State of political culture in Bangladesh

Table of contents :
 Introduction
 Political culture
 Historical Background of Political Culture in Bangladesh
 Post-Independence Political Culture (1971-Present)
 Return to Democracy (1990-Present)
 Nature of political culture in Bangladesh
 Recent Political Culture in Bangladesh
 Political Development and underdevelopment .
 Challenges to Political Culture
 Conclusion
 References

1
1)Introduction : Political culture refers to the set of attitudes, beliefs, and values that shape
the political behavior of individuals and institutions within a society. In Bangladesh, political
culture has evolved through historical struggles, democratic movements, and periods of military
rule, influencing governance, public participation, and political stability. The country’s political
landscape is often characterized by intense party rivalry, a dominant role of political elites, and
active public engagement in political discourse. However, challenges such as political violence,
corruption, and a lack of democratic tolerance have also shaped the nation’s political
environment. This assignment explores the state of political culture in Bangladesh.It examines
the challenges and prospects of establishing a more participatory and democratic political culture
in the country.

2) Political culture
Political culture describes how culture impacts politics. Every political system is embedded in a
particular political culture.[1] Political culture is what the people, the voters, the electorates
believe and do based on their understanding of the political system in which they have found
themselves. These may be regarded as being bad or good placed side by side with global best
practices or norms.(Morlino, Leonardo, 2017)Political culture refers to the shared set of beliefs
that a group of people have about their political system. This includes the values, opinions, and
understanding of the citizens of the political process.The term 'political culture' is used in the
field of social science. It refers to. historically-based, widely-shared beliefs, feelings, and values
about the nature of political systems, which can serve as a link between citizens and
government.The term 'political ideology' refers to a code of beliefs or views

2
about governments and politics that may influence the way we vote or whether or not we support
certain legislative actions. For example, two people can share a political culture, but have
different political ideologies. In other words, a right-wing conservative can be from the same
political culture as a left-wing liberal. In other words, political culture is something we share,
while a political ideology is something we use to define ourselves and make political decisions.

Definition of political culture :

Gabriel Almond, defines it as "the particular pattern of orientations toward political actions in
which every political system is embedded". Morlino, Leonardo (2017). Political science : a
global perspective.
Lucian Pye's definition is that "Political culture is the set of attitudes, beliefs, and sentiments,
which give order and meaning to a political process and which provide the underlying
assumptions and rules that govern behavior in the political system".
[ázquez Semadeni, M. E. (2010).
María Eugenia Vázquez Semadeni defines political culture as "the set of discourses and
symbolic practices by means of which both individuals and groups articulate their relationship to
power, elaborate their political demands and put them at stake."[Vázquez Semadeni, M. E.
(2010).

Types of political culture : Scientists Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba categorized
political culture based on one's level of political participation. Almond and Verba stated that
there are three types of political culture

3
1)Parochial Political Culture: This type of political culture is one in which the citizens of the
country have very little awareness of the central government, and they do not play an active role
in government affairs. Parochial political cultures are commonly found in underdeveloped
countries. This could be due to the citizens being uninformed, or disinterested, in politics.
Because of their lack of involvement, the government officials tend to have disregard for the
citizens there, and thus a parochial political culture is established. Some examples of parochial
political cultures can be seen in various regions in Asia and Africa.

2) Subject Political Culture: In this type of political culture, people play a more important role.
The people know and understand the political system and how it impacts their lives. They
sometimes participate in political decisions. An example of a subject political culture is
Germany.
3) Participant Political Culture: All citizens have the opportunity to participate in politics in a
participant political system. Citizens are aware of their rights and ability to influence political

4
workings, and many feel that it is their duty to participate. An example of a participant political
culture is the United States of America.(Pearcy mark, Rollo Jo Amy, 2023.) Study.Com.
It might be argued that the first and second types is similar to the present political culture of
Bangladesh that leads this land towards a politically under developed society while the third type
is on the trajectory to come over the scene and if so, it may contribute to Bangladesh towards the
development of a politically sound society.
Political culture plays a pivotal role in shaping the governance, stability, and democratic
processes of Bangladesh.A well-functioning and vibrant political culture contributes to uniform
political development, while its absence can lead to political underdevelopment.

In Bangladesh, the political culture has often been characterized by vindictiveness and a lack of
accountability among political parties.This environment has fostered a culture of political
violence and punishment, hindering democratic consolidation.The interplay between political
culture and governance is evident, as the prevailing political culture can either facilitate or
impede good governance.In Bangladesh, the political culture emanating from party politics has
been identified as a factor retarding good governance.

For democracy to be sustainable in Bangladesh, it is essential for politicians to change their

attitudes, values, and political culture.Since independence in 1971, the country has faced
challenges in establishing a vibrant political culture, which is crucial for the sustainability of
democracy. In summary, the political culture of Bangladesh significantly influences its political
development, governance quality, and the sustainability of its democratic institutions.

3) Historical Background of political culture :

Political culture describes how culture impacts politics. Every political system is embedded in a
particular political culture. Political culture is what the people, the voters, the electorates believe
and do based on their understanding of the political system in which they have found themselves.
These may be regarded as being bad or good placed side by side with global best practices or
norms.Political culture refers to the beliefs, attitudes, and values that shape a society’s political
system. Its historical background is rooted in the evolution of governance, political ideologies,
and societal structures over time. Different civilizations have contributed to the development of
political culture, from ancient governance systems to modern democratic and authoritarian
models. It influences how people view authority, participate in politics, and engage with
government institutions. The background of political culture is shaped by history, social
structures, economic conditions, and cultural activies. The political culture of Bangladesh has
evolved over centuries, influenced by colonial rule, independence struggles, political
5
movements, military interventions, and democratic transitions. Understanding Bangladesh's
political culture requires an appreciation of its historical experiences, particularly its role within
British India, its journey to independence, and the post-independence political developments.

1.Colonial period (British Rule)(1757–1947)

A. Early Colonial Impact
Bengal was part of British India from the mid-18th century after the Battle of Plassey (1757),
which marked the beginning of British control.During British rule, the region was a major source
of revenue, which deeply affected its political and social structures.

B. Social and Political Awakening

In the early 19th century, Bengal became a center for intellectual and political awakening. The
Bengal Renaissance (1830s–1900s) saw significant reforms, particularly in education, arts, and
literature, influencing the political consciousness of the people.This period also saw the rise of
early nationalist movements and the introduction of Western ideas like democracy, liberty, and
nationalism.
C. Emergence of Muslim Political Identity
The Muslim League was formed in 1906 with the aim of protecting Muslim rights within a
predominantly Hindu-majority India.By the 1940 Lahore Resolution, the League demanded the
creation of a separate Muslim majority state,which ultimately led to the partition of India in 1947
and the creation of Pakistan.

2. Pakistani Period (1947–1971):

After the partition, East Bengal became East Pakistan, separated from West Pakistan by a vast
distance and cultural differences.
A. Political Marginalization and Language Movement
From the very beginning, the people of East Pakistan felt politically marginalized by West
Pakistan. The central government in Karachi and later Islamabad imposed policies that were seen
as discriminatory.The Language Movement (1952) was one of the first significant signs of
protest, where the people of East Pakistan demanded Bengali be recognized as a state language
alongside Urdu.This movement laid the foundation for the Bengali identity and political culture,
emphasizing the importance of autonomy and cultural identity.

6
B. Rise of the Awami League and the Six-Point Movement
In the 1960s, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and the Awami League (AL) became the most prominent
political force in East Pakistan, advocating for greater autonomy and self-rule.1966 saw the Six-
Point Movement, where Sheikh Mujib called for political and economic autonomy for East
Pakistan. This movement resonated deeply with the people, and Mujib became the face of
Bengali nationalism.
C.General election 1970:
In the 1970 general elections, the Awami League won an overwhelming victory, securing 160 out
of 162 seats allocated to East Pakistan. Despite this, the central government in West Pakistan led
by General Yahya Khan and Zulfikar Ali Bhutto resisted handing over power.This refusal to
respect the election results led to massive political unrest, and by March 1971, Sheikh Mujib
called for independence.March 25, 1971, saw the beginning of Operation Searchlight, a brutal
military crackdown by the Pakistani army. This ignited the Liberation War, which lasted for nine
months.On December 16, 1971, Bangladesh achieved independence with the support of India.
3.Bangladesh Independent 1971
Bangladesh's first government took oath of office in Meherpur, Kushtia on April 10, 1971, after
Major Ziaur Rahman initiated the first revolt with his battalion against a brutal five division
army crackdown on the local people of Bangladesh, and declared independence on March 26th
1971 in Chittagong. The Bangladesh Forces was set up and organized under 11 Sectors to
conduct all operations pertaining towards independence from Pakistan under the leadership of
the Sector and Brigade commanders.
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, (1972-75):
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman came to the administrative centre with immense personal popularity but
had difficulty transforming this popular support into the political strength needed to function as
head of government. The 1972 constitution adopted as state policy the Awami League's (AL)
four basic principles of nationalism, secularism, socialism, and democracy.After proclaiming a
state of emergency, Mujib used his parliamentary majority to win a constitutional amendment
limiting the powers of the legislative and judicial branches, establishing an executive presidency,
and instituting a one-party system, the Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League (BAKSAL),
which all members of Parliament (and senior civil and military officials) were obliged to join.
Ziaur Rahman, (1975-81)
Successive military coups resulted in the emergence of Army Chief of Staff General Ziaur
Rahman ("Zia") as strongman. He pledged the army's support to the civilian government headed
by President Chief Justice Sayem. (Background Note, 2008). Acting at Zia's behest, Sayem
dissolved Parliament, promising fresh elections in 1977, and instituted martial law. (Background
Note, 2008). Lifting the ban on political parties from Mujib's one party BAKSAL rule, he sought

7
to revitalize the demoralized bureaucracy, to begin new economic development programs,
infrastructure build up, a free press and to emphasize family planning.The Jatiya Party won a
modest majority of the 300 elected seats in the national assembly. The participation of the Awami
League- led by the late Prime Minister Mujib's daughter, Sheikh Hasina Wazed-lent the elections
some credibility, despite widespread charges of voting irregularities. Ershad easily outdistanced
the remaining candidates, taking 84% of the vote. Although Ershad's government claimed a
turnout of more than 50%, opposition leaders, and much of the foreign press, estimated a far
lower percentage and alleged voting Irregularities.

