HOI: BACKUP QUESTIONS

UNIT 3:
Q- Describe the state of trade and urbanization during the period 750-1200
Urban Processes in Early Medieval India.
The urban processes in early medieval India were deeply intertwined with the economic, social, and political
transformations of the period. A key element of this discourse is the hypothesis of Indian feudalism, which posits
the decline of cities, urban crafts, trade, and money during this time. Historian R.S. Sharma identifies two distinct
phases of urban decay: the first starting in the 3rd or 4th century CE and the second after the 6th century.
Sharma’s theory, based primarily on archaeological data, emphasizes the decline of long-distance trade as a
central factor in the urban contraction.
The weakening of urban centers disrupted the livelihoods of artisans and traders, leading many to migrate to
rural areas. This blurring of the lines between towns and villages marked a period of urban contraction, albeit
accompanied by agrarian expansion. Epigraphic evidence from this period reveals a shift in economic power,
with rights over markets being transferred to religious donees and temples increasingly receiving profits and
customs dues from merchants. Sharma interprets these changes as evidence of the feudalization of trade and
commerce.
Despite the decline, the later part of this period, particularly from the 11th century onward, saw signs of urban
renewal. Contributing factors included a revival of foreign trade, driven by increased cultivation of cash crops,
advancements in irrigation, shipbuilding, and internal trade networks. These developments not only facilitated
urban growth but also marked the beginning of the decline of the feudal order, paving the way for more
established urban processes by the 14th century.
Thus, the urban processes of early medieval India reflect a complex narrative of decline, adaptation, and
eventual renewal, shaped by shifting economic patterns and sociopolitical structures. The idea of urban decline
in early medieval India is not straightforward and can be questioned on several grounds. Historian B.D.
Chattopadhyaya has argued that while some cities declined, others continued to thrive, and new ones even
emerged during this period. For instance, Xuanzang mentions the decline of cities like Kaushambi, Shravasti,
Vaishali, and Kapilavastu, but also describes flourishing ones such as Thaneswar, Varanasi, and Kanyakubja.
Archaeological evidence, though incomplete, shows that some ancient cities like Ahichchhatra, Atranjikhera,
Rajghat, and Chirand remained inhabited. Chattopadhyaya also highlights epigraphic evidence from regions like
the Indo-Gangetic plains, the upper Ganga basin, and the Malwa plateau, pointing to urban centers like
Prithudaka (modern Pehoa), Tattandapura (Ahar), Siyadoni, and Gopagiri (Gwalior). While Prithudaka may
have been a semi-urban market, the others clearly had urban characteristics in the 9th–10th centuries.
Additionally, the literary works, sculptures, and architecture of the time suggest a vibrant urban culture,
supported by wealthy urban elites. This indicates that urban life in early medieval India was more dynamic and
diverse than a simple narrative of decline suggests.
Arguments by Key Scholars on Trade and Monetary Systems in Early Medieval India John S. Deyell (Monetary
Systems and Coinage)

John S. Deyell has shown that early medieval India did not experience a scarcity of money or financial crises,
contrary to earlier assumptions. While there was a decline in the aesthetic quality of coins and a reduction in the
variety of coin types, the overall volume of coins in circulation remained stable. Deyell argues that the
debasement of coins, often interpreted as a sign of financial instability, was instead a response to shortages of
precious metals, particularly silver, which was vital for coin production. Such shortages were due to disruptions
in the silver supply from regions like Afghanistan, a major source for the Indian subcontinent. These
developments did not indicate an economic collapse but reflected an increasing demand for coinage in a context
of limited metal availability. Furthermore, Deyell emphasizes that the roots of the post-1000 CE currency
systems lay in the preceding centuries, showing continuity in monetary practices.
K.N. Chaudhuri (Indian Ocean Trade)
K.N. Chaudhuri focuses on the vast trade networks of the Indian Ocean and their segmentation by the 11th
century. He highlights that Arab conquests in regions such as Egypt, Persia, and Sindh from the 7th century
onward gave Arabs strategic control over key trade routes, facilitating the expansion of international trade. The
establishment of the Ummayid and Abbasid caliphates enabled Arab traders to dominate both overland and
maritime trade routes. By the 11th century, the Indian Ocean trade network was divided into smaller segments,
such as the stretch from the Red Sea and Persian Gulf to Gujarat and Malabar, from the Indian coast to the
Indonesian archipelago, and from Southeast Asia to East Asia. Key trade emporia like Aden, Hormuz, Cambay,
Calicut, Malacca, and Guangzhou emerged at junctions of these segments, providing merchants with essential
cargo, shipping services, and protection. The trade involved diverse commodities such as silk, porcelain,
sandalwood, black pepper, incense, horses, ivory, textiles, and metal products. Chaudhuri notes that India's
maritime trade networks were particularly oriented eastwards, towards China and Southeast Asia, with Sri
Lanka serving as an important hub.
Ranabir Chakravarti (Local Trade and Mandapikas)

Ranabir Chakravarti highlights the importance of local trade centers known as mandapikas in early medieval
India. These centers served as intermediate nodes of exchange between small periodic markets (hatta or hattika)
and larger trade centers (pattana). Integrated with their rural hinterlands, mandapikas played a vital role in the
exchange of edible staples and cash crops. They were also locations for the collection of commercial tolls and
duties, functioning as administrative as well as economic hubs. In the Deccan, similar centers were referred to as
penthas, and in South India, they were called nagarams. Chakravarti also discusses the role of raja-shreshtis
(royal merchants), who were significant players in procuring luxury goods

and war animals for rulers. These merchants are mentioned more frequently in the early medieval period,
particularly in the Deccan and South India. However, their role in collecting revenue for kings at trade centers
remains uncertain.
V.K. Jain (Trade in Western India)

V.K. Jain’s analysis of the economic activity in western India between 1000 and 1300 CE reveals a diverse and
vibrant trade landscape. Traders in this region dealt in both luxury goods, such as ivory, fragrances like
sandalwood, camphor, and musk, and gold, as well as staples like food grains, pulses, salt, textiles, oil, ghee, and
jaggery. Jain notes that the trade of western India was largely regional, with traders focusing on coastal and
internal markets rather than long-distance trade. His study of literary and epigraphic sources also highlights the
extensive variety of goods traded, reflecting the vitality and diversity of the region’s economic activity during this
period.
These scholars collectively illustrate the richness and complexity of early medieval India’s trade and monetary
systems, showing both regional adaptations and integration into global networks. Their works challenge
simplistic narratives of economic decline, instead highlighting resilience and dynamism in the face of changing
geopolitical and material circumstances.
Trade and Urbanism in Early Medieval India
Trade and urban activities in early medieval India demonstrated remarkable continuity, adapting to changing
circumstances while remaining integral to economic and social life. Here's an overview:
1. Role of Merchants in Trade and Administration
Merchants were pivotal in sustaining trade and urbanism.
o Economic Contributions: They facilitated the exchange of luxury goods such as fine textiles, silk, and
spices, as well as staples like sugar, cotton, and leather goods. By the 11th century, their operations expanded to
include weapons and other essential commodities.
o Administrative Roles: Merchants often held key positions in local governance under dynasties like the
Chalukyas. They managed civic and military duties, ensuring the smooth functioning of trade and taxation
systems.
o Cultural and Religious Patronage: Jain merchants, in particular, were influential in western India,
financing the construction of temples, wells, and public infrastructure. They also supported learning and
literature, with notable examples like Hemachandra, a scholar and writer, emerging from merchant families.
2. India’s Maritime Trade India's maritime trade with Southeast Asia and China flourished during
this period, connecting the subcontinent with the broader Indian Ocean world.
o Export and Import Dynamics: While exports included cotton textiles, spices, and ivory, imports shifted
over time. Chinese porcelain replaced silk as a preferred import by the 11th century, alongside goods like
camphor, lacquer, fruits, and precious metals.
o Trade Hubs: Important port cities like Cambay, Calicut, and Kollam played vital roles in linking India’s
coastal trade to larger global networks.
3. Tansen Sen’s Perspective on Sino-Indian Interactions Historian Tansen Sen
highlights the evolving nature of India-China relations between the 7th and 15th centuries.
o Shift from Cultural to Commercial Links: Earlier exchanges were dominated by Buddhist cultural and
religious connections. However, over time, trade became the primary focus as China developed its own Buddhist
traditions and practices.
o Revival of Trade Routes: By the late 10th century, overland and maritime trade between India and
China saw significant revival. The demand for Indian goods like textiles and spices and Chinese items like
porcelain and lacquer drove these exchanges.
4. Integration of Trade, Religion, and Urban Life Urban centers like mandapikas in
North India and nagarams in the South served as crucial trade nodes, integrating rural and urban economies.
Religious institutions also played a role in urban finance, often receiving tolls and taxes from merchants to fund
temple maintenance and festivals.

