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Introduction to Research Methods and Data Analysis in
Psychology 3rd Edition Darren Langdridge Digital
Instant Download
Author(s): Darren Langdridge, Gareth Hagger-Johnson
ISBN(s): 9780273756873, 0273756877
Edition: 3
File Details: PDF, 24.87 MB
Year: 2013
Language: english
Introduction to Research Methods and
Data Analysis in Psychology
Introduction to Research
Methods and Data Analysis
in Psychology

Third Edition

Darren Langdridge
Gareth Hagger-Johnson
Pearson Education Limited
Edinburgh Gate
Harlow CM20 2JE
United Kingdom
Tel: +44 (0)1279 623623
Web: www.pearson.com/uk

First published 2004 (print)

Second edition published 2009 (print)
Third edition published 2013 (print and electronic)

© Pearson Education Limited 2004, 2009 (print)

© Pearson Education Limited 2013 (print and electronic)

The rights of Darren Langdridge and Gareth Hagger-Johnson to be identified as author of

this work has been asserted by them in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents
Act 1988.

The print publication is protected by copyright. Prior to any prohibited reproduction, storage in a
retrieval system, distribution or transmission in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical,
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The ePublication is protected by copyright and must not be copied, reproduced, transferred,
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ISBN: 978-0-273-75687-3 (print)

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Cover image © Getty Images

Print edition typeset in 9.5 pt ITC Stone Serif Std by 32

Print edition printed and bound in Malaysia

NOTE THAT ANY PAGE CROSS REFERENCES REFER TO THE PRINT EDITION
 Dedication

This book is dedicated to the memory of my grandparents,

Sheila and Albert Preece, whose love and support will never
be forgotten.
− D. L.

This book is dedicated to Richard Street.

− G. H.-J.
This page intentionally left blank
 Brief Contents

List of figures xvii

Guided tour xxii
Preface xxiv
Acknowledgements xxvi
Publisher’s acknowledgements xxvii

Part 1 Introducing research methods

1 Starting out in research 3

2 Variables: definitions and measurement 40
3 Reliability, validity, sampling and groups 50
4 Collecting data 1: interviews and observation 61
5 Collecting data 2: questionnaires and psychometric tests 87
6 Collecting data 3: experimental and quasi-experimental designs 113
7 E-research 137

Part 2 Analysing quantitative data

8 Fundamentals of statistics 163

9 Entering and manipulating data 192
10 Graphical representation and descriptive statistics 213
11 Bivariate analysis 1: exploring differences between variables 235
12 Bivariate analysis 2: exploring relationships between variables 263
13 Analysis of variance (ANOVA) 280
14 Multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA) 312
15 Regression 332
■ Statistical test flowchart 346
16 Exploratory factor analysis (EFA) 349
17 Introducing R and R commander 376

­vii
­viii Brief Contents

Part 3 Analysing qualitative data

18 Fundamentals of qualitative research 409

19 Transcribing, coding and organising textual data 421
20 Phenomenological research methods 434
21 Grounded theory 453
22 Discourse analysis 466
23 Life story and narrative research 491
24 The use of computers in qualitative research 508
25 Mixed methods 518

Part 4 Ethics and reporting findings

26 The ethics and politics of psychological research 543

27 Reporting and presenting findings 558

Appendix: Tables of critical values for statistical tests 577

References 585
Index 596
 Contents

List of figures xvii

Guided tour xxii
Preface xxiv
Acknowledgements xxvi
Publisher’s acknowledgements xxvii

Part 1 Introducing research methods 1

1 Starting out in research 3

Introduction 3
1.1 Why research? 4
1.2 A very brief history of science 6
1.3 Quantitative versus qualitative? 13
1.4 A brief introduction to methods in the social sciences 16
1.5 Planning research 16
Further reading 39

2 Variables: definitions and measurement 40

Introduction 40
2.1 Operationalising variables 41
2.2 Independent and dependent variables 42
2.3 The problem of error and confounding variables 43
2.4 Levels of measurement 45
2.5 Categorical and continuous variables 48
Further reading 49

3 Reliability, validity, sampling and groups 50

Introduction 50
3.1 Reliability 50
3.2 Validity 51
3.3 The role of replication in the social sciences 52
3.4 Populations and samples 53
3.5 The problem of sampling bias 53