Khaleda Zia, (1991-96):

The centre-right BNP won a plurality of seats and formed a government with support from the
Islamic party Jamaat-I-Islami, with Khaleda Zia, widow of Ziaur Rahman, obtaining the post of
prime minister. In March 1994, controversy over a parliamentary by-election, which the
opposition claimed the government had rigged, led to an indefinite boycott of Parliament by the
entire opposition. The opposition also began a program of repeated general strikes to press its
demand that Khaleda Zia's government resign and a caretaker government. supervise a general
election.The opposition then continued a campaign of Marches, demonstrations, and strikes in an
effort to force the government to resign. The opposition, including the Awami League's Sheikh
Hasina, pledged to boycott national elections. scheduled for February 15, 1996. In February,
Khaleda Zia was re-elected by a landslide in voting boycotted and denounced as unfair by the
three main opposition parties. In March 1996, following escalating political turmoil, the sitting
Parliament enacted a constitutional amendment to allow a neutral caretaker government to
assume power and conduct new parliamentary elections; former Chief Justice Mohammed
Habibur Rahman was named Chief Adviser (a position equivalent to prime minister) in the
interim government.

Sheikh Hasina, (1996-2001)

Sheikh Hasina formed what she called a "Government of National Consensus" in June 1996,
which included one minister from the Jatiya Party and another from the Jatiyo Samajtantrik Dal,
a very small leftist party. The Jatiya Party never entered into a formal coalition arrangement, and
party president H.M. Ershad withdrew his support from the government in September 1997.
(Background Note, 2008). International and domestic election observers found the June 1996
election free and fair, and ultimately, the BNP party decided to join the new Parliament.At the
end of 1996, the BNP staged a parliamentary walkout over this and other grievances but returned
in January 1997 under a four-point agreement.

8
khaleda Zia, (2001-2006)
The four-party alliance led by the BNP won over a two-thirds majority in Parliament. Begum
Khaleda Zia was sworn in on October 10, 2001, as Prime Minister for the third time (first in
1991, second after the February 15, 1996 elections).Despite her August 2001 pledge and all
election monitoring groups declaring the election free and fair, Sheikh Hasina condemned the
election, rejected the results, and boycotted Parliament. On August 17, 2005, near-synchronized
blasts of improvised explosive devices in 63 out of 64 administrative districts targeted mainly
government buildings and killed two persons. An extremist. Islamist group named Jamaat-ul-
Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB) claimed responsibility for the blasts and subsequent attacks on
the courts in several districts that killed 28 people, including judges, lawyers, and police
personnel guarding the courts.A government campaign against the Islamic extremists led to the
arrest of hundreds of senior and mid-level JMB leaders. Six top JMB leaders were tried and
sentenced to death for their role in the murder of two judges.

Caretaker Government (2006-2008):

An Caretaker Government election was scheduled for the end of 2006, however it did not take
place. The caretaker government was accused of BNP bias by Hasina and her coalition, who
fomented nationwide protests and shutdowns. In January 2007, the head of the caretaker
government stepped down, many believe under pressure from the military. (Background Note,
2008).Fakhruddin Ahmed, former World Bank economist, was selected to replace Yazuidin
Ahmed and has committed himself to rooting out corruption and preparing a better voter list.
Emergency law was declared and a massive campaign to crack down on corruption is underway.
By July 2007 some 200,000 people had been arrested. The government says it will hold elections
before the end of 2008. (Background Note, parties

Sheikh Hasina (2009-2024 june):

The Awami league won the national election on December 29, 2008 as part of a larger electoral
alliance that also included the Jatiya Party led by former military ruler General Ershad as well as
some leftist parties. According to the Official Results, Bangladesh Awami League won 230 out of
299 constituencies, and together with its allies, had a total of 262 parliamentary seats.
(Background Note, 2008).The Awami League and its allies received 57% of the total votes cast.
The ALL alone got 48%, compared to 36% of the other major alliance led by the BNP which by

9
itself got 33% of the votes. Sheikh Hasina, as party head, is the new Prime Minister. Her term of
office began in January, 2009. (Background Note, 2008).
The current cabinet has several new faces, including three women in prominent positions: Dr
Dipu Moni (Foreign Minister), Matia Chowdhury (Agriculture Minister) and Dr. Shirin Sarmin
Choudhory, speaker of Bangladesh Parliament. Younger MPs with a link to assassinated
members of the 1972-1975 AL government are Syed Ashraful Islam, son of Syed Nazrul Islam,
Sheikh Taposh, son of Sheikh Fazlul Huq Moni, and Sohel Taj (but he is not at present his
position), son of Tajuddin Ahmad. (Dahl, 1994).Since 2009, the Awami League government has
faced several major political challenges, including BDR (border security force) mutiny, power
crisis, unrest in garments industry and stock market fluctuations, Destiny, Hallmark and Padma
bridge corruption. Judicial achievements for the party included restoring the 1972 constitution
(set by the first Awami League government), beginning of war crimes trials, and guilty verdicts
in 1975 assassination or murder trial. (Background Note, 2008)
2024 July Revolution

The July Revolution of 2024 in Bangladesh, also known as the Students–People's Uprising, was
a significant pro-democracy movement that led to substantial political changes in the country.
Initially sparked by student protests against the reinstatement of a controversial quota system in
public sector jobs, the movement rapidly escalated into widespread demonstrations against the
government. The situation intensified following the tragic events of the "July Massacre," where a
large number of protesters lost their lives due to government crackdowns. This massacre
galvanized public sentiment, leading to a nationwide uprising that ultimately resulted in the
resignation and departure of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. In the aftermath, an interim
government was established under the leadership of Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus, focusing
on stabilizing the nation and implementing democratic reforms.

Critical Aspect of Political Culture in Bangladesh:

1. The basic rights like freedom of speech, right to jobs available locally and rights to
justice are now subject to political connection in Bangladesh because all government and
autonomous bodies are heavily politicized.

2. Political power primarily originates from the control over land, labor and capital.

10
 3. Bangladesh has had a very poor tradition of growing leadership through democratic
practices in the parties.

4. In our country politicians do not practice democracy within their parties. Since immoral
anti-social elements in the society in most cases are linked to some political sections, law
is easily violated and the justice system broken.

5. If there are any offensive activities in the society, the political identity of the offenders
becomes the major factor for judgment. Judgment goes in favor of who is politically
more powerful in society.

6. Though there are provisions in the constitution of the parties for selecting and electing
party leaders in each tier, these provisions are hardly followed.

7. Patron-client relation between the powerful moneyed people and the political parties is
evident in the Bangladesh political culture.

8. Being the President or the Chairperson, the party chiefs enjoy supreme authority, and
unchallenged dictating power, which they don't want to lose in any case.

9. Party and family in the context of Bangladesh politics have been synonymous to most of
the common people, even to the party activists. For example: Mujib and Zia families.
(Choudhury, 1972).

4) Post-Independence Political Culture

1. Post-Independence Era (1971–1975): Secularism, Socialism, and Authoritarian Drift

Bangladesh’s political culture after independence in 1971 was shaped by the euphoria of
liberation from Pakistan and the trauma of a devastating war. The Awami League (AL), led by
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman ("Bangabandhu"), dominated the political landscape with a vision
of Bengali nationalism, secularism, and socialism.

11
 Developments:
 1972 Constitution: Established a parliamentary democracy, secularism, and socialist
economic principles. The state prioritized land reforms, nationalization of industries, and
welfare programs.
 War Legacy: The genocide by Pakistani forces (3 million killed, 200,000 women raped)
and the collaboration of groups like Jamaat-e-Islami created deep societal fractures.
Mujib’s government banned religion-based parties but struggled to address war crimes.
 Economic Crisis: Post-war reconstruction was hampered by famine (1974), corruption,
and mismanagement. The failure of socialist policies eroded public trust.
 Authoritarian Turn: In 1975, Mujib abolished multi-party democracy, establishing the
one-party Baksal system to centralize power. Critics labeled it a "dictatorship,"
weakening democratic norms.
Legacy: Mujib’s assassination in August 1975 (along with most of his family) marked the
collapse of the AL’s secular-socialist vision and opened the door to military rule.

