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 Titles in Counseling and Professional Identity series

Watson, Wong, Duan, Wright,

Sangganjanavanich, Counseling Conyne, Parsons, Counseling Becoming a Research Tang, Career Scott,
Introduction to Assessment Group Becoming Parsons, Individuals Multiculturally Methods Development Counselor Zhang,
Professional and Work a Skilled Counseling Through the Competent for and as Field
CACREP Standards Counseling Evaluation Leadership Counselor Theory Life Span Counselor Counseling Counseling Consultant Experience
1. PROFESSIONAL 1a 1j 1b 1b 1j 1j 1j 1j 1b 1b 1b
ORIENTATION 1b 1j 1d 1j 1j 1c
AND ETHICAL 1d 1e 1d
PRACTICE 1e 1j 1e
1f 1f
1g 1g
1h 1h
1i 1i
1j 1j
2. SOCIAL AND 2c 2g 2d 2b 2c 2a 2c 2g 2g 2d 2d
CULTURAL 2f 2e 2c 2e 2b 2e 2g
DIVERSITY 2g 2g 2g 2g 2c 2f
2d 2g
2e
2g
3. HUMAN 3f 3b 3a 3d 3e
GROWTH AND 3b 3e
DEVELOPMENT 3c
3d
3e
3f
3g
4. CAREER 4f 4a 4c 4b
DEVELOPMENT 4b 4c
4c 4e
4d 4g
4e
4f
4g
5. HELPING 5a 5b 5a 5b 5b 5b 5b 5b 5c
RELATIONSHIPS 5b 5c 5b 5c 5e 5c 5c 5d
5c 5d 5c 5d 5f 5e
5f 5e 5d 5e 5g 5f
5g 5g 5h 5g
5h
6. GROUP WORK 6a 6d
6b 6e
6c
6d
6e
7. ASSESSMENT 7a 7b 7b 7f 7c 7g
7b 7d
7c 7e
7d
7e
7f
7g
8. RESEARCH AND 8a 8d
PROGRAM 8b 8e
EVALUATION 8c 8f
8d
8e
 Counseling and
Professional Identity
Series Editors: Richard D. Parsons, PhD, and Naijian Zhang, PhD

Becoming a Skilled Counselor—Richard D. Parsons and Naijian Zhang

Research Methods for Counseling: An Introduction—Robert J. Wright
Group Work Leadership: An Introduction for Helpers—Robert K. Conyne
Introduction to Professional Counseling—Varunee Faii Sangganjanavanich and Cynthia
Reynolds
Counseling Theory: Guiding Reflective Practice—Richard D. Parsons and Naijian Zhang
Counselor as Consultant—David A. Scott, Chadwick W. Royal, and Daniel B. Kissinger
Counseling Assessment and Evaluation: Fundamentals of Applied Practice—Joshua C. Watson
and Brandé Flamez
Counseling Individuals Through the Lifespan—Daniel W. Wong, Kimberly R. Hall,
Cheryl A. Justice, and Lucy Wong Hernandez
Becoming a Multiculturally Competent Counselor—Changming Duan and Chris Brown
Ethical Decision Making for the 21st Century Counselor—Donna S. Sheperis, Michael Kocet,
and Stacy Henning
Career Development and Counseling: Theory and Practice in a Multicultural World—Mei Tang
and Jane Goodman
Field Experience: Transitioning From Student to Professional—Naijian Zhang and Richard
D. Parsons
Field Experience
Transitioning from Student
to Professional
For information: Copyright  2016 by SAGE Publications, Inc.

SAGE Publications, Inc. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced
2455 Teller Road or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or
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permission in writing from the publisher.
SAGE Publications Ltd.
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SAGE Publications India Pvt. Ltd. Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available for this title from
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This book is printed on acid-free paper.

Acquisitions Editor: Kassie Graves
Editorial Assistant Carrie Montoya
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Marketing Manager: Shari Countryman 15 16 17 18 19 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
Field Experience
Transitioning from Student
to Professional

Naijian Zhang
West Chester University of Pennsylvania

Richard D. Parsons
West Chester University of Pennsylvania
 ❖
Brief Contents

Editors' Preface: Introduction to the Series xvi

Authors' Preface xix

Acknowledgments xxii

Chapter 1 Field Experience as Formative to Professional Identity 1

Chapter 2 Matching Self to Site 24

Chapter 3 From the Ideal to the Real 58

Chapter 4 The Ethics of Practice: More than Knowing, Being 82

Chapter 5 Reflecting on Practice 107

Chapter 6 Growing Through Supervision 134

Chapter 7 Multicultural Counseling in Practice 163

Chapter 8 Crisis Prevention and Intervention: Suicide

and Homicide 191

Chapter 9 Reducing Risk 214

Chapter 10 Documentation and Record Keeping 233

Chapter 11 Termination and Closure 258

Chapter 12 Self-Care and Self-Protection—Necessary for All

Counselors 282

Chapter 13 Transition From Practice to Career 315

Chapter 14 Transitions: Self as Counselor 342

Index 363

About the Authors 374

 ❖
Detailed Contents

Editors' Preface: Introduction to the Series xvi

Authors' Preface xix

Acknowledgments xxii

Chapter 1 Field Experience as Formative to Professional Identity 1

Field Experience: A Unique Learning Experience 2
Shift in Focus: From “Knowing” to “Doing” 2
Shift from Other- to Self-Taught 3
Increased Independence and Self-Direction 3
Focus on Outcomes Versus Grades 5
Seeking Evaluation and Soliciting Corrective Feedback 6
Shift From Ideal to Real 7
Shifting Identity Focus: From Self-as-Student to
Self-as-Emerging-Professional 9
Field Work: Fostering an Emerging Professional Identity 9
Counselors: A Collective Identity 10
Shared Values and Perspectives 10
Developmental Perspective 11
Wellness Perspective 12
Prevention 14
Primary Prevention 14
Secondary Prevention 14
Tertiary Prevention 15
Empowerment and Advocacy 16
Nurturing Your Professional Identity 19
Postscript 20
Keystones 22
Additional Resources 22
References 22
Chapter 2 Matching Self to Site 24
It Starts With Self-Appraisal 25
Core Knowledge and Skills 25
Professional Orientation 25
 Human Growth and Development 26
Social and Cultural Foundations 26
Helping Relationship 27
Groups 27
Lifestyle and Career Development 27
Appraisal and Assessment 28
Research and Evaluation 28
Beyond the Core: Specialty Knowledge and Skills 36
Credentialing Specialties 37
Assessing Field Placement Options 45
Site Characteristics: Specifics to Consider 46
Accreditation 46
Mission 47
Population Served 49
Services Provided 50
Models and Theories 50
Issues Addressed 50
What to Expect 51
Level of Responsibility 51
Site Supervisor 52
Theoretical Orientation 52
Training and Experience 53
Comfort and Compatibility 53
Matching Self to Site: Targeting Professional Development 54
Keystones 55
Additional Resources 56
Web Based 56
Print Based 56
References 56
Chapter 3 From the Ideal to the Real 58
Knowing the Ideal 59
Ideal: Defined by the Profession 59
Ideal: Roles and Function in Line With Mission 64
Performance Assessment: Suggesting Priorities 64
Role and Function in Service of the Mission 65
The Real Is Often Less Than Ideal 69
Even Interns Can Effect Change and Define Roles 74
Expert Power 75
Informational Power 76
To Get Much . . . Much Is Expected 79
 Keystones 80
Additional Resources 81
References 81
Chapter 4 The Ethics of Practice: More than Knowing, Being 82
The Need and Value of Professional Ethics 83
The What: In Principle 91
Autonomy 91
Confidentiality 93
Right to Terminate 93
Nonmaleficence 95
Beneficence 97
Justice 100
Fidelity 102
From the Ideal to the Real 104
Keystones 104
Additional Resources 105
Web Based 105
Print Based 105
References 106
Chapter 5 Reflecting on Practice 107
Reflecting on Practice: Case Conceptualization 108
Reflecting in Practice: Guiding Moment-to-Moment Decisions 118
Reflective Practice: Supporting Efficacy and Accountability 122
Reflection: for Professional Development 124
Assessment 125
From Assessment to Development 128
Step 1: Self-Assessment 128
Step 2: Identification of Goals 128
Step 3: Identification of Resources 129
Action Steps 130
Keystones 132
Additional Resources 132
Web Based 132
Print Based 133
References 133
Chapter 6 Growing Through Supervision 134
Counseling Supervision 135
What Is Counseling Supervision? 135
Why Is Counseling Supervision Necessary and Required? 136
When and How Often Is Counseling Supervision Conducted? 137
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 Expectations of Counseling Supervision 138
Forms of Counseling Supervision 144
Classroom Versus On-Site Supervision 144
Individual Versus Group Supervision 144
Process and Content of Supervision 145
Audio- and Videotape and Case Presentation 145
Case Conceptualization 147
Role-Play 147
Feedback and Evaluation 150
Counseling Supervision Models 151
Issues and Dilemmas in Supervision 152
Conflicts in Supervisory Relationships 152
Resolving Conflicts in Supervisory Relationships 155
Boundaries: Supervision Versus Therapy 156
Transference and Countertransference 156
Supervision and Multiculturalism 158
Transitioning From Student to Professional
Counselor in Supervision 159
Keystones 160
Additional Resources 160
Web Based 160
Print Based 160
References 160

Chapter 7 Multicultural Counseling in Practice 163

Multiculturalism in Counseling 164
Issues in Multicultural Counseling 166
Ethics and Working With Multicultural Clients 167
Multicultural Counseling Competence 171
Counseling Competence Versus Multicultural
Counseling Competence 172
A Model Guiding the Development of Competency 173
Developing Multicultural Counseling Competence 174
Counselor Awareness of Own Cultural Values and Biases 174
Counselor Awareness of Client’s Worldview 178
Culturally Appropriate Intervention Strategies 182
Multicultural Counseling Competence and Professional Identity 185
Keystones 187
Additional Resources 187
Web Based 187
Audio-Visual Materials 187
Print Based 188
References 188
Chapter 8 Crisis Prevention and Intervention:
Suicide and Homicide 191
The Nature of Crisis and Crisis Intervention 192
Phases of Crisis and Counselor Response 193
Acute Phase 193
Outward Adjustment Phase 193
Integration Phase 194
Suicide 195
Myths About Suicide 195
Identifying Risk: Common Characteristics of Suicide 196
Assessment: The First Step in Intervention 199
Document 205
When Harm Is Other Directed 205
Prevalence and Potential for Violence 205
Predictors of Violent Behavior 206
Assessment: the First Step 206
Step Two: Intervention 206
Step Three: Following Up 208
AIDS: A Special Challenge 208
Site Policy on Crisis Procedures 210
Keystones 211
Additional Resources 211
Web Based 211
Print Based 212
References 212

