter developers whohave not at least heard of the patterns movement. In the
moresuccessful projects, it is quite common to see many of thesedesign patterns
actually used.

With this book, the Gang of Four have made a seminalcontribution to software
engineering. There is much to learnedfrom them, and much to be actively applied.

Grady Booch
Chief Scientist, Rational Software Corporation

9
 Design Patterns: Elements of Reusable Object-Oriented Software

Guide to Readers

This book has two main parts. The first part (Chapters 1 and 2)describes what
design patterns are and how they help you designobject-oriented software. It
includes a design case study thatdemonstrates how design patterns apply in practice.
The second partof the book (Chapters 3, 4, and 5) is a catalog of the actual
designpatterns.

The catalog makes up the majority of the book. Its chapters dividethe design
patterns into three types: creational, structural, andbehavioral. You can use
the catalog in several ways. You can readthe catalog from start to finish, or
you can just browse from patternto pattern. Another approach is to study one of
the chapters. Thatwill help you see how closely related patterns distinguish
themselves.

You can use the references between the patterns as a logicalroute through the
catalog. This approach will give you insightinto how patterns relate to each other,
how they can be combinedwith other patterns, and which patterns work well together.
Figure 1.1(page 23) depicts these references graphically.

Yet another way to read the catalog is to use a more problem-directedapproach.

Skip to Section 1.6 (page 23) to read about some common problems in designing
reusable object-orientedsoftware; then read the patterns that address these
problems. Somepeople read the catalog through first and then use aproblem-directed
approach to apply the patterns to their projects.

If you aren't an experienced object-oriented designer, then start withthe simplest

and most common patterns:

• Abstract Factory (page 99)

• Adapter (157)
• Composite (183)
• Decorator (196)
• Factory Method (121)
• Observer (326)
• Strategy (349)
• Template Method (360)

It's hard to find an object-oriented system that doesn't use at leasta couple
of these patterns, and large systems use nearly all of them.This subset will help
you understand design patterns in particular andgood object-oriented design in
general.

10
 Design Patterns: Elements of Reusable Object-Oriented Software

1. Introduction

Designing object-oriented software is hard, and designing reusable

object-oriented software is even harder. You must find pertinent objects, factor
them into classes at the right granularity, define class interfaces and inheritance
hierarchies, and establish key relationships among them. Your design should be
specific to the problem at hand but also general enough to address future problems
and requirements. You also want to avoid redesign, or at least minimize it.
Experienced object-oriented designers will tell you that a reusable and flexible
design is difficult if not impossible to get "right" the first time. Before a
design is finished, they usually try to reuse it several times, modifying it each
time.

Yet experienced object-oriented designers do make good designs. Meanwhile new

designers are overwhelmed by the options available and tend to fall back on
non-object-oriented techniques they've used before. It takes a long time for
novices to learn what good object-oriented design is all about. Experienced
designers evidently know something inexperienced ones don't. What is it?

One thing expert designers know not to do is solve every problem from first
principles. Rather, they reuse solutions that have worked for them in the past.
When they find a good solution, they use it again and again. Such experience is
part of what makes them experts. Consequently, you'll find recurring patterns
of classes and communicating objects in many object-oriented systems. These
patterns solve specific design problems and make object-oriented designs more
flexible, elegant, and ultimately reusable. They help designers reuse successful
designs by basing new designs on prior experience. A designer who is familiar
with such patterns can apply them immediately to design problems without having
to rediscover them.

An analogy will help illustrate the point. Novelists and playwrights rarely design
their plots from scratch. Instead, they follow patterns like "Tragically Flawed
Hero" (Macbeth, Hamlet, etc.) or "The Romantic Novel" (countless romance novels).
In the same way, object-oriented designers follow patterns like "represent states
with objects" and "decorate objects so you can easily add/remove features." Once
you know the pattern, a lot of design decisions follow automatically.

We all know the value of design experience. How many times have you had design
déjà-vu—that feeling that you've solved a problem before but not knowing exactly
where or how? If you could remember the details of the previous problem and how
you solved it, then you could reuse the experience instead of rediscovering it.
However, we don't do a good job of recording experience in software design for
others to use.

11
 Design Patterns: Elements of Reusable Object-Oriented Software

The purpose of this book is to record experience in designing object-oriented

software as design patterns. Each design pattern systematically names, explains,
and evaluates an important and recurring design in object-oriented systems. Our
goal is to capture design experience in a form that people can use effectively.
To this end we have documented some of the most important design patterns and
present them as a catalog.

Design patterns make it easier to reuse successful designs and architectures.

Expressing proven techniques as design patterns makes them more accessible to
developers of new systems. Design patterns help you choose design alternatives
that make a system reusable and avoid alternatives that compromise reusability.
Design patterns can even improve the documentation and maintenance of existing
systems by furnishing an explicit specification of class and object interactions
and their underlying intent. Put simply, design patterns help a designer get a
design "right" faster.

None of the design patterns in this book describes new or unproven designs. We
have included only designs that have been applied more than once in different
systems. Most of these designs have never been documented before. They are either
part of the folklore of the object-oriented community or are elements of some
successful object-oriented systems—neither of which is easy for novice designers
to learn from. So although these designs aren't new, we capture them in a new
and accessible way: as a catalog of design patterns having a consistent format.

Despite the book's size, the design patterns in it capture only a fraction of
what an expert might know. It doesn't have any patterns dealing with concurrency
or distributed programming or real-time programming. It doesn't have any
application domain-specific patterns. It doesn't tell you how to build user
interfaces, how to write device drivers, or how to use an object-oriented database.
Each of these areas has its own patterns, and it would be worthwhile for someone
to catalog those too.

What is a Design Pattern?

Christopher Alexander says, "Each pattern describes a problem which occurs over
and over again in our environment, and then describes the core of the solution
to that problem, in such a way that you can use this solution a million times
over, without ever doing it the same way twice" [AIS+77]. Even though Alexander
was talking about patterns in buildings and towns, what he says is true about
object-oriented design patterns. Our solutions are expressed in terms of objects
and interfaces instead of walls and doors, but at the core of both kinds of patterns
is a solution to a problem in a context.

In general, a pattern has four essential elements:

12
 Design Patterns: Elements of Reusable Object-Oriented Software

1. The pattern name is a handle we can use to describe a design problem, its
solutions, and consequences in a word or two. Naming a pattern immediately
increases our design vocabulary. It lets us design at a higher level of
abstraction. Having a vocabulary for patterns lets us talk about them with
our colleagues, in our documentation, and even to ourselves. It makes it
easier to think about designs and to communicate them and their trade-offs
to others. Finding good names has been one of the hardest parts of developing
our catalog.
2. The problem describes when to apply the pattern. It explains the problem
and its context. It might describe specific design problems such as how
to represent algorithms as objects. It might describe class or object
structures that are symptomatic of an inflexible design. Sometimes the
problem will include a list of conditions that must be met before it makes
sense to apply the pattern.
3. The solution describes the elements that make up the design, their
relationships, responsibilities, and collaborations. The solution doesn't
describe a particular concrete design or implementation, because a pattern
is like a template that can be applied in many different situations. Instead,
the pattern provides an abstract description of a design problem and how
a general arrangement of elements (classes and objects in our case) solves
it.
4. The consequences are the results and trade-offs of applying the pattern.
Though consequences are often unvoiced when we describe design decisions,
they are critical for evaluating design alternatives and for understanding
the costs and benefits of applying the pattern. The consequences for
software often concern space and time trade-offs. They may address language
and implementation issues as well. Since reuse is often a factor in
object-oriented design, the consequences of a pattern include its impact
on a system's flexibility, extensibility, or portability. Listing these
consequences explicitly helps you understand and evaluate them.