2. Military Rule (1975–1990): Authoritarianism, Islamization, and Patronage Politics

Military regimes under Ziaur Rahman (1975–1981) and Hussain Muhammad Ershad (1982–
1990) redefined Bangladesh’s political culture by blending authoritarianism with strategic
Islamization and economic liberalization.
Ziaur Rahman and the Rise of the BNP (1975–1981)
 Power Grab: Zia, a liberation war hero, seized power through coups and martial law,
portraying himself as a "savior" from chaos.
 Ideological Shift: Replaced Mujib’s secularism with "Bangladeshi nationalism",
emphasizing Islamic identity to distance Bangladesh from India and legitimize his rule.
The 5th Amendment (1979) removed secularism from the constitution.
 Economic Reforms: Shifted from socialism to privatization, encouraging foreign
investment and remittances from migrant workers in the Middle East.
 BNP Formation: Founded the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) in 1978, creating a
center-right political force that rivaled the AL.
 Assassination: Zia was killed in a 1981 coup, but his legacy of Islamization and anti-
India rhetoric endured.
Ershad’s Decade of Martial Law (1982–1990)

12
  Coup and Consolidation: Army chief Ershad seized power in 1982, suspending the
constitution and ruling via martial law.
 Islam as State Religion: To legitimize his regime, Ershad amended the constitution in
1988 to declare Islam the state religion, further marginalizing secular forces.
 Patronage Networks: Co-opted elites through corruption, awarding contracts to loyalists
and militarizing bureaucracy.
 Opposition Movements: Faced relentless protests from students, civil society, and a
united opposition (AL, BNP, leftist parties). The 1983 Student Movement and 1990
Mass Uprising became symbols of resistance.
Features of Military Rule:
 Centralized Control: Dissent was crushed via censorship, arbitrary arrests, and the
notorious Special Powers Act (1974).
 Islamization: Mosques and madrasas were funded to build a conservative voter base.
Islamist parties like Jamaat-e-Islami regained political space.
 Economic Growth with Inequality: GDP grew through garments exports and
remittances, but wealth concentrated among military-linked elites.

3. Democratic Movements: From Resistance to Fragile Democracy

Democratic movements in Bangladesh have oscillated between mass uprisings and violent
partisan rivalries.
Anti-Ershad Movement (1983–1990)
 Coalition Building: The AL (led by Mujib’s daughter, Sheikh Hasina) and BNP (led by
Zia’s widow, Khaleda Zia) formed an unlikely alliance with student groups and leftist
parties.
 Tactics: Nationwide hartals (strikes), protests, and civil disobedience paralyzed the
regime. The 1990 Mass Uprising, triggered by Ershad’s rigged elections, forced his
resignation.
 Outcome: Elections in 1991 restored parliamentary democracy, but the AL-BNP rivalry
soon turned toxic.
Post-1990 Democratic Struggles
 Two-Party Feud: AL and BNP alternated power but prioritized vengeance over
governance. Violence, boycotts, and corruption became endemic.

13
 o 1996 Caretaker System: To ensure fair elections, a neutral caretaker government
(CG) was institutionalized.
o 2006–2008 Crisis: The CG system collapsed when the BNP-aligned president
appointed a military-backed interim regime. The AL returned to power in 2008
after a landslide victory.
 Secular vs. Islamist Tensions:
o Shahbag Movement (2013): Millions protested to demand the execution of
Jamaat-e-Islami leaders for 1971 war crimes.
o Hefazat-e-Islam: Islamist groups mobilized counter-protests, demanding
blasphemy laws and rejecting secularism.
Contemporary Era (2009–Present): Hybrid Authoritarianism
 AL’s Dominance: Sheikh Hasina’s AL has won four consecutive elections (2008, 2014,
2018, 2024), aided by crackdowns on dissent, media censorship, and politicized judiciary.
 Democratic Erosion: Opposition leaders (e.g., Khaleda Zia) face imprisonment, and
civil liberties are curtailed under the Digital Security Act (2018).
 Civil Society Resistance: Grassroots movements (e.g., road safety protests in 2018)
reflect youth frustration with autocracy and inequality.

4. Analysis of Political Culture

 Legacy of Liberation War: Secularism vs. Islamism remains unresolved, with the AL
championing Mujib’s legacy and the BNP aligning with conservative forces.
 Military’s Shadow: Despite civilian rule, the military retains influence over security and
foreign policy.
 Patronage Politics: Clientelism and corruption are institutionalized, with parties
prioritizing loyalty over merit.
 Role of Civil Society: NGOs (e.g., BRAC) and grassroots movements fill governance
gaps but face state repression.

5) Return to Democracy : (1990- present) : After the Assassination of Sheikh Mujibur

Rahman on 15 August 1975, Bangladesh experienced two decades worth of authoritarian rules
which included stints of military regimes. The country experienced military coups in 1975;
however, multi-party democratic values was promoted again after it, but the military used
corruption and bad ruling to justify the takeover and later on General Ziaur Rahman was elected
as president in 1977. In 1982, martial law was announced again by General H.M. Ershad after a

14
coup to overthrow the previous regime held by General Ziaur Rahman's successor, Abdus
Sattar.Student led civil disobedience and mass uprising in 1990, the formation of the Caretaker
Government under leadership of the Justice Shahabuddin Ahmed, and holding the National
Parliament election on 27 February 1991 introduced retrieval of democracy in Bangladesh.
Bangladesh's journey toward democracy since 1990 has been marked by significant political
shifts, public movements, and challenges to democratic institutions.

Mass Uprising of 1990 and Restoration of Democracy : In 1990, a mass uprising led by
students and political activists culminated in the resignation of military ruler General Hussain
Muhammad Ershad. This movement paved the way for the establishment of a caretaker
government under Justice Shahabuddin Ahmed, who oversaw the national parliamentary
elections on February 27, 1991. The Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), led by Khaleda Zia,
won the election, marking the country's return to democratic governance. Subsequently, the
parliamentary system was reinstated through the Constitution (Twelfth Amendment) Act, 1991.

The 1991 Parliamentary System Reintroduction : The 1991 elections saw the Bangladesh
Nationalist Party (BNP), led by Khaleda Zia, assume power. One of the significant reforms
during this period was the reintroduction of the parliamentary system through the Twelfth
Amendment to the Constitution on August 6, 1991. This shift aimed to strengthen democratic
institutions and processes in the country.

Political Dynamics and Democratic Challengesi (1991–2006): Between 1991 and 2006,
Bangladesh experienced a series of political transitions between the BNP and the Awami League
(AL), led by Sheikh Hasina. Despite the formal democratic framework, this period was
characterized by intense rivalry between the two major parties, leading to political instability.
Parliament often became dysfunctional due to boycotts and confrontations, undermining its role
as the center of political and legislative activities.

Caretaker Government and Military Intervention (2006–2008): The political crisis deepened
in late 2006 when disputes over the neutrality of the caretaker government led to widespread
protests and violence. In January 2007, the military intervened, declaring a state of emergency
and installing a caretaker government led by Fakhruddin Ahmed. This government initiated an
anti-corruption drive, arresting numerous political figures, including former Prime Ministers
Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina. Elections were postponed until December 2008, when the
Awami League secured a landslide victory, returning Sheikh Hasina to power.

15
Democratic Backsliding and Authoritarian Tendencies (2009–2024) : During Sheikh
Hasina's tenure from 2009 to 2024, concerns grew over democratic backsliding. The abolition of
the caretaker government system through the 15th Amendment in 2011 raised questions about
the fairness of subsequent elections. The 2014 elections were boycotted by the BNP, leading to a
parliament dominated by the Awami League.In 2024, widespread student-led protests erupted
against the government, primarily opposing policies perceived as undemocratic and
authoritarian. The government's heavy-handed response resulted in significant casualties, further
fueling public outrage. Allegations of electoral fraud and suppression of dissent persisted,
culminating in widespread protests in 2024. The government's crackdown on protesters resulted
in numerous deaths and arrests, further eroding its legitimacy.

Ouster of Sheikh Hasina and Formation of Interim Government (2024–Present) :

In August 2024, sustained student-led protests against authoritarianism and corruption forced
Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina to resign and flee the country. An interim government, led by
Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus, was established to restore democratic processes and prepare
for new elections. This transition marked a significant turning point in Bangladesh's political
landscape, with hopes for a renewed commitment to democratic governance. Throughout this
period, Bangladesh's pursuit of democracy has been fraught with challenges, including political
polarization, institutional weaknesses, and episodes of authoritarianism. The recent
developments in 2024 offer a potential opportunity for the nation to recommit to democratic
principles and address the systemic issues that have hindered its political progress.

16
Bangladesh's path to democracy since 1990 has been fraught with challenges, including political
rivalries, governance reforms, and civil unrest. While significant strides have been made, the
nation's democratic institutions continue to face tests, underscoring the need for ongoing
vigilance and commitment to democratic principles.

6) Nature of political culture in Bangladesh :

Three structural model (khan et.al,2008)include below-
1)Atomism:High level of individualism

2.Patron-clientism:common people power petro-political parties and position holders.

3.Patrimonialism: a regime where the rule consider the nation or state as personal property

17
Describe below three structural model.

Atomism:The political culture of Bangladesh has been characterized by atomism, meaning it

is highly fragmented, individualistic, and often driven by personal or group interests rather than
collective national goals. This atomistic nature has several key aspects:

1. Partisan Polarization

Bangladesh's politics is dominated by two major parties—Awami League (AL) and

Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP)—which have a history of deep rivalry.Political loyalty is
often based on party allegiance rather than policy or ideology, leading to a winner-takes-all
mentality.

2. Weak Institutionalism

State institutions, including the judiciary and bureaucracy, are often influenced by political
parties.Political influence over institutions reduces their ability to function independently and
serve the public impartially.