The early medieval period saw significant changes and diversification in trade patterns, routes, and commodities,
with key insights provided by scholars like Meera Abraham and others. One of the key shifts in this period, as
analyzed by Meera Abraham, was the transformation in the types of goods traded. Initially, Indian trade was
dominated by luxury items such as silk, spices, and precious stones. However, over time, there was a noticeable
shift towards more basic and staple goods, including yarn, textiles, dyes, processed iron, and pepper. By the mid-
12th century, inscriptions started recording the large-scale import of goods from regions such as West Asia,
Southeast Asia, and China. These imports included items like precious stones, pearls, perfumes, silk, and horses,
reflecting the growing diversity of India’s trade links during this period.

A major development in early medieval Indian trade was the increasing prominence of maritime routes over
overland trade. From the 8th century onwards, sea routes became more commonly used, with ships passing
through the Andaman and Nicobar Islands, the Bay of Bengal, Sumatra, and the South China Sea. This shift was
largely due to technological advancements in shipbuilding, such as the transition from sewn ships to sturdier
vessels with nailed hulls, making maritime trade more efficient and reliable. These developments helped expand
India’s trade reach, especially to Southeast Asia and China, where trade networks were flourishing.

Key ports along both the West and East coasts of India grew in importance during this period. On the West
Coast, Quilon (Kollam) emerged as a major trading hub, facilitating

significant interactions with traders from Egypt, West Asia, and China. In particular, Quilon became a key stop
for Chinese missions during the Yuan dynasty. While the Bay of Bengal ports were less active than the ports on
the Malabar or Coromandel coasts, sites like Tamralipti, Samandar, and those on the Orissa coast, such as
Khalakapatna and Manikapatna, were important centers for trade. Excavations at these sites revealed Chinese
celadon ware, porcelain, copper coins, and West Asian pottery, highlighting the international connections and
cultural exchanges taking place.

Arab and Persian traders played a significant role in the expansion of India’s maritime trade during the early
medieval period. These traders began settling along India’s western coasts, particularly in Gujarat, Konkan, and
Malabar. The first recorded settlement of Arabs on the Coromandel coast dates back to 875 CE, when the king of
Madurai granted them asylum. By the 13th century, Arab merchants had established a strong presence in
Gujarat, particularly in ports like Cambay and Prabhasapattana. In addition to the Arabs, Jewish communities
settled in Malabar, and Persian Zoroastrians (Parsis) also migrated to the Kerala coast due to political upheavals
in West Asia.
Trade with China also expanded significantly during this period. By the 13th century, Indian textiles,
particularly cotton, became one of the most important exports to China. In return, China exported items like
porcelain, camphor, silk, and various metals, including gold and copper, to India. This exchange reflected the
increasing integration of India into global trade networks and the growing importance of Chinese goods in the
Indian market.

Meera Abraham's analysis of the Ayyavole guild inscriptions highlights a significant shift in the types of goods
traded during the early medieval period. Initially, luxury goods dominated trade, but by the 12th century, there
was a noticeable change towards the trade of more basic and essential items such as yarn, textiles, dyes,
processed iron, pepper, and horses. Abraham also points out that by the mid-12th century, South India began
importing large quantities of goods from regions like West Asia, Southeast Asia, and China. These imports
included precious stones, pearls, perfumes, myrobalans, honey, wax, textiles (including silk), spices, horses, and
even elephants.

The South Indian merchant guilds were also active in exporting a variety of goods. These exports included cotton
textiles, spices like pepper, iron, dyes, ivory, areca, and putchuck. By the 13th century, the focus of trade shifted
further towards the western coastal ports of India, with regions like Gujarat and the Malabar coast becoming
increasingly important for international trade.

Finally, the expansion of trade in early medieval India also led to the development of more integrated local and
global markets. Merchant guilds, such as those of the Ayyavole, played a crucial role in connecting regional
economies to the larger global trading system. These guilds facilitated the exchange of goods between local
hinterlands and international markets, helping to sustain the growing trade networks and shaping the economic
landscape of the time.
SOUTH INDIA
The early medieval period in South India saw significant urban growth, particularly with the rise of nagarams,
which were market or commercial centers focused on the production and exchange of commodities at local,
regional, and international levels. These nagarams were independent entities, sometimes granted special status
and free from local jurisdiction. They had corporate bodies of merchants known as nagarattars, who also
managed land and collected revenue.
During the Chola period, nagarams grew in importance, and specialized corporate groups emerged, such as
those for textile trade, oil suppliers, seafaring merchants, and oil merchants. Craft production also saw
advancements, such as the introduction of bullock-driven oil mills and improvements in textile weaving. Cities
like Kanchipuram, known for its cotton industry, became important centers for weaving, and weavers and
merchants began investing in land and gaining social status.
The connection between cities, kings, and temples was vital during this period. The Cholas, in particular,
constructed grand temples like the Brihadishvara temple in Tanjavur, which became the center of the city. This
temple not only symbolized the political and religious power of the Chola dynasty but also had economic
significance, generating demand for goods and services. Other cities, such as Kudamukku and Palaiyarai, also
grew as urban centers, with Kudamukku being a sacred site and Palaiyarai serving as an administrative center.
These cities were linked to trade routes and known for crafts like metalwork and textiles.
Madurai and Kanchipuram were important political, economic, and religious centers, with Kanchipuram being
a hub for weaving and commerce. Kanchipuram also had cultural significance as a center of Buddhism, Jainism,
and various forms of Hinduism. The growth of cities during this period was also reflected in the development of
caste systems, with new trading castes emerging, particularly in regions like Karnataka.
In early medieval South India, there was a significant development in trade, social structure, and the rise of
powerful merchant guilds. Several key points can be summarized as follows:
1. Emergence of Caste Groups and Occupational Divisions: Many occupational groups, like the gaudas
(village headmen) and heggades (revenue officials), evolved into castes. A new social dichotomy, the
idangai (left hand) and valangai (right hand) castes, emerged. The right-hand caste typically consisted
of agricultural groups, while the left-hand caste included artisanal and trading groups. Though these
divisions were not initially antagonistic, conflict later arose between them.
2. Trade Routes and Coastal Towns: Coastal towns became crucial hubs for maritime trade.
Mamallapuram (under the Pallavas) and Nagapattinam (during the Chola period) were key ports, while
Kaveripattinam and Tiruppalaivanam also served as important centers. Quilon (Kollam), a significant
 port town on the western coast, had important trade agreements with foreign merchants, including the
Manigramam guild.
3. Flourishing Trade Networks: South India engaged in a broad range of trade, both regional and
international. The 11th- and 12th-century inscriptions mention a variety of goods: rice, pepper, cloth,
oil, horses, gems, and luxury items like silk and camphor. Trade with Southeast Asia, China, and West
Asia was especially notable, with items like horses from Arabia, silk from China, and elephants from
Myanmar being imported.
4. Powerful Merchant Guilds: Guilds like the Ayyavole (Ainnurruvar) and Manigramam were influential,
managing both local and international trade. These guilds, particularly the Ayyavole, were vital in
regulating customs duties, protecting merchants, and engaging in long-distance trade. The guilds were
organized on occupational and economic interests, and their influence extended to places like Sri
Lanka, Southeast Asia, and China.
5. Chola Kings and Trade: The Chola rulers supported trade through the establishment of erivirappattanas
(protected trade towns) and military expeditions aimed at controlling strategic trade routes. Their
invasions of Sri Lanka and parts of Southeast Asia were not just for plunder but to secure valuable trade
sectors, such as the pearl fisheries of the Gulf of Mannar.
6. Cultural and Economic Exchanges: The Chola kings had significant diplomatic and trade relations with
Southeast Asia. The exchange of goods and cultural items was reciprocated, with gifts and trade
missions traveling between the Chola Empire and kingdoms like Sri Vijaya and Kadaram in Southeast
Asia.
In short, the early medieval period in South India witnessed the rise of powerful merchant guilds, an expansion
in trade routes, and a growing connection between South India, Southeast Asia, and China. The political
structure supported trade through military conquests and the establishment of protected commercial centers.
This period laid the foundation for South India's active participation in global trade.
Champakalakshmi's Theory on Urbanization in South India
Champakalakshmi's theory on urbanization in South India, particularly during the Pallava and Pandya periods,
emphasizes the central role of Brahmadeyas (land grants to Brahmins) and temples in the development of urban
centers. She argues that urbanization in this period was closely tied to agrarian expansion and intensive
agricultural production, which supported a growing population. Key points in her argument include:
1. Agrarian Expansion and Urbanization: The expansion of agricultural settlements during the Pallava-
Pandya rule, continued into the Chola period, facilitated urban development. As agriculture flourished,
it supported larger populations, leading to the rise of new settlements and the development of trade.
2. Role of Temples and Brahmadeyas: Temples and Brahmadeyas played a central role in urbanization. The
temples were not only religious centers but also became focal points for economic activities. They were
established in Brahmana-Kshatriya centers where Brahminical ideologies were promoted, with the
ruling elite claiming Kshatriya status and divine descent.
3. Trade and Commercial Growth: By the 8th and 9th centuries, South India saw the emergence of
merchant organizations and the growth of long-distance trade, particularly through nagarams, which
connected regional trade routes. Royal policies promoted commercial activities and helped sustain local
markets, accelerating urban development.
4. Urban Decay Theory: Champakalakshmi rejects the Urban Decay Theory in the context of South India,
arguing that cities played multiple roles and did not decline as some earlier scholars suggested. Instead,
urban centers evolved continuously, supported by both religious and commercial activities.
5. Four Determinants of Urban Development: She identifies four key factors that influenced urban
development:
o Brahmadeya and Devdana Settlements: These religious endowments formed the core of early
kingdoms and were central to urban development.
 o Political and Administrative Centers: New political centers, such as Thanjavur and
Gangaikondacholapuram, were strategically located and grew into urban centers.
o Sacred Associations: Temples and religious centers were vital in attracting people and
encouraging the development of urban settlements.
o Trade and Commercial Activities: Ports and market towns, particularly those involved in
international trade, also contributed to the growth of urban centers.