Point of view affects one's interpretation of what is and isn't a pattern. One
person's pattern can be another person's primitive building block. For this book
we have concentrated on patterns at a certain level of abstraction. Design patterns
are not about designs such as linked lists and hash tables that can be encoded
in classes and reused as is. Nor are they complex, domain-specific designs for
an entire application or subsystem. The design patterns in this book are
descriptions of communicating objects and classes that are customized to solve
a general design problem in a particular context.

A design pattern names, abstracts, and identifies the key aspects of a common
design structure that make it useful for creating a reusable object-oriented design.
The design pattern identifies the participating classes and instances, their roles
and collaborations, and the distribution of responsibilities. Each design pattern

13
 Design Patterns: Elements of Reusable Object-Oriented Software

focuses on a particular object-oriented design problem or issue. It describes

when it applies, whether it can be applied in view of other design constraints,
and the consequences and trade-offs of its use. Since we must eventually implement
our designs, a design pattern also provides sample C++ and (sometimes) Smalltalk
code to illustrate an implementation.

Although design patterns describe object-oriented designs, they are based on

practical solutions that have been implemented in mainstream object-oriented
programming languages like Smalltalk and C++ rather than procedural languages
(Pascal, C, Ada) or more dynamic object-oriented languages (CLOS, Dylan, Self).
We chose Smalltalk and C++ for pragmatic reasons: Our day-to-day experience has
been in these languages, and they are increasingly popular.

The choice of programming language is important because it influences one's point

of view. Our patterns assume Smalltalk/C++-level language features, and that
choice determines what can and cannot be implemented easily. If we assumed
procedural languages, we might have included design patterns called "Inheritance,"
"Encapsulation," and "Polymorphism." Similarly, some of our patterns are supported
directly by the less common object-oriented languages. CLOS has multi-methods,
for example, which lessen the need for a pattern such as Visitor (page 366). In
fact, there are enough differences between Smalltalk and C++ to mean that some
patterns can be expressed more easily in one language than the other. (See Iterator
(289) for an example.)

Design Patterns in Smalltalk MVC

The Model/View/Controller (MVC) triad of classes [KP88] is used to build user

interfaces in Smalltalk-80. Looking at the design patterns inside MVC should help
you see what we mean by the term "pattern."

MVC consists of three kinds of objects. The Model is the application object, the
View is its screen presentation, and the Controller defines the way the user
interface reacts to user input. Before MVC, user interface designs tended to lump
these objects together. MVC decouples them to increase flexibility and reuse.

MVC decouples views and models by establishing a subscribe/notify protocol between

them. A view must ensure that its appearance reflects the state of the model.
Whenever the model's data changes, the model notifies views that depend on it.
In response, each view gets an opportunity to update itself. This approach lets
you attach multiple views to a model to provide different presentations. You can
also create new views for a model without rewriting it.

The following diagram shows a model and three views. (We've left out the controllers
for simplicity.) The model contains some data values, and the views defining a
14
 Design Patterns: Elements of Reusable Object-Oriented Software

spreadsheet, histogram, and pie chart display these data in various ways. The
model communicates with its views when its values change, and the views communicate
with the model to access these values.

Taken at face value, this example reflects a design that decouples views from
models. But the design is applicable to a more general problem: decoupling objects
so that changes to one can affect any number of others without requiring the changed
object to know details of the others. This more general design is described by
the Observer (page 326) design pattern.

Another feature of MVC is that views can be nested. For example, a control panel
of buttons might be implemented as a complex view containing nested button views.
The user interface for an object inspector can consist of nested views that may
be reused in a debugger. MVC supports nested views with the CompositeView class,
a subclass of View. CompositeView objects act just like View objects; a composite
view can be used wherever a view can be used, but it also contains and manages
nested views.

Again, we could think of this as a design that lets us treat a composite view
just like we treat one of its components. But the design is applicable to a more
general problem, which occurs whenever we want to group objects and treat the
group like an individual object. This more general design is described by the

15
Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
 CH APTER VII
THEATRES

The latter half of the sixteenth century presents a remarkable

development of the Drama and of the Theatres in London. This
development was like the rising tide: it advanced with a force that
was irresistible. The Mayor and Aldermen did their best to drive out
plays and players from their boundaries; they went, but they
established themselves beyond the limits of the City jurisdiction.
Preachers denounced the theatre; moralists wrote pamphlets against
it; yet it flourished more and more. John Stockwood, preaching at
Paul’s Cross, says:—

“Have we not houses of purpose, built with great charges for

the maintenance of them, and that without the liberties, as who
shall say, ‘There, let them say what they will, we will play.’ I
know not how I might, with the godly-learned especially, more
discommend the gorgeous playing place erected in the Fields,
than term it, as they please to have it called, a Theatre.” In the
same sermon he asks: “Wyll not a fylthye playe wyth the blast
of a trumpette sooner call thyther a thousande than an houres
tolling of a bell bring to the sermon a hundred? Nay, even heere
in the Citie, without it be at this place and some other certaine
ordinarie audience, where shall you find a reasonable company?
Whereas if you resorte to the Theatre, the Curtayne, and other
places of players in the Citie, you shall on the Lord’s Day have
these places, with many other that I cannot reckon, so full as
possible they can throng.”
 THE BEAR GARDEN AND THE GLOBE THEATRE
From Visscher’s Panorama of London.

The Londoners might change their religion, but they were not
going to change their sports. They were Protestant instead of
Catholic; but they kept up their bear-baiting, their bull-baiting, their
archery, their wrestlings, their fencing, their quarter-staff play, their
running at the quintain, their feats of tumbling, their Morris dances
and mummings, their plays and interludes. But the Reformation
killed the Miracle Play. The play of modern manners, or the tragedy,
or the farce, took the place of the religious play. And instead of
acting on a stage in a churchyard, the players now began to act in
the broad and ample courtyard of the inn, whose galleries afforded
room for people to look on. The authorities looked on the play from
the beginning with eyes of disfavour: the actor was considered a
masterless man; he had no trade; he was a strolling vagabond; he
lived upon the largesse of those who looked on at his performance;
he was a buffoon who would assume any character at will to make
the people laugh and cry; he must be able to dance and posture like
the tumblers on the road. Again, all the idle people in the City
assembled to see the play; all the vicious people crowded to take
advantage of the throng; in the theatre every day arose disorders
and brawls; young men of sober parentage were seduced into
becoming players. Witness the words of Prynne:—
 “Our own experience can sufficiently inform us, that plays and
playhouses are the frequent causes of many murders, duels,
quarrels, debates; occasioned sometimes by reason of some
difference about a box, a seat, a place, upon the stage;
sometimes by intruding too boldly into some female’s company;
sometimes by reason of some amorous, scurrilous, or
disgraceful words, that are uttered of or to some female
spectators; sometimes by reason of some speeches or passages
of the play, particularly applied to some persons present or
absent; sometimes by reason of some husband, or co-rival’s
jealousy, or affront, whose wife, or mistress, being there in
person, is perhaps solicited, abused, or jeared at in his
presence; sometimes by reason of the apprentices who resort to
playhouses, especially on Shrove Tuesday; sometimes by means
of other accidents and occasions. Many have been the murders,
more the quarrels, the duels, that have grown from our stage-
plays, whose large encomiums of rash valour, duels, fortitude,
generosity, impatientcy, homicides, tyranny, and revenge, do so
exasperate men’s raging passions, and make them so impatient
of the very smallest injury, that nothing can satisfy, can expiate,
but the offender’s blood. Hence it is that some players, some
play-haunters, now living, not satisfied with the murder of one,
have embrued their barbarous un-christian hands in the blood
of two, of three, if not of four several men. And so far are they
from ruing the odiousness of these their bloody deeds, that they
glory in the number of their murders as the very trophies of
their valour.”