­ix
­x Contents

3.6 Methods of sampling 54

3.7 Sample sizes 57
3.8 Control and placebo groups 59
Further reading 60

4 Collecting data 1: interviews and observation 61

Introduction 61
4.1 Interviewing 62
4.2 Types, purposes and structures of interviews 62
4.3 Interview techniques 66
4.4 Group discussions 71
4.5 Repertory grid techniques 74
4.6 Observation 75
4.7 Structured and non-participant observation 76
4.8 Participant observation 82
Further reading 85

5 Collecting data 2: questionnaires and psychometric tests 87

Introduction 87
5.1 Questionnaires 87
5.2 The first rule of questionnaire design: don’t reinvent the wheel 88
5.3 General principles, types and structure of questionnaires 89
5.4 Writing questions and measuring attitudes 93
5.5 Psychometrics 99
5.6 Reliability 99
5.7 Validity 104
5.8 Psychometric tests 108
Further reading 112

6 Collecting data 3: experimental and quasi-experimental designs 113

Introduction 113
6.1 The role of experiments in psychology 114
6.2 Types of experiment 116
6.3 Identifying four sources of error in experiments 123
6.4 Four ways to reduce error in experiments 125
6.5 Types of experimental design 126
6.6 Running an experiment 131
6.7 Describing an experiment: a note about causality 133
6.8 Returning to the basics of design 135
Further reading 136
 Contents ­xi

7 E-research 137
Introduction 137
7.1 Types of e-research 138
7.2 A warning – what is the population? 139
7.3 E-research and online topics 140
7.4 E-research and offline topics 144
7.5 Ethical issues in e-research 154
Further reading 159

Part 2 Analysing quantitative data 161

8 Fundamentals of statistics 163

Introduction 163
8.1 Descriptive and inferential statistics 165
8.2 Measures of central tendency and dispersion 165
8.3 Probability 176
8.4 Levels of significance 181
8.5 The normal distribution 184
8.6 Understanding z-scores 188
8.7 Standard error 189
8.8 Parametric versus non-parametric tests 190
Further reading 191

9 Entering and manipulating data 192

Introduction 192
9.1 First steps with SPSS 193
9.2 The Data Editor window 196
9.3 Defining variables 197
9.4 Entering data 201
9.5 Saving and opening data files 202
9.6 Sorting and splitting files 202
9.7 Selecting cases 205
9.8 Recoding variables 207
9.9 Computing new variables 210
Further reading 212

10 Graphical representation and descriptive statistics 213

Introduction 213
10.1 Descriptive statistics 214
10.2 Simple and complex bar charts 223
­xii Contents

10.3 Histograms 225

10.4 Pie charts 227
10.5 Box plots 228
10.6 Scattergrams 231
10.7 Editing charts 233

11 Bivariate analysis 1: exploring differences between variables 235

Introduction 235
11.1 Theoretical issues in inferential statistics 235
11.2 Introducing the t-test 237
11.3 Calculating an independent groups t-test 240
11.4 Calculating a related t-test 245
11.5 Introducing non-parametric tests of difference 250
11.6 Calculating a Mann–Whitney U-test 251
11.7 Calculating a Wilcoxon test 257

12 Bivariate analysis 2: exploring relationships between variables 263

Introduction 263
12.1 Introducing chi-square 264
12.2 Calculating chi-square 266
12.3 Introducing correlation coefficients 272
12.4 Calculating correlation coefficients 274

13 Analysis of variance (ANOVA) 280

Introduction 280
13.1 Terminology and techniques 281
13.2 Calculating a one-way ANOVA 284
13.3 Calculating a two-way ANOVA 299
13.4 Calculating a mixed design ANOVA 303
13.5 Non-parametric alternatives – Kruskal–Wallis and Friedman 307

14 Multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA) 312

Introduction 312
14.1 When would you use MANOVA? 313
14.2 Introduction to MANOVA 315
14.3 Calculating a MANOVA 316
14.4 Running a discriminant function analysis 326
Further reading 331
 Contents ­xiii

15 Regression 332
Introduction 332
15.1 Terminology and techniques 333
15.2 Calculating multiple regression using SPSS 337
Further reading on statistics 345
■ Statistical test flowchart 346

16 Exploratory factor analysis (EFA) 349

Introduction 349
16.1 What is a latent variable? 350
16.2 Fundamentals of EFA 355
16.3 What is the difference between factor analysis and PCA? 358
16.4 Creating scale scores manually 372
Further reading 375