1. Religious and Economic Integration: Champakalakshmi emphasizes that while trade was a
significant factor, religious activities—especially related to temples— were the dominant force
behind urban development. The sacred functions of temples, combined with their economic
activities, allowed for the mobilization of surplus from dense peasant settlements and intensive
agriculture

CONCLUSION

The process of urbanization in early medieval India was complex and regionally diverse.
R.S. Sharma’s theory of feudalism and urban decay suggested that the rise of feudalism and scarcity of coinage
led to de-urbanization. However, B.D. Chattopadhyay’s use of epigraphic evidence challenged this, showing
that urbanization continued in some northern regions. John S. Deyell further critiqued Sharma by arguing
that the economy remained active despite coinage debasement. In South India, R. Champakalakshmi
emphasized that urban growth was driven by agrarian expansion, temple institutions, and Chola imperialism,
with temples acting as cultural and economic hubs. Urban centers evolved around these factors, with trade
and religious activities playing a significant role. Further research is needed to fully understand the varied
nature of urbanization in different regions.
UNIT 2:
Q. Analyze the nature of the Turkish invasions in the light of its Central Asian
background.

Ans. The Turkish ‘invasions’ refer to two phases of campaigns into India – first, under the Ghaznavids and
Mahmud of Ghazni; and the second under the Ghurids, led by Muizzuddin Muhammad Ghuri - which were
conducted in the 11th and 12th centuries and culminated in the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate in 1206
A.D. They are called ‘Turkish’ because they were led by people who were ethnically Turks, though they were
influenced by Persian traditions. The nature of these campaigns has been the subject of great debate among
historians, i.e., whether they were guided by religious zeal or political-economic motives. But to answer this
question, one needs to look at their Central Asian background.

RISE OF TURKS – INDEPENDENT SULTANS – MAHMUD OF GHAZNI

One of the pertinent questions is why it was the Turks and not others, who came to India. For this we must
trace the history of the Turks. Their political rise goes back to the Abbasid Caliphate, which began the practice
of recruiting and training Turkish slaves in the military warfare and administration in an attempt to build an
independent support base and strengthen their position. These slaves were also trained in Persian language
and culture. Most of these slaves were either prisoners of war or bought from Turkish clans. They owed
allegiance to their master, though not necessarily to his descendants. This led to the beginning of the ghulam
system. Over a period of time, these ghulams began to be appointed to positions of authority, e.g. governors.
Islam did not discriminate against slaves and soon they became very powerful. They came to dominate the
Abbasid court and played a key role in matters of succession.

After the decline of the Abbasids in the 9th century, several prominent provincial dynasties became
autonomous and numerous ‘succession states’ came up, either founded by Turks or with the help of Turkish
slaves. However, they still continued to recognize the authority of the Caliphs. The rulers addressed
themselves as amirs (commanders) of the Caliph and usually went through the formality of obtaining a patent
of authority (manshur), a robe of investiture (khillat) and a sonorous title (laqab) from him, in return for
inserting his name in the khutbah and the sikkah. One such family was the Samanids, which dominated
Central Asia and Persia in the late 9th-10th. They further expanded the ghulam system and so Turks continued
to rise in importance. Alptagin was one such slave, posted in Ghazni, who, taking advantage of a weakening
Samanid state, began to carve out an independent area of influence around Ghazni. Gradually, under his
successors, the state emerged as an independent political entity.

Mahmud of Ghazni was the ruler of this Ghaznavid dynasty from 998 to 1130 A.D. He was the first to
formally adopt the title of ‘Sultan’. He also took titles like amin-ul-millat (Protector of the Muslim
Community) and yamin-ud-daulah/khilafat (Right-hand of the Empire/Khilafat). Thus, it is with him that
one sees the culmination of the process of growth of monarchical institution. However, links were still
maintained with the Abbasid Caliph, who formally recognized Mahmud as Sultan by sending him a khillat.
This did not imply subordination but sanction; the state was independent in all spheres of governance.

Islam did not provide for monarchy and there were no laws of succession. The position of the Sultan was open
to challenge, as anyone who could militarily defend his claim could occupy the throne. Mahmud wanted to
boost his image and build a larger Central Asian empire centered around Ghazni. But he faced pressure from
the Samanid state in the west and the Qara-khitais in the Trans-Oxiana region. So he turned eastwards
towards Hindustan. He led a series of 17 campaigns, beginning in 1001 A.D. against the Hindu Shahi dynasty
of Punjab, till the last one in 1027 A.D., against the Jats. But he never went beyond western Punjab. Though
this was not the first encounter of an Islamic ruler with India, these campaigns in many ways set the stage for
later Turkic dynasties to invade India.
Mahmud’s death in 1030 led to the rapid decline of the Ghaznavid empire. It was facilitated by a wave of
Turkish migrations, the Seljuks, from the steppes east of the Caspian Sea, who established of the Seljukid state
in Central Asia, Persia and Afghanistan. Following its disintegration, we see the rise of the Ghurid state in
north-west Afghanistan and the Khwarazim state in Khurasan and Iran. These were established by vassals of
the Ghaznavids and Seljuks, and were in constant conflict with each other for control over Khurasan. The
Ghurid rulers belonged to the Shansabani dynasty, which claimed descent from an ancestor known as Shansa,
who was an officer in the Ghaznavid state. It was quite unlike other Muslim monarchies at this time in
respect to the fact that it three chiefs or Sultans – Ghiyasuddin, Shihabuddin (Muizzuddin), and their uncle
Malik Fakhruddin. After the death of his elder brother, Shihabuddin came in control of empire, very powerful
by his time, with its capital at Ghazni.

By this time, numerous other smaller Turko-Persian states existed, who were also trying to assert their
superiority and expand into new territories. The Khwarazim Shahs suffered from the overlordship of the
Qara-khitais to their rear, and the hostility of the Abbasid Caliph. Muizzuddin was pushed into India due to
pressure from the Khwarazims in the west and the Mongols in the north. The movement eastwards was also
facilitated by Turkish migrations into India, in search of land, pasture and fertile areas. It was his campaigns
that led to the conquest of North India.

Due to political and geographical reasons, it was only Upper Sind which Muizzuddin could reach on his first
expedition into India. A number of Rajput states confronted him. Chief among them was the Chauhana
kingdom, with its capital at Ajmer. Thus further expansion was not possible till the Ghaznavid territories
under Khusrau Malik were annexed, which would bring control of the more northerly routes via the Khyber
Pass. Ghuri captured Multan in 1175; Uchch in 1176; Peshawar in 1179; and Lahore in 1186. With this, he
could now enter the Gangetic plains. With the Chauhanas, two major battles were fought at Tarain. Ghuri
was defeated in first one in 1191, by the Rajput ruler Prithviraja Chauhan, and was obliged to return to
Ghazni. He however returned in 1192 and won the second time, and Prithviraja was captured. This was a
major victory. From this time onwards we can date the establishment of a permanent Muslim force in the
region, at Indraprastha, near Delhi. But direct Muslim rule was not imposed on a uniform basis. Ajmer was
left in the possession of Prithviraja’s son, now a client of Muizzuddin. This pattern was followed many times
in other regions conquered by Muslims later. In 1193, he defeated Rai Jai Chand, the ruler of Kanauj, at
Chandwar. Thus, the whole of Northern India from the banks of the Ravi to the banks of the Brahmaputra
came into the hands of the Ghurian Turks.