The Queen at the beginning of her reign issued a proclamation to

prevent players performing without license, and from handling
politics or religion. In 1572 the Mayor forbade the acting of plays in
London on the ground of the Plague and the danger of infection.
Harrison says:—

“Plaies are banished for a time out of London, lest the resort
unto them should ingender a plague, or rather disperse it, being
 already begonne. Would to God these comon plaies were exiled
altogether, as seminaries of impiety, and their theatres pulled
downe, as no better then houses of bawdrie. It is an evident
token of a wicked time when plaiers waxe so riche that they can
build suche houses. As moche I wish also to our comon beare-
baitings used oin the sabaothe daies.” (Holinshed’s Chronicles.)

In 1574 the first steps were taken towards the regulation of

players and plays. The preamble to the ordinances is set forth by
Maitland, with the ordinances themselves, as follows:—

“The citizens in Common-Council observing, that the antient

and innocent Recreation of Stage-Plays or Interludes, which in
former Days ingenious Tradesmen and Gentlemen’s Servants
sometimes practised, to expose Vice, or to represent the noble
Actions of their Ancestors, at certain Festival Times, or in private
Houses at Weddings, and at other Splendid Entertainments, for
their own Profit, was now in process of Time become an
Occupation; and that many there were that followed it for a
livelihood; and, which was worse, that it was become the
Occasion of much Sin and Evil; great Multitudes of People,
especially Youth, in Queen Elizabeth’s Reign, resorting to these
Plays; and being commonly acted on Sundays and Festivals, the
Churches were forsaken, and the Playhouses thronged, and
great Disorders and Inconvenience were found to ensue to the
City thereby, forasmuch as it occasioned Frays and evil Practices
of Incontinency; Great Inns were used for this Purpose, which
had secret Chambers and Places, as well as open Stages and
Galleries; where Maids, especially Orphans, and good Citizen’s
Children, under Age, were inveigled and allured to privy and
unmeet Contracts; and where unchaste, uncomely and
unshamefaced Speeches and Doings were published; where
there was an unthrifty Waste of the Money of the Poor; sundry
robberies, by picking and cutting Purses, uttering of popular and
seditious Matter, many corruptions of Youth, and other
Enormities; besides sundry Slaughters and Maimings of the
Queen’s Subjects, by falling of Scaffolds, Frames, and Stages,
and by Engines, Weapons, and Powder, used in the Plays; and
believing that, in the time of God’s Visitation by the Plague, such
Assemblies of the People in Throngs and Presses were very
dangerous for spreading the Infection; they regulated these
Plays, lest the People, upon God’s gracious withdrawing of the
Sickness, should, with sudden forgetting of the Visitation,
without Fear of God’s Wrath, and without some Respect of
those good and politick Means (as the Words of the Act ran)
that were ordained for the Preservation of the Commonwealth
and People in Health and good Order, return to the undue Use
of such Enormities. Therefore, for the lawful, honest, comely
Use of Plays, Pastimes, and Recreations in good Sort permitted
by the Authority of the Common Council, it was enacted:—
‘I. That no Play should be openly played within the Liberty of
the City, wherein should be uttered any Words, Examples, or
Doings of any Unchastity, Sedition, or such-like unfit and
uncomely Matter, upon Pain of Imprisonment for the space of
fourteen Days, and 5£ for every such offence. II. That no
Innkeeper, Tavernkeeper, or other Person whatsoever, within the
Liberties of the City, shall shew or play, or cause to be shewed
or played, within his House or Yard, any Play, which shall not
first be perused and allowed by the Lord Mayor and Court of
Aldermen’s Order. III. No Person shall suffer any Plays to be
played in his House or Yard, whereof he then shall have Rule,
but only such Persons, and in such Places, as, upon good
Consideration, shall be thereunto permitted and allowed by the
Lord Mayor and Aldermen. IV. Nor shall take and use any such
Benefit or Advantage of such Permission, until such person be
bound to the Chamberlain of London, in certain Sums, for the
Keeping of good Order, and avoiding of Discords and
inconveniences. V. Neither shall use or exercise such Licence or
Permission at any Time, in which the same shall be by the Lord
Mayor and Aldermen restrained, or commanded to stay and
cease, in any usual Time of Divine Service on the Sunday or
 Holiday, or receive any to that Purpose in Time of Service, to
the same, upon Pain to forfeit for every Offence 5£. VI. And
every Person to be licensed shall, during the Time of such
continuance of License, pay to the Use of the Poor in Hospitals
of the City, or of the Poor visited with Sickness, such Sums and
Payments, as between the Mayor and Aldermen, and the Person
to be licensed, shall be agreed upon; upon Pain that, on the
Want of every such Payment, such License shall be utterly void.
VII. All sums and Forfeitures to be incurred for any offence
against this Act, and all Forfeitures of Bonds, shall be employed
to the Relief of the Poor of the Hospitals, or of the Poor infected
or diseased in the City: And the Chamberlain, in his own Name,
shall have and recover the same, to the Purposes aforesaid, in
the Court of the outer Chamber of Guildhall, London, called The
Mayors Court.
‘Provided, That this Act shall not extend to Plays shewed in
private Houses, Lodgings of a Nobleman, Citizen, or Gentleman,
which shall have the same then played in his Presence for the
Festivity of any Marriage, Assembly of Friends, or other like
Cause, without publick or common collection of Money of the
Auditors or Beholders.’” (Maitland, vol. i. pp. 262–263.)

Since the players could act no more in the City, there was nothing
for them but to go outside. In 1574, James Burbage and some of
the Earl of Leicester’s Company obtained the Queen’s license to act
plays in any part of England. After receiving this license Burbage
proceeded to build the first theatre, the house called simply “The
Theatre.” This theatre was built outside the jurisdiction of the City,
close to the remains of the Holywell Priory. After the Dissolution the
church of this House was pulled down with most of the buildings.
Houses were built upon its site, and the ruins themselves gradually
disappeared. At the south-west of these ruins, on a site now marked
by Dean’s Mews, Holywell Lane, Burbage built his theatre at a cost
of £600, the money being advanced by his father-in-law. The theatre
was in shape either circular or oval, probably the former. It was built
for all kind of shows and entertainments. If a large space was
wanted the whole of the area could be taken by the performers;
raised galleries ran round the house; for the performance of a play, a
stage was erected in the middle; from the nature of the case there
could be no question of any scenery. The house was built of wood
and is said to have been handsomely decorated; the central area
was without a roof. There were troubles and quarrels about the
lease of the house, which was taken down in the year 1598–99. The
wood and timber of which the house was built were removed to
Bankside, where they were used for the erection of the Globe
Theatre.
The second theatre of London was that called The Curtain. It is a
fact which illustrates the popularity of Finsbury Fields as a place of
resort that there should have been a second theatre erected so close
to the first. The Curtain Theatre was built on the south side of
Holywell Lane, Shoreditch. In the house, too, feats of arms, sword-
play, quarter-staff, and other games took place.
The third theatre (if we count The Globe as a continuation of The
Theatre) was The Fortune, built near Golden Lane, Cripplegate.
The strongest charge against the theatres was the license allowed
to the clowns or jesters, who between the pieces, or between the
Acts, played “jigs” or “drolls” accompanied by songs and dances, and
impromptu jokes which were topical, and, as may be imagined,
broad and coarse. We may easily imagine that the civic authorities,
the preachers, and the pamphleteers, who were always assailing the
player and driving him from place to place, were not spared when
the Clown had the stage all to himself, with hundreds of grinning
faces in front of him, all of whom were egging him on with laughter
and applause to say or do something more outrageous still, and
loved nothing so much as to see before them acted to the life some
sour Puritan who could see only “filthie and beastlie” stuff in the
noblest play by Shakespeare, or in any sport.
 BANKSIDE, SOUTHWARK, IN 1648, WITH A VIEW OF
HOLLAND’S LEAGUER, ONE OF THE ANCIENT STEWS OR
LICENSED BROTHELS SUPPRESSED DURING THE REIGN OF
HENRY VIII.