Chapter 9 Reducing Risk 214

The Risk of Physical Harm 215
Reducing the Risk 215
Indicators of Potential Violence 215
Preventive Measures 218
De-escalation 218
Reducing Legal Risks 219
Confidentiality 220
Identify the Client 222
Respect Client’s Autonomy 223
Professional Boundaries 224
Boundary Crossing 225
Boundary Violations 226
Practice Within Competence 227
Document, Document, and Then Document 228
Postscript 229
Keystones 231
 Additional Resources 231
Web Based 231
Print Based 231
References 232
Chapter 10 Documentation and Record Keeping 233
Purpose of Documentation and Record Keeping 234
Standard of Care 234
Communication 234
Desirable Defense against Litigation 235
Ethical and Legal Ramifications 235
The “What” of Case Documentation 237
Treatment Plans 238
Progress Notes: A Fundamental and Practical Form of Recording 239
Recommendations for Case Notes Writing and Record Keeping 241
The “How,” or Format, of Case Documentation 243
SOAP Notes 244
Subjective 244
Objective 244
Assessment 245
Plan 245
Individual Psychotherapy Session Note (IPSN) 248
Date, Assessment, and Plan (DAP) 251
Data (Description) 252
Assessment (Analysis) 252
Plan 252
Description, Assessment, Response, and Treatment Plan (DART) 253
Description 253
Assessment 254
Response 254
Treatment Plan 254
Concluding Thoughts 255
Keystones 256
Additional Resources 256
Web Based 256
Print Based 256
References 257

Chapter 11 Termination and Closure 258

Terminating the Counseling Relationship 259
Counseling Termination Defined 259
An End That Starts at the Beginning 259
The Ethics of Termination 260
 Competence 261
Values 262
Appropriateness 263
Process 263
Factors Involved in Appropriate Termination 264
Challenges to Effective and Ethical Termination 267
Termination Due to Lack of Progress 268
Termination Due to Being Out of Area of Competence 268
Termination Due to Fee Issue 269
Termination Due to Counselor’s or Client’s Life Circumstances 271
Transferring Clients to Another Counselor: A Special Form of
Termination 274
Steps Toward Effective and Ethical Termination 275
Terminating Other Relationships at Internship 277
Terminating Your Supervisory Relationship 278
Keystones 279
Additional Resources 280
Web Based 280
Print Based 280
References 280
Chapter 12 Self-Care and Self-Protection—Necessary
for All Counselors 282
Counseling: Challenging the Well-Being of the Counselor 283
Burnout 285
Counselors at Risk 286
The Unfolding of Burnout 287
Preventing Burnout 288
Increase Self-Awareness 288
Engage in Healthy Life Habits 289
Nutrition 290
Exercise 290
Social Engagement 290
Nurturing an Inner Life 291
Play and Be Playful 291
Work Management 291
Recharge 291
Compassion Fatigue 292
Symptoms 293
Risk Factors 295
Assessing the Risk 296
Reducing the Risk 303
Work Setting 303
Lifestyle Adjustments 304
 Intervening When Necessary 305
Intentionality, Recognition, and Acceptance 305
Connection 305
Anxiety Management/Self-Soothing 306
Self-Care 306
What Next? 306
Keystones 310
Additional Resources 311
Web Based 311
Print Based 311
References 312

Chapter 13 Transition From Practice to Career 315

Connection Between Internship and Career 316
Apprenticeship: Stepping Into the World of the Professional 316
Preparation for Employment 317
Self-Evaluation 317
Résumé 320
Cover Letter 325
Letters of Recommendation 326
Job Interviews 328
Phone/Online Video Interview 331
On-Site Interview 332
Job Interview Questions 334
Employment for International Students: Special
Opportunity/Special Challenge 336
Job Offers and Your Decision 336
Placement Resources 337
Networking 337
Advanced Education 337
Doctoral Programs 337
Letters of Recommendation 338
Official Transcript 339
Personal Statement 339
Financial Support 340
Postscript 340
Keystones 340
Additional Resources 341
Web Based 341
Print Based 341
References 341
Chapter 14 Transitions: Self as Counselor 342
Identity 343
To Be a Counselor 345
A Closer Look at Defining Characteristics 347
A Development Perspective 347
A Wellness Perspective 348
A Prevention Perspective 350
An Empowerment Perspective 351
Professional Identity: Both Common and Unique 353
Responding to the Calling 354
Through the Lens of a Counselor 354
Professional Ethics: From Knowing to Valuing 355
Contributing to the Professional Community 357
With Pride 358
Keystones 360
Additional Resources 361
Web Based 361
Print Based 361
References 361
Index 363

About the Authors 374

 ❖
Editors’ Preface:
Introduction to
the Series

Counseling and Professional Identity in the 21st Century

The primary purpose of field experience is to assist counseling students in learning

how to apply the principles, knowledge, and skills they have learned from books and
in classrooms to real work situations. In this integration process, counseling students
are prepared to achieve their lifelong career goals. For this reason, field experience in
counseling is considered by counseling professionals and students as the most critical
component of counselor training. In this training process, counseling students will not
only enhance their personal and professional development in guided and controlled
experiences with counseling professionals in the real world, but also prepare them-
selves for their employment and career. The book Field Experience: Transitioning From
Student to Professional is a vehicle that will help you move from where you are now as
a counseling student to where you want to be as an emerging counseling professional.
Field Experience: Transitioning From Student to Professional is a road map of this
transitional process and the valuable role played by one’s field experience. This book
discusses the ideal, as presented within the classroom, and the real, experienced in
practice. It depicts how a counseling student becomes an emerging professional in his
or her field experience and helps the reader conceptualize the occurrence of such tran-
sitioning. Most important, the book provides a unique perspective for counseling
students to see where they were, where they are, and where they will be as a result of
the process of their field experience.
Field Experience: Transitioning From Student to Professional helps counseling stu-
dents identify those areas of professional competency needing development and thus
serving as targets for professional growth to be achieved during their field experience.
These areas include but are not limited to clinical supervision, multiculturalism, eth-
ics in practice, crisis intervention, reducing risk for self, documentation and record

xvi
 Editors’ Preface ❖ xvii

keeping, self-care, and termination. The book also outlines the challenges and obsta-
cles counseling students may face while they are developing their professional com-
petence at the final stage of their training.
Finally, Field Experience: Transitioning From Student to Professional is the book
that assists counseling students in developing their professional identity while they are
doing their field study. The text clearly defines the nature of professional identity, its
value to the profession and the professional, and ways to further develop one’s profes-
sional identity during field experience.
Although we are proud of the depth and breadth of the topics covered within this
text, we are more than aware that one text, one learning experience, will not be suffi-
cient for the development of a counselor’s professional competency. The formation of
both one’s professional identity and practice will be a lifelong process. It is a process
that we hope to facilitate through the presentation of this text and the creation of our
series Counseling and Professional Identity in the 21st Century.
Counseling and Professional Identity in the 21st Century is a new, fresh, pedagogi-
cally sound series of texts targeting counselors in training. This series is not simply a
compilation of isolated books matching that which are already in the market. Rather,
each book, with its targeted knowledge and skills, will be presented as but a part of a
larger whole. The focus and content of each text serves as a single lens through which
a counselor can view his or her clients, engage in his or her practice, and articulate his
or her own professional identity.
Counseling and Professional Identity in the 21st Century is unique not only in the
fact that it “packages” a series of traditional texts, but because it provides an integrated
curriculum targeting the formation of the reader’s professional identity and efficient,
ethical practice. Each book within the series is structured to facilitate the ongoing
professional formation of the reader. The materials found within each text are orga-
nized in order to move the readers to higher levels of cognitive, affective, and psycho-
motor functioning, resulting in their assimilation of the materials presented into both
their professional identity and their approach to professional practice. Although each
text targets a specific set of core competencies (cognates and skills), competencies
identified by the Council for Accreditation of Counseling & Related Educational
Programs (CACREP) as essential to the practice of counseling (see Table P.1), each
book in the series will emphasize each of the following:

•• the assimilation of concepts and constructs provided across the text found within the
series, thus fostering the reader’s ongoing development as a competent professional;
•• the blending of contemporary theory with current research and empirical support;
•• a focus on the development of procedural knowledge, with each text employing case illus-
trations and guided practice exercises to facilitate the reader’s ability to translate the theory
and research discussed into professional decision making and application;
•• the emphasis on the need for and means of demonstrating accountability; and
•• the fostering of the reader’s professional identity and, with it, the assimilation of the ethics
and standards of practice guiding the counseling profession.
 xviii ❖ Field Experience

Table P.1 Books and Corresponding CACREP (Council for the Accreditation of Counseling
and Related Educational Programs) Competencies

Counseling and Professional Identity

Books in the Series Typical Courses Served by the Text
Introduction to Professional Counseling Introductory
Varunee Faii Sangganjanavanich and Cynthia A. Reynolds
Becoming a Skilled Counselor Basic skills
Richard D. Parsons and Naijian Zhang
Becoming a Multiculturally Competent Counselor Multicultural and diversity
Changming Duan and Chris Brown
Counseling Individuals Through the Lifespan Human development
Daniel Wai Chung Wong, Kim Hall, Cheryl Justice, and
Lucy Wong Hernandez
Counseling Assessment and Evaluation: Fundamentals of Assessment
Applied Practice
Joshua C. Watson and Brandé Flamez
Research Methods for Counseling Fundamental research
Robert Wright
Counseling Theory: Guiding Reflective Practice Theories
Richard D. Parsons and Naijian Zhang (Eds.)
Career Development and Counseling: Theory and Practice in Career counseling
a Multicultural World
Mei Tang and Jane Goodman
Counselor as Consultant Consultation and coordination
David Scott, Chadwick Royal, and Daniel Kissinger
Group Work: An Introduction for Helping Professionals Group dynamics, group counseling
Robert Conyne
Field Experience Professional practice
Naijian Zhang and Richard D. Parsons

We are proud to have served as coeditors of this series, feeling sure that all of the
text included, just like Field Experience: Transitioning From Student to Professional,
will serve as a significant resource to you and your development as a professional
counselor.
Richard Parsons, PhD
Naijian Zhang, PhD
 ❖
Authors’ Preface