17 Introducing R and R commander 376

Introduction 376
17.1 What is R? 376
17.2 Installing new R libraries 380
17.3 The R commander 381
17.4 Importing data into R 386
17.5 Getting started with R code 387
17.6 Making comments 388
17.7 Basic R commands 388
17.8 Vectors 389
17.9 Large and small numbers 390
17.10 Save your code 390
17.11 Creating and saving a data frame 391
17.12 Graphs 391
17.13 Independent t-test 393
17.14 Related t-test 394
17.15 Mann–Whitney test 395
17.16 Wilcoxon test 395
17.17 Chi square 395
17.18 Correlation and linear regression 396
17.19 Multiple regression 397
17.20 One-way ANOVA 398
17.21 Two-way ANOVA 400
17.22 Repeated measures ANOVA 402
17.23 Reshaping wide format data into long format 403
17.24 Exploratory factor analysis 404
Further R resources 405
Further reading 405
­xiv Contents

Part 3 Analysing qualitative data 407

18 Fundamentals of qualitative research 409

Introduction 409
18.1 Philosophical underpinnings: the old paradigm 410
18.2 Philosophical underpinnings: the new paradigm 413
18.3 Revisiting the qualitative versus quantitative debate 415
18.4 Limitations of the new paradigm for the social sciences 416
18.5 Varieties of qualitative methods and analysis 417
Further reading 420

19 Transcribing, coding and organising textual data 421

Introduction 421
19.1 Purposes and principles of transcription 422
19.2 Systems of transcription 424
19.3 Transcription as analysis 425
19.4 Coding qualitative data 426
19.5 Thematic analysis 430
19.6 Organising and presenting the analysis of textual data 431
Further reading 433

20 Phenomenological research methods 434

Introduction 434
20.1 The fundamentals of phenomenology: philosophical issues 435
20.2 The fundamentals of phenomenology: methodological issues 437
20.3 Searching for meaning: phenomenological psychology
and the Duquesne School 440
20.4 Searching for meaning: interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA) 445
20.5 Strengths, limitations and debates 449
Further reading 452

21 Grounded theory 453

Introduction 453
21.1 Introducing grounded theory 454
21.2 Collecting data 454
21.3 The dynamic nature of meaning making 455
21.4 Coding 457
21.5 Memo-writing 460
21.6 Theory development 460
21.7 Strengths, limitations and debates 462
Further reading 465
 Contents ­xv

22 Discourse analysis 466

Introduction 466
22.1 The turn to language 467
22.2 Approaches to the study of discourse 469
22.3 Discursive psychology 470
22.4 Foucauldian discourse analysis 480
22.5 Strengths, limitations and debates 487
Further reading 490

23 Life story and narrative research 491

Introduction 491
23.1 The turn to narrative 492
23.2 Selecting informants 493
23.3 Collecting data 495
23.4 Triangulation 499
23.5 Analysing life story data 499
23.6 Writing a life story 502
23.7 Narrative practice and form 504
23.8 Strengths, limitations and debates 505
Further reading 507

24 The use of computers in qualitative research 508

Introduction 508
24.1 Use of computers in qualitative research 509
24.2 Qualitative analysis software 510
24.3 Introducing qualitative analysis software 512
24.4 Fundamentals of using QDA software 512
24.5 Controversies and debates 516
Further reading 517

25 Mixed methods 518

Introduction 518
25.1 Similarities between methods 519
25.2 Four models of (sequenced) mixed methods 521
25.3 Four models of triangulated methods 527
25.4 Blended or ‘hybrid’ methods 530
25.5 Q method 531
25.6 Other hybrid methods 537
25.7 A final comment 537
Further reading 538
Resources: Q method 539
xvi Contents

Part 4 Ethics and reporting findings 541

26 The ethics and politics of psychological research 543

Introduction 543
26.1 Ethical fundamentals 544
26.2 BPS Code of Human Research Ethics principles 546
26.3 Respect for the autonomy and dignity of persons 546
26.4 Scientific value 547
26.5 Social responsibility 548
26.6 Maximising benefit and minimising harm 548
26.7 Other named issues in the Code of Human Research Ethics 549
26.8 Research with (non-human) animals 551
26.9 Equal opportunities 554
26.10 Politics and psychological research 554
26.11 Evaluation research 555
26.12 The need for balance 556
Further reading 556