Another favourite place of resort for the citizens, especially for the
more riotous sort, was Southwark, with its raised river-wall or
Bankside; its numerous inns and taverns; its low-lying fields and its
various amusements. There were amphitheatres for bear- and bull-
baiting; in the High Street itself there was a ring for the bull; in Paris
Gardens, on the east side of Blackfriars Bridge, were kept bears and
dogs for the favourite, almost the national, amusement; there was a
kind of sanctuary in Southwark: here were allowed to reside the
“Flemish Frows” still, in spite of Henry the Seventh’s suppression;
here were held May Day games; here was held every year the
pageant of St. George’s Day; and here, in the time of Henry VIII.,
were collected together idlers, vagabonds, and rogues in great
numbers. In this place, the resort of all the young bloods and the
wild element of London, the players settled down in force. The Rose,
The Hope, The Globe, The Swan, all built about the same time, show
the steady popularity of the Drama, in spite of the Puritanic attacks
upon it, which seem to have done it no manner of harm.
At one end of Bankside stood the ruins of the Monastic House and
the Clink Prison; then followed a single row of houses, at the back of
which were the Bull-Baiting Ground and the Bear Garden; then the
theatres already mentioned; also the Falcon Tavern, and Paris
Gardens. All these places were built on a low-lying and marshy
ground planted thickly with trees, intersected with ponds, ditches,
and running streams—for instance, the Pudding Mill stream ran
round two-thirds of Paris Gardens. For an account of the interior of a
theatre and the presentation of a play I quote an imaginary account,
in my own words:—

“The interior of the theatre was circular in shape. It contained

three galleries, one above the other: the lowest called the
‘rooms,’ for seats in which we paid a shilling each, contained the
better sorts. At each side of the stage there were boxes, one of
which contained the music. The stage itself, a stout construction
of timber, projected far into the pit, or, as Stow called it, the
‘yarde.’ At the back was another stage, supported on two
columns, and giving the players a gallery about ten or twelve
feet high, the purpose of which we were very soon to find out.
On each side of the stage were seats for those who paid an
additional sixpence. Here were a dozen or twenty gallants,
either with pipes of tobacco, or playing cards or dice before the
play began. One of them would get up quickly with a pretence
of impatience, and push back his cloak so as to show the
richness of his doublet below. The young men, whether at the
theatre, or in Paul’s Walk, or in Chepe, seemed all intent upon
showing the bravery of their attire: no girls of our day could be
more vain of their dress or more critical of the dress worn by
others. Some of them, however, I perceived among the
groundlings—that is, the people on the ‘yarde’—gazing about
the house upon the women in the galleries. Here there were
many dressed very finely, like ladies of quality, in satin gowns,
lawn aprons, taffeta petticoats, and gold threads in their hair.
They seemed to rejoice in being thus observed and gazed upon.
When a young man had found a girl to his taste, he went into
the gallery, sat beside her, and treated her to pippins, nuts, or
wine.
It was already one o’clock when we arrived. As we took our
seats the music played its first sounding or flourish. There was a
great hubbub in the place: hucksters went about with baskets,
crying pippins, nuts, and ale; in the ‘rooms’ booksellers’ boys
hawked about new books; everybody was talking together;
everywhere the people were smoking tobacco, playing cards,
throwing dice, cheapening books, cracking nuts, and calling for
ale. The music played a second sounding. The hubbub
continued unabated. Then it played the third and last. Suddenly
the tumult ceased. The piece was about to begin.
The stage was decorated with blue hangings of silk between
the columns, showing that the piece was to be—in part at least
—a comedy. Across the railed gallery at the back was stretched
a painted canvas representing a royal palace. When the scene
was changed this canvas became the wall of a city, and the
actors would walk on the top of the wall; or a street with
houses; or a tavern with its red lattice and its red sign; or a
tented field. When night was intended, the blue hangings were
drawn up and exchanged for black.
The hawkers retired and were quiet; the house settled down
to listen, and the Prologue began. Prologue appeared dressed in
a long black velvet cloak: he assumed a diffident and most
respectful manner; he bowed to the ground.
‘In Troy there lies the scene. From Isles of Greece
The princes orgulous, their high blood chaf’d,
Have to the port of Athens sent their ships.’

In this way the mind of the audience was prepared for what was
to follow. We needed no play-bill. The palace before us could be
no other than Priam’s Palace. If there was a field with tents, it
must be the battle-field and the camp of the Greeks; if there
was a wall, it must be the wall of Troy. And though the scenery
was rough, it was enough. One wants no more than the
unmistakable suggestion; the poet and the actor find the rest.
Therefore, though the intrusive gallants lay on the stage;
though Troilus was dressed in the armour of Tudor time, and
Pandarus wore just such a doublet as old Stow himself, we were
actually at Troy. The boy who played Cressida was a lovely
maiden. The narrow stage was large enough for the Council of
Kings, the wooing of lovers, and the battle-field of heroes.
Women unfaithful and perjured, lovers trustful, warriors fierce,
the alarms of war, fighting and slaying, the sweet whispers of
love were drowned by the blare of trumpets; the loss of lover
forgotten in the loss of a great captain; and among the warriors
and the kings and the lovers, the creeping creatures who live
upon the weaknesses and the sins of their betters, played their
parts upon these narrow boards before a silent and enraptured
house. For three hours we were kept out of our senses. There
was no need, I say, of better scenery: a quick shifting of the
canvas showed a battle-field, and turned the stage into a vast
plain covered with armies of Greeks and Romans. Soldiers
innumerable, as thick as motes in the sun, crossed the stage
fighting, shouting, challenging each other. While they fought,
the trumpets blew and the drums beat, the wounded fell, and
the fight continued over these prostrate bodies till they were
carried off by their friends. The chiefs rushed to the front,
crossed swords, and rushed off again. ‘Come both you cogging
Greeks!’ said Troilus, while our cheeks flushed and our lips
parted. If the stage had been four times as broad, if the number
of men in action had been multiplied by ten, we could not have
felt more vividly the rage, the joy, the madness of the battle.
When the play was finished, the ale, the apples, and the nuts
were passed round, and the noise began again. Then the clown
came in and began to sing, and the music played—but oh, how
poor it seemed after the great emotions of the play! The old
 man plucked me by the sleeve and we went out, and with us
most of the better sort.” (London, pp. 237–239.)