T his field experience book was originally started as a result of a discussion

between the two of us about the issue of the value of a text for those engaged in
field experience. This was not ours alone to ponder; many of our colleagues who teach
practicum and internship classes and students who take field experience courses
shared our concern. The question, while targeting the need for a text, really was chal-
lenging us to consider the value of field experience to the overall professional develop-
ment of our students. As a result, other questions began to emerge. “What do we teach
our students in the field experience courses and how do our students learn while they
are studying in the field?” “How do our counseling students transition from students
to professionals and how might the experience in the field facilitate this transition?”
And finally, “How might one’s professional identity be given shape by the uniqueness
of one’s field experience?”
It is clear that field experience plays a pivotal role in the professional formation
and development of counselors. As such, we turned to existing research, anecdotal
reports from those who teach and supervise field experience, and input from students
who successfully navigated their field experiences, to identify those elements deemed
essential to successful field experience and, with it, meaningful growth and profes-
sional development. The results of our reflections and data gathering are the creation
of this text, Field Experience: Transitioning From Student to Professional.
The book Field Experience: Transitioning From Student to Professional includes 14
chapters, with each focusing on a special area of counseling trainees’ entire field experience.
We began with a big picture of what field experience is and how it happens by
discussing the specifics of this unique learning experience, such as “shift in focus: from
knowing to doing,” “from other- to self-taught,” “from ideal to real,” and “from self as
student to self as emerging professional.” The most important piece in this picture is
how counseling trainees form their professional identity from developmental, well-
ness, prevention, and empowerment and advocacy perspectives. Chapter 2 is about
how to match self to site. We are aware that at the time of reading this book, the coun-
seling trainee has most likely completed at least his or her first field experience place-
ment. We don’t believe this is a belated topic or effort because the majority of the
counseling or counseling psychology programs have one practicum class and two
internship classes. In addition, thoroughly assessing self and the site is very useful even
when the counseling trainee has been placed on a practicum or internship site. Chapter
3 discusses how counseling trainees transition from the ideal to the real. The chapter

xix
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xx ❖ Field Experience

particularly focuses on what is the ideal and the real, why the ideal is always less than
the real, and how counseling trainees effect change in this transitioning process.
Chapter 4 continues the theme of moving from the ideal to the real by providing the
topic of the ethics of practice in the real world. In terms of ethics, the question of why
being is more than knowing in the process of transitioning from a student to a coun-
seling professional is specifically answered. Chapter 5 intends to assist counseling
trainees in discovering what the essentials are in the process of reflection on counsel-
ing practice and professional development. Specifically, it describes the moment-to-
moment decisions made by counseling trainees and their intentionality behind what
they are doing to increase the efficacy of their decisions and effectiveness as emerging
counseling professionals.
Although we did not divide the book into sections, it has a clear line in that the
first five chapters focus on the overall picture of counseling field experience and the
later chapters target the specifics that counseling trainees need to learn in the process
of their field experience. Chapter 6 focuses on the essentials of counseling supervision
and how counseling trainees can emerge as professionals with their supervision expe-
rience. This chapter not only emphasizes what counseling supervision is and why
counseling supervision is important, but also centers on the preparation of counseling
trainees for a variety of issues they may encounter in their counseling supervision.
With the feedback from the book reviewers, we have placed the chapter “Growing
Through Supervision” before all the chapters that contain the basics of field experience
because we believe both the site supervisor and the faculty supervisor are the backbone
of counseling trainees. In other words, they are the first-line supporters for consulting
whenever the counseling trainees encounter difficulty. Chapter 7 affirms the important
aspect of multicultural counseling in the field experience. This chapter targets the
counseling trainees’ multicultural counseling competence in the real world, and atten-
tion is specifically given to counseling trainees’ multicultural awareness and sensitivity
when applying traditional counseling theories, skills, and techniques to multiculturally
diverse clients in their practice. To help counseling trainees grow as emerging counsel-
ing professionals, Chapter 8 targets the strategies and skills of crisis intervention. The
what, how, why, and when questions concerning crisis intervention are all answered for
counseling trainees in this chapter. Violence and aggression to counselors have become
a reality nowadays in the counseling field, and this issue is oftentimes not adequately
emphasized in counseling practicum and internship. So, Chapter 9 is devoted to the
skills and techniques important to reducing risk for counseling trainees themselves in
the practice. The uniqueness of Chapter 10 is that this chapter logically depicts the key
elements of documentation and record keeping through thoroughly discussing ethical/
legal requirements and issues involved in documentation and record keeping. It then
offers strategies for appropriate documentation and record keeping and a variety of
progress-note-taking formats for counseling trainees to choose from based on their
needs. We believe the most important person in the helping process is the counselor
himself or herself. Taking care of self and making the counselor-self remain sound
physically and mentally is the fundamental for counseling effectiveness. Chapter 11
covers self-care and self-protection. This chapter helps counseling trainees both to
 Authors’ Preface ❖ xxi

become aware of what burnout and compassion fatigue are and to learn how to prevent
them. Chapter 12 affirms the importance of achieving a successful field experience
termination and closure with clients, supervisors, and other counseling staff. Common
issues and essentials involved in termination and closure at the internship site are thor-
oughly discussed, and specific steps to achieve the success of termination are offered.
For counseling trainees, career is very important in their lives. Chapter 13 contains the
practicalities for counseling trainees to transition from practice to career. This chapter
not only helps counseling trainees understand the connection between their internship
and career but also offers strategies and skills for them to walk into the field. The final
chapter, Chapter 14, invites counseling trainees to use all they have learned to craft
their professional identity in the process of transitioning to self as counselor.
We strongly believe Field Experience: Transitioning From Student to Professional
provides not only the nuts and bolts but also a road map that counseling trainees can
use to guide their transition from being a student to becoming an emerging profes-
sional in the process of their field experience.
NZ/RP
 ❖
Acknowledgments

W hile we, the authors of this text, are given credit for its creation, the truth is that
the formation of the ideas contained, as well as the crafting of the presentation,
required the contribution of many others. These individuals include those who have
made contributions to the existing literature on the topic of the book and those who
have offered ideas and insights. We wish to express our appreciation to them for their
contributions.
First, we want to thank our colleagues and those who shared their ideas, insights,
and experiences of teaching field experience courses. Their wisdom helped us in the
process of developing the book proposal.
We want to thank the reviewers who have encouraged us after they reviewed our
initial proposal. We also appreciate their candid feedback on how we should make
changes and improve the text. These individuals, not including those who chose to be
anonymous, are Ronica Arnold Branson, Jackson State University; Britney G.
Brinkman, Chatham University; Kathy DeOrnellas, Texas Woman’s University; Laura
L. Lansing, Mount Aloysius College; Catherine M. Pittman, Saint Mary’s College;
Chuck Reid, The University of Texas-Pan American; Elizabeth Ruiz, Governors State
University; and Gina Zanardelli, Chatham University.
We also want to sincerely thank the reviewers who spent enormous time reading
our draft manuscript and wrote long, detailed, and helpful feedback and suggestions.
We have made changes based on their feedback and suggestions. Their time and exper-
tise are greatly appreciated. These individuals, not including four people who chose to
be anonymous, are Mary Olufunmilayo Adekson, St. Bonaventure University; Josue
Gonzalez, The University of Texas at San Antonio; Danielle M. Kohlo, University of
Northern Colorado; Ann Leonard-Zabel, Curry College; Chuck Reid, The University
of Texas-Pan American; and Gina Zanardelli, Curry College.
Finally, we would like to acknowledge the support and encouragement from the
editorial team at SAGE. Especially, our thanks go to Carrie Montoya, Assistant to the
Editor; Abbie Rickard, Associate Editor; Brenda Weight, Copy Editor; Kelly DeRosa,
Production Editor; Candice Harman, Cover Designer from the Production Department;
and our friend Kassie Graves, the Editor.
NZ/RP

xxii
SAGE was founded in 1965 by Sara Miller McCune to
support the dissemination of usable knowledge by publishing
innovative and high-quality research and teaching content.
Today, we publish more than 750 journals, including those
of more than 300 learned societies, more than 800 new
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charitable trust that secures our continued independence.

Los Angeles | London | Washington DC | New Delhi | Singapore | Boston

 1 ❖
Field
Experience as
Formative to
Professional
Identity
Learning is pleasurable but doing is the height of enjoyment.
Novalis

T he quote from this 19th-century German poet may not completely ring true to
those experiencing initial anxieties as they venture out of the confines of a class-
room to begin the application of their knowledge in the world of the professional.
Although there are anxieties tied to engaging in field work, there are also many oppor-
tunities for growth as a professional and for facilitating the unfolding of one’s profes-
sional identity. Field experience—be it called practicum, internship, apprenticeship, or
field study—is a pivotal and invaluable contributor to the transitioning from student
to professional.
The transition from student to professional brings with it a desire to use the
knowledge and skills acquired in the classroom in the service of one’s professional
role and function. The transition from student to professional is one in which the
self-concerns of student are replaced by the heartfelt concerns for another. The tran-
sition from student to professional is one in which concerns over grades and external
demands for performance are replaced by an internal desire for effectiveness. The

1
 2 ❖ Field Experience

transition from student to professional is accompanied by the increased awareness

that being a professional helper is not only an awesome responsibility . . . but an
awesome gift to be respected and valued.
The experience of serving in the role and function as a counselor within the field
invites a student to experience not only the tasks of counseling but the values and
philosophical assumptions that guide the performance of those tasks. Interacting
within the role of counselor and engaging with other professionals within the field
provides the student the opportunity to more fully integrate his or her self-concept and
identity with that commonly shared by those laying claim to the label of counselor. The
transition from student to professional and with it the development of one’s profes-
sional identity as a counselor takes flight during one’s field experience. It is this process
of transitioning to develop a professional identity as a counselor that serves as the focus
for this chapter.
Specifically, at the end of this chapter readers will be able to

•• describe those characteristics of a field experience that makes it a unique learning

environment;
•• describe those factors that can reduce or enhance professional growth via field experience;
•• explain what is meant by a counselor’s “professional identity”; and
•• describe the values, assumptions, and philosophical perspective that shape the unique
professional identity of counselors.

Field Experience: A Unique Learning Experience

Field experience—be it called practicum, internship, or simply field experience—is an

integral part of the curriculum of most, if not all, counselor education programs. It may
appear in a catalog and be listed on registration materials similarly to all the other required
courses. However, to assume that field experience is just another course, another group of
credits to be acquired, similarly to all other courses within a program, would be a mistake.
What distinguishes field experience from other parts of the curriculum is not
merely its content. Field experience is a unique learning experience, and it is this unique-
ness that not only provides a special opportunity for professional development but also
presents a number of challenges to one accustomed to the “safety” of a classroom.
Contrasted to most classroom experiences, field experience occurs, by definition,
in a unique, nonclassroom learning environment; employs unique performance
requirements targeting application rather than acquisition of knowledge and skills; and
presents unique challenges to and opportunities for professional growth and develop-
ment of one’s professional identity.

Shift in Focus: From “Knowing” to “Doing”

Field experience plays an irreplaceable role in one’s professional development.
During field experiences, one is provided hands-on learning opportunities where the
connection of theoretical and conceptual information acquired in the classroom is
 Field Experience as Formative to Professional Identity ❖ 3

extended to the professional world of practice. During field experience, there is a shift
in focus from knowing and understanding to doing and applying. It is no longer one’s
ability to describe, explain, or discuss a theoretical construct or research finding that
is called for but rather the ability to translate these concepts and constructs into actions
which ultimately will best serve the clients.