3. Clientelism and Patronage Politics

Political leaders often distribute benefits (jobs, contracts, and services) to their loyal supporters
rather than based on merit.This creates a culture where political loyalty is rewarded over
competency, reinforcing atomization.

4. Lack of Political Consensus

Political decisions are often made without cross-party dialogue, leading to frequent
confrontations, hartals (strikes), and political violence.

Even on crucial national issues (e.g., electoral reforms), there is little cooperation among parties.

5. Weak Civil Society Engagement

Civil society groups, intellectuals, and media play a role, but they are often divided along
political lines.Independent voices struggle to influence policy making because of political
pressures and polarization.

18
6. Personalization of Leadership

Political parties revolve around strong individual leaders rather than democratic processes.

Dynastic politics (e.g., Sheikh Hasina in AL, Khaleda Zia and her family in BNP) limits internal
democracy and strengthens factionalism.

Consequences of Atomistic Political Culture

● Frequent political instability due to strikes, protests, and violence.

● Erosion of democratic institutions, as power remains centralized in the hands of a few.
● Challenges in policy continuity, as new governments often undo the work of previous
ones for political gain.

Overall, the atomistic nature of Bangladesh’s political culture makes collaborative governance
difficult and reinforces cycles of instability, conflict, and political opportunism.

Patron--Client :

The political culture of Bangladesh is heavily influenced by patron-client relationships, where

political leaders (patrons) provide resources, favors, or protection in exchange for loyalty and
support from individuals or groups (clients). This system affects governance, elections, and
overall democracy in several ways:

1. Party-Centered Patronage

Political parties, especially Awami League (AL) and Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), act
as patronage networks.Party leaders distribute government jobs, business contracts, and
public resources to their loyal supporters.Political loyalty, rather than competence, often
determines who gets access to state benefits.

2. Electoral Clientelism

During elections, political parties and candidates offer financial incentives, gifts, or promises
of jobs to secure votes.Many voters engage in transactional politics, expecting immediate
personal benefits rather than long-term national policies.Vote-buying and the influence of money
in elections weaken democratic accountability.

3. Bureaucratic and Institutional Patronage

19
Government positions, from high-ranking bureaucrats to local officials, are often filled with
party loyalists.Civil servants and law enforcement agencies tend to serve the ruling party's
interests rather than being neutral.Public administration suffers as meritocracy is replaced by
political favoritism.

4. Business-Politics Nexus

Business elites and industrialists often align with ruling parties in exchange for government
contracts, tax benefits, and protection.Political parties rely on business groups for funding,
reinforcing a cycle of elite patronage and corruption.This system limits economic competition,
as businesses close to political power gain unfair advantages.

5. Local-Level Patronage (Grassroots Politics)

At the Union Parishad and Upazila levels, local leaders act as intermediaries between the
people and the ruling party.Access to government aid, relief funds, and social services is often
tied to political loyalty.Ordinary citizens feel compelled to align with political groups to secure
basic services.

6. Consequences of Patron-Client Politics

Strengthens Party Loyalty – Supporters feel a sense of obligation to remain loyal to the party
that benefits them.

Patron-client politics is deeply embedded in Bangladesh’s political culture, affecting

governance, electoral processes, and public administration. This system creates a cycle where
political loyalty is rewarded over merit, democracy is weakened, and corruption flourishes,
making it difficult to establish a transparent and accountable govt Bangladesh.

Patrimonial:

Patrimonialism in Bangladesh’s political culture means that power and resources are
concentrated in the hands of a ruling elite, who govern the state as if it were their personal
property. Political authority is exercised based on personal relationships, loyalty, and kinship
rather than formal institutions or democratic principles. This system affects governance, political
stability, and economic development in several ways:

20
1. Personalization of Political Power

Political leaders treat the state as their personal domain, distributing positions, contracts, and
privileges to loyalists.Leadership is highly centralized, with key decisions often made by a few
powerful individuals rather than democratic institutions.The ruling party dominates state
institutions, the judiciary, and law enforcement, making governance highly partisan.

2. Dynastic and Family-Based Politics

Political dynasties dominate Bangladeshi politics, with power passing within families rather
than through democratic competition.

The two major political parties—Awami League (led by Sheikh Hasina) and BNP
(historically led by Khaleda Zia and her family)—are controlled by a few influential
families.Party leadership is often inherited, and internal democracy within parties is weak.

3. Patronage Networks and Favoritism

Political leaders distribute government jobs, business contracts, and development funds to
party loyalists and personal allies.Public resources are used as personal assets, leading to
widespread favoritism and clientelism.State bureaucracy is politicized, with officials aligning
with ruling elites to secure promotions and benefits.

4. Weak Institutionalization of Democracy

Parliament, the judiciary, and the Election Commission are often influenced by ruling elites,
reducing their independence.Opposition parties face repression, making elections less
competitive and democratic.The ruling party often uses security forces and administrative
power to maintain control and suppress dissent.

5. Corruption and Rent-Seeking Behavior

Political elites exploit state institutions for personal wealth accumulation, leading to high levels
of corruption.Government contracts, tenders, and foreign investments are often controlled by
politically connected businessmen.Crony capitalism flourishes, where economic success depends
on political connections rather than market competition.

6. Consequences of Patrimonialism

21
 Ensures Elite Stability – Political elites maintain power through strong personal
networks.Bangladesh’s political culture is deeply patrimonial, with power concentrated in the
hands of ruling elites who govern based on personal loyalty and kinship rather than democratic
norms. This system weakens institutions, fuels corruption, and undermines political competition,
making it difficult to establish a transparent and accountable government.

7) Recent Political Culture in Bangladesh: Challenges, Violence, Institutional

Weakness, and Election Integrity:

1. Challenges to Political Culture

Bangladesh’s political culture faces multifaceted challenges that undermine democratic
consolidation, social cohesion, and governance. These challenges stem from historical legacies,
structural inequalities, and contemporary power struggles.

a) Extreme Political Polarization

The rivalry between the Awami League (AL) and Bangladesh Nationalist Party
(BNP) dominates Bangladesh’s political landscape. Since the restoration of democracy in 1991,
the two parties have engaged in zero-sum politics, prioritizing power retention over public
welfare. This polarization is rooted in ideological differences: the AL aligns with secularism and
the legacy of the 1971 Liberation War, while the BNP emphasizes nationalist and conservative
Islamic values. The absence of consensus on foundational issues, such as the role of religion in
governance or accountability for war crimes, has perpetuated mistrust. For instance, the AL’s
push to prosecute Jamaat-e-Islami leaders for 1971 atrocities (via the International Crimes
Tribunal) deepened divisions, as the BNP accused the AL of using trials to target political
opponents (Riaz, 2016).

b) Dynastic Politics :
Both major parties are controlled by dynastic leadership. Sheikh Hasina (AL) and Khaleda Zia
(BNP), daughters of Bangladesh’s founding leaders, have dominated politics since the 1990s.
This dynastic culture stifles internal democracy, as party structures prioritize loyalty to the
leadership over merit. For example, Khaleda Zia’s son, Tarique Rahman, despite being convicted
of corruption and living in exile, remains the BNP’s de facto leader. Similarly, Sheikh Hasina’s
administration has centralized power within her inner circle, marginalizing dissenters within the

22
AL (Lewis, 2011). Dynastic rule entrenches patronage networks and discourages youth
participation, exacerbating generational divides.

c) Corruption and Governance Deficits :

Corruption is endemic in Bangladesh, ranking 147th out of 180 countries in Transparency
International’s 2022 Corruption Perceptions Index. Patron-client networks enable elites to siphon
public resources, while weak accountability mechanisms allow impunity. Mega-projects like the
Padma Bridge and Rooppur Nuclear Power Plant have faced allegations of graft, with contractors
often linked to ruling party elites (Transparency International Bangladesh, 2023). Corruption
erodes public trust and diverts resources from critical sectors like healthcare and education,
perpetuating inequality.

d) Rise of Islamist-Conservative Forces :

Islamist groups like Hefazat-e-Islam and Jamaat-e-Islami have gained influence by leveraging
religious sentiment. Hefazat’s 2013 protests demanding blasphemy laws and its 2021
demonstrations against French President Macron highlighted its ability to mobilize mass support.
While the AL government has cracked down on Islamist militancy (e.g., the 2016 Holey Artisan
Bakery attack), it has also appeased conservative groups to avoid backlash, as seen in its 2017
amendment to education policies under Hefazat pressure (Riaz, 2020). This balancing act
undermines secular principles enshrined in the constitution.

e) Economic Inequality
Despite GDP growth averaging 6% annually since 2010, wealth remains concentrated among
elites. The garment sector, which employs over 4 million workers (mostly women), exemplifies
this disparity: factory owners amass fortunes while workers endure low wages and unsafe
conditions. Urban-rural divides and limited social mobility fuel discontent, particularly among
youth, 29% of whom are unemployed (World Bank, 2023). Economic grievances often translate
into political apathy or support for extremist groups.

2. Political Violence and Intolerance :

Political violence and intolerance have become hallmarks of Bangladesh’s political culture,
threatening stability and civil liberties.