In addition to the foregoing, or as confirming and supplementing

that account, I quote the following from Drake’s Shakespeare and
his Times:—

“The passion for the stage continued rapidly to increase, and

before the year 1590, not less than four or five theatres were in
existence. The patronage of dramatic representation made an
equal progress at Court; for though Elizabeth never, it is
believed, attended a public theatre, yet had she four companies
of children who frequently performed for her amusement,
denominated the Children of St. Paul’s, the Children of
Westminster, the Children of the Chapel, and the Children of
Windsor. The public actors, too, who were sometimes, in
imitation of these appellations, called the Children of the Revels,
were, towards the close of Her Majesty’s reign especially, in
consequence of a greatly acquired superiority over their younger
brethren, often called upon to act before her at the royal
theatre in Whitehall. Exhibitions of this kind at Court were usual
at Christmas, on Twelfth Night, at Candlemas, and at Shrove-
tide, throughout the reigns of Elizabeth and James, and the
plays of Shakspeare were occasionally the entertainment of the
night; thus we find Love’s Labour Lost to have been performed
before our maiden Queen during the Christmas-holydays, and
King Lear to have been exhibited before King James on St.
Stephen’s night. On these occasions, the representation was
generally at night, that it might not interfere with the
performances at the regular theatre, which took place early in
the afternoon; and we learn from the Council-books that the
royal remuneration, in the age of Elizabeth, for the exhibition of
a single play at Whitehall, amounted to ten pounds, of which
twenty nobles, or six pounds, thirteen shillings, and fourpence,
formed the customary fee; and three pounds, six shillings, and
eightpence the free gift or bounty. If, however, the performers
 were required to leave the capital for any of the royal palaces in
its neighbourhood, the fee, in consequence of the public
exhibition of the day being prevented, was augmented to
twenty pounds.
The protection of the Drama by Elizabeth and her Ministers,
though it did not exempt the public players, except in one
instance, from the penalties of statutes against vagabonds, yet
it induced during the whole of her long reign numerous
instances of private patronage from the most opulent of her
nobility and gentry, who, possessing the power of licensing their
own domestics as comedians, and, consequently, of protecting
them from the operation of the Act of Vagrancy, sheltered
various companies of performers, under the denomination of
their servants, or retainers—a privilege which was taken away,
by Act of Parliament, on the accession of James, and, as Mr.
Chalmers observes, ‘put an end for ever to the scenic system of
prior times.’”

There were no fewer than fourteen companies of players, under

private patronage, who contributed to exhilarate the people of
London and the country. Of these, Drake furnishes a chronological
enumeration. “Soon after the accession of Elizabeth appeared Lord
Leicester’s company, the same which, in 1574, was finally
incorporated by royal licence; in 1572 was formed Sir Robert Lane’s
company; in the same year Lord Clinton’s; in 1575 companies were
created by Lord Warwick, and the Lord Chamberlain, the name of
Shakspeare being enrolled among the servants of the latter, who, in
the first year of the subsequent reign, became entitled to the
appellation of His Majesty’s servants; in 1576, the Earl of Sussex
brought forward a theatrical body, and in 1577, Lord Howard
another, neither of which, however, attained much eminence; in
1578 the Earl of Essex mustered a company of players, and in 1579,
Lord Strange, and the Earl of Derby, followed his example; in 1591
the Lord Admiral produced his set of comedians; in 1592 the Earl of
Hertford effected a similar arrangement; in 1593 Lord Pembroke
protected an association of actors, and at the close of Her Majesty’s
reign the Earl of Worcester had in pay also a company of theatrical
performers.”
As regards the management of his property in the play the author
had the choice of two methods. He might sell the copyright to the
theatre. In this case, to which authors frequently had recourse in the
age of Shakespeare, the dramatist sold outright the whole rights of
the piece, so that the proprietors of the theatre secured its
performance exclusively to their own company. If it was a popular
piece, of course, they were not anxious to publish it. If, however, the
author kept the piece in his own hands, he not only had the right of
publication, but he had, likewise, a claim upon the theatre for a
benefit. This, towards the termination of the sixteenth century, took
place on the second day, and was soon afterwards, as early indeed
as 1612, postponed to the third day.
The price of a drama, when disposed of to the public players, was
twenty nobles, or six pounds, thirteen shillings, and fourpence; but
private companies would sometimes give more than that sum.
The price of a play when published was sixpence, and the poet
received about forty shillings of an honorarium for a dedication. It
has been stated, however, that Shakespeare received but five
pounds for his Hamlet.
 100. St. Mary Spittal. 110. Place of Execution. 119. St. Catherine’s
102. Houndsditch. 111. Allhallow’s Church, Church.
103. Crutched Friars. Barking. 120. St. Catherine’s
104. Priory of Holy 112. The Custom House. Dock.
Trinity. 113. Tower of London. 121. St. Catherine’s
105. Aldgate. 114. The White Tower. Hospital.
106. St. Botolph, 115. Traitors’ Gate. 122. Isle of Dogs.
Aldgate. 116. Little Tower Hill. 123. Monastery of
107. The Minories. 117. East Smithfield. Bermondsey.
108. The Postern Gate. 118. Stepney. 124. Says Court,
109. Great Tower Hill. Deptford.
125. Palace of
Placentia.
126. Greenwich.

From the Panorama of “London, Westminster, and Southwark, in 1543.” By Anthony Van den
Wyngaerde. (Sutherland Collection, Bodleian Library, Oxford.) For continuation see pp. 218 and
235.

Hentzner, the German traveller, thus speaks of the theatres:—

“Without the City are some theatres, where English actors

represent almost every day Comedies and Tragedies to very
numerous audiences; these are concluded with variety of
dances, accompanied by excellent music and the excessive
applause of those that are present. Not far from one of these
 Theatres, which are all built of wood, lies the Royal Barge, close
to the river Thames; it has two splendid cabins, beautifully
ornamented with glass windows, painting and carving; it is kept
upon dry ground and sheltered from the weather.”