Shifting From Other- to Self-Taught

In most counselor education graduate programs, field experience follows upon the
completion of a number of classroom courses focusing on fundamental knowledge and
skills. In these classroom experiences, there was most likely a teacher whose role was
to structure the learning experiences, direct or guide the sharing of information, and
provide measures of achievement. This role was contrasted to that of student.
The student in this learning environment was given the charge to attend, to par-
ticipate, to acquire designated knowledge and skills, and to perform successfully on the
measures of achievement. This formula, of a teacher-designed and -directed learning
experience, was, with minor variations, one students most likely had encountered pre-
viously throughout their years of education. This familiarity with the roles assigned
made these learning encounters somewhat comfortable, even safe and predictable.
The field as a learning environment, however, challenges the familiar roles and
structure of education. Upon entering one’s field placement, it becomes quite obvious
that this is quite a unique learning environment. Perhaps it’s the absence of neatly
arranged desks or instructor with a PowerPoint presentation, or perhaps it is the lack
of a class scheduled in line with the tightly developed sequential curriculum, but the
absence of that with which students are accustomed grabs their attention and
announces that this is a unique learning environment.
Much of what is listed above is obvious—but these are only the superficial differ-
ences to be experienced within this learning environment. The more substantive dif-
ferences between the field and classroom experiences rests in the unique demands
placed on students as they attempt to maximize the learning opportunities presented
in the field. It is a demand to step into the role of self-as-teacher and is marked by an
increased call for independent, self-directed learning; a shift in focus from grades to
outcomes; and a pursuit of, rather than a retreat from, evaluation and corrective feed-
back. Students who are able to embrace these new demands will be the ones who
maximize their learning experiences in their field placement.

Increased Independence and Self-Direction

There is a comfort in knowing what is expected of us, when it is due, and the
rubric employed for assessment. A good classroom teacher develops syllabi and les-
son plans that provides this structure. While those entering their field experience
may receive syllabi with objectives, tasks and timelines, these most often reflect the
“classroom component” and not the objectives, tasks, and timelines encountered in
the field.
4 ❖ Field Experience

From the first moments of their field experience, the reality is that to some degree
what students do, or pursue, may be the result of self-direction rather than other direc-
tion. This is not to suggest that students in the field have carte blanche to do whatever
they desire, but rather that the field is an environment that is fluid—presenting crises,
demands, challenges, and opportunities that do not lend themselves neatly to a sched-
ule or fixed plan. Students who will maximize the benefit of the field experience are
those who initiate their own learning, who are not only open to but seek out opportu-
nities to observe, participate, and do. Students who benefit most from the field experi-
ence will be the ones who embrace the increased independence and potential for
student-directed learning rather than passively await moment-to-moment direction
from their supervisor.
As noted, this is not to suggest that students in the field should go off and simply
do their “own thing,” but rather that they may need to look for experiences that they
feel will prove growth filled and invite the supervisor to consider sanctioning these
experiences. Exercise 1.1 is provided to stimulate your reflections about those types of
experiences you feel would be most beneficial to your professional development.

Exercise 1.1
Seeking Growth
Directions: There may be a temptation to engage in activities with which you feel you
have basic competence and could demonstrate to a supervisor your capabilities to per-
form successfully. This is understandable, because no one really enjoys struggling or
exhibiting inadequacy. But for growth to occur, you need to venture beyond your current
level of success and experience things that stretch your capabilities. As you engage in
your field experience, it would be helpful to reflect on your knowledge and skill and
identify areas where growth is desired. Complete the following table and consider shar-
ing it with your own site supervisor so that collaboratively you can develop a plan for
growth and development.

Assessment Plan for Professional

(Scale: 3 = mastery, Development
2 = basic competency, (including specific
1 = minimum to tasks, activities,
Area of Focus absent) experiences)
Establishing a Therapeutic
Alliance
Case Conceptualization
and Treatment Planning
Preventive Programming
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English nation was roused against the ministry, and the contagion
was in some measure communicated to Scotland, where the Duke of
Hamilton gave such a resistance to Lauderdale (now created a duke)
that he was obliged to dissolve the parliament. But no marked
improvement in the government resulted.

This day commenced a period of thanksgiving

through all the parishes in Lothian, for the 1660. June 19.
restoration of the king. The magistrates and town-
council of Edinburgh went to church in solemn procession, all in their
best robes, and with ‘the great mace and sword of honour’ borne
before them. After service, they went with a great number of
citizens to the Cross, where a long board, covered with sweetmeats
and wine, had been placed, under a burgess guard numbering four
or five hundred persons. Here the healths of the king and the Duke
of York were drunk with the utmost enthusiasm, three hundred
dozen of glasses being cast away and broken on the occasion. At the
same time, bells rang, drums beat, trumpets sounded, and the
multitude of people cheered. The spouts of the Cross ran with claret
for the general benefit. At night, there were bonfires throughout the
streets, and fireworks in the Castle and the citadel of Leith till after
midnight. ‘There were also six viols, three of them base viols, playing
there continually. There were also some musicians placed there, wha
were resolved to act their parts, and were willing and ready, but by
reason of the frequent acclamations and cries of the people
universally through the haill town, their purpose was interrupted.
Bacchus also, being set upon ane puncheon of wine upon the front
of the Cross with his cummerholds, was not idle. In the end, the
effigies of Oliver Cromwell, being set upon a pole, and the devil
upon another, upon the Castle Hill, it was ordered by firework,
engine, and train, that the devil did chase that traitor, till he blew
him in the air.’—Nic.
The same chronicler notes a circumstance very
likely to occur at a Restoration. ‘There went out 1660.
from Scotland an innumerable number of people of
all sorts, ranks, and degrees—earls, lords, barons, burgesses, and
some ministers—pretending their errand to be to congratulate the
king; but the truth is, it was for procuring of dignities, honours, and
offices, and for sundry other ends; carrying with them great soums
of money, to the vastation of this puir land, being altogether ruined
of before in their means and estate.’
‘His majesty not being able to satisfy all, there did arise great heart-
burnings, animosity, and envy among them,’ particularly ‘betwixt the
Earl of Southesk and the Master of Gray, for the sheriffship of
Forfarshire; and in that contention they drew to parties, and
provoked other to duels, in the whilk the Earl of Southesk did kill the
Master of Gray upon this side of London.’

We hear at this time of a number of ‘louss and idle

men in the Hielands,’ who had gathered Aug.
themselves together in companies, and were
employed in ‘carrying away spraichs of cattle and other bestial to the
hills, and committing many other insolencies:’ that is to say, the
more active spirits on the Highland border were taking advantage of
this interval of regular authority to help themselves from the
pastures of their Lowland neighbours. The newly reassembled
Committee of Estates, having no force at their command for the
repression of these disorders, were glad to revert to the old practice
of holding the chiefs of clans ‘bund for the peaceable behaviour of
their clan, kinsmen, followers, and tenants.’ They therefore (August
29) sent letters to the Earls of Seaforth, Tullibardine, Athole, Airlie,
and Aboyne, the Lords Reay and Lovat, the Lairds of Ballingowan,
Foulis, Assynt, Glengarry, M‘Leod, Locheil, Macintosh, Grant,
Glenurchy, Auchinbreck, Luss, Macfarlane, Buchanan, and Edzell, Sir
James Macdonald, the Captain of Clanranald, Callum Macgregor
Tutor of Macgregor, and others, calling on them to take special
notice of their dependents, ‘and of all others travelling through your
bounds whom you may stop or let,’ that they carry themselves
inoffensively; certifying these heads of clans, that they will be called
to account for any depredations or insolencies hereafter committed.
Having immediately after heard of an assault
committed by one Robert Oig Buchanan and a 1660.
companion upon Robert M‘Capie, a tenant of Lord
Napier (they had attacked him in his own house at night, wounded
him, and cut off his ear, after which they drove off his cattle), the
Committee ordered the Laird of Buchanan to forward the guilty
persons to them before a certain day, in order that they might be
brought to punishment. The two culprits failed to appear on
summons, and their chief was then commissioned to seize them
wherever they could be found.
At the beginning of October, the chancellor received a letter from the
Laird of Grant, stating that he had apprehended ‘ane noted robber
named Halkit Stirk.’186 The Committee of Estates immediately sent
an answer heartily thanking the laird ‘for doing so good a work for
his majesty and the peace of the kingdom;’ further informing him
that they would protect and maintain him against all injury that
might be done to him or his followers on that account. They soon
after gave the laird a commission to raise a band of forty men for
the taking of Highland sorners and robbers.
The Halkit Stirk was subsequently ordered to be handed by the Laird
of Grant to the magistrates of Aberdeen; by them to the magistrates
of Montrose; from these again to those of Dundee; thence to Cupar
and Burntisland in succession, under a suitable guard; to rest in the
Tolbooth of Burntisland till further orders.
At the same time, the Highland bandit, John Dhu Ger, whom we
have seen killed three times about twenty years before, is ordered to
be brought under a sufficient guard from Stirling to the Tolbooth of
Edinburgh.—R. C. E.
The Letter-office at Edinburgh was in 1649 under
the care of Mr John Mean, a merchant noted Sep. 13.
throughout the reign of Charles I. for his zeal as a
Presbyterian; which, however, had not forbidden him to be also a
strenuous loyalist.187 Latterly, the same function had been bestowed
upon Messrs Mew and Barringer, who, from their names, may be
supposed to have been Englishmen, friends of the Cromwellian rule.
At the date now noted, the king bestowed the office upon Robert
Mean, superseding the two above-mentioned officials, and the
Committee of Estates accordingly inducted him, ‘requiring the
postmaster of Haddington to direct the packets constantly from time
to time to the said Robert Mean, and cause the same to be delivered
to him at Edinburgh.’—R. C. E.
The post-system for correspondence underwent a
considerable improvement under the régime of the 1660.
Restoration. The parliament, in August 1662,188
ordained that for this purpose posts should be established between
Edinburgh and Port-Patrick, the intermediate stations being
Linlithgow, Kilsyth, Glasgow, Kilmarnock, Ayr, Drumbeg, and
Ballantrae. Robert Mean was commissioned to establish these posts
for the next ensuing year, and allowed ‘for each letter from
Edinburgh to Glasgow two shillings Scots (twopence sterling), from
thence to any part within Scotland three shillings Scots, and for all
such letters as goes for Ireland six shillings Scots.’ To encourage him
in the business, and help him to build a boat for the Port-Patrick
ferry, he was allowed a gift of two hundred pounds, on condition
that the boat should carry the letter-packet free. ‘All other posts,
either foot or horse,’ were discharged.—P. C. R.
The horse-post of Mr Mean had not been long in operation, when it
was found that sundry persons carried letters along the same line on
foot, to the injury of the postmaster, and possibly to the
encouragement of treasonable designs. At his request, a warrant
was granted (December 26) against such interlopers.

William Woodcock, ‘late officer in Leith,’ was this

day licensed by the magistrates of Edinburgh, to Sep. 28.
set up ‘ane hackney-coach, for service of his
majesty’s lieges, betwixt Leith and Edinburgh.’ The hire up and down
for a single person was to be a shilling; and if the person engaging
the carriage chose to wait for one or two persons more to
accompany him, the same fare was to be sufficient. ‘If any mae nor
three, each man to pay four shillings Scots [fourpence sterling] for
their hire; and the persons coming up to Edinburgh, to light at the
foot of Leith Wynd, for the steyness [steepness] thereof.’ This
arrangement was not to prevent Woodcock from ‘serving others
going to and from the country to other places, as he and they can
agree.’