27 reporting and presenting findings 558

Introduction 558
27.1 The standard scientific report style 558
27.2 An example quantitative report (with commentary) 565
27.3 Writing up qualitative research 571
27.4 Writing skills 573
27.5 Presenting research – writing for publication 575
Further reading 576

Appendix: Tables of critical values for statistical tests 577

References 585
Index 596

Companion Website ON THE

WEBSITE
For open-access student resources specifically written
to complement this textbook and support your learning,
please visit www.pearsoned.co.uk/langdridge

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 List of figures

1.1 The hypothetico-deductive approach 12

1.2 PsycINFO interface 27
1.3 PsycINFO Search Tools interface 27
1.4 Mapping a search term to a subject heading in PsycINFO 28
1.5 Results from a PsycINFO search 28
1.6 Combining two search terms in PsycINFO 29
6.1 A parallel groups design 128
6.2 A factorial design 128
6.3 A crossover design 129
6.4 A Latin square design 131
8.1 Example of a normal distribution curve overlaid on a histogram 185
8.2 The normal distribution curve 187
8.3 Standard deviations and the normal distribution 187
8.4 Area enclosed by the mean and z 5 1.0 188
9.1 Windows Start Screen reprinted by permission from
Microsoft Corporation 194
9.2 Initial SPSS dialogue box 195
9.3 The Data Editor window 196
9.4 Switching between views 197
9.5 The Variable View window 198
9.6 The Data View window 201
9.7 Sorting data 203
9.8 The Variable Picker button 204
9.9 Select cases 205
9.10 Select cases: If 206
9.11 Recoding into different variables 208
9.12 Recoding old into new values 208
9.13 Specifying old and new values 209
9.14 The Compute option 210
9.15 Computing the mean of three variables 211
10.1 Selecting SPSS Frequencies 215
10.2 Frequencies dialogue box 215
10.3 Output viewer showing Frequencies output 216
10.4 Moving between windows 216
10.5 Selecting SPSS Descriptives 218
10.6 Descriptives dialogue box 218
10.7 Descriptives: Options 219
10.8 Descriptive statistics output 220

­xvii
­xviii List of figures

10.9 Selecting SPSS Explore 221

10.10 Explore dialogue box 222
10.11 Obtaining histograms using Frequencies 222
10.12 Output showing histogram of age 223
10.13 Selecting SPSS Chart Builder 224
10.14 Choosing a simple bar chart 224
10.15 Output showing a simple bar chart for ethnic origin 225
10.16 Choosing a simple histogram 226
10.17 Choosing a pie chart 228
10.18 Choosing a simple box plot 229
10.19 Output showing a simple box plot for males and females 230
10.20 Choosing a simple scatterplot 232
10.21 Adding a regression line and confidence intervals to a scatterplot 233
11.1 Observed difference in means on the sampling distribution of means 239
11.2 Data entered correctly for an independent group T test 243
11.3 Independent-Samples menu option 243
11.4 Independent-Samples T test dialogue box 244
11.5 Group Statistics and Independent Samples Test output tables 245
11.6 Data entered correctly for a related T test 248
11.7 Paired-Samples T test menu option 248
11.8 Paired-Samples T test dialogue box 249
11.9 Paired-Samples T test output tables 250
11.10 Variables defined correctly for a Mann–Whitney U-Test 254
11.11 Nonparametric Tests Independent Samples menu option 254
11.12 Mann–Whitney U-Test dialogue box 255
11.13 Mann–Whitney U output table 256
11.14 Mann–Whitney U Model Viewer 256
11.15 Changing the View in Model Viewer 257
11.16 Nonparametric Tests Related Samples menu option 260
11.17 Wilcoxon Test dialogue box 261
11.18 Wilcoxon Model Viewer 262
12.1 Crosstabs menu option 269
12.2 Crosstabs dialogue box 270
12.3 Crosstabs: Cell Display dialogue box 270
12.4 Crosstabs: Statistics dialogue box 271
12.5 Chi-square test output 272
12.6 Linear and non-linear relationships in scatterplots 274
12.7 Correlation menu option 278
12.8 Correlation dialogue box 278
12.9 Pearson correlation coefficient output 279
12.10 Spearman correlation coefficient output 279
13.1 Data used for independent ANOVA 285
13.2 Univariate ANOVA dialogue box 286
13.3 Univariate: Options dialogue box 287
13.4 Univariate: Post Hoc dialogue box 287
13.5 Between-Subjects Factors and Descriptive Statistics output 288
13.6 Tests of Between-Subjects Effects output 289
 List of figures ­xix