The entertainment offered to the French Ambassador at the Court

of Henry VIII. at Greenwich shows that acting and dressing formed
part of a courtly entertainment. They began with tournaments and
contests on foot and horse; they went on to an interlude in Latin,
the altars being all richly dressed.
“This being ended,” says the author of the Life of Wolsey, “there
came a great company of ladies and gentlemen, the chiefest
beauties in the realm of England, being as richly attired as cost could
make, or art devise, to set forth their gestures, proportions, or
beauties, that they seemed to the beholder rather like celestial
angels than terrestrial creatures, and in my judgment worthy of
admiration, with whom the gentlemen of France danced and
masked; every man choosing his lady as his fancy served; that done,
and the maskers departed, came in another masque of ladies and
gentlewomen, so richly attired as I cannot express; these ladies
maskers tooke each of them one of the Frenchmen to dance; and
here note, that these noblewomen spoke all of them good French,
which delighted them much to hear the ladies speak to them in their
own language. Thus triumphantly did they spend the whole night
from five of the clock at the night into two or three of the clock in
the morning; at which time the gallants drew all to their lodgings to
take their rest.”
There was a kind of show called a Prolusion. This appears to have
been a representation of some well-known event or legend. Thus in
1587 there was a Prolusion set forth by Hugh Offley, merchant-
adventurer and leather-seller, one of the Sheriffs of the year 1588. It
represented King Arthur and the Knights of the Round Table. He
chose 300 good archers, personable men; and he dressed them in
black satin doublets and black velvet hose; every man carried a bow
of yew and a dozen waxed arrows. They marched in goodly array
from Merchant Taylors to Mile End Green. Queen Elizabeth in her
chariot passed them, and stopped in order to see the show. “In her
whole life,” she said, “she had never seen a finer company of
archers.” They all fell on their knees and prayed God to prosper and
preserve Her Majesty. She thanked them and passed on her way,
while the archers proceeded to attack the sham forts which had
been set up, after which those who shot best took prizes, and
Master Hugh Offley provided a banquet for all.
It is interesting to remember that the Theatre had to contend for
the place of honour with the stately and courtly Masque. All that
artist could do for decoration, or stage manager could devise for
machinery, or that poet could imagine or invent for fable, was
pressed into the service of the Masque. The dresses the players
wore were most gorgeous; the speeches were fine; the dances and
the songs were most beautiful. Real mountains contained real caves;
Dryads ran out of the woods; Naiads lay beside running streams; all
the Gods and Goddesses of Ovid took part in the action; there were
thrones of gold and silver; there were star-spangled skies; sea gods
and river gods appeared; Tritons blew their shells; mermaids swam
about the sea-shell of mother-of-pearl in which sat Venus herself.
And all this time the Theatre itself had no scenery and no stage
management and no machinery. The Masque, however, did not
assume its full development till the next century. It will be found
more fully treated in the chapter on the Theatre and Art in London in
the Time of the Stuarts. Even more popular than the theatre were
the sports of bear-baiting, bull-baiting, wrestling, quarter-staff and
single-stick. The favourite place for these sports was the Paris
Garden beyond Bankside.
 “Yet everye Sondaye
They will surelye spende
One penye or two
The bearwardes lyvyng to mende.
At Paryse Garden eche Sondaye
A man shall not fayle
To fynde two or three hundreds
For the bearwardes vaile.
One halpenye a piece
They use for to give
When some have no more
In their purse, I believe.”

You shall read contemporary accounts of bear-baiting and bull-

baiting.
“Some,” says John Houghton in 1694, “keep the bull on purpose
for the sport of baiting, cutting off the tips of his horns, and with
pitch, tow, and such like matter, fasten upon them the great horns of
oxen, with their tips cut off, and covered with leather, least they
should hurt the dogs. Because these papers go into several other
countries, I’ll say something of the manner of baiting the bull, which
is, by having a collar about his neck, fastened to a thick rope about
three, four, or five yards long, hung to a hook, so fastened to a stake
that it will turn round; with this the bull circulates to watch his
enemy, which is a mastiff dog (commonly used to the sport) with a
short nose, that his teeth may take the better hold; this dog, if right,
will creep upon his belly, that he may, if possible, get the bull by the
nose, which the bull as carefully strives to defend, by laying it close
to the ground, where his horns are also ready to do what in them
lies to toss the dog; and this is the true sport.”
But if more dogs than one come at once, if they are cowardly and
come under his legs, he will, if he can, stamp their guts out. I
believe I have seen a dog tossed by a bull thirty, if not forty foot
high; and when they are tossed either higher or lower, the men
above strive to catch them on their shoulders, lest the fall might
mischief the dogs.
 They commonly lay sand about, that if they fall upon the ground it
may be the easier. Notwithstanding this care, a great many dogs are
killed, more have their limbs broke, and some hold so fast, that by
the bull’s swinging them their teeth are often broke out.
To perfect the history of bull-baiting, I must tell you, that the
famed dogs have crosses or roses of various coloured ribbon stuck
with pitch on their foreheads, and such like the ladies are very ready
to bestow on dogs or bull that do valiantly; and when ’tis stuck on
the bull’s forehead, that dog is hollowed that fetches it off, though
the true courage and art is to hold the bull by the nose ’till he roars,
which a courageous bull scorns to do.
Often the men are tossed as well as the dogs; and men, bull, and
dogs, seem exceedingly pleased, and as earnest at the sport as if it
were for the lives or livelihoods. Many great wagers are laid on both
sides, and great journeys will men and dogs go for such a diversion.
I knew a gentleman that bought a bull in Hertfordshire on purpose
to go a progress with him, at a great charge, into most of the great
towns in the West of England.
This is a sport the English much delight in; and not only the baser
sort, but the greatest lords and ladies.”
And here is Laneham on the sport of bear-baiting:—

“It waz a sport very pleazaunt of theez beasts; to see the

bear with hiz pink eyez leering after hiz enemiez approch, the
nimbleness and wayt of the dog to take hiz avauntage, and the
fors and experiens of the bear agayn to avoyd the assaults; if
he were bitten in one place, hoow he woold pynch in an oother
too get free; that if he wear taken onez, then what shyft with
byting, with clawyng, with roring, tossing and tumbling he
woold woork too wynde hymself from them; and when he waz
lose, to shake his earz twyse or thryse wyth the blud and slauer
aboout his fiznamy, waz a matter of a goodly releef.”
 We have already heard Hentzner on theatres, he has a word to
say also on baiting:—

“There is still another place, built in the form of a Theatre,

which serves for the baiting of bulls and bears; they are
fastened behind, and then worried by those great English dogs
and mastiffs, but not without great risk to the dogs from the
teeth of the one and the horns of the other, and it sometimes
happens they are killed on the spot; fresh ones are immediately
supplied in the places of those that are wounded or tired. To
this entertainment often follows that of whipping a blinded bear,
which is performed by five or six men, standing in a circle with
whips which they exercise upon him without any mercy;
although he cannot escape from them because of his chain, he
nevertheless defends himself vigorously, throwing down all who
come within his reach and are not active enough to get out of
it, tearing the whips out of their hands and breaking them. At
these spectacles, and everywhere else, the English are
constantly seen smoking the Nicotean weed, which in America is
called Tobaca, and generally in this manner: they have pipes on
purpose made of clay, into the farther end of which they put the
herb, so dry that it may be rubbed into powder, and lighting it,
they draw the smoke into their mouths, which they puff out
again through their nostrils, along with plenty of phlegm and
defluxion from the head. In these Theatres, fruits, such as
apples, pears, and nuts, according to the season, are carried
about to be sold, as well as wine and ale.”