23
a) Pre- and Post-Election Violence
Elections are frequently marred by clashes between party cadres, security forces, and opposition
activists. During the 2014 elections, boycotted by the BNP, over 500 people died in pre-election
violence, including arson attacks on vehicles and polling stations (Human Rights Watch, 2015).
Similarly, the 2018 elections saw widespread intimidation, with opposition candidates arrested or
forced to withdraw. In 2023, BNP rallies demanding neutral elections were met with police
crackdowns, resulting in hundreds of injuries and arrests (Amnesty International, 2023).

b) Attacks on Minorities and Dissenters

Religious and ethnic minorities, including Hindus, Christians, and indigenous communities, face
violence during political upheavals. For example, in October 2021, communal attacks on Hindu
homes and temples erupted after a viral social media post allegedly insulting Islam, with critics
accusing the AL of failing to protect minorities (USCIRF, 2022). Journalists, academics, and
activists criticizing the government risk harassment, arbitrary detention, or enforced
disappearance. The Digital Security Act (DSA), amended in 2023, has been weaponized to
silence dissent, with over 2,000 cases filed against journalists and activists since 2018 (Ain o
Salish Kendra, 2023).

c) Student and Youth Movements

Youth-led movements, such as the 2018 road safety protests, reflect growing frustration with
authoritarian governance. Sparked by the deaths of two students in a traffic accident, the protests
swelled into nationwide demands for accountability. However, the government responded with
brute force, arresting hundreds and shutting down internet services (BBC, 2018). Similarly, the
2023 quota reform protests, demanding an end to discriminatory civil service quotas, were met
with police batons and mass arrests (Dhaka Tribune, 2023).

3. Weak Institutional Framework

Bangladesh’s institutions, theoretically designed to uphold democracy, are weakened by
politicization and lack of autonomy.
a) Judiciary :
The judiciary is widely perceived as subservient to the executive. High-profile cases, such as the
convictions of Khaleda Zia and Tarique Rahman, are viewed as politically motivated.
Conversely, AL leaders accused of corruption rarely face prosecution. The Supreme Court’s 2017

24
ruling scrapping the caretaker government (CG) system, which had overseen fair elections since
1996, further eroded confidence in judicial independence (Jahan, 2018).

b) Election Commission :
The Election Commission (EC) has failed to ensure free and fair elections. In 2014 and 2018, the
EC was accused of colluding with the AL to manipulate voter rolls, suppress opposition polling
agents, and permit ballot stuffing. The 2024 elections followed a similar pattern, with the BNP
boycotting the polls amid allegations of pre-election rigging (International Crisis Group, 2023).

c) Civil Service and Law Enforcement :

The bureaucracy and police are deeply politicized. Civil servants loyal to the AL receive
promotions, while dissenters face transfers or dismissal. Police routinely side with ruling party
cadres during clashes, as seen in the 2023 BNP rallies where officers used excessive force
against protesters (Amnesty International, 2023).

d) Parliament :
Parliament has become a rubber-stamp institution, with the AL holding 96% of seats after the
2024 elections. Opposition voices are marginalized, and debates on critical issues like corruption
or human rights are stifled (Ahmed, 2020).

4. Election Integrity
Election integrity remains a cornerstone of Bangladesh’s democratic crisis.
a) Structural Biases
The abolition of the caretaker government system in 2011 allowed the ruling party to control
election logistics. In 2014 and 2018, the AL exploited incumbency advantages, using state
resources for campaigning and pressuring civil servants to ensure victory. The 2024 elections,
held under AL oversight, saw voter turnout plummet to 40%, reflecting public disillusionment
(Daily Star, 2024).

b) Voter Suppression and Intimidation

Opposition candidates and supporters face systematic harassment. Ahead of the 2018 elections,
over 8,000 BNP activists were arrested, while AL cadres occupied polling stations to stuff ballots
(Human Rights Watch, 2018). In 2024, BNP leaders were barred from contesting via arbitrary
legal cases, ensuring an AL-dominated parliament.

25
c) Role of Money and Media
Elections are increasingly expensive, favoring wealthy candidates and parties. The AL’s financial
dominance, coupled with its control over state media, skews public discourse. Private media
outlets face pressure to self-censor, with critical journalists risking DSA charges (Reporters
Without Borders, 2023).

Role of civil society and media in political culture :

The role of civil society and media in political culture is crucial in shaping democratic processes,
public opinion, and accountability within a society. Here's a breakdown of their roles:
Civil Society:
1. Advocacy and Mobilization: Civil society organizations (CSOs), including NGOs, social
movements, and grassroots groups, play an essential role in advocating for political change,
social justice, and human rights. They mobilize citizens around political issues, creating
platforms for public discourse.

2. Encouraging Civic Engagement: Civil society encourages individuals to participate in the

democratic process through voting, protests, or other forms of political activism. It fosters
awareness of civic duties and responsibilities.
3. Checks and Balances: Civil society can act as a check on government power by holding public
officials accountable for their actions. It plays a critical role in ensuring transparency and
advocating for policies that benefit the broader public.
4. Promoting Tolerance and Pluralism: By representing diverse interests and viewpoints, civil
society helps build a pluralistic society where different political and social ideologies can coexist
peacefully. This can shape political culture by fostering tolerance, diversity, and inclusion.

Media:
1. Information Dissemination: The media provides crucial information to the public about
political events, policies, candidates, and social issues. A well-informed citizenry is vital to the
functioning of a democracy and helps shape political views and opinions.
2. Platform for Public Debate: Media outlets create spaces for political debate, discussions, and
interviews, allowing different political opinions to be heard. This promotes a culture of free
expression and contributes to the formation of public opinion.

26
3. Watchdog Role: The media serves as a watchdog, exposing corruption, human rights abuses,
and mismanagement by the government or other institutions. Investigative journalism plays a
significant role in holding leaders accountable, which is essential for a healthy political culture.
4. Shaping Political Narratives: Through the framing of stories, media outlets can influence the
way political issues are perceived. They can highlight particular topics, shape narratives, and
focus public attention on specific political events or issues, which can affect political culture and
public sentiment.
5. Fostering Political Participation: The media can encourage active participation in politics by
covering elections, encouraging voting, and providing information about political candidates and
issues. It helps people understand the importance of their participation in democratic processes.
Interplay Between Civil Society, Media, and Political Culture:
Civil society and media often work in tandem, as CSOs rely on media platforms to spread their
messages, while the media often covers issues raised by civil society. Together, they help create
an informed, active, and engaged citizenry that contributes to a more vibrant political culture.
In more authoritarian settings, civil society and media may be suppressed, leading to a less open
political culture where citizens have limited opportunities to express their views or hold those in
power accountable.
Overall, both civil society and media play foundational roles in nurturing a political culture that
values democracy, participation, transparency, and accountability.

Youth involvement :
In recent years, youth involvement in Bangladesh's political culture has undergone a significant
transformation, marked by active participation in movements advocating for democratic reforms
and social justice.
Student-Led Uprisings and Political Reforms
In July 2024, a student-led uprising, known as the July Revolution, emerged in response to the
government's reinstatement of a 30% quota for government jobs reserved for descendants of
freedom fighters. This decision was perceived by many students as a limitation on merit-based
opportunities. The protests escalated following the death of a student protester, Abu Sayed, at the
hands of police, intensifying public outrage. The movement quickly expanded beyond the initial
quota issue, encompassing broader demands for democratic reforms and an end to authoritarian
practices. The government's violent crackdown, including curfews and communication
blackouts, inadvertently fueled the protests, leading to widespread demonstrations across the
country. By August 5, 2024, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina resigned and fled the country,
resulting in the formation of an interim government led by Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus.

27
Youth-Led Political Party Formation
In the aftermath of the uprising, youth activists established the National Citizens' Coalition
(NCC), a political party aiming to address the systemic issues that led to the protests. The NCC
seeks to unite people around shared causes, transcending traditional ideological divides. The
party emphasizes the importance of youth-driven leadership and is actively engaging with rural
communities to understand their struggles and aspirations.

Ongoing Challenges and Future Outlook

Despite these advancements, challenges persist. Reports from minority rights groups indicate
that the interim government has faced criticism for failing to protect religious and ethnic
minorities from attacks and harassment. The government has denied these allegations, asserting
that there are no communal reasons behind the incidents.
Looking ahead, Information and Broadcasting Adviser Md. Nahid Islam, a prominent figure in
the student movement, has expressed optimism about the enduring influence of youth in
Bangladesh's political landscape. He believes that the youth's impact will persist for the next two
decades, reflecting the lasting effects of the July uprising.
Youth involvement in the political culture of Bangladesh has grown significantly in recent years,
marked by a variety of social, economic, and political movements. Here’s a detailed look at this
phenomenon:

1. Role in Political Movements

Digital Activism: The youth of Bangladesh, especially university students and young
professionals, are highly active on social media platforms like Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram.
These platforms have become spaces for expressing political opinions, organizing protests, and
mobilizing for change. For instance, the 2013 Shahbagh Movement (for capital punishment for
war criminals) saw significant participation from young people, largely organized through social
media.
2018 Student Protests: The Student Protests of 2018, sparked by a bus accident that killed two
students, highlighted the growing political awareness and activism of the youth. Thousands of
students took to the streets demanding safer roads, and their actions were largely driven by social
media.
Youth-led Protests: More recently, youth groups have played a central role in protests demanding
justice, democracy, and government accountability. Protests like the 2013 Shahbagh Movement,
2018 Road Safety Movement, and the 2013 Garment Workers Protests often see young people
taking the lead.