13.7 Estimate marginal means 289

13.8 Multiple Comparisons output (post hoc tests) 290
13.9 Homogenous Subtests output 291
13.10 Data used for repeated measures ANOVA 292
13.11 Repeated Measures ANOVA dialogue box: Define Factor(s) 293
13.12 Next Repeated Measures ANOVA dialogue box 294
13.13 Repeated Measures: Options dialogue box 294
13.14 Within-Subjects Factors and Descriptive Statistics output 295
13.15 Multivariate Tests output 296
13.16 Mauchly’s Test of Sphericity output 296
13.17 Tests of Within-Subjects Effects output 297
13.18 Tests of Within-Subjects Contrasts output 297
13.19 Tests of Between-Subjects Effects output 297
13.20 Estimated Marginal Means output 298
13.21 Pairwise Comparisons output 298
13.22 Univariate ANOVA dialogue box for two-way ANOVA 300
13.23 Univariate: Profile Plots 301
13.24 Between-Subjects Factors and Tests of Between-Subjects Effects 302
13.25 Profile Plots for two-way ANOVA 303
13.26 Repeated Measures ANOVA dialogue box (mixed design ANOVA) 304
13.27 Repeated Measures: Options (mixed design ANOVA) 305
13.28 Tests of Within-Subjects Effects and Contrasts (mixed design ANOVA) 306
13.29 Estimated Marginal Means according to drinks and sex
(mixed design ANOVA) 306
13.30 Selecting Nonparametric Tests for K Independent Samples 308
13.31 Tests for Several Independent Samples (Kruskal–Wallis H) 308
13.32 Kruskal–Wallis Test output 309
13.33 Selecting Nonparametric Tests for K Related Samples 310
13.34 Tests for Several Related Samples (Friedman) 310
13.35 Friedman Test output 310
14.1 MANOVA menu option 317
14.2 MANOVA dialogue box 318
14.3 Multivariate: Contrasts dialogue box 318
14.4 Multivariate: Profile Plots dialogue box 319
14.5 Multivariate: Options dialogue box 319
14.6 MANOVA: Between-Subjects Factors and Descriptive Statistics output 320
14.7 MANOVA: Box’s test output 321
14.8 MANOVA: Multivariate Tests output 321
14.9 MANOVA: Levene’s Test output 322
14.10 MANOVA: Tests of Between-Subjects Effects 322
14.11 MANOVA: Custom Hypothesis Tests 324
14.12 MANOVA: Estimated Marginal Means plot for Physical Compone nt
Summary (PCS) 325
14.13 MANOVA: Estimated Marginal Means plot for Mental Component
Summary (MCS) 325
14.14 Discriminant Analysis menu option 327
14.15 Discriminant Analysis dialogue box 327
­xx List of figures

14.16 Discriminant Analysis: Classification dialogue box 328

14.17 Eigenvalues output table 328
14.18 Wilks‘ Lambda output table 329
14.19 Structure matrix output table 329
14.20 Combined groups plot 330
15.1 Descriptive Statistics: Candidate variables for linear regression model 338
15.2 Linear Regression menu option 338
15.3 Linear Regression dialogue box 339
15.4 Linear Regression: Statistics dialogue box 340
15.5 Linear Regression: Results in the output viewer 340
15.6 Linear Regression: Descriptive Statistics output 341
15.7 Linear Regression: Model Summary output 341
15.8 Linear Regression: ANOVA output 341
15.9 Linear Regression: Coefficients output 342
16.1 Component loadings for 10 personality adjectives (before rotation) 357
16.2 Component loadings for 10 personality adjectives (after rotation) 357
16.3 Exploratory Factor Analysis menu option 359
16.4 Factor Analysis dialogue box 360
16.5 Factor Analysis: Descriptives dialogue box 360
16.6 Factor Analysis: Extraction dialogue box (based on eigenvalue) 361
16.7 Factor Analysis: Rotation dialogue box 361
16.8 Principal Components Analysis: Descriptive Statistics output 362
16.9 Principal Components Analysis: KMO and Bartlett’s Test output 363
16.10 Principal Components Analysis: Scree Plot 363
16.11 Factor Analysis: Extraction dialogue box (fixed number of factors) 364
16.12 Factor Analysis: Rotation dialogue box (with Rotated Solution requested) 365
16.13 Factor Analysis: Factor Scores dialogue box 365
16.14 Factor Analysis: Options dialogue box 365
16.15 Principal Components Analysis: Total Variance Explained output 370
16.16 Principal Components Analysis: Component Transformation
Matrix output 370
16.17 Factor scores appended to the data file 371
16.18 Compute menu option 372
16.19 Compute Variable dialogue box 373
16.20 Computed Variable appended to the data file 374
17.1 Finding the appropriate platform on the R website 378
17.2 Downloading the R program file from the R website 378
17.3 Starting R in the Windows Start menu 379
17.4 Setting the CRAN mirror 379
17.5 Setting the working directory 380
17.6 Installing the Rcmdr library 382
17.7 Starting Rcmdr 383
17.8 Importing a data file 383
17.9 Naming the data file, specifying a missing data indicator
and the field separator 384
17.10 Specifying which variables are categorical 384
17.11 Summarising continuous variables 385
 List of figures ­xxi