Muizzuddin’s campaigns into India were initially handled by his kinsmen, the Ghuris, and the Khalaj.
However, after the Second Battle of Tarain, the conquests came under the command of his Turkish ghulams.
Yalduz and Qubacha conducted campaigns in the north-west, Punjab, Kutch and Gujarat. Qutb-ud-din Aibek
conducted conquests in the Gangetic plains, while the eastern campaigns into Bengal and Bihar were under
Bakhtiyar Khalji. Irfan Habib has shown how he took care to promote his ghulams, particularly to
administrative and military office in India. This was because after his brother’s death, he was largely occupied
by the developments in Khwarazim, where the Khwarazim Shah sought to recover territories previously lost
to the Ghurids. So he relied increasingly on his Turkish slave lieutenants. In fact, the forging and preservation
of an independent Muslim power in India was, in large measure, the work of Turkish slave commanders and
their own ghulams.

On his death, Muizzuddin left no heir, and his vast inheritance was disputed by his relatives and slaves, and
his enemy, the Khwarazim Shah, who repudiated Qara-khitain overlordship and annexed the Ghurid
territories in Khurasan. The later Ghurid princes were defeated by the Khwarazimians, and they lost their
power in Central Asia and even their homeland. The Khwarazim empire was also brought to an end by the
Mongol campaigns of Chengiz Khan in the 13th century. Nevertheless Ghuri’s Turkish slave-officers
succeeded in establishing an empire in India. Following his master’s death, Aibek took up residence at Lahore,
where he established himself as ruler in 1206 A.D. With this, the Delhi Sultanate came into existence.
The large-scale military operations of the Ghurids in the last quarter of the 12 th and first quarter of the 13th
century were neither abrupt nor unexpected. They were the culmination of a series of sporadic incursions
during the preceding century and a half. The Rajputs were aware of the growing Turkish pressure by the 11 th
century. This is clear from the mention of the tax called Turushkadanda (collected either to finance the
struggle against the Muslims or to meet their demands for tribute) in a grant of the Gahadavala rulers of
Kanauj, dated to 1090. The language of the grant suggested that the tax was a familiar impost. A more
definite evidence of the threatening advance of the Turks is furnished by an inscription of Prithviraja I
recording the fortification of the frontier town of Hansi to check the progress of “the hammira who has
become the cause of anxiety to the world”.

There is a misconception that the Turks had an easy victory in India and that the establishment of the
Sultanate was a simple affair, conducted by a single individual. However, this is completely untrue. The Turks
never had an easy victory – they had to put up with stiff resistance, earlier from the Hindu Shahis, and later
from the Rajputs, who even defeated the Turks several times. Permanent conquest was a protracted affair and
took a whole century. Even then, actual control was restricted only to a few cities in North India. The
consolidation of the empire and establishment of the Sultanate was a result of the joint effort of the Turkish
slaves of Muizzuddin.

HISTORIOGRAPHY
Having seen the background to the invasions, it is now possible to analyze the nature of the Turkish
campaigns, i.e., whether they were religious or not. One view is that the desire to spread Islam was the
primary motive behind the invasions, and the destruction of temples during the course of the invasions is
taken as evidence for this. The other view attributes it to political and economic factors that influenced the
‘invaders’. This problem has arisen due to the nature of the sources available for this period, and the way in
which they were interpreted by Orientalist scholars who first undertook the task of translating them, after the
establishment of British rule in India.

The main sources for this period are the Persian court chronicles, of which Minhaj-us-Siraj Juzjani’s Tabaqat-
i-Nasiri and Utbi’s Tarikh-i-Yamini are important, because while the latter was a contemporary of the
Ghaznavids, the former wrote in the period of the Ghurids. Later works like the Tajul-Maasir of Hasan
Nizami, and Zia-ud-Din Barani’s Tarikh-i-Firozshahi and Fatawa-i-Jahandari are also useful. The main
problem with these sources is their use of religious terminology to describe events. History was seen in the
larger Islamic context. They attempted to celebrate and exaggerate the victories of the Turks as achievements
of Islam. Muslims who were killed in these wars were given the status of shahid, while those who survived
were called ghazi (holy warrior). Muizzuddin’s forces are designated as ‘the army of Islam’. Sometimes the
campaigns were called jihad (holy war). But this retrospective, hyperbolic, and rhetorical character can be
attributed to the background of the writers, most of who came from the ulema class. Also, exaggerated report
of destruction of temples had a definite propaganda value – it bolstered the dubious legitimacy of the Turkish
ghulam rulers; and it facilitated recruitment in central Asia by holding out prospects both of religious glory
and of worldly riches. Thus, the writings were addressed to a certain audience and were more concerned with
effect rather than accuracy. Later, in the face of the threat from Mongol invasions, there was a sense of
nostalgia about the glory of the Turko-Persian states which had been destroyed. Accounts of travelers, like Al-
beruni’s Kitab-ul-Hind, and Central Asian works like Kamil fi’l-Tarikh by Ibn al-Athir, may also be used but
these are quite unreliable.

Juxtaposed to this “Epic” literature is what Aziz Ahmad calls “Counter-Epic”, i.e., indigenous Bardic
literature, mainly that of the Rajputs. Here there is an attempt to glorify the resistance put up by the Rajputs
and exaggerate their chivalry and bravery. Thus, the weaknesses of the Rajputs are undermined. E.g. it is said
that Prithviraja’s forces had an edge over the Turks even in the Second Battle of Tarain. But when the Rajputs
were gaining ground, the Turks retreated, only to return once the Rajput armies had also retreated. So their
victory is attributed to their deceitful strategies. But this has no historical basis, though it is mentioned in
works like Prithvirajraso by Chand Bardoi and Prithviraja Vijaya by Janaka. Also, these texts were written and
compiled over a span of several centuries, initially being passed through an oral tradition. So they were prone
to interpolations, and tended to present the Rajputs as heroes. These texts can be supplemented with
archaeological evidence from monuments, coins, inscriptions etc.

Thus, we can see that Persian literature tried to present the non-Muslims of India as “the other”, while the
Bardic literature did the same for the Turks. This was wrongly built upon by the Orientalist scholars. They
tended to present the medieval period in India as one of backwardness, and Muslim dominance and
aggression. They translated only selected passages from the primary sources, suited to their convenience, to
highlight Muslim cruelty and oppressiveness. A primary example is Elliot and Dawson’s ‘ History of India as
Told by Its Own Historians’. This was done in order to justify colonial rule in India. Also, in accordance with
the British policy of ‘Divide and Rule’, the separate identities of the Hindu and Muslim communities were
emphasized. So any social strife was described as communal. But this Hindu-Muslim aggression is a modern-
day construct. None of the wars fought during the campaigns took a religious colour. B. D. Chattopadhyaya
has shown that the Sanskrit sources of medieval times never address the Turks in religious terms. The terms
used was either ethnic – Turushka, referring to Turks; or geographical – Yavana; or cultural – mleccha. This
is also true for the Rajput texts. Moreover, the emphasis on the religious identity of people is wrong. In this
period, identities were multi-faceted and segmented. Religion was just one basis of identity; more important
was a person’s caste, class, region, sect, clan etc. This was ignored by the Orientalists, who misrepresented
religion as a fundamental division in society.

This kind of presentation was continued by Nationalist writers as firstly, they depended, to a large extent, on
the colonialist translations of the primary sources. Secondly, they tended to present the Turks as ‘foreign’ or
‘alien’ or ‘the other’, in order to restore national pride and glory, and arouse feelings of patriotism. Most of
these writers were part of the freedom struggle and wanted to unite people against the British.

These representations have been criticized by several scholars like Romila Thapar and M. Habib. Romila
Thapar points out that the Orientalists assume that monolithic all-inclusive communities of Hindus and
Muslims existed in the medieval period. She has tried to show that both these communities cannot be
presented uniformly as ‘Hindu’ and ‘Muslim’. She calls such an attempt the “tyranny of labels”, where such
“imagined communities” are created by modern constructs. ‘Hindu’, according to her, is an amorphous term.
Moreover, it was originally used by Arabs to refer to the inhabitants of the land across the Sindhu or Indus
river. Also, there is no well-defined and historically evolved religion which we now call Hinduism. The
modern description of Hinduism ignores the clear differences that existed in early times, between
Brahmanism and Sramanism; and also a multiplicity of beliefs that existed regarding sacrifices, renunciation
etc. The devotional bhakti cults; the Tantric cults; Vaishnavism, Shaivism and Shaktism; and even Jainism and
Buddhism are presented as breakaways from ‘Hindu’ religion. Actually these were religious sects that co-
existed. A Hindu religion with a common belief did not exist in medieval times.

Simultaneously in these writings, there is also an attempt to search for a Prophet, a revealed book, a
monotheistic God, ecclesiastical organization, and a founder. This was the result of several factors – of
Christian missionaries who saw religions in India as primitive; of Orientalist scholars who wanted to fit it into
a known ‘model’; and of the Indian reformers attempting to cleanse Indian religion and finding parallels in
Semitic religion. But the evolution of Hinduism is not a linear progression from a founder. It is rather the
mosaic of distinct cults, deities, sects, and ideas.