At the surrender of Edinburgh Castle to Cromwell

in December 1650, one of the articles of rendition 1660.
insured that the public registers, public movables,
and private evidences and writs heretofore preserved there, should
be allowed to pass forth, and that wagons and ships should be
provided for transporting them. These precious documents, with
certain exceptions, were accordingly taken to Stirling Castle, where,
however, it was not their fate to rest long. In August next year, while
the Scottish army was advancing through England, to be annihilated
at Worcester, General Monk took Stirling Castle, with ‘all the Records
of Scotland, the chair and cloth of state, the sword, and other rich
furniture of the kings.’ These were soon after transported to the
Tower of London, not under any such feeling as the wantonness of
conquest, but with a view to their proving serviceable for the
scheme then entertained by Cromwell of a complete union of the
two countries. In the Tower, they were deposited in a building called
the Bowyers’ House, which was also the residence of the keeper of
the English Records, Mr Ryley.
After the establishment of an English judicatory in Scotland, it was
found necessary that such documents as referred to the rights of
private parties should be in possession of the English commissioners;
and on the petition of these gentlemen (April 8, 1653), an order of
parliament was issued for the sending of all such documents back to
Scotland, to be deposited as formerly in Edinburgh Castle. This
seems to have been done either partially now, and conclusively in
1657, or wholly at the latter date, the amount of documents
returned being sixteen hundred volumes.
After the Restoration, the Scottish records
remaining in the Tower, being those of a public and Dec.
historical character, were ordered to be returned to
Edinburgh. Being put up in hogsheads, a ship was 1660.
prepared to carry them down to Scotland. ‘But it
was suggested to Clarendon, that the original Covenant signed by
the king, and some other declarations under his hand, were among
them. And he, apprehending that at some time or other an ill use
might have been made of these, would not suffer them to be
shipped till they were visited: nor would he take Primrose’s promise
of searching for these carefully, and sending them up to him. So he
ordered a search to be made. None of the papers he looked for were
found. But so much time was lost, that the summer was spent. So
they were sent down in winter.’—Burnet. They were shipped at
Gravesend on board the Eagle frigate, commanded by Major John
Fletcher; but, a storm arising, the captain was obliged, for the safety
of his vessel, to trans-ship eighty-five hogsheads of these documents
into a vessel called the Elizabeth of Burntisland. The Elizabeth having
sunk with its whole cargo, the eighty-five hogsheads of registers
were lost, ‘to the great hurt of this nation,’ as Nicoll with due
sensibility remarks. From this wreck there escaped the records of
parliament, and that of the Secret Council—the latter, we are bound
to say, a specially fortunate escape for us, since the record in
question has supplied the great bulk of what is at once new and
curious in the present work. ‘The want of any inventory of the whole
must leave us for ever in the dark as to the real extent of the loss
which was then sustained. Among the lost records, however, we may
probably reckon the rolls of the greater part of the charters of
Robert I. and David II., and the far greater part of the original
instruments of a public nature, which must be presumed to have
existed in the archives of the kingdom, at their removal from
Scotland in 1651.’189
One of the records, that of the Privy Seal, had escaped the general
seizure by the English, and passed through some adventures not
much less romantic than those of the Regalia. Consisting of about a
hundred volumes, it rested in the care of Andrew Martin, writer in
Edinburgh, who, on the approach of danger, carried it into the
Highlands, and there preserved it from the enemy ‘with great
expenses and fatigue, for ten years at least, to the hazard of his life
and irrecoverable ruin of his family.’ After his death and that of his
son, this record fell into the possession of John Corse, writer in
Edinburgh, who had advanced considerable sums to the Martins, ‘on
the faith of those books.’ On the 24th of March 1707, Mr Corse
addressed a petition to the Scottish parliament, setting forth these
particulars, and claiming a remuneration for ‘the expenses and great
pains that has been expended in preserving these records,’
requesting at the same time that they should be taken into public
custody. The parliament accordingly recommended Mr Corse’s claim
to the queen.190

Reduced as the state of Scotland was at the close

of the Interregnum, no sooner had the Restoration 1661. Jan.
taken place than such a ‘bravery’ broke out as if
there had been no such thing as poverty in the 1661.
land. The City of Edinburgh surrounded the Cross at the
proclamation of the first parliament with twelve hundred men in
arms. When the Earl of Middleton came on the last day of the year
to open the parliament next day, sixteen hundred persons met him
on horseback a few miles from town—‘there was seldom the like
shaw.’ ‘All the nobles at this time, as also the barons and burgesses,
were metamorphosed like guisers, their apparel rich, full of ribbons,
feathers, and costly lace, to the admiration of many.’ It was all from
joy at the idea of the troubles of the country being now brought to
an end.
The people were delighted to see the parliament sit down, merely as
a token of the restoration of their national independency. They felt a
peculiar joy in seeing the Earl Marischal and his two brothers come
to Edinburgh, bearing with them the long-lost emblems of the native
sovereignty.191 Nicoll says, the gallant carriage of the people
generally was ‘wonderful;’ ‘all of them, even the landward people
[rustics], belted in their swords and pistols.’ ‘Our gentry of Scotland,’
he elsewhere adds, ‘did look with such joyful and gallant
countenances as if they had been the sons of princes. It was the joy
of this nation to see them upon brave horses, prancing in their
accustomed places, in tilting, running of races, and such like, the like
whereof was never seen in many score of years before.’
‘Our mischiefs,’ says the Mercurius Caledonius, ‘began with tumults
and sedition, and we are restored to our former felicity with
miracles. The sea-coasts of Fife, Angus, Mearns, and Buchan, which
was famous for the fertility of fishing, were barren since his majesty
went from Scotland to Worcester; insomuch that the poor men who
subsisted by the trade, were reduced to go a-begging in the in-
country. But now, blessed be God, since his majesty’s return, the
seas are so plentiful, that in some places they are in a condition to
dung the land with soles. An argument sufficient to stop the black
mouths of those wretches that would have persuaded the people
that curses were entailed on the royal family. As our old laws are
renewed, so is likewise our good, honest, ancient customs; for
nobility in streets are known by brave retinues of their relations,
when, during the captivity, a lord was scarcely to be distinguished
from a commoner. The old hospitality returns; for that laudable
custom of suppers, which was covenanted out with raisins and
roasted cheese, is again in fashion; and where before a peevish
nurse would have been seen tripping up stairs and down stairs with
a posset or berry for the laird or the lady, you shall now see sturdy
jackmen, groaning with the weight of sirloins of beef, and chargers
loaden with wild fowl and capons.’
Mercurius is careful to state that, on the 1st of
January 1661, the swans which used to dwell on 1661.
Linlithgow Loch, and which had deserted their
haunt at the time of the king’s departure from Scotland, did now
grace his return by reappearing in a large flock upon the lake. There
was also a small fish called the Cherry of the Tay, a kind of whiting,
which returned from a voluntary exile along with the king.
John Ray was at Linlithgow in August 1661, and heard from Mr
Stuart, one of the bailies, about the return of the swans. Mr Stuart
alleged that two had been brought to the lake for trial during the
Commonwealth, but would not stay. ‘At the time of the king’s coming
to London, two swans, nescio unde sponte et instinctu proprio, came
hither, and there still continue.’192
The superstitious Wodrow notes the fact of the swans in his History,
and adds: ‘Upon the citadel of Perth, where the arms of the
Commonwealth had been put up, in May last year a thistle grew out
of the wall near the place, and quite overspread them. Both these
may be, without anything extraordinary, accounted for; but they
were matter of remark and talk, it may be more than they deserve.’
The jollity so highly appreciated by Mercurius
Caledonius is generally described in the writings of 1661.
the Presbyterian clergy as beastly excess. ‘Nothing
to be seen but debauch and revelling,’ says Kirkton; ‘nothing heard
but clamorous crimes, all flesh corrupted their way.’ The
Commissioner Middleton, keeping high festival daily during the
sitting of parliament, sometimes was so manifestly drunk when he
took his place on the throne, that it was necessary to adjourn the
sitting. In his progress through the west country in autumn 1662,
‘such who entertained him best had their dining-rooms, their
drinking-rooms, their vomiting-rooms, and sleeping-rooms when the
company had lost their senses.’ It was averred that, while he and his
court were at Ayr, ‘the devil’s health was drunk at the Cross there, in
one of their debauches, about the middle of the night.’—Wod. ‘The
commissioner had £60 English a day allowed him, which he spent
faithfully amongst his northern pantalons; and so great was the
luxury, and so small the care of his family, that when he filled his
wine-cellars, his steward thought nothing to cast out full pipes to
make way for others. They made the church their stews; you might
have found chambers filled with naked men and women; cursing,
swearing, and blasphemy were as common as prayer and worship
was rare.’—Kir. It was thought a suspicious circumstance regarding a
man that he exhibited any gravity; it smelled of rebellion. If he
wished to pass for a loyal man, to advance his prospects, or even to
escape being thought a dangerous person, it was necessary he
should put on the air of a swaggerer and a drunkard.