17.12 Summarising categorical variables 385

17.13 Saving your work 390
17.14 A boxplot produced in R 398
17.15 A graphical representation of a Tukey post-hoc test 399
17.16 A line graph and bar graph of the same data, shown together 401
17.17 Example of the wide format data 402
17.18 Example of the long format data 403
25.1 The model of preparation (adapted from Mayring, 2001) 522
25.2 The model of generalisation (adapted from Mayring, 2001) 523
25.3 The model of profoundisation (adapted from Mayring, 2001) 524
25.4 The model of triangulation (adapted from Mayring, 2001) 525
25.5 A framework for thinking about models of triangulation (Kelle, 2001) 527
25.6 Q-grid for 49 Q statements, showing layout and numerical
values assigned to each position 532
25.7 Flash Q: the initial sort 535
25.8 Flash Q: moving the cards into a forced normal distribution 536
 Guided tour

1
Why research? 5

Starting out in research Box 1.1 Study box

Asch, S. E. (1956). Studies of independence and conformity: I. A minority of one
against a unanimous majority. Psychological Monographs, 70 (9) (whole issue,
no. 416).

Asch recruited participants for a study on participants (starting at the front) call out the
‘visual perception’. If you were a partici- correct answer. However, in the third round
pant you would find yourself seated in the of the test with yet another board (once again
second to last row in a laboratory (with only with an obvious line match), the first partic-
■ This chapter explains why we need good-quality research in
one person behind you) and six to eight ipant calls out the wrong line letter, and so
psychology. people in front of you. You would not realise does the next person and the next (six people
that the other participants (who are all con- in total) until it is your turn. Of course, you
■ It begins by introducing social science research and the philosophy federates, that is, people working with the think you would give the correct answer
underpinning it. experimenter) forced you into this seating regardless of what everyone else said as it was
position. You are asked to judge the lengths obvious what was the correct answer. Well,
■ It then covers the differences between quantitative and qualitative of vertical lines drawn on a board at the front it is not that simple. Asch found that one in
research methods. of the room. There is one standard line and three people went along with the group and
three comparison lines. All the people in gave the wrong answer when it came to their
■ Finally, this chapter will introduce you to the nature of the research the room are asked to call out which line is turn to call out the letter of the matching
process itself, including the vital role of searching the literature. the same length as the standard line. The line. Asch knew that the choice was obvious
answer is very obvious as one line is the same because he repeated the experiment with par-
length and the other two lines are either ticipants writing their answers privately on
much shorter or longer than the standard paper and the judgements were almost totally
line. Answers are called out person by person error free (less than 1 per cent of mistakes). It
from front to back along the rows. In the first was obvious to Asch that the participant went
test everyone announces the correct answer along with the group because of the effect
INTRODUCTION
and calls out the letter attached to the line of group pressure and the desire to conform.
that matches the length of the standard line This finding was found time and time again
Let us start the journey. Research methods are the backbone of the social sci- shown on the board. Then the experimenter as Asch and others replicated the experiment,
ences and vital to the production of knowledge in psychology. They may not appear puts up a board with another standard line and it has established itself as an extremely
to be the most entertaining of topics to study but we promise to try to entertain and three comparison lines (again with one strong and stable psychological finding about
obvious match). Once again, one by one, the human nature.
you as long as you promise to read. If we had one wish as teachers of research
methods it would be for all of our students to read about them. Like all good
(although maybe our students should be the judge of that) teachers we provide up-
to-date reading lists at the start of all our courses and talk to our students through The Asch studies used an innovative experimental method to manipulate the
all the books on offer. But we are pretty sure a lot of our students do not read participants and demonstrate a particular aspect of human behaviour. The
thing to remember from this example is that the fascinating findings obtained
much about research methods and we cannot really blame them. Most research
about conformity and group pressure only happened through appropriate
methods textbooks are not the sort of thing you want to sit down and read from
knowledge and use of research methods. Without an understanding of research
cover to cover, especially when you have the allure of other more intrinsically inter- methods we would not be able to carry out studies like this and make claims
esting books (or the pub, of course). But we guarantee you will find your degree in about human nature that are any better than ‘common sense’, and psychology
psychology goes a lot smoother with a little reading about research methods, so would be a much more limited discipline.
stick with it and give it your best shot. You may even like what you read.