She too, like Chattopadhyaya, looks at how Turks were presented in Indian sources. The name ‘Muslim’ does
not occur anywhere. Only terms like Turushka, Yavana, Śaka, mleccha etc. were used. Yavana was used for
the Greeks and others coming from West Asia since the 1st millennium B.C. So it was an indication of the
Turks being from the west. Mleccha referred to non-Sanskrit speaking people, often outside the caste
hierarchy or regarded as foreign. The Arabs were spoken of as Tajiks in the sense of traders. Also, the Persian
sources spoke of Hindus sometimes in the sense of the indigenous population, sometimes as a geographical
entity, and sometimes as followers of a non-Islamic religion. So the perception which the two groups had of
each other was not in terms of a monolithic religion but more in terms of distinct and disparate castes and
sects. Anyway, the recognition of a religious identity does not automatically establish a religious community.
The notion of expansive communities is imagined and the premises on which such communities are
constructed are thus open to analysis.

Cynthia Talbot has examined Hindu representations of Muslims through a case study of Andhra between the
years 1323 and 1650. The study commences with the fall of Andhra’s local Kakatiya dynasty, which was
under attack from the Khalji and Tughluq armies, and ends with the fall of the fourth and last Vijayanagara
dynasty. For this, she uses 100 Sanskrit or Telugu inscriptions from Andhra, supplemented by literary
materials. But while using them, one must keep in mind that they were mostly land grants given to the temple
or the brahmanas, and thus represent the viewpoint of the religious and political elite, and not the common
beliefs of the time.

In most inscriptions, the Turks are presented in negative light. E.g the Vilasa Grant of Prolaya Nayaka, issued
sometime between 1325 and 1350 A.D. Various proofs of their wicked character are mentioned – brahmanas
were forced to abandon their sacrificial rites, temples were destroyed, brahmana villages (agrahara) were
confiscated, and cultivators were deprived of their produce. It is to be noted that most of these evil acts
affected the brahmanas. But these cannot be taken literally, for they resemble too closely the representations
in the Puranas regarding the Kali Yuga, which is associated with the coming and domination of foreign
elements and the disruption of the brahmanical society. They were composed at a time when the Shakas and
Kushanas were invading India, and Buddhism had achieved popularity. It is similar fears of a loss of status
and power for the brahmanas that are echoed in the Vilasa grant, another time of turbulence when
brahmanical privilege was threatened.

She also points out that it is only initially that the Turks are so represented, and that too primarily in the
aftermath of dramatic military conflict and severe military strife. Also, such representations were used by the
new elements in the polity to legitimize their position and gain allegiance, by depicting them as upholders of
the dharma. Thus, the pejorative characterization of Muslims was a by-product of the process of identity-
formation Even then, they are never referred to as ‘Islamic’ but Turushkas, mlecchas etc. They were
demonized but initially such enmity is natural as they were conquerors. Such representations recede over
time and gradually the inscriptions show that the Turks were accepted a political rival of the time, like the
other Hindu powers. In a 1352 A.D. inscription, the title “Hindu-raya-suratrana” or ‘the Sultan among Hindu
Kings’ is assumed by the Vijayanagara king. Here “Hindu” meant Indic as opposed to Turkish, and not “of the
Hindu religion” as opposed to “of the Islamic religion”. Once political stability comes about in the 14 th-15th
centuries, Muslims figure mainly as mighty warriors, and not missionaries, over whom victories in battle
were to be admired.

Faced with the practical reality of co-existence, there is evidence of a substantial degree of acculturation. The
Muslim polities were dependent on Hindu official warriors for tax-collection. Bi-lingual inscriptions were
issued. Conversely, Muslim expertise in military and administrative affairs was adopted by their rival Hindu
polities. The Vijayanagara army included contingents of Muslim horse-riders. Muslim influences are also seen
in the sphere of architecture, dress etc. There was also an influx of Persian and Arabic words into the Telugu
language.

Talbot argues that the language of ‘us-versus-them’ was utilized to strengthen emergent identities in a fluid
and constantly changing socio-political milieu. This brings us to the representation of Muslims as “foreign” or
“alien”. This was again the work of Colonialists, who, because the English government was a foreign
government, imagined the Delhi Sultanate to be alien as well. There are several problems with such an
analysis. Firstly, it should be pointed out that most of the Muslims in India were Indian converts, who had
lived in the country for several centuries. Secondly, the Mongol invasions cut off the Indian Turks from their
homelands, and they rapidly adapted to the conditions here. A composite Indo-Muslim culture developed.
Also, in this period, the states did not have well-defined boundaries. There was constant movement of people
and loyalty was confined to the regional limits of one’s state. So we cannot speak of modern concepts of
‘nation’, ‘citizen’, ‘alien’ etc. For instance, it is wrong to expect Jai Chand to have come to the assistance of
Prithviraja Chauhan in his battle against Mahmud, as for him, the Turks were as much rivals as the
Chauhanas. Similarly, the wars cannot be simplistically viewed as Hindus against Muslims. In his final assault
on Khusrau Malik, Muizzuddin cooperated with the Hindu prince of Jammu, while the Ghaznavid Sultan
allied with the Khokhars of Punjab. Armies were never divided on religious lines. A phalanx of Afghan
warriors fought under Rai Pithora at the battle of Tarain, while Mahmud’s military commander was Tilak, a
Hindu. The Turkish armies were composed of both Hindus and Muslims.

Explanation is still required for the destruction of temples mentioned by the sources. Mahmud is called
budshikan (destroyer of idols) by Utbi. It indeed cannot be denied that there were some temples that were
destroyed in the course of the Turkish campaigns, sometimes accompanied by the establishment of mosques.
But this cannot be attributed to religious zeal as many of the Turks that came to India had not even fully
converted to Islam. It is true that material from demolished Hindu temples was used in the erection of
mosques, e.g. the Quwwat-ul-Islam in Delhi but this stopped once the Turks were in a position to erect their
own buildings. We also hear of some temples being repaired and patronized after the initial conquest was
over. A Sanskrit inscription, dated 1326, mentions that Sultan Muhammad bin Tughluq appointed Muslim
officials to repair a Siva temple in Kalyana (in Bidar district).

The predatory nature of these raids has been discussed by Eaton and Richard Davis. For the Ghaznavids, it was
more a question of material gains. They had come to India for plunder, not permanent settlement. So they
raided and looted Indian cities, including their richly endowed temples loaded with movable wealth, with a
view to financing their larger political objectives in Khurasan. Even the Ghurids benefited in their campaigns,
from the loot collected. It is significant that after the overthrow of the Gahadavala king, Muizzuddin’s army
marched to occupy, not the capital Kanauj, but Banaras and Asni where the king’s fallen treasure was known
to have been deposited. Money was also required to maintain a permanent, professional army built around an
elite corps of slaves that were purchased, equipped, and paid with cash derived from regular infusions of war
booty. As C. E. Bosworth says, the “temple treasures of India continued to be brought back to Ghazni…the
flow of bullion continued to keep the economy of the Ghaznavid empire buoyant and the currency of high
quality…” Most of the bullion was used for minting purposes, facilitating the newly activated and ever-
intensifying trade between the Islamic world and India. The loot was also used to raise Mahmud’s prestige in
Ghazni as it was used to finance and adorn splendid buildings erected by him. Muslim authors mention
golden artifacts from Ajmer, which formed part of the Chauhana tribute, and came to decorate the royal
palace at Firuzkuh and the congregational mosque at Herat.

Mohammad Habib says that economic and imperialistic considerations rather than religious zeal were the
inspiring motives for Mahmud. But it is unfair to end the statement here. To some extent, one can also see the
influence of the revival of Persian traditions in this period, where emphasis was laid on courage, chivalry, and
expansion. This was the spirit of the age and Mahmud was essentially a pioneer of the ‘new imperialism’
brought into vogue by the Persian Renaissance. His real aim was the establishment of a Turko-Persian empire
and the Indian expeditions were a means to that end. Some scholars also make reference to his greed.