By order of the king, the magistracy of Edinburgh

raised the trunk of the Marquis of Montrose from Jan. 7.
under the gallows on the Burgh-moor, in presence
of a great number of nobles, gentlemen, and others, who expressed
the most lively interest in the scene.195 This relic being wrapped in
‘curious cloths’ and put into a coffin, was carried along under a
velvet canopy, to the Tolbooth, the nobles and gentry attending on
horseback, while many thousands followed on foot, colours at the
same time flying, drums beating, trumpets sounding, muskets
cracking, and cannon roaring from the Castle. At the Tolbooth, the
head of the Great Marquis, which had grinned there for ten years,
was taken reverentially down, ‘some bowing, some kneeling, some
kissing it,’ and deposited in its proper place in the coffin, ‘with great
acclamations of joy,’ the trumpets, drums, and cannon giving all
possible éclat to the act. The coffin was then carried in solemn
procession to the Palace, to rest till a proper funeral-ceremony
should be ordered. While the ‘excommunicat traitor’ of 1650 was
thus treated, the triumphant and all-powerful noble of that time, the
Marquis of Argyle, was a prisoner in the Castle, waiting a doom
which was precisely to resemble that of Montrose, excepting in some
particulars of inhumanity, which vengeful loyalty could not descend
to.
The Presbyterian historians, however, have taken
care to chronicle that the Laird of Gorthie, who 1661.
took the head off the spike, died within a few
hours, and the Laird of Pitcur, one of Montrose’s great adherents,
went to bed in health, and was found dead next morning. This was a
mysterious circumstance, which would probably be cleared up if we
had a return of the quantity of brandy which Gorthie and Pitcur had
drunk on the occasion. ‘Such was the testimony of honour Heaven
was pleased,’ says worthy Mr Kirkton, ‘to allow Montrose’s pompous
funerals.’
The four members of Montrose were also recovered from the four
towns, Glasgow, Stirling, Perth, and Aberdeen, to which they had
been severally sent for ignominious exhibition; and these being now
placed in the coffin, the body was complete as far as circumstances
permitted, excepting that the heart remained in the silver case
where Lady Napier had enshrined it, and in which it continued to be
preserved, under the care of the Napier family, till the period of the
French Revolution.
Four months afterwards (May 11), the ceremonial
funeral of Montrose was performed with an 1661.
amount of joyful display that rendered it a most
singular affair. Twenty-three companies of a burgess-guard lined the
streets, that the procession might pass without interruption. First
went the new Life Guard; next twenty-six boys in mourning, carrying
the arms of Montrose and the great men of his house; then the
provost, bailies, and council of Edinburgh, all in mourning habits;
after whom, again, came the barons of parliament and the members
representing burghs. A gentleman clad in bright armour was
followed by eighteen others, carrying banners of honour, and the
spurs, gloves, breast-piece, and back-piece of the deceased, on the
ends of staves. Next came a led horse in the accoutrements used by
the marquis at the riding of parliaments, and attended by his lackey
in armour. The flower of the Scottish nobility followed in good order;
then the Lord Lyon, and his officers. Followed the friends of the
deceased, bearing the marquis’s cap of state, coronet, &c. Then the
coffin, under its rich pall, carried by honourable lords and gentlemen,
with six trumpets sounding before it. Some ladies clad in mourning
followed. The Lord Commissioner (Middleton), in his coach of state,
closed the long and splendid column, which, however, was closely
followed by an honourable procession doing like honours to the
corpse of Hay of Dalgetty, another royalist victim of the Civil War.
The bells rang all the time while the corpse of Montrose went on to
its final honourable resting-place in St Giles’s Cathedral. It was
remarked that this was a funeral where the relatives of the deceased
wore countenances of joy, while there were others, not related to
him, who beheld it with sadness and gloom, or shrunk aside into
holes and corners, not daring to look upon it.
The strong feeling which existed in loyal breasts at the Restoration
regarding the treatment which Montrose had experienced, is shewn
by the long imprisonment and sufferings of Neil M‘Leod of Assynt,
who had taken the marquis prisoner after his defeat in Strathoikel,
and delivered him up (for a mean reward, it is said, of certain bolls
of meal). On the 10th of December 1664, the Council received a
petition from M‘Leod, shewing that he had now been confined in the
Tolbooth and city of Edinburgh for four years, so that, by the neglect
of his affairs, he was ‘brought near the point of ruin.’ ‘Being,’ he said,
‘a stranger and far from his country and friends, and out of all credit
and respect by reason of his long imprisonment,’ he could have ‘no
one to engage for him as caution;’ but he offered to come under any
kind of bond for his reappearance, if allowed a temporary liberty.
The Earl of Kincardine offering to be security that M‘Leod would send
a guarantee to the amount of twenty thousand pounds Scots, he
was favoured by the Council with liberty to go home for the next
four months. It was not till February 1666 that a special letter from
the king at length freed M‘Leod from trouble on account of his
concern in the doom of Montrose.—P. C. R.

This day appeared the first number of the first

original newspaper attempted in Scotland. It was a Jan. 8.
small weekly sheet, entitled Mercurius Caledonius;
comprising the Affairs now in Agitation in Scotland, 1661.
with a Survey of Foreign Intelligence. The editor
was Thomas Sydserf, or Saint Serf, son of a former bishop of
Galloway, who was soon after promoted to the see of Orkney.
Principal Baillie alludes to this ‘diurnaler’ in bitter terms—‘a very
rascal, a profane atheistical papist, as some count him;’ the truth
being that he was an Episcopalian loyalist of merely a somewhat
extravagant type. Little is known of his previous history, beyond his
having borne arms under Montrose, and published in London in 1658
a translation from the French under the title of Entertainments of the
Cours, or Academicall Conversations, dedicated to the young
Marquis of Montrose. Of the Mercurius Caledonius, only nine
numbers were published, the last being dated March 28, 1661. It
must be admitted that the style of composition and editorship was
frivolous and foolish to a degree surprising even for that delirious
period.
At various times throughout the Civil War, when transactions of
moment were going on in Scotland—as, for instance, in the autumn
of 1643, when the Solemn League and Covenant was in preparation
—news-sheets referring to our country had been published in
London. There does not appear, however, to have been any regular
or avowed attempt to give Scottish news in connection with English
and Irish, until June 1650, when the march of Cromwell with an
army to put down the Scots and their puppet king excited of course
an unusual interest regarding Scotland. Then was commenced by
‘Thomas Newcomb, near Baynard’s Castle, Thames Street,’ a weekly
diurnal, under the title of Mercurius Politicus; comprising the Sum of
all the Intelligence, with the Affairs and Designs now on foot in the
three Nations of England, Ireland, and Scotland. In Defence of the
Commonwealth and for Information of the People. A weekly number
of this work, consisting of two sheets of dwarf quarto, being sixteen
pages, presented letters of news from the principal cities of Europe;
and during the years 1650, 1, 2, 3, and 4, the intelligence from
Scotland, chiefly of military operations there, was a conspicuous
department.196
According to Mr George Chalmers,197 Cromwell
conveyed to Leith in 1652 one Christopher Higgins, 1661.
who, in November of that year, began to reprint,
for the information of the English garrison, a London newspaper,
entitled A Diurnal of some Passages and Affairs. This is said to have
not survived many months. It was followed up by a reprint of the
afore-mentioned Mercurius Politicus, which Higgins commenced at
Leith in October 1653, but soon after transferred to Edinburgh,
where it was carried on till the eve of the Restoration—the imprint
being, ‘Edinburgh: Reprinted by Christopher Higgins, in Hart’s Close,
over against the Tron Church.’ This paper was afterwards resumed
under a slight change of title, and continued till not earlier than June
1662. Partly contemporary with it was a paper entitled the
Kingdom’s Intelligencer, begun at Edinburgh on the same day with
the Mercurius Caledonius, and carried on till at least December 24,
1663. The number for the latter date contained among other
articles, ‘A Remarkable Advertisement to the Country and Strangers,’
to the following effect: ‘That there is a glass-house erected in the
citadel of Leith, where all sorts and quantities of glasses are made
and sould at the prices following: To wit, the wine-glass at three
shillings two boddels; the beer-glass, at two shillings sixpence; the
quart bottel, at eighteen shillings; the pynt bottel, at nine shillings;
the chopin bottel, at four shillings sixpence; the muskin bottel, at
two shillings sixpence, all Scots money, and so forth of all sorts;
better stuff and stronger than is imported.’

Horse-races were now performed every Saturday

on the sands of Leith. They are regularly Mar.
chronicled amongst the foolish lucubrations of
Mercurius Caledonius; as, for example, thus: ‘Our accustomed
recreations on the sands of Leith was much hindered because of a
furious storm of wind, accompanied with a thick snow; yet we have
had some noble gamesters that were so constant at their sport as
would not forbear a designed horse-match. It was a providence the
wind was from the sea; otherwise they had run a hazard either of
drowning or splitting upon Inchkeith! This tempest was nothing
inferior to that which was lately in Caithness, where a bark of fifty
ton was blown five furlongs into the land, and would have gone
further, if it had not been arrested by the steepness of a large
promontory.’
In the ensuing month, there were races at Cupar in Fife, where the
Lairds of Philiphaugh and Stobbs, and Powrie-Fotheringham appear
to have been the principal gentlemen who brought horses to the
ground. A large silver cup, of the value of £18, formed the chief
prize. These Cupar races were repeated annually. It is said they had
been first instituted in 1621.—Lam.
As a variety upon horse-racing, Mercurius Caledonius announced a
foot-race to be run by twelve brewster wives, all of them in a
condition which makes violent exertion unsuitable to the female
frame, ‘from the Thicket Burn [probably Figgat Burn] to the top of
Arthur’s Seat, for a groaning cheese of one hundred pound weight,
and a budgell of Dunkeld aquavitæ and rumpkin of Brunswick Mum
for the second, set down by the Dutch Midwife. The next day,
sixteen fish-wives to trot from Musselburgh to the Canon-cross for
twelve pair of lamb’s harrigals.’
Mercurius seems to have been thrown into great
delight by the revival of a barbarous Shrovetide 1661.
custom, which, strange to say, continued to exist
in connection with seminaries of education down to a period within
the recollection of living persons. ‘Our carnival sports,’ says he, ‘are
in some measure revived, for, according to the ancient custom, the
work was carried on by cock-fighting in the schools, and in the
streets among the vulgar sort, tilting at cocks with fagot-sticks. In
the evening, the learned Virtuosi of the Pallat recreate themselves
with lusty caudles, powerful cock-broth, and natural crammed
pullets, a divertisement not much inferior to our neighbour nation’s
fritters and pancakes.’
One may in some faint degree imagine the sorrowful indignation
with which the survivors of those who put down Christmas and
Easter in 1642 would view these coarse celebrations of Shrovetide.