28
2. Political Parties and Youth Wings
Awami League and BNP Youth Wings: Both of Bangladesh’s major political parties, the Awami
League (AL) and Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), have youth wings (like the Jubo League
and Jatiyatabadi Chhatra Dal, respectively) that actively involve the youth in political activities.
These youth organizations act as key mobilizing tools for the parties and are involved in
organizing rallies, protests, and campaigns.
Influence in Elections: Youth are an important demographic in Bangladesh’s elections. Political
parties often focus on youth-driven issues like employment, education, and digital access to win
their support. In the 2018 general elections, the role of young voters was particularly significant.
3. Political Awareness and Education
Increased Awareness: With the rise of digital platforms, young people are more politically aware
than ever. Many youth groups in universities and colleges are actively involved in discussions on
political issues, governance, and democracy. There’s a growing interest in social justice and
human rights among the younger population.
Political Education Initiatives: Universities and NGOs play a role in educating young people on
political issues. Youth organizations and student bodies are becoming hubs for political discourse
and debate.

4. Challenges Faced by Youth in Politics

Youth and Corruption: Although youth involvement in politics is growing, there are concerns
about the levels of corruption and violence within political youth wings. Young activists and
students sometimes face pressure from political parties, which can lead to exploitation or
manipulation.
Limited Representation: Despite active participation, the youth remain underrepresented in
formal political leadership roles. There is a generational gap in political leadership, as older
politicians continue to dominate the decision-making process. Many young people feel
disconnected from the mainstream political process.
Political Polarization: Bangladesh’s political landscape is deeply polarized, and many youth are
drawn into party-affiliated political activism, which can sometimes lead to ideological conflicts
and tensions.
5. Impact of Globalization and Technology
Access to Information: With greater internet access, young people are increasingly exposed to
global political trends and ideas. This has led to a more informed and politically active youth
population.

29
Global Influence: The youth of Bangladesh are influenced by global youth movements such as
Fridays for Future, Black Lives Matter, and other international political movements. This global
perspective has shaped local political activism, particularly regarding climate change, human
rights, and social justice.

6. Youth and Political Leadership

New Generation of Leaders: The rise of young leaders, particularly in civil society, has also
become more noticeable. Many young politicians and activists, such as Zunaid Ahmed Palak (a
former minister) and Nusrat Jahan (MP), represent a new generation in Bangladeshi politics.
Youth in Government: While the older generation holds power in most political positions, young
individuals like Sabrina Arif Chowdhury and Ashikur Rahman are beginning to make their mark.
However, the pace of change is slow, and youth involvement in leadership positions remains
minimal compared to their participation in grassroots activism.
The political engagement of youth in Bangladesh has evolved, moving from street protests to
digital activism and political party affiliations. The youth continue to be an essential force in
shaping Bangladesh's political culture, though they still face significant challenges related to
representation and corruption. Their growing influence, however, signals a changing landscape
where the younger generation may increasingly impact political decisions and policies in the
coming years.

8) Political development and Underdevelopment :

Political development includes the development of economy, modernization of political system,

advance of administrative and legal system, mass participation in politics, building of
democracy, modernization of power and multi-dimensional progress of social change etc.
Though these traits of political developments are applicable for western societies, at the same
time, these can be applied in the developing countries, whereas the development in political
arenas is going to be developed. In Bangladesh case, these ingredients of political development is
flourished and progressed under the democratic regimes of post 1990 periods. Very few years
ago, the separation of judiciary from the executive branch, for instance, is being well recognized
as the development of legal system as independent part of government. Simultaneously, the
masses from all sphere, enthusiastically have been taking part in the national elections and other
politics related actions and programs. Moreover, the establishment and gradual progress of
democracy has been proved through the formation of democratic government, although the
political power is practiced by a small clique under the political administration, which is largely

30
comprised of the leadership with the combination of totalitarian and traditional oligarchy.
However, major trends in the political development of this country are portrayed in the below.

Parliamentary Form of Government:

Long 16 years of presidential form of government, Bangladesh return to the
parliamentary form of government through the 12th amendment act in September,
1991. In their findings Khan, et al., (2008) have shown that 40.6% of their respondents believed
that parliamentary form of govt. is a pre-condition for democracy. Although the relation between
the treasury and opposition bench in parliament does not work with healthy practices, the
institution has been working as a last snapshot for keeping alive the democratic rule in the
country. The monopoly of the domination of the parliament by treasury bench in every space of
parliamentary activities, however, turns the opposition frequently to be inactive left-out members
of the body. The parliamentary democracy continues here with many loopholes and major
injuries, and unlikely to embrace setbacks to maintain the continuation of rule of democracy in
society.

Provision of Non-party Caretaker Government System :

The thirteen amendment of constitution on 26 March, 1996, introduced the form of non-party
caretaker government, a unique system for holding free and fair election in this country. This
caretaker system provides the opportunity to a peaceful transition of power. After completion of
five years term, the party in power has to transfer power in the hand of a non-party caretaker
government and after a free and fair election, the caretaker government (CG) has to transfer the
power to an elected government. But unlike the first, second and third CG, the fourth CG was
formed under President Iaj Uddin Ahmed, which was not supported by the then opposition AL
and other parties. At this stage, the country was passing through a serious political turmoil,
especially between the major political parties including the AL and the BNP. In this critical
juncture, the Armed Forces intervened in the scene that seized the power of President as the
Chief of CG. Dr. Fakruddin Ahmed, the then governor of Bangladesh Bank was chosen by the
Armed Forced as the new chief of the CG. It became generally known as the Army backed
government‘. He stayed in power for more than his stipulated ninety days and in the name of
reforming the political institutions in the country, his government arrested a large of top political
leaders including Sheikh Hasina and Begum Khaleda Zia under the charge of corruption. This
brought about huge dissatisfactions in the political arena of the country. However, they were
under pressure to transfer power to elected representatives of the country. At last, after two years
of their period, they were compelled to transfer power to an elected government. The general
election of 1996, 2001 and 2008 were held under this system and the result of the election were
accepted by all the voters; and the international, national or independent observers opinioned that
the elections were held in a free-fair and peaceful environment. Such a process of peaceful
transition of power is a positive sign of democratic development in the country.
Parliamentary Standing CommitteesThe composition, extent and jurisdictions of the committees
have been outlined in the Article 76 of the constitution, which empowered the parliament to
formulate standing committees following the rules of parliamentary procedure. At present, 48
standing committees are functioning in the 9th parliament and its chairpersons are non-minister

31
MPs (Hossain, 2010), which make the minister accountable to the parliament as well as to the
electorate. It seems to be a good gesture of our MPs that although they did not participate in the
parliament session, they join the committee meetings and made valuable contribution in
resolving problems (Islam, 2003). In the 5th Parliament 1465 meetings were held, took 2237
decisions and
presented a total of 41 reports before the parliament. In the 7th parliament it was
1274 meetings, 3940 recommendations and 29 reports. In the 8
th parliament 1242 meetings were held, took 6734 decisions and presented 48 reports before the
parliament. The 9th parliament started it function on 25th January 2009, and till September, 994
meetings were held and 21 reports were present before the parliament (JS Secretariat). In the
leading parliamentary democracies, the committees are treated with difference and their
suggestion and recommendations are seriously honored (Islam, 2003).

Two-party System :

Bangladesh started with a single party dominant system under a parliamentary form of
democracy and the ruling AL maintained its dominance in the first three years (Jahan, 2005). A
key characteristic of the post, 1990s democratic era is the
prevalence of two-party dominant system in the political process of Bangladesh.
If the results of 1991-2008 elections are examined, it reveals a unique trend of continuous
predominance of two major parties: the AL and the BNP, which is very congenial for
parliamentary democracy. Although there are the presence of some other parties like JP (the
party of former military dictator) and Jamat-e- Islami Bangladesh (the party linked with
collaborating forces during liberation war), which have won some seats in the every
parliamentary election of post-1990 periods. However, these parties did never win the popular
supports and could not be able to secure the required seats to be the main stream political parties
in the country. These parties only do help the major two parties to be in power sometimes under
the configuration of jote or alliance as seen in the parliamentary elections of 2001 and 2008.

Independence of Judiciary:
Independence of judiciary means a fair and neutral judicial system of a country. This can afford
to take its decisions without any interference of executive or legislative branch of government.
An independent judiciary free from influence of legislative and executive organs of the state is
the prime requirement of a democratic state. Article 22 of Bangladesh constitution states: "The
State shall ensure the separation of the judiciary from the executive organs of the State." BNP
and AL first included separation of the judiciary in their election agenda during their movement
for the restoration democracy against the military. dictatorship of General Ershad. Both the AL
and the BNP lingered the process during their tenures. During the tenure of the caretaker
government of Dr. Fakaruddin Ahmed, the separation of judiciary took effect from November 1,
2007. Part VI of the constitution deals with the judiciary. Article 7 provides that all powers in the

32
Republic shall be effective only under and by authority of the constitution. The responsibility of
seeing that no functionary of the state oversteps the limit of his power is, a necessity, on the
judiciary. Article 35(3) of the constitution provides "Every person accused of a criminal offence
shall have right to a speedy and public trial by an independent and impartial court or tribunal
established by the law. Article 116A provides for independence in the subordinate judiciary
while Article 94(4) demands independence of the Supreme Court Judges.