The most famous campaign of Mahmud in this regard is the attack on the Somnath temple in Gujarat in 1026
A.D. This has been investigated by Davis. He points out that Muslim narratives dramatized this attack by
elevating Somnath to be the cultic center of Hinduism, the Indian equivalent of Mecca or the caliphal
Baghdad, whereas actually it was just one of one of hundreds of such pilgrimage sites in the subcontinent.
Some sources even identified it with the Ka’ba - Somnath (or Somnat), they claimed, was in fact Manat, an
idol worshipped near Mecca before Muhammad’s time, which he had been unable to destroy. This
identification of Somnath linked Mahmud’s expedition against it with the Prophet himself. Mahmud’s victory
became a symbolic defeat of polytheism itself. He also looks for the religious aspect of the attack. Ibn al-Athir
reported that Mahmud’s victory was attributed by the Hindus to the displeasure of the Somnath god. Mahmud
was uncomfortable about this and so set out to assert Islamic superiority over this deity. There is also a story
concerning the actual destruction of the idol, where Mahmud is said to have refused the brahmanas offer of
vast wealth as he wished to be known as “breaker of idols”. When he actually broke the idol, “a jackpot of
diamonds, rubies and pearls” is said to have come out. M. Habib has said that this is an impossible story.
Apart from the fact that it lacks contemporary confirmation, the Somnath idol was solid unsculptured linga,
not a statue, and so “stones could not have come out of its belly”. It was probably a later addition.
For the Ghurids, the attack on temples was driven more by a political intent as they came with the aim to
establish an empire. In medieval times, royal temple complexes, patronized by the ruling dynasties, were
thoroughly and pre-eminently political institutions. The image of the ruling dynasty's state-deity, or rastra-
devata (usually Vishnu or Siva), expressed the shared sovereignty of the king and deity, and were a source of
power. It also had a strong geographical connection. This bonding between king, god, temple, and land in
early medieval India is well illustrated in a passage from the Brhatsamhita, a 6th century text, which says "If a
Siva linga, image, or temple breaks apart, moves, sweats, cries, speaks, or otherwise acts with no apparent
cause, this warns of the destruction of the king and his territory." Eaton points out that it was only these
temples that were attacked, not the temples of the common people, which were politically irrelevant. The
purpose was to display that the previous political authority had lost its legitimacy. Mosques, in this regard,
differed from the temples. The only way to signify political change there was to read the khutbah in the name
of the new political authority. Even then, there are cases of Mongols destroying mosques during their
campaigns against the Turko-Persian states.

In fact, attack on places of worship was accepted as a part of medieval warfare, and there are plenty such
examples in Pre-Turkish history, even by Hindu rulers. In the early 10th century, the Rashtrakuta monarch
Indra III destroyed the temple of Kalapriya, patronized by their enemies, the Pratiharas In the mid-11th
century, the Chola king Rajadhiraja defeated the Chalukyas and plundered Kalyani, taking a large black stone
door guardian to his capital in Thanjavur, where it was displayed to his subjects as a trophy of war. King
Harsha of the second Lohara dynasty of Kashmir plundered a number of Hindu temples for replenishing his
treasury. Thus, we can see that temples had been the natural sites for the contestation of kingly authority well
before the coming of Muslim Turks to India. Not surprisingly, Turkish invaders, when attempting to plant
their own rule in early medieval India, followed and continued established patterns.

The campaigns of the Ghurids were not followed by any attempts to discriminate against the Hindus or forced
conversion. The Quran, in the Sura section, line 256, clearly states that there is no compulsion in religion.
There is no evidence of any conversion whatsoever, conducted by the state, during this period. The supposed
cases of persecution in medieval India are few and will, on closer examination, turn out to be cases of
individual injustice and not of communal oppression. Moreover, it is unlikely that such conversion would
have gone unnoticed by the chroniclers. The shariah was not implemented and jaziyah was not collected.
There was, instead, a relationship of interdependence. Numerous Hindu princes retained power and internal
autonomy, e.g. in Ajmer, Gwalior and Delhi. The Muslims depended on the Hindu chiefs for collection of
revenue. The reproduction of the figure of the goddess in Muizzuddin’s gold issue indicates the extent to
which the conquerors were prepared to compromise their religious ideas with the demands of the state.

Thus, we can see that the nature of the Turkish campaigns was definitely not religious. Religion was only used
as a means of justification and the portrayal of Mahmud and Ghuri as propagators of Islam was a later
development. The language of the sources has served to distort the character of these, so that they have taken
on the hue of a conflict that was religiously inspired – a development in turn nurtured by colonialists. But it
was actually political compulsions and economic considerations that were the primary factor behind the
invasions.
UNIT 4:
Q. Puranic Hinduism and Tantricism.

Puranic Hinduism
The early medieval period in India saw major changes in the spheres of society, polity, economy and religion.
The religious changes of this period can be understood as the continuation of the religious developments from
the previous centuries. With the growth of sects like Buddhism and Jainism and the Vedic philosophy losing
its prominence during this period, there arose an ardent need to revamp the Brahmanical as it existed in
order to survive. In the face of these challenges we witness the transformation of “Hinduism”, from being
Vedas-oriented towards being Puranic. The period from seventh century onwards is characterised by a fervid
devotion to a personal god. This devotion found expression in numerous devotional hymns which were
compiled in a canonical form at a later time. The bhakti movement that flourished in south India during
seventh to twelfth centuries CE was in some way inspired by the northern example. The movement had two
groups- one, Shaiva and the other, Vaishnava.
The Puranas:
The Puranas are a rich corpus of literature dating roughly back to 3rd-16th century CE. Traditionally they’ve
been considered to be as sacred as the Vedas and are sometimes were referred as the “fifth Veda”. However
scholars studying this period tend to look at them differently. For instance, Vijay Nath perceives the
composition of the Puranas as a strategy for Brahmanization in a feudal setup. She suggests that the Puranas
represent a process of acculturation of tribal groups within the Brahmanical fold. The texts were, in fact, to a
great extent instrumental in internalizing the process of Sanskritization. According to her, this method of
acculturation was effective, as was evident from the degree of the Puranas’ popularity, especially in the
outlying regions such where tribal population was predominant. In fact, it is probable that many of the major
Puranas such as the Matsya and Skanda were composed in these regions. Kunal Chakrabarti is of the view
that the Puranas texts represent a Brahmanical attempt to construct an ideological system, which was region
specific.
Traditionally, it was held that the Puranas was a single corpus which was divided later. It was possible that
legends in the form of gathas andakhyanas were present and compiled as a single corpus. The division into
eighteen Mahapuranas was a late development. Scholars such as N.M. Kansara marks out two traditions:

1. The classical stage of the Purāṇas (precedes its compilation)

2. The stage of the Purāṇa Samhitās.

The Puranic religion emphasizes on the trinity: Brahma, Vishnu and Shiva the destroyer. The Puranas focus on
the stories and legends about these three main deities. Besides Vishnu and Shiva, there existed a prominent
cult of Shakti (often connected with Parvati), which scholars believe was the continuation of the worship of
an ancient mother goddess cult. We witness a stark decline in the importance accorded to prominent entities
from the Vedic pantheon like Agni, Indra, Soma etc.
The idea of a scared triad that was mentioned in the Mahabharata develops more clearly in the Puranas. This
triad comprised of – Brahma, the creator, Vishnu the preserver and Shiva the destroyer.
Brahma – In the trinity Brahma was accorded a lesser role and his prominence was overshadowed by the
other two Puranic gods. He was described as the creator of the universe and everything in it. He was called
Prajapati owing the fact that he was believed to be a four headed god. He represented religion, sovereignty
and priesthood. Some stories say he was born out of a golden egg while later Puranic stories suggest that he
was born out Vishnu’s navel, thus implying that Brahma was figure closely linked to Vishnu. Brahma was also
described as Purusha. His wife was Saraswati who was also called his daughter. His incestuous relation with
his daughter was a popular legend in the Puranas which explains the essence of the divine relation. He was
represented as white bodied, jewelled and wearing white garments. He was described as a sacrificer and in
sculptural representations as seen in the Dula Deo temple at Khajuraho, he was shown with a book, rosary,
kamaṇḍalu, small water jug, whereas at Pushkara temple he is shown as a swan. He was overshadowed by
the other two Puranic gods.
Vishnu – begins to appear in the later phases of the Ramayana and the Mahabharata. The worship of his
various avatars (incarnations) is broadly referred to as Vaishnavism. The number of avatars of this deity
seems to vary, yet it seems to have started from a nucleus of four avatars. Some later texts claim that Vishnu
had as many as 29 avatars, however by the second half of the first millennium CE the standard accepted
number was 10. In the earlier period we witness the growth of three cults centred on Vishnu, Narayana and
Krishna-Vasudeva. The completion of the process of the merging of these cults is dated to the 2 nd century BCE
and the early centuries of the CE. Despite this is is believed that the process predates the Puranas and it can be
seen as [art of the Puranic process. The prominence of Vishnu element in Vaishnavism is considered a rather
late development dating to the 4th-5th centuries CE. This is concluded by the fact that the Mahabharata refers
to the supreme deity as Narayana and rarely as Vishnu. Vishnu seems to have replaced the Vedic Indra. He
was described as Hṛsikesa, Jagannath, Janardana, Keshava etc. He was believed to have incarnated to save the
earth from the ‘asuras’ i.e. demons and establish order. He was known for his ten avatars or incarnations, as
Matsya, Kurma, Vamanha, Naṛasimha, Varaha, Balaram, Dattatreya, Rama, Kṛishṇa and last Kalki. Scholars
believe that the incarnations were a method of bringing together different ideologies and forms. Totemic
form, animistic forms and hero-worshippers were brought together in one religion according to Sukumari
Bhattacharji. According to her the first few incarnations represent evolution and the rest belong to the
mythical epochs. Of all the incarnations, Krishna emerged as the most popular one. He was popularized for
slaying Kaṃsa and also later as Vasudeva-Krishna. The Bhagvata Gita is an important text which extols the
notion of bhakti, was considered to be a text comprising the teachings of Krishna. The image of Vishnu was
related to kingship as he was related to the various wars between the gods and the demons. According to the
Puranic texts, Vishnu had taken different incarnations to protect the universe and establish righteousness.
Shiva – Shiva’s cult just like Vishnu’s grew gradually, however Shiva unlike Vishnu did not have avatars.
Shiva was described as Siti, Kaṇtha, Karala etc. He is also called Candrashekhara, Gangadhara, Pashupati and
Ardhnareshvara etc., various legends are told in the Puraṇas explaining the epithets ascribed to Shiva. He was
described as a forester, householder and controller of passion. He was known as the deity of the masses. He is
commonly worshipped in the ling̣ a form and thus represented fertility and power. He was described as the
lord of all creatures and spirits. His antecedents were linked to Vedic Rudra who was described as a sinister
god living in the mountains, wearing skins, feared for his easily-aroused anger and worshipped for his
healing power. He was popularized as an ascetic. Shiva was believed to be the lord of animals, hence the
name Pashupati. He is associated with the bull, Nandi, the bull symbolizes strength, vegetation and
reproduction according to Sukumari Bhattacharji. He was also closely related to snakes was described as
being always surrounded by ganas, who were considered intoxicated. In the legends Shiva was married to
Parvati/Sati. Deities such as Ganesha and Skanda-Kartikeya were later incorporated into the Shaiva cult as his
sons. Shiva seems to have taken the place of Vedic Agni in Puranic religion. Various legends associated with
Agni were now related to Shiva. He was described both as an ascetic and a householder. Shiva’s cult has
influences of the Vedic deities - Agni, Kuvera, Yama, Pusan, Maruts besides many others. He was described as
Mahakala, supreme destroyer. The Matsya Purāṇa mentions that music and dance were to be performed in
honour of Shiva owing to his representation as Nataraja, the great dancer. The Shaiva sects like the
Pashupatas, Kapalika, and Kalamukhas became quite famous in the early medieval period. The Kalamukhas
were believed to have emerged from the Pashupatas. Some of these sects also had their own monasteries. R.G.
Bhandarkar points out on the basis of inscriptional evidence that these two sects had emerged from Lakulisa
Pashupata sect. The Kapalikas were believed to be part of Tantric Shaivism. They lived in forests and were
known for their hard austere practices. Many other variant sects emerged such as Shaiva Siddhantas, Kashmir
Shaivism and Virashaivism. Another sect was the Mattamayura clan of Shaiva ascetics who were referred to in
many inscriptions. They were popular in Central India roughly from 9 th-12th century CE.
Shaktism - Parvati or Shakti, wife of Shiva, was a prominent deity with many legends which extols her
independent status as well. The texts mention various religious places, tirthas associated with the goddesses
which reflects her popularity. The rise and growth of the Shakti and her incorporation into Shiva’s pantheon
has been understood as ‘spousification’ of Puranic gods. It popularized the householder image of Shiva. As
Shiva’s wife Uma, she was symbolized as cow while Shiva was represented as bull. However her form as
Durga was different The Shakti cult became part of the Puranic legends with the insertion of the ‘Devi
Mahatmya’ in the Markaṇḍeya Puraṇa. It is a later addition to the original text but represents the popularity
of the cult of the goddess. She has been described as the destroyer of evil and also as a creator. The Puraṇas
brought together various goddesses as form of Shakti. The cult is linked to Yoginis and Matrikas. There are
references to sixty-four Yoginis and temples have been found in Madhya Pradesh, Orissa besides other places.
The Matrikas were generally seven in number. And their temples were found in eastern India. Kunal
Chakrabarti talks about how acculturation between Brahmanism and local cults led to the emergence of a cult
of Mahisasuramardini, the great goddess. Various places i.e. pithas associated with the goddess were
mentioned in the texts. This gave prominence to sacred geography in Indian context. The Matsya
Purana mentioned the hundred and eight names of the goddess and the sacred places associated with her. She
was worshipped as Lalita in Prayag, Lingadharini in Naimisaranya, Jayanti in Hastinapura etc.
She is described as Mahesvari, Isani, Mahadevi besides others. In her fierce form she is Kali, Karali, Bhima,
Candi etc. Thus like Shiva she was both malevolent and benign and that could be reason why the two cults
could be brought together. This was best represented in sculptures in the ardhnareshvara form i.e. one half
Shiva and other half Parvati. She was described as a mother and also as a blood thirsty warrior goddess.
Stories of her killing the buffalo-headed demon besides Sumbha and Nisumbha are quite popular. She was
described as riding the lion which symbolized kingship, authority and supremacy according to Sukumari
Bhattacharji. She was believed to be omnipotent and creator of heaven and earth. She was described
as adhyashakti i.e. supreme power. Those who believe that the female principle was the main creative force
are called shaktas. N.N. Bhattacharyya believes that it was a continuation of the primitive Mother goddess
cult. The rituals were based on fertility rites and were closely related to Tantric beliefs and practices as seen
from the Parvati temple at Nachna, Khajuraho. According to Vijay Nath popularity of the cult of Shakti was
linked to the rise of Tantricism.
The Brahmanical religion in an attempt to revive itself incorporated many regional cults and practices of
other sects. The relationship between different cults and sects was marked by interaction and a certain level of
syncretism. For instance, the Jaina tirthankara – Rishabha was turned into an avatara of Vishnu in the
Bhagvata Purana. Certain Puranas also include Buddha among the incarnations of Vishnu. Regional deities
like Jaganath, from Orissa, were also included within the Puranic pantheon to incorporate the outlying
regions within the main Brahmanical system. While deities like Vishnu, Shiva and Shakti formed the focus of
exclusive worship by devotees, at another level they were also part of a larger community of gods. Monolatory
– a belief in a supreme god without denying the existence of other gods – became an important aspect of
Hinduism. There was a considerable influence of Tantricism also in the Puranic religion, especially with the
increasing influence of Shaktism.

Instead of the performance of sacrifices, as was the case during Vedic Hinduism, the Puranic religion
emphasises on reading the Puranas as a communal activity in the temple associated with the deity. The
Puranas reiterated the need to perform various religious rites in order to attain freedom from all sins. The
Puranas, because of their need to bring more people into their fold, made the religion simpler to practice and
accessible sections of the society which were earlier denied participation in religious activities like the lower
castes and women. Among the religious acts, the construction of a temple in honour of a deity was considered
one of the pious acts. But it was restricted to the elite section of the population as it required resources. The
Puranas popularized religious acts such as going to a tirtha, performed vrata, and sraddha for not just elites
but also the masses. The Puranas, thus, had adopted measures to gain popularity among the people. Vijay
Nath perceives these traditions as an ideological construct for social control. The emphasis was
on prayaschitta (sin-expiation) hence dana, vrata, sraddha and visiting a tirtha was enumerated in the
Puranas.

• Tirtha (pilgrimage) - Puranic traditions lay emphasis on visiting sacred places, as some places were
considered very sacred for their connection to the divine. Many would make a darshana to these
places. It was believed that a worshiper was progressively cleansed through this process. Large rivers,
mountains, and forests were venerated as the abode of the gods. In the Rị gveda, the
term tirtha denoted a road or a way. The tirtha were revered on three counts, natural characteristics
of the locality, the peculiarity of water body or austerities performed by sages. The spot was one
where one could accumulate spiritual merit. According to the Skanda Purana, a spot on the earth
resorted by the sages for attainment of merit was called a tirtha. They were generally related to the
water bodies. According to the Padma Puranas all rivers were holy, whether flowing through a
village or a forest. Rivers were commonly revered as sacred. It was believed that they not only
purified one physically but also freed one from the sins incurred. Mountains were also considered
sacred. According to the Vamana Purana, the seven forests in Kuruksetra were sacred and removers
of all sin. There was mention of places like Prayag, Kashi besides rivers such as Ganga, Yamuna,
Narmada etc. Vijay Nath holds the tirtha as representing an acculturation of tribal culture by
introducing Brahmanical religious acts in remote areas, as most of the pilgrimage centers were away
 from the Brahmanical core cultural zone. Going to a tirtha was a practice which was open to both
men and women. the Matysa Purāṇa mentioned that even listening to the glory of a tirtha, barren
women ( vandya) beget sons, the unfortunate become fortunate (saubhagya) a maid (kanya) gets a
handsome husband, the brahmana becomes versed in the Vedas, the kshatriya becomes victorious in
war, the vaishya becomes wealthy, the shudra attains emancipation from the bondage.