A royal life-guard, consisting of sixscore persons,

noblemen and gentlemen’s sons, was this day Apr. 2.
embodied on the Links of Leith, under the
command of the Earl of Newburgh. They then rode through the city,
‘in gallant order, with their carabines upon their saddles, and their
swords drawn in their hands.’—Nic.
In July 1662, ‘it pleased his majesty to cause clothe their trumpeters
and master of the kettle-drum in very rich apparel,’ also to give rich
coverings of cramosie velvet for the kettle-drums. At the same time,
a pair of costly colours was presented. Soon after, it is intimated that
the king gave them each a buff-coat, and made an augmentation of
their daily pay. Their chief occupation at this time seems to have
been attendance on the royal commissioner, as he passed daily to
and from the Parliament House.
‘At two afternoon, the Marquis of Argyle was
brought forth of the Tolbooth of Edinburgh, fra the May 27.
whilk he was conveyed by the magistrates to the
place of execution; the town being all in arms, and the life-guard
mounted on horseback, with their carabines and drawn swords. The
marquis, having come to the scaffold, with sundry of his friends in
murning apparel, he made a large speech; after whilk and a short
prayer, he committed himself to the block. His head was stricken
from his body, and affixed upon the head of the Tolbooth, where the
Marquis of Montrose[‘s] was affixed of before. It was thought great
favour that he was not drawn and quartered.’—Nic.
All the men who came to the scaffold at this time,
and also some of those who obtained high and 1661.
unexpected preferment, became the subjects of
popular rumours which mark the ideas of the age. Robert Baillie tells
us, as a piece of information he had from his son-in-law, Mr Robert
Watson, who was with the Marchioness of Argyle at Roseneath on
the night the king landed, that ‘all the dogs that day did take a
strange howling and staring up at my lady’s chamber-windows for
some hours together.’ The venerable principal adds: ‘Mr Alexander
Colvill, justice-depute, an old servant of the house, told me that my
Lady Kenmure, a gracious lady, my lord’s sister, from some little skill
of physiognomy which Mr Alexander had taught her, had told him
some years ago that her brother would die in blood.’
It has been stated by Wodrow, that after spending the forenoon of
his last day in settling ordinary accounts, a number of friends being
in the room with him, ‘there came such a heavenly gale from the
spirit of God upon his soul, that he could not abstain from tearing
[shedding tears]. Lest it should be discovered, he turned in
to[wards] the fire, and took up the tongs in his hand, making a
fashion of stirring up the fire in the chimney; but he was not able to
contain himself, and, turning about and melting down in tears, he
burst out in these words: “I see this will not do. I must now declare
what the Lord has done for my soul. He has just now sealed my
charter in these words: ‘Son, be of good cheer; thy sins are forgiven
thee.’”’ It is certain that the marquis stated in his speech on the
scaffold that he had that day received such an assurance.
Mr A. Simson, who had been four years in the Marquis of Argyle’s
family, lived to tell Wodrow that, on the night before his lordship’s
execution—being a Sunday—he was at Inshinnan, where the
communion had been administered, and where next day there were
to be prayers in behalf of the suffering nobleman. He spent the
hours from four to ten in religious exercises alone, and during this
time, ‘with a power he scarce ever felt the like, eight or ten times
that petition was borne in upon him: “Lord, say to him, My son, be
of good cheer; thy sins are forgiven thee!” He did not much notice it
till afterwards he saw his [lordship’s] speech, and saw the account
that others had been put to wrestle for the same.’198
Mr James Guthrie, who suffered a few days after
Argyle, had also had warnings, according to the 1661.
historians of his party. When first induced in Mr
Samuel Rutherford’s chamber at St Andrews to take the Covenant,
‘as he came out at the door, he met the executioner in the way,
which troubled him; and the next visit he made thither, he met him
in the same manner again, which made him apprehend he might be
a sufferer for the Covenant, as indeed he was. He also had a
warning of his approaching sufferings three years before the king’s
return, and upon these he frequently reflected.’—Kir. The latter
warning was probably a violent bleeding of the nose, which came
upon him in the pulpit, while discoursing on the famous believers
(Heb. xi.) who sealed their testimony with their blood.199
Guthrie seems to have been the very type of the extreme kind of the
Presbyterians, perfectly inflexible in what he thought the right
course, and wholly devoted to the doctrines of his church. When the
generality of his brethren were tacitly allowing men who were only
loyalists to come to the standard in 1651, and union was of the last
degree of consequence, Guthrie, being the minister of Stirling, the
very head-quarters of the army, denounced these backslidings, and
really must have produced great inconvenience to the king. It is told
of the inveterate protester, that Charles thought proper to visit him
one day, hoping perhaps to soften him a little; when Mrs Guthrie
bustling about to get a chair placed for his majesty, the stern divine
calmly said to her: ‘My heart, the king is a young man; he can get a
chair for himself.’
It is also related that, at the same crisis, when a resolution was
adopted to excommunicate General Middleton, and Guthrie was to
perform the duty, the king sent a gentleman on the Sunday morning,
to entreat at least a brief delay, when Guthrie quietly told him to
come to church, and he would get his answer. The unyielding divine
duly proceeded to pronounce the excommunication.
It was generally believed that the doom of Guthrie
was in some degree owing to the vindictive feeling 1661.
which this act had engendered in Middleton.
Wodrow relates that, some time after the execution, Guthrie’s head
being placed on the Nether Bow Port in Edinburgh, Middleton was
passing underneath in his coach, when a considerable number of
drops of blood fell from the head upon the top of the coach, making
a stain which no art or diligence availed to wipe out. ‘I have it very
confidently affirmed, that physicians were called, and inquired if any
natural cause could be assigned for the blood’s dropping so long
after the head was put up, and especially for its not wearing out of
the leather; and they could give none. This odd incident beginning
to be talked of, and all other methods being tried, at length the
leather was removed, and a new cover put on.’

A caustic wit of our age has remarked, ‘Whatever satisfaction the

return of King Charles II. might afford to the younger females in his
dominions, it certainly brought nothing save torture to the
unfortunate old women, or witches of Scotland, against whom,
immediately on the Restoration, innumerable warrants were issued
forth.’200 It is quite true that an extraordinary number of witch
prosecutions followed the Restoration; and the cause is plain. For
some years before, the English judicatories had discountenanced
such proceedings. The consequence was, there was a vast
accumulation of old women liable to the charge throughout all parts
of the country. So soon as the native judicatories were restored, the
public voice called for these cases being taken up; and taken up they
were accordingly, the new authorities being either inclined that way
themselves, or unable to resist a demand so intimately connected
with the religious feelings of the people.
On the day noted, the Council issued a commission
for the trial of Isabel Johnston of Gullan, in the July 25.
parish of Dirleton, who had ‘confessed herself
guilty, in entering in paction with the devil, 1661.
renouncing her baptism, and otherwise, as her
depositions under the hands of several of the heritors and other
honest men bears,’ and likewise to proceed to the trial of others in
that district who might be delated of the same crime; for it was
always seen that one apprehended witch produced several others.
They at the same time commissioned three justice-deputes—the
learned counsel Sir George Mackenzie being one of the number—to
try a number of male and female wizards in the parishes of
Musselburgh, Duddingston, Newton, Libberton, and Dalkeith. In this
case, the judges were to have an allowance for their trouble ‘aff the
first end of the fines and escheats of such persons as shall happen
to be convict.’ Throughout the remainder of the year, and for some
time after, the number of commissions issued for the trial of witches
was extremely great. On one day, January 23, 1662, no fewer than
thirteen were issued, being the sole public business of the council for
that day, besides the issue of a commission for the trial of a thief in
Sanquhar prison. Ray, the naturalist, who was in Scotland in August
1661, tells us it was reported that a hundred and twenty witches
suffered about that time, and certainly much more than that number
of individuals are indicated in the commissions as to be subjected to
trial.
As a specimen of the facts elicited on the trials for the condemnation
of these poor people—Margaret Bryson, ‘having fallen out with her
husband for selling her cow, went in a passion to the door of the
house in the night-time, and there did imprecate that God or the
devil might take her from her husband; after which the devil
immediately appeared to her, and threatened to take her body and
soul, if she entered not into his service; whereupon, immediately she
covenanted with him, and entered into his service.’ Another example
—Isabel Ramsay ‘conversed with the devil, and received a sixpence
from him; the devil saying that God bade him give her that; and he
asked how the minister did,’ &c. Marion Scott, a girl of eighteen,
serving a family in Innerkip parish, Renfrewshire, would go out in
the morning with a hair-tether, by pulling which, and calling out,
‘God send us milk and mickle of it!’ she would supply herself with
abundance of the produce of her neighbours’ cows. She had a great
deal of intercourse with the devil, who passed under the name of
Serpent, and by whose aid she used to raise windy weather for the
destruction of shipping. One day, being out at sea near the island of
Arran, she caused Colin Campbell’s sails to be riven, but was herself
overset with the storm, so as to be thrown into a fever. After a night-
meeting with Satan, he ‘convoyed her home in the dawing, and
when she was come near the house where she was a servant, her
master saw a waff of him as he went away from her,’ &c.
The whole proceedings were usually of the most
cruel description; and often the worst sufferings of 1661.
the accused took place before trial, when dragged
from their homes by an infuriated mob, tortured to extort
confession, and half starved in jail. A wretch called John Kincaid
acted as a pricker of witches201—that is, he professed to ascertain,
by inserting of pins in their flesh, whether they were truly witches or
not, the affirmative being given when he pricked a place insensible
to pain. Often they were hung up by the two thumbs till, nature
being exhausted, they were fain to make acknowledgment of the
most impossible facts. The presumed offence being of a religious
character, the clergy naturally came to have much to say and do in
these proceedings. For example, as to Margaret Nisbet, imprisoned
at Spott, in Haddingtonshire, the person ordered by the Privy Council
to take trial of her case and report is Mr Andrew Wood, the minister
of the parish. There are many instances in the Privy Council Record
of witches being cleared on trial, but detained at the demand of
magistrates, or clergymen, in the hope that further and conclusive
evidence would yet be obtained against them. Such was the case of
Janet Cook of Dalkeith, who had predicted of a man who beat her,
that he would be hanged—which came to pass; who bewitched
William Scott’s horse and turned him furious; and occasionally
healed sick people by the application of some piece of an animal
killed under certain necromantic circumstances. Janet had been
tried, and acquitted; yet she was kept in durance at the urgency of
the kirk-session, as they were getting fresh grounds of accusation
against her.
Occasionally relenting measures were taken by the Council, though it
is to be feared not always with the approval of the local powers. On
the 30th of January 1662, they considered a petition from Marion
Grinlaw and Jean Howison, the survivors of ten women and a man
who had been imprisoned at Musselburgh on this charge. Some of
the rest had died of cold and hunger. They themselves had lain in
durance forty weeks, and were now in a condition of extreme
misery, although nothing could be brought against them. Margaret
Carvie and Barbara Honiman of Falkland had in like manner been
imprisoned at the instance of the magistrates and parish minister,
had lain six weeks in jail, subjected to ‘a great deal of torture by one
who takes upon him the trial of witches by pricking,’ and so great
were their sufferings that life was become a burden to them,
notwithstanding that they declared their innocence, and nothing to
the contrary had been shewn. The Council ordered all these women
to be liberated.—P. C. R.
‘By an act of the parliament, an order is issued out
to slight and demolish the citadels of the kingdom July.
which were built by the English. This of Inverness
had not stood ten years. The first part they seized 1661.
upon was the sentinel-houses, neat turrets of
hewn stone, curiously wrought and set up on every corner of the
rampart wall, these now all broken down by the soldiers themselves.
The next thing was the Commonwealth’s arms pulled down and
broken, and the king’s arms set up in their place; the blue bridge
slighted, the sally-port broken, the magazine-house steeple broken,
and the great bell taken down—all this done with demonstrations of
joy and gladness, the soldiers shouting “God save the king,” as men
weary of the yoke and slavery of usurpation which lay so long about
their necks. I was an eye-witness of the first stone that was broken
of this famous citadel, as I was also witness of the foundation-stone
laid, anno 1652, in May. This Sconce and Citadel is the king’s gift to
the Earl of Moray, to dispose of at his pleasure. A rare thing fell out
here that was notarly known to a thousand spectators, that the
Commonwealth’s arms set up above the most conspicuous gate of
the citadel, a great thistle growing out above it covered the whole
carved work and arms, so as not a bit of it could be seen, to the
admiration of all beholders! This was a presage that the Scots
therefore should eclipse [triumph.]‘—Fraser of Wardlaw’s MS. 1666.