But besides these cruel forms of so-called “sport,” there were

more legitimate pleasures such as archery.
“During the holy days in summer,” Fitz Stephen says, “the young
men exercise themselves in the sports of leaping, archery, etc.” The
practice of archery was maintained in the City after the longbow had
to give way before gun and cannon. As a pastime of the citizens
only, no account of London would be complete without reference to
archery. There were, as every one knows, two kinds of bow: the
longbow and the crossbow. The former, for various reasons—its
superiority in readiness of handling, lightness in carrying, range of
flight and sureness of aim, caused it to be much more generally
adopted in our armies than its rival. At Cressy, for instance, our men
were armed with longbows, and the French with crossbows; when
the rain fell the longbows could be easily covered up, the crossbow
could not, so that the strings were wetted and the power of the
weapon greatly injured. Edward the First, who had a great opinion of
the longbow as the superior weapon, ordered, on the threat of war
with France, every sheriff of a county to provide 500 white bows and
as many bundles of arrows. Edward the Third issued repeated
proclamations ordering the practice of archery. It would seem as if
the word archery in the fourteenth century included the crossbow as
well as the longbow, for Edward the Second, in 1314 (Riley,
Memorials, p. 124), commanded the City of London to furnish 300
arbalesters “more powerful for defence,” and to provide them with
“haketons, bacinets, collerettes, arbalests and quarels.” (The
haketon was a jacket of quilted leather; the bacinet was a
headpiece; the collerette, an iron collar for the protection of the
throat; the arbalest is the crossbow; the quarel was the bolt.)
Richard the Second ordered that every man in his household
should exercise himself as occasion should permit in archery. And in
1392 an Act was passed obliging all servants to practise archery on
holydays. In 1417 Henry V. ascribed his victory at Agincourt chiefly
to his archers, and orders the Sheriffs of the counties to pluck from
every goose six wing-feathers for the improvement of the arrow.
These feathers were the second, third, and fourth of each wing.
Edward IV. ordered that Englishmen in Ireland and every Irishman
living with Englishmen should be provided with a bow of his own
height, which was to be made of yew, wych, hazel, ash, or alder.
Butts were to be erected in every township, and the inhabitants
were to practise on every feast day. The same king sent a thousand
archers to the Duke of Burgundy, who was to pay them sixpence a
day, about five shillings of our money. Nothing can prove more
conclusively the estimation in which archers were held. The same
king provided for his war both guns and bows. A great deal of yew
was imported at this time; it came in the Venetian ships from
Dalmatia and the countries on the eastern shores of the Adriatic.
In the nineteenth year of Henry VII. the King finally decided for
the longbow against the crossbow, because “the longbow had been
much used in this realm, whereby honour and victory had been
gotten against outward enemies; the realm greatly defended; and
much more the dread of all Christian Princes by reason of the same.”
Henry VII. himself shot at the butts.
There were at least five statutes issued by Henry VIII. ordering
the practice of archery, but forbidding the crossbow.
The London Archers continued to hold their yearly contests in the
month of September, in spite of the fact that henceforth there would
be no use for the longbow in warfare. They formed a very fine
corps, had they been of any use; meantime, the City has always
loved a show, and a very fine show the Archers provided. Their
captain was called the Duke of Shoreditch; the captains of the
different Companies were called the Marquesses of Clerkenwell,
Islington, Hoxton, and the Earl of Pancras,[13] etc.; in the year 1583
they assembled at Merchant Taylors Hall to the number of 3000 all
sumptuously apparelled, “nine hundred and forty-two having chains
of gold about their necks.” They were escorted by whifflers and
bowmen to the number of 4000, besides pages and footmen; and so
marching through Broad Street, where the Duke of Shoreditch lived,
they proceeded by Moorfields and Finsbury to Smithfield, where,
after performing their evolutions, they shot at the target for glory.
The Finsbury Archers continued to exist and to hold their meetings
till well into the eighteenth century. Mr. Daines Barrington, writing
for the Society of Antiquaries in 1787, mentions that there were still
living two old men who had obtained prizes in these contests as late
as 1753, when they ceased. The same writer gives a map of the
butts or archers’ marks in Finsbury Fields as they were standing in
the year 1787. The distance between the marks varies from 120 feet
to 300 feet. It may be assumed that 200 feet was a fairly average
distance for an arrow. The proper weight for an arrow was
considered to be one ounce only; it was to be winged by three
feathers: two white being plucked from the gander, and one gray
taken from the goose; this difference in colour showed the archer
when the arrow was properly placed.
The Artillery Company or Finsbury Archers, predecessors of the
present Artillery Company, enjoyed certain privileges as to dress, as
to shooting at birds, and immunity from the charge of murder should
any one be killed by these arrows, especially after they had cried
“Fast!” as a warning.
It appears that bows and arrows were employed long after they
left the field of battle for shooting rabbits and crows, partly because
gunpowder was dear, but chiefly because the arrow makes no noise
to frighten the game away. The London Archers continued, in spite
of the fact that henceforth there would be no use of the longbow in
warfare, to hold their yearly contests in the month of September.
The Honourable Artillery Company, before it received its letters
patent, had been in the habit of practising archery in the fields of
Islington, Hoxton, and Shoreditch. In these fields targets or butts
were fixed to shoot at. Two of these butts or targets were still in
existence in 1860: one at the end of Dorchester Street, Hoxton, on
the east side of the New North Road near the Canal Bridge, and the
other in the brickwork of the Canal Bridge above the towing-path.
Two others had been destroyed about the year 1845: one in the
Britannia Fields, and the other in the ground now called Wellington
Square. That standing at the end of Dorchester Road was called
“Whitehall.” A drawing of it is given in the L. and M. Arch. Society
(vol. ii. p. 15).
The other sports, feasts, and festivals of the City remained in the
sixteenth century much as they had been before the change of Faith
with certain exceptions, such as the Boy Bishop, the Feast of All
Fools in the Church, and the Miracle Play with its profanity and
coarseness. These vanished. There remained the Feasts of Christmas
and Easter; the celebration of May Day; the Vigils of St. John, St.
Peter, and St. Paul; and the Midsummer Watch. There were also
Shrove Tuesday, Hocking Day, Whitsuntide, and Martinmas, with
some others. The ceremonies of a Christmas banquet are preserved
in Gerard Leigh’s Accidence of Armory, and have been reproduced by
Nichols. The feast was that of the year 1561. The place was the
Temple. The person called Palaphilos was the Constable and
Marshall, Dudley, Earl of Leicester.

“The next day I thought for my pastime to walk to this

Temple, and entring in at the gates, I found the building nothing
costly; but many comely Gentlemen of face and person, and
thereto very courteous, saw I pass to and fro, so as it seemed a
Prince’s port to be at hand; and passing forward, entred into a
Church of antient building, wherein were many monuments of
noble personages armd in knightly habit, with their cotes
depainted in ancient shields, whereat I took pleasure to behold.
Thus gazing as one bereft with the rare sight, there came unto
me an Hereaught, by name Palaphilos, a King of Armes, who
curteously saluted me, saying, ‘For that I was a stranger, and
seeming by my demeanour a lover of honour, I was his guest of
right’: whose curtesy (as reason was) I obeyed; answering ‘I
was at his commandment.’ ‘Then,’ said he, ‘ye shall go to mine
own lodging here within the Palace, where we will have such
cheer as the time and country will yield us’: where, I assure
you, I was so entertained, as no where I met with better cheer
or company, etc.
Thus talking we entred the Prince his Hall, where anon we
heard the noise of drum and fyfe. ‘What meaneth this drum?’
said I. Quoth he, ‘This is to warn Gentlemen of the Houshold to
repair to the dresser; wherefore come on with me, and ye shall
stand where ye may best see the Hall served; and so from
thence brought me into a long gallery, that stretched itself along
the Hall neer the Prince’s table, where I saw the Prince set: a
man of tall personage, a manly countenance, somewhat brown
of visage, strongly featured, and thereto comely proportioned in
all lineaments of body. At the nether end of the same table were
placed the Embassadors of sundry Princes. Before him stood the
carver, sewer, and cup-bearer, with great number of gentlemen
wayters attending his person; the ushers making place to
strangers of sundry regions that came to behold the honour of
this mighty Captain. After the placing of these honourable
guests, the Lord Steward, Treasurer, and Keeper of Pallas Seal,
with divers honourable personages of that Nobility, were placed
at a side-table neer adjoining the Prince on the right hand, and
at another table on the left side were placed the Treasurer of
the Household, Secretary, the Prince his Serjeant at the Law,
four Masters of the Revels, the King of Arms, the Dean of the
Chappel, and divers Gentlemen Pensioners to furnish the same.
At another table on the other side were set the Master of the
Game, and his Chief Ranger, Masters of Houshold, Clerks of the
Green Cloth and Check, with divers other strangers to furnish
the same. On the other side against them, began the table, the
Lieutenant of the Tower, accompanied with divers Captains of
foot-bands and shot. At the nether end of the Hall began the
table, the High Butler, the Panter, Clerks of the Kitchin, Master
Cook of the Privy Kitchin, furnished throughout with the
souldiers and guard of the Prince; all which, with number of
inferior officers placed and served in the Hall, besides the great
resort of strangers I spare to write.
 ROBERT DUDLEY, EARL OF LEICESTER (1532(?)-1588)
From the painting by Zuccaro in the National Portrait Gallery, London.