Political underdevelopment
The political culture of Bangladesh is termed generally confrontational by nature that involves
the divergence of individual political activists' attitudes, groups, organizations, parties and civil
society. Almost each and every political party of Bangladesh is derailed from the genuine
direction of democratic polity. The political life of the country has dissolved into a polarized
confrontation between government and opposition which reinforces a deeply held popular
disapproved of the country's political elite (Andaleeb, 2007). Democratic politics requires the art
of compromise, a policy of 'give and take', and of course not a policy of 'winner takes all' (Islam,
2003). But in Bangladesh we have progressed very little from the mindset of 'winner takes it all'
and the "loser has nothing to gain' (Khasru, 2010), The government and opposition still remain
far from the desire level of interaction and communication expected in a healthy parliamentary
democracy. Negativism, intolerance, violence and above all, autocratic tendency have become
the invariable contents of our political activity.
Politicization of Bureaucracy : Politicization of bureaucracy started during the Pakistan period,
especially in the military regime. However, the trends acquired greater intensity in post-
liberation period and posed a serious problem during last decade or so (Mazumder, 2010).
Politicization of the administration has been one of the most negative outcomes of the
democratic system that destroy both the moral and professional foundation of the civil services.
In 90s Bangladesh's civil administration was classified as 'Anti-Mancha and Pro-Mancha
(Khasru, 2010). Recruitment, quicker promotions, lucrative posting, overlooking corruptions and
inefficiency became increasingly influenced by party loyalty. The culture of making
OSDs, termination of jobs, forced retirement all are considered as punitive actions
for the disloyal to a party government. During a routine question-answer session in
parliament on August 25, 2010, it was disclosed that since January 1 last year, 224
officials in different position were made OSDs. One survey indicated that 37% of
the civil service respondents believe that political connection and nepotism were
necessary for promotion (World Bank, 2002).

33
Politics of Violence and the Annihilation of Political Leaderships :
The politics of violence and the annihilation of political leaderships have become
an omnipotent part of political culture in Bangladesh. The exact to number of
political killings since independence could not be ascertained. The
governmentestimated the figure to be over 6000 including country's Presidents,
party leaderships, MPs and many others from different sectors. Since January, 1972
to June 15, 1973 a total of 4925 persons were killed by the miscreants.
(Bangladesh Observer, July 7, 1973). Bangbandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and
most of his family members were killed by military coup in August 1975. President
Ziaur Rahman was also killed in a same military coup in May 1981. During Zia's
tenure, in the process of suppression of coup against him and to bring the law and
order situation under govt. 's control, 1173 soldiers were killed within two months
before October, 1977 (Shahjahan, 1996). After the killing of President Zia in 1981,
killing for direct political motive was not common till the mid-to-late 1980s.
(Rahman, 2007). Bangladesh again witnessed a rise in the number of political
killings from 1999. The government reported that 101 persons died in prison and
police custody during the first 9 months of the year (Rahman, 2007). This trend of
killing the political leaders and activists continue till today. The leaders including
labour leader Ahsanullah Master MP, lawyer and AL leader Manjurul Imam in
Khulna, Professor M. Yunus of Rajshahi University, and internationally renowned
personality and former finance minister S.A.M. Kibria MP, AL. leader Ivy Rahman
all are the worst victims of the politics of killing in recent times.

Intolerance to Oppositions' Views:

Tolerance between the leaderships, parties, constituent members is the prerequisite
and essence of democracy. Unfortunately, the concept is seems to be disappearing
in our country particularly for both of them: those in power and those in
opposition. The party in power usually takes advantage of state power to suppress
opposition activities. Opposition to ruling government policies are often portrayed
34
as anti-state treasonable activities and the state's law enforcing agencies are used to
make politically-motivated arrests and repress opposition members (Haque, 2010).
The government party become intolerant of the opposition and easily irritated by
criticism. In an opinion poll conducted by Daily Star on August 30, 2010 it was
revealed that 87.9% respondent think that political leaders cannot tolerate any sorts
of criticism. The parliamentarians often used derogatory terms, such as touts,
miscreant or anti-social elements, to describe the political opposition (Jahan,
2005). If we examine the history of behavior pattern of the ruling party, their
reaction and reflection-both of AL and BNP, we find that it is full of intolerance
that led to jeopardize the growth of democracy. All the polítical parties in this
country who were ever in power enact some repressive laws to punish and
eliminate their political opponents.

Culture of Character Assassination :

Democracy allows us to express our views, belief and philosophy, but does not
permit to behave in an uncivilized way or resort unruly behavior. Street language
has always been crude, but of course it will not in case of parliament. To differ is a
democratic right but one should not be ahusive. But it became more common in
our recent political culture. Our leaders are incapable of using polite language and
expression or conducing themselves properly. In recent development of our has
always been crude, but of course it will not in case of parliament. To differ is a
democratic right but one should not be abusive. But it became more common in
our recent political culture. Our leaders are incapable of using polite language and
expression or conducing themselves properly. In recent development of our
political culture is to defame our deceased national leaders. The recent wave of
character assassination of political leaders betrays unabated and unchanged
degeneration of our political environment (Quddusi, 2010).
Practice of Boycotting the Parliament : Absence of opposition from the
parliament is our old culture. The culture was born in the 5th parliament when the
then opposition AL. started boycotting parliament to realize their demand. The then
AL lawmakers boycotted 135 out of 400 sittings of the 5th parliament. The boycott
culture got a fresh impetus when the then opposition BNP started boycotting
parliament. They boycotted 163 out of 382 sittings of the 7th parliament. In In the

35
7th parliament, the then ruling AL, had a strong voice against parliament boycott.
But when AL again found itself in the opposition bench in the 8th parliament, it set
another example of boycotting parliament from the inaugural session. They
boycotted 223 out of 373 sittings of the 8th parliament between 2002 and 2006
(Liton, 2010). Now the main opposition BNP has been practicing this culture in the
9 parliament. The opposition lawmakers boycotted around half the total sittings of
parliament in the last 19 years. Since 1991 to November 5, 2009, the parliament
had 1241 sittings. while the opposition lawmakers boycotted as many as 584
sittings (The Daily Star, Feb. 23, 2010).

Politics of Renaming the Established Institutions : Naming of institution to

commemorate persons for their contribution to society is a well-accepted practice.
In every society, a few norms are practiced in naming institutions of national
importance, especially when dealing with politicians who are still at the helm
(Khan, H. Mozammel 2010) But in Bangladesh we observed how the major two
parties are engaged in the game of renaming the structure and institutions given by
the previous government. According to news paper report, the name of more than
150 institutions that carried Bangabandhu's name, were given new name during the
last reign of the BNP. The name of Bangabandhu Bridge, (renamed Jamuna
Bridge), Bangabandhu Conference centre (renamed Bangladesh-China Friendship
Conference centre) M.A. Hannan Airport of Chittagong (renamed Shah Amanat
Airport) all are examples of the renaming game (Anam,2010). In the same way, the
present cabinet decided on February 15, 2010, to rename the establishments named
after late president Ziaur Rahman, including Zia International Airport which is to
be named Hazrat Shahjalal International Airport Shaheed Ziaur Rahman
University, Barisal, which will be named as Barishal University. According to
cabinet decision, Begum Khaleda Zia Medical college and Shaheed Suhrawardi
Hospital will be named as Shaheed Suhrawardi Medical college and Hospital while
Jamuna multi-purpose Bridge as Bangabandhu Bridge and Dhanmondi women's
complex as Sultana Kamal Sports Complex among many others (The Daily Star,
Feb 16, 2010).
Withdrawal of Political Cases : It is recognized that one of the most essential
functions of a state is the administration of justice. In criminal proceedings, the

36
state itself is a party and is responsible for the prosecution of the offence. In
modern countries, there is a public prosecution system to prosecute offenders. In
Bangladesh withdrawal of criminal cases has become a matter of great public
debate. After BNP-led alliance voted to power in 2001, reportedly it withdrew
around 5888 cases to release around 73,541 persons having been politically
affiliated with the BNP and its allies. At the same time, names of party supporters,
who were accused in around 945 criminal cases, were withdrawal by the then
government (Sarker, 2010). Similarly, the present government has taken steps to
release large numbers of accused persons by executive action on the basis that
these cases are fabricated due to political reason. Till May 5, 2010, the AL
government sponsored high-power committee recommended the authorities
concerned for withdrawal of 4627 more cases filled by the past Caretaker
Government and BNP regime considering those politically motivated (The Daily
Star, May 6, 2010). According to the opinion poll by Daily Star 35% said that such
withdrawal is happened to benefit the political leaders of the ruling AL.. Street
Agitations and Politics to Seize the Works Although hartal is an age-old democratic
weapon of political parties to protest against misdeeds of the government, there is
an overtly immature and childish "love and hate" game hovering around hartal in
Bangladesh. Those in power hate it, knowing fully well that they used to love it
once. Those in opposition tend to love hartal knowing fully well that they used to
hate it while in power (Bayes, 2010). Both the AL, and the BNP along with their
allies had used all possible forms of protest to dislodge their opponents from power
and the hartal is their best choice. As a result, over using in recent times had not
only turned it grossly unpopular but also utterly ineffective (Quddusi, 2010).
According to a survey by The Daily Star and Nielsen on Government's one and
half year's performance rating it showed that 55% respondents believe that hartal is
not acceptable now. A study conducted in 2010 has showed that only 15 days of
hartal were observed. during 1962-71(East Pakistan), only 5 days of hartal were
observed during 1972-1975 (AL regime) and 59 days of hartal were observed
during 1981-87(First 7 years of Ershad regime). A total of 266 days of hartal were
observed during 1991-96 (BNP regime) and 215 days of hartal were observed
during 1996-2001 (AL regime).
rating it showed that 55% respondents believe that hartal is not acceptable now. A
study conducted in 2010 has showed that only 15 days of hartal were observed

37
during 1962-71(East Pakistan), only 5 days of hartal were observed during 1972-
1975 (AL regime) and 59 days of hartal were observed during 1981-87(First 7
years of Ershad regime). A total of 266 days of hartal were observed during 1991-
96 (BNP regime) and 215 days of hartal were observed during 1996-2001 (AL-
regime).