The Privy Council Record, for a long time after July

1661, is half filled with the cases of ministers who 1661.
had been deposed during the troubles, and who,
having for years suffered under extreme poverty, now petition for
some compensation. Sometimes it was a minister who gave offence
by his dislike to the movement of 1638, sometimes one who had
incurred the wrath of the more zealous party by his adherence to the
Engagement of 1648 ‘for procuring the liberation of his late majesty
of blessed memory;’ sometimes the cause of deposition was of later
occurrence. For example: ‘Mr John M‘Kenzie, sometime minister of
the kirk of Urray [Ross-shire], because he would not subscrive the
Covenant and comply with the sinful courses of the time, [was]
banished and forced to fly to England anno 1639, and thereafter was
sent to Ireland, and though provided there with a competency, was
by the rebellion forced to retire to Scotland. After his majesty’s
pacification closed at the Birks, and by the moyen of his friends, [he]
re-entered to the ministry; yet, still retaining his principle of loyalty
and integrity, he was therefore persecuted by the implacable malice
of the violent humours of those times, and again suspended and
thereafter deposed, only for refusing to preach men’s humours and
passions as a trumpet of sedition and rebellion.’ Mr Andrew
Drummond had been deposed from Muthill parish, ‘for no other
cause but his accession to ane supplication to the General Assembly,
where he with divers others, out of the sense of their duty, did
declare their affection to the Engagement, anno 1648,’ and had
suffered under this sentence for five or six years. Mr Robert Tran,
minister of Eglesham, had been deposed in 1645 for no other cause
than loyalty to his late majesty. In some cases, the petitioner tells of
the wife and six or seven children whom his deposition had thrown
destitute, and who had gone through years of penury and hardship.
The Council generally ordered £100 sterling, or, in such a case as
that of M‘Kenzie, £150, out of the stipends of the vacant churches of
their bounds.
The popular writers of this period of Scottish
history do not advert sufficiently to those hard 1661.
measures of the time of the Solemn League which
may be said, in the way of reaction or retaliation, to have led to the
severities now in the course of being practised upon the more
uncompromising Presbyterians. The many petitions of the
persecuted men of 1638-60 for redress are only slightly alluded to in
a few sentences by Wodrow, while he fills long chapters with those
sufferings of proscribed Remonstrators which would never probably
have had existence but for their own harsh doings in their days of
power. He dwells with much feeling on the banishment passed upon
Mr John Livingstone, a preacher high in the esteem of the more
serious people, and deservedly so. All must sympathise with such a
case, and admire the heroic constancy of the sufferer; but it is
striking, only a few months after his sentence to exile (February 2,
1664), to find a Mr Robert Aird coming before the Privy Council with
a piteous recital of the distresses to which he and his family had
been subjected since 1638, in consequence of his being then thrust
out of his charge at Stranraer, merely for his affection to the then
constituted Episcopal government, the clergyman put into his place
being this same John Livingstone! Aird tells us that, being then
‘redacted to great straits, he was at last necessitat to settle himself
in Comray, in the diocese of the Isles, where his provision
[patrimony] was,’ that being ‘so little that he was not able to
maintain his family.’ During the usurpation, ‘by reason of his affection
to his majesty, he was quartered upon and otherwise cruelly abused,
to his almost utter ruin.’ The Lords recommended that Mr Aird
should have some allowance out of vacant stipends in the diocese of
the Isles. Another of the zealous clergy whose resistance to the new
rule and consequent troubles and denunciation are brought
conspicuously forward by Wodrow, was Mr James Hamilton, minister
of Blantyre. He was compelled to leave his parish, and not even
allowed to officiate peaceably in his own house at Glasgow. Much to
be deplored truly; but Wodrow does not tell us of a petition which
was about the same time addressed to the Council by the widow of
Mr John Heriot, the former minister of Blantyre, upon whom, in
1653, ‘the prevailing party of Remonstrators in the presbytery of
Hamilton had intruded one Mr James Hamilton,’ by whom the whole
stipend had been appropriated, so that Heriot, after a few years of
penury, had left his widow and children in absolute destitution. So
impressed were the Council by the petitioner’s case, that they
ordered her to receive the whole stipend of the current year. To any
candid person who would study the history of this period, it appears
necessary that these circumstances should be told, not in
justification of the cruel and most unwise measures of the
government and the heads of the new church, but as a needful
explanation of what it was in the minds of these parties which made
them act as they did.
While men tore each other to pieces on account of religion in
Scotland, and all material progress in the country was consequently
at a stand, one sagacious Scotch clergyman visited Holland, and
found a very different state of things there. ‘I saw much peace and
quiet,’ he says, ‘in Holland, notwithstanding the diversity of opinions
among them; which was occasioned by the gentleness of the
government, and the toleration that made all people easy and
happy. A universal industry was spread through the whole country.’—
Burnet’s History of his Own Times.

This day, John Ray, the eminent naturalist, entered

Scotland for a short excursion. In the Itineraries Aug. 17.
which he has left, he gives, besides zoological
observations, some notes on general matters. ‘The 1661.
Scots, generally (that is, the poorer sort), wear, the
men blue bonnets on their heads, and some russet; the women only
white linen, which hangs down their backs as if a napkin were
pinned about them. When they go abroad, none of them wear hats,
but a party-coloured blanket which they call a plaid, over their heads
and shoulders. The women, generally, to us seemed none of the
handsomest. They are not very cleanly in their houses, and but
sluttish in dressing their meat. Their way of washing linen is to tuck
up their coats, and tread them with their feet in a tub. They have a
custom to make up the fronts of their houses, even in their principal
towns, with fir-boards nailed one over another, in which are often
made many round holes or windows to put out their heads [called
shots or shot windows]. In the best Scottish houses, even the king’s
palaces, the windows are not glazed throughout, but the upper part
only, the lower have two wooden shuts or folds to open at pleasure
and admit the fresh air. The Scots cannot endure to hear their
country or countrymen spoken against. They have neither good
bread, cheese, or drink. They cannot make them, nor will they learn.
Their butter is very indifferent, and one would wonder how they
could contrive to make it so bad. They use much pottage, made of
coal-wort, which they call keal, sometimes broth of decorticated
barley. The ordinary country houses are pitiful cots, built of stone,
and covered with turves, having in them but one room, many of
them no chimneys, the windows very small holes, and not glazed. In
the most stately and fashionable houses in great towns, instead of
ceiling they cover the chambers with fir-boards, nailed on the roof
within side. They have rarely any bellows or warming-pans. It is the
manner in some places there to lay on but one sheet as large as
two, turned up from the feet upwards. The ground in the valleys and
plains bears good corn, but especially beer-barley, or bigge, and
oats, but rarely wheat and rye. We observed little or no fallow-
grounds in Scotland; some layed ground we saw which they
manured with sea-wreck (sea-weeds). The people seem to be very
lazy, at least the men, and may be frequently observed to plough in
their cloaks. It is the fashion of them to wear cloaks, when they go
abroad, especially on Sundays. They lay out most they are worth in
clothes, and a fellow that hath scarce ten groats besides to help
himself with, you shall see him come out of his smoky cottage clad
like a gentleman.’

Mr James Chalmers, commissioner for the

presbytery of Aberdeen, came before the Privy Oct. 3.
Council with a representation that, in conformity
with sundry acts of parliament, the synod had 1661.
lately made diligent search within their bounds for
papists and seminary priests. A list of the individuals, which the
reverend gentleman handed in, is remarkable as containing many of
the same names as those which we had under notice upwards of
thirty years before for the same scandal. An age of the most
rigorous treatment had failed to convince these people of their
errors. There were the Lady Marquise of Huntly and her children,
Viscount Frendraught with his brethren and children, the Laird of
Gight and his children, the Lairds of Craig, Balgownie, and
Pitfoddels, with many others whose names were not formerly noted,
as the Lairds of Drum, Auchindoir, Monaltrie, Tullos, and Murefield.
Altogether, it is a sad exhibition of pertinacity in unparliamentary
opinions. Against these and many others, including several priests,
the synod had proceeded with censure and excommunication;
‘notwithstanding whereof they continue in their accustomed course
of disobedience and will onnaways conform to the laws of the church
and kingdom, but on the contrair, in a most insolent manner avow
their heretical seditious principles and practices, to the overthrow of
religion, disturbance of church and state, and the seducing of many
poor souls.’ It was suggested that the Council should issue letters of
horning against the delinquents. The lords promised to give the
subject their consideration.
Very soon after this date, the Privy Council are found dealing with
the case of ‘John Inglis and William Brown, apprehended and
imprisoned in the Tolbooth of Edinburgh for being trafficking papists.’
Inglis had also been guilty of distributing popish books. Brown
readily gave his promise, if liberated, ‘to take banishment upon him,
and never to be seen within the kingdom hereafter;’ but Inglis was
more obstinate. He ‘refused to give notice of such popish priests as
of his knowledge were come within this kingdom,’ and would not on
any account relinquish his own profession. He was told that he must
leave the kingdom within twenty days, and that if ever again found
within its bounds, he would be punished according to law—that is,
hanged.—P. C. R.

On the 5th of December, the Privy Council granted

a warrant to Robert Mean, ‘keeper of the Letter- Dec. 5.
office in Edinburgh, to put to print and publish ane
diurnal weekly for preventing false news which may be invented by
evil and disaffected persons.’—P. C. R.

‘In the night-season, at Edinburgh, one Thomas

Hepburn, a writer, being a young man, was 1662. Mar. 13.
strangled in his bed privately, and, fearing he
should [have] recovered, a knife was stopped 1662.
in[to] his throat. He was carried out naked by
three or four persons, and laid down on a midden-head in the High
Street. A young maid coming by at the time, being afraid, cried and
went into the Court of Guard, and told the business; upon this, some
of the guard went out and apprehended five men, drinking with a
woman, in the lodging where he lay, and carried them to the
Tolbooth. They all denied they knew any such thing.’—Lam.

The late storm of popular rage against witches

would now appear to have spent the worst, though Apr. 1.
not the whole of its fury. The Privy Council was
become sensible of great inhumanity having been practised by John
Kincaid, the pricker—who, as has been stated, took upon him to
ascertain whether a woman was a witch or not by inserting a pin
into various parts of her body, with the view of finding if in any part
she was insensible to pain! They ordered this man to be put in
prison.202 A few days afterwards, they issued a proclamation,
proceeding on the assurance they had received, that many persons
had been seized and tortured as witches, by persons having no
warrant for doing so, and who only acted out of envy or
covetousness. All such unauthorised proceedings were now
forbidden. Nevertheless, proceedings of a more legal and less
barbarous character went on. Twelve commissions for the trial of
witches in different districts were issued on the 7th of May; three on
the 9th; three on the 2d of June; one upon the 19th; and three upon
the 26th. In these instances, however, a caution was given that
there must be no torture for the purpose of extorting confession.
The judges must act only upon voluntary confessions; and even
where these were given, they must see that the accused appeared
fully in their right mind.
At Auldearn, in Nairnshire, the notable witch-case
of Isobel Gowdie came before a tribunal composed Apr.
of the sheriff of the county, the parish minister,
seven country gentlemen, and two of the town’s 1662.
men.203 She was a married woman; her age does
not appear, but, fifteen years before, she had given herself over to
the devil, and been baptised by him in the parish church. She was
now extremely penitent, and made an unusually ample confession,
taking on herself the guilt of every known form of witchcraft. She
belonged to a witch-covin or company, consisting, as was customary,
of thirteen females like herself, who had frequent meetings with the
Evil One, to whom they formed a kind of seraglio. Each had a
nickname—as Pickle nearest the Wind, Over the Dike with it, Able
and Stout, &c., and had a spirit to attend her, all of which had names
also—as the Red Riever, the Roaring Lion, and so forth. The devil
himself she described as ‘a very mickle, black, rough man.’
Meeting at night, they would proceed to a house, and sit down to
meat, the Maiden of the Covin always being placed close beside the
devil and above the rest, as he had a preference for young women.
One would say a grace, as follows:

‘We eat this meat in the devil’s name,

With sorrow and sich [sighs] and mickle shame;
We shall destroy house and hald,
Both sheep and nolt intill the fauld:
Little good shall come to the fore
Of all the rest of the little store.’
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