• Vrata: A vrata is a vowed observance, a religious act of devotion and austerity, performed for the
fulfilment of a specific desire. Vratas were to be performed in the honour of the deities, Vishnu,
Shiva, and Parvati besides others. The Puranas understand vrata as niyama for the purpose of tapas. It
included the observance of a fast, sleeping on the ground, bathing, abstaining from sexual
intercourse etc. Vratas were also instrumental in reinforcing Brahmanical ideology such
as varnashrama dharma. S.C. Banerjee believes that the patriarchal social order based on gender
differentiation was also established through the vratas such as the patisaubhagyavardhana vrata,
performed by married women for their husband’s long life. There were vratas specifically for
women, who observed vrata with an aspiration to get a desirable husband or a son. The performance
of the vrata was a compulsory religious duty for women. There was mention of vratas which could
be performed by the poor. It was important to give gifts to brahmanạ s with a family. Vratas, which
were household affairs, were institutionalized with a position of importance to brahmaṇas. At the
same time the communal nature of the ritual was also maintained. It was considered important to
read the Puraṇas, sing, and dance in honour of the deities while performing the vratas.
And vratas could be performed by both men and women.

• Sraddha: The sraddha was a religious activity which was recommended for all. The Purana
mentioned the importance of giving gifts to the brahmaṇas. The gift as compared to those
recommended in the context of dana was simpler and less expensive. Thus it was evident that all
sections of the society could perform it. This would have made these religious practices more
popular. These rituals were thought as giving of health, wealth, and progeny. The emancipation from
all sins and the satisfaction of the ancestors could also be achieved. The Puraṇas mention these rituals
as compulsory for the householder. Various places were also associated with the performance of
the sraddha. The sraddha was divided into three categories, nitya, naimittika, and kamya. The nitya
sraddha was to be performed daily or on a fixed day such as amavasya (new moon day). The
performer should not expect rewards. The naimittika was to be performed on an occasions such as
the birth of a son and the kamya sraddha was to be performed when one wished for a reward. The
resultant benefit from these rituals was not only spiritual but also worldly. The expected return was
in terms of wealth, health, and progeny besides others. Thus it was important to please the pitṛ for a
successful life and brahmanạ s were the agents for that. Donations were mentioned in the Matysa
Purana for the successful completion of the sraddha ritual. In this case, the donation was not of gold,
land etc. rather it was clothes, bed, utensils and other household articles. The Purana also mentioned
that the gift should be given to a brahmanạ s with a family and preferably with a large family.

• Dana: Another method to expiate sins was to give donations. In the various rituals the Purana
mentioned gifts to be given to brahmaṇas. Time and again the text dealt with the issue of dana along
with its rules and regulations. There was detailed description on the procedures to be followed
during the process of giving gifts. Emphasis was laid on what was to be given, its time, place,
eligibility of the person to whom gift was to be given etc. The Puranas mentions the idea of
‘mahadana’, which according to Vijay Nath shows the feudal nature. Gifts included distributing gold,
land, precious and semi-precious stones, animals such as cow besides other objects to a number
of brahmanas. Inexpensive gifts such as bed, utensils, clothes, food, umbrella etc. were also
mentioned. The performance of the ritual was for the elites as it required resource mobilization.
Besides the mahadana, the Puranas also mentioned simpler dana to be given during the performance
of rituals such as sraddha, tirtha etc. The Matsya Purana also mentioned sixty simpler dana such as
lighting the lamp, cleaning the floor of the temple etc. Thus again the aim was to popularize the
ritual.
The early medieval period saw many transformations such as land grants, regional political formations, new
genre of literary texts and other such developments. There was also a spurt in building temples by the royalty.
In relation to these changes religious traditions also saw transformations. There was a need to change
according to the needs of the new society. With regional developments many new cults had to be
incorporated into Hinduism, such as the inclusion of the Jaganath cult from Orissa and the tantric influences.
The emphasis was on the trinity, Brahma, the creator, Vishnu, the preserver and Shiva, the destroyer. Along
with it the Shakti cult also became important. Stories of the deities were popularized. Along with these
changes rituals of the earlier period had lost its importance and were replaced by new rituals such
as vrata, tirthas, dana and sraddha. Besides gender and caste barriers were no longer functional as other
religious traditions accepted them within their folds. Therefore, Hinduism also had to change according to the
times. This would explain the Puranic changes. New deities were incorporated either as spouse or as children.
The emphasis was on sin expiation and thus new rituals were incorporated. After the 9 th -10th centuries,
Puranas were influenced with tantricism. Additions such as mantra, drawing of coloured lotus, or circles
during vratas and consecration were tantric in nature. The concept of diksa as discussed in Garuda Purana,
Padma Purana, Agni Purana also show tantric influences. In a way the early medieval period saw major
transformation in terms of religion and rituals.

Tantricism
From around the 6th century onwards the subcontinent witnessed the spread of tantricism. According to RS
Sharma, just like the Bhakti cult, tantricism can also be seen in the context of socio-economic changes. in the
fifth – seventh centuries, many brahmanas received land in Nepal, Assam, Bengal, Orissa, central India and
the Deccan, and it is at about this time that tantric texts, shrines and practices come into being. Tantricism
was open to women as well as the shudra and it laid great stress on the use of magic rituals. Some of these
rituals may have been in existence since earlier times, but they were systematized and recorded in the tantric
texts from about the sixth century onwards. Scholars like RS Sharma believe that Tantricism was the obvious
consequence of the large scale admission of the aboriginal people into the Brahmanical society. Thereby the
brahmanas adopted many of the tribal rituals, charms and symbols, which were now officially compiled,
sponsored and fostered by them. In the course of time these practices and charms were modified by the priests
to suit the interests of the rich patrons.
Tantricism was based on the practical concerns of humans. Its practices concerned fertility in terms of
progeny as well as in agriculture besides medicines etc. Tantra was basically a way to understand life. In the
Vedic texts it was used in a sense of a loom but later it meant an act or a process. Soon texts were written
concerning ‘tattva’ (theory) and ‘mantra’ (practical). The aim was to satisfy the material needs of the follower.
It gave importance to women in rituals. Its beliefs were linked to energy, yogic practices, and sexual rites. The
Tantras mentioned two primary principles – a female and a male principle. Shakti, the female principle
which justifies the existence of an individual, was the dynamic force. The male principle was considered
static. The purpose of the tantric sadhana (practice) is to achieve the confluence of these two. It involved
secret initiation of the follower. Mantras (prayer and formulae) and bijas (magical syllables) associated with
various deities had an important role to play in the process. The Tantras are associated with five elements
called the panch-makaras:
1. Mada ( alcohol)
2. Mamsa (meat)
3. Matsya (fish)
4. Mudra (parched grain or gestures)
5. Maithuna (sexual intercourse)
Another important aspect of the tantric practice was yantras (diagrams, meditation) and symbolic gestures.
Emphasis was laid on both mukti (liberation) as well as bhukti (enjoyment). It also popularized the notion
of bhakti to the god also to the initiator (guru). Overall the attempt was to attain union with the Supreme
Being.
The cult of mother goddess was prevalent during the early period. By the early medieval times, as R.S. Sharma
mentions the continuation of the cult of aboriginal mother goddesses who were worshipped as Shakti or
Buddhist Tara. Names of goddesses such as Dombini, Candali, Vetali, Matangi etc. reflect this transformation.
Besides most of the tantric texts were written in Nepal, Kashmir, Bengal, Assam, Orissa and western and
Central India which were peripheral regions and not centres of Brahmanical religion according to R.S.
Sharma. This process of religious change was linked to feudalism and increase of land grants to brahmanas.
Mostly land was granted in peripheral regions and was understood as a method of ‘colonization’ of the tribal
regions into Brahmanical system. Gradually, as R.S. Sharma points out bhakti and tantricism permeated the
Brahmanical religious traditions and became popular among the masses.
Tantricism also became popular and permeated other religious belief systems. The importance was given
rituals and practices which would benefit the follower. Tantra and mantra became prominent. Devotion had
become an important aspect in religion. The male and female principles and their union was the aim of the
tantric practices besides dealing with common concerns such as illness. R.S. Sharma has tried to understand
the popularity of tantricism during the early medieval period on the basis of the socio-economic changes. He
links it to the early medieval practice of land grants and brahmanization of peripheral regions. Besides
incorporating the tribal beliefs it had an immense impact on Buddhism, Jainism and Brahmanism as well. This
influence could be understood through various texts which document change. It was seen as a tacit process of
acculturation with no class, caste and sex bias.
After the 9th -10th centuries, Puranas were influenced with tantricism. Additions such as mantra, drawing of
coloured lotus, or circles during vratas and consecration were tantric in nature. The concept of diksa as
discussed in Garuda Purana, Padma Purana, Agni Purana also show tantric influences. In a way the early
medieval period saw major transformation in terms of religion and rituals.