Criminalization of Students Politics:

Student politics in Bangladesh has a glorious past. Since the liberation war and the
movement for restoration of democracy in Bangladesh in the 1990s, the leaders of
different student organizations played significant roles during all of our national
crises, including language movement. However, it has lost that glory. Now a day,
the perception of student's politics has changed. It is widely alleged that activities
of the student's wings of both the party-AL and BNP are involves in tender-related
violence, extortion, terrorism, bloodshed, killing, robbery establish supremacy on
the campus (Panday, 2010). All the campuses of the universities have become a
stage of performing the drama of political clashes. The victims, mostly students in
the universities, numbering about 74 during these long 39 years, have been the
promising sons of the country (Khan, 2010). At present, being a member of a
student organization especially the ruling one means free and healthy meal, having
an illegal seat in the hall, getting tender involved admission business and even
managing a good job. According to news paper report, BCL, the students' wing of
the ruling party through its vicious involvement in the admission process minted
more than TK.1 crore from three collages of the capital (Nobin, 2010). Another
survey conducted by Daily Star on August 29, 2010 manifest that 31% people put
current role of BCL as violence, loot, crime killings and 40% think that BCL is
ruining the AL's reputation. However, it is well recognized that the same role was
played by the JCD while the BNP was in power during 2001-2006.

38
Corruptions Committed by Politicians :
Corruption at all levels of politics is now a grave public concern that needs to
address as a matter of urgency. In 2001 the Transparency International (TIB)
placed Bangladesh at the top of 91 countries indulging in corruption (Dainik
Sangbad, June 28, 2001) According to the same agency, Bangladesh has topped the
lists of corrupted countries consecutively for the fifth time (Prothom Alo, Oct 18.
2005). However, all the sections of our society and polity are riddled with
corruption. Report on corruption, misuse of funds and all sorts of crimes fill the
pages of our newspapers day after day. Nelson Opinion Survey (2010), which was
published in the Daily Star on August 29, 2010, shown that 35% of our people
believe that corruptions has increased whereas more people also have lost their
faith in the anti-corruption commission, as 43% think that ACC is controlled by the
government. Corruption at all levels in bureaucracy is rampant. Bribery is among
common practices in our government offices. Since the return of electoral
democracy in 1991, bad politics has often stood in the way of good governance.
The loyalists of ruling parties have received financial and material rewards from
the government, sometimes in violation of established rules and laws (Jahan, 2010)
that manifest patron-client relationship of our political culture. In administrative
dealings, parochialism has taken up the driving seat. In the case of internal
democracy the major two parties lacks behind in this regard. If we see the poster of
the parties, we find the symbol of dynasty where the three generation portrait
indicates that who will be the successors of party leadership. The major two parties
that are pioneers of democracy in the country lack the democratic practices in the
selection procedures of their party leadership.

9) Challenges to Political Culture :

Several challenges hinder the development of a healthy political culture in
Bangladesh, including:
Political Violence and Intolerance: Street protests, clashes between party activists,
and suppression of dissenting voices contribute to an unstable political
environment.

39
Corruption and Patronage Politics: Political favoritism, nepotism, and lack of
transparency in governance create barriers to a fair political system.
Weak Institutional Framework: A lack of strong democratic institutions weakens
checks and balances, leading to excessive executive dominance.
Lack of Youth Representation: While young people are actively involved in
politics, decision-making is often dominated by older leaders, limiting fresh
perspectives and reforms.
Prospects for a More Democratic Political Culture ;Despite the challenges, there
are opportunities for improving political culture in Bangladesh. Strengthening
democratic institutions, promoting political tolerance, and ensuring fair electoral
practices can enhance governance. Civil society organizations, media, and
international partners can play a role in fostering political awareness and
accountability. Encouraging youth and women’s participation in politics can also
lead to a more inclusive and democratic system.

Conclusion:
Bangladesh’s political culture, a complex interplay of historical legacies, socio-
political dynamics, and evolving ideologies, encapsulates a nation perpetually
oscillating between democratic aspirations and authoritarian inclinations. Defined
as the collective ethos shaping political behavior, this culture has traversed colonial
subjugation, Pakistani dominance, post-independence idealism, military
authoritarianism, and a fragile democratic resurgence. Yet, it remains riddled with
contradictions: a vibrant civil society coexists with systemic corruption, and
democratic transitions are repeatedly undermined by institutional frailty and
dynastic power struggles.Rooted in colonial and Pakistani-era centralized
governance, Bangladesh’s political culture inherited a legacy of institutional
distrust and exclusionary policies. The 1971 liberation war, fueled by secular-
socialist ideals under Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, sought to dismantle this legacy.
However, economic turmoil and Mujib’s authoritarian shift to a one-party system

40
revealed the vulnerability of these ideals. Subsequent military regimes (1975–
1990) under Ziaur Rahman and Hussain Muhammad Ershad institutionalized
authoritarianism through Islamization, patronage networks, and repression,
embedding these elements into the state’s framework. While the 1990 uprising
restored democracy, the ensuing era has been dominated by bitter rivalry between
the Awami League (AL) and Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), prioritizing
power consolidation over governance. Recent trends exacerbate these challenges.
Extreme polarization, dynastic politics (epitomized by Sheikh Hasina and Khaleda
Zia), and endemic corruption cripple governance. Civil society and media, though
resilient, face repression under draconian laws like the Digital Security Act. Youth-
led movements, such as the 2018 road safety protests, highlight demands for
accountability but also state intolerance of dissent. Persistent issues like electoral
manipulation, political violence, and a compromised judiciary underscore the
chasm between nominal democracy and substantive political
development.Bangladesh’s trajectory reflects a paradox: economic growth
contrasts starkly with political underdevelopment. While NGOs and grassroots
initiatives drive social progress, political institutions remain subservient to ruling
elites. The resurgence of Islamist-conservative forces further complicates national
identity, challenging the secular ethos of the liberation struggle. Bangladesh stands
at a critical juncture. Its future hinges on transcending patrimonialism, fortifying
institutions, and fostering inclusive governance. The vigor of civil society and
youth activism offers hope, yet entrenched elites and militarized governance pose
formidable obstacles. To realize genuine political development, Bangladesh must
reckon with its colonial and authoritarian past, prioritize institutional integrity over
partisan agendas, and reignite the transformative spirit of 1971. Only through such
reckoning can it evolve from a hybrid democracy into one that truly empowers its
people.

41
9) Reference :
 Morlino, Leonardo (2017). Political science : a global perspective.
 ázquez Semadeni, M. E. (2010).
 Pearcy mark, Rollo Jo Amy, 2023.) Study. Com.
 Jagannath University Journal of social science s, Vol. 1, No. 1-2, 2013, pp. 74-95
 Ahmed, Nizam. The Parliament of Bangladesh (2002).
 Baxter, Craig. Bangladesh: From a Nation to a State (1997).
 Jahan, Rounaq. Bangladesh Politics: Problems and Issues (1980).
 Kochanek, Stanley A. Patron-Client Politics and Business in Bangladesh (1993).
 Lewis, David. Bangladesh: Politics, Economy, and Civil Society (2011).
 Maniruzzaman, Talukder. The Bangladesh Revolution and Its Aftermath (1980).

42
 Mohsin, Amena. The Chittagong Hill Tracts, Bangladesh: On the Difficulties of
Democratization and Peace (2002).
 Riaz, Ali. God Willing: The Politics of Islamism in Bangladesh (2004).
 Van Schendel, Willem. A History of Bangladesh (2009).
 Ziring, Lawrence. Bangladesh: From Mujib to Ershad (1992).
 Amnesty International. (2023). Bangladesh: Crackdown on opposition amid election
season. Retrieved from https://www.amnesty.org
 Daily Star. (2024, January 8). Voter turnout hits record low in one-sided polls.
 International Crisis Group. (2023). Bangladesh: Restoring democracy before the
2024 elections.
 Jahan, R. (2018). Bangladesh’s fragile democracy. Journal of Democracy, 29(4), 119–
129.
 Lewis, D. (2011). Bangladesh: Politics, economy, and civil society. Cambridge
University Press.

 Dahl, Robert, 1996. The Future of Democratic Theory.


 Robert Dahl (Yale University), Modern Political Analysis 5th edition (Englewood
Cliffs NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1991):

 Almond, Gabriel A., Verba, Sidney, 1965, The Civic Culture.

 Ahmed, Emajuddin, 1989. Society and Politics in Bangladesh.

 Bangladesh hangs killers of independence leader Mujib BBC "BBC News. 27

January 2010.
 Background Note: Bangladesh", 2008, Bureau of South and Central Asian Affairs
(March 2008). Accessed June 11, 2008.
 Robert Putnam's "Bowling Alone"
 Manuel Castells' "Communication Power"
 John Keane's "The Media and Democracy"

43
44