The Prince so served with tender meats, sweet fruits, and

dainty delicates confectioned with curious cookery, as it seemed
wonder a world to observe the provision; and at every course
the trumpetters blew the couragious blast of deadly war, with
noise of drum and fyfe, with the sweet harmony of violins,
sackbutts, recorders, and cornetts, with other instruments of
music, as it seemed Apollo’s harp had turned their stroke. Thus
the Hall was served after the most ancient order of the Island;
in commendation whereof I say, I have also seen the service of
great Princes, in solemn seasons and times of triumph, yet the
order hereof was not inferior to any. But to proceed, this
Hereaught Palaphilos, even before the second course came in,
standing at the high table said in this manner: ‘The mighty
Palaphilos, Prince of Sophie, High Constable Marshall of the
Knights Templars, Patron of the Honourable Order of Pegasus’;
and therewith cryeth ‘A Largess.’ The Prince, praysing the
Hereaught, bountifully rewarded him with a chain to the value
of an hundred talents.
I assure you, I languish for want of cunning, ripely to utter
that I saw so orderly handled appertaining to service; wherefore
I cease, and return to my purpose.
The supper ended, and tables taken up, the High Constable
rose, and a while stood under the place of honour, where his
achievement was beautifully embroidered and devised of sundry
matters, with the Ambassadors of foreign nations, as he thought
good, till Palaphilos, King of Armes, came in, his Hereaught
Marshal, and Pursivant before him; and after followed his
messenger and Caligate Knight; who putting off his coronal,
made his humble obeysance to the Prince, by whom he was
commanded to draw neer, and understand his pleasure; saying
to him, in few words, to this effect: ‘Palaphilos, seeing it hath
pleased the high Pallas to think me to demerit the office of this
place; and thereto this night past vouchsafed to descend from
heavens to increase my further honour, by creating me Knight of
her Order of Pegasus; as also commanded me to join in the
same Society such valiant Gentlemen throughout her province
whose living honour hath best deserved the same, the choice
whereof most aptly belongeth to your skill, being the watchman
of their doings and register of their deserts; I will ye choose as
well throughout our whole armyes, as elsewhere, of such
special gentlemen, as the gods hath appointed, the number of
twenty-four, and the names of them present us: commanding
also those chosen persons to appear in our presence in knightly
habit, that with conveniency we may proceed in our purpose.
This done Palaphilos obeying his Prince’s commandement, with
twenty-four knights, all apparelled in long white vestures, with
each man a scarf of Pallas colours, and them presented, with
their names, to the Prince; who allowed well his choice, and
commanded him to do his office. Who, after his duty to the
Prince, bowed towards these worthy personages, standing every
 man to his antienty, as he had born armes in the field, and
began to shew his Prince’s pleasure; with the honour of the
Order.”

And here is a note from Stow on Christmas Customs:—

“Against the feast of Christmas, every man’s house, as also

their parish churches, were decked with holm, ivie, bayes, and
whatsoever the season of the yeere aforded to be greene; the
conduits and standards in the streets were likewise garnished.
Amongst the which, I read, that in the yeere 1444, by tempest
of thunder and lightning, on the first of February at night, Paul’s
steeple was fired, but with great labour quenched, and toward
the morning of Candlemas day, at the Leaden Hall in Cornhill, a
standard of tree, beeing set up in the midst of the pavement
fast in the ground, nayled full of holme and ivy, for disport of
Christmas to the people, was torne up and cast downe by the
malignant spirit (as was thought), and the stones of the
pavement all about were cast in the streetes, and into divers
houses, so that the people were wore agast at the great
tempests.”

Let us pass on to the great Festival of May Day.

“Forth goeth all the court both most and lest,

To Fetch the floures fresh, and braunch and blome—
And namely hauthorn brought both page and grome
And than rejoysen in their great delite;
Eke ech at other throw the floures bright,
The primerose, the violete, and the gold.
With freshe garlants party blew and white.”

Philip Stubbes says:—“Against Maie, Whitsondaie, or some other

tyme of the yeare, every parishe, towne, and village assemble
themselves together, bothe men, women, and children; and either
goyng all together, or deviding themselves into companies, they goe
some to the woodes and groves, some to the hilles and mountaines,
some to one place, some to another, where they spend all the night
in pleasant pastymes, and in the mornyng they returne bringing with
them, birch, bouwes, and braunches of trees to deck their
assemblies withal. But their chiefest jewel they bring from thence is
their Maie poole, which they bring home with greate veneration, as
thus:—They have twentie or fortie yoke of oxen, every oxe havyng a
swete nosegaie of flowers tyed on the tippe of his hornes, and these
oxen drawe home the Maie poole (this stinckyng idoll rather), which
is covered all over with flowers and hearbes, bounde rounde aboute
with stringes from the top to the bottome, and sometyme painted
with variable colours, with two or three hundred men, women, and
children followyng it with greate devotion. And thus being reared up,
with handkerchiefes and flagges streamyng on the toppe, they
strawe the grounde aboute, binde greene boughs about it, sett up
sommer halles, bowers, and arbours hard by it; and then fall they to
banquet and feast, to leape and daunce aboute it, as the heathen
people did at the dedication of their idolles.... I have heard it
credibly reported,” he sarcastically adds, “by men of great gravity,
credite, and reputation, that of fourtie, three score, or a hundred
maides goyng to the wood over night, there have scarcely the third
parte of them returned home againe as they went.” (The Anatomie
of Abuses, 1836 edition, p. 171.)
Herrick says:—
 “Get up ... and see
The dew bespangling herbe and tree;
Each flower has wept, and bow’d toward the east,
Above an hour since; ... it is sin,
Nay profanation, to keep in;
When as a thousand virgins on this day,
Spring sooner than the larks to fetch in May!
Come, my Corinna, come; and comming marke
How each field turns a street, each street a parke
Made green and trimmed with trees; see how
Devotion gives each house a bough,
Or branch; each porch, each doore ere this,
An arke or tabernacle is,
Made up of white-thorn neatly interwove,
As if here were those cooler shades of love.
Can such delights be in the street,
And open fields, and we not see’t?
Come, we’ll abroad; and let’s obey
The Proclamation made for May,
And sin no more, as we have done, by staying.
There’s not a budding boy, or girle, this day
But is got up, and gone to bring in May;
A deale of youth, ere this, is come
Back, and with white-thorn laden home.
Some have dispatcht their cakes and creame,
Before that we have left to dreame;
And some have wept, and woo’d, and plighted troth,
And chose their priest, ere we can cast off sloth;
Many a green gown has been given;
Many a kisse, both odde and even;
Many a glance too has been sent
From out the eye, Love’s firmament;
Many a jest told of the keyes betraying
This night, and locks pickt, ye w’are not a Maying!”

Of the festive appearance of the streets in summer, and the

hospitality of the citizens, and the setting of the Midsummer Watch,
Stow speaks at length (Thoms’s edition, p. 39):—