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Each chapter begins with an Introduction

M01_LANG6873_03_SE_C01.indd 3 28/11/12 5:12 PM
Study boxes highlight the application of
that sets up the topic and outlines what will the method being discussed through classic
be covered. and cutting-edge research in psychology.

Operationalising variables 41 Sorting and splitting files 203

Sorting data
2.1 Operationalising variables
When data are entered into SPSS it is not normally important which partici-
pants’ data are entered first (there is no need to enter all women and then all
When we try to explicitly define and then measure variables, or constructs, we men, for instance). Most of the time it is acceptable to enter each participant’s
say that we are operationalising variables. Try to define some of your own vari- data in turn, perhaps by having an ID number as the first variable. However,
ables and see how you get on – it is not as easy as it seems (Box 2.1). you may wish to sort your data into some meaningful order, and SPSS has a
number of procedures to enable you to do this. So, for instance, let us say you
wished to arrange your data with women first and men second. The instruc-
tions for this task are given in Box 9.1.
Box 2.1
Activity box Operationalising variables
Box 9.1
Command box Sorting data
■ Try to write your own definitions of the following constructs:

1 Self-esteem
1 Open the file IRMDA_SPSS.sav file available on the book website, by click-
2 Anxiety ing on File, Open, Data and then clicking on the file name. In Variable
3 Love View, look at how gender has been coded, by clicking on the Values cell.
■ How did you find it? The last one, in particular, is not easy. Now try to
2 Click on Data on the top menu bar.
think through how you could measure these constructs. What variables do
you need to explicitly define and how would you measure them? 3 Click on Sort Cases on the drop-down menu. This will bring up an
‘options box’ where you can select the variable(s) you wish to sort your
■ Yes, that was even harder. We guarantee that by the end of this book, if
data by (see Fig. 9.7).
you stick with it, you will be considerably better at being able to define
and measure constructs.

We all have common-sense understandings of self-esteem, anxiety and love, so

there must be some mutual understanding of these constructs. What we need
to do in psychology is draw out these common understandings (and also quite
possibly elements that are not commonly understood) and make them explicit
so that we can measure them. So, how would we measure self-esteem? Well,
there are a number of standardised tests (such as the Rosenberg Self-Esteem
Inventory) for self-esteem that are in widespread use in psychological research.
The most commonly used version of the Rosenberg Self-Esteem Inventory con-
sists of ten statements (including statements such as ‘I like myself’). Responses
to these statements are measured using a four-point scale (a Likert scale),
recording how much you agree or disagree with the statement (1 = I disagree
very much, 2 = I disagree, 3 = I agree and 4 = I agree very much). This test is Figure 9.7 Sorting data
considered to be a valid and reliable measure of self-esteem (these concepts are
discussed in detail in the next chapter) and has been tested on a wide variety 4 Click on the variable you want to sort your data by (gender is highlighted
of populations. It is these qualities that enable us to state that the test has been here) and then click on the Variable Picker button to the right (see Fig.
standardised. Tests of these kinds are available to measure many psychological 9.8) to select your variable. When you click on the Variable Picker button
constructs and are widely used in psychological research (and clinical settings). you will see the variable you selected appear in the empty white box on the
right. If you want to remove this item then you just click on the Variable
However, sometimes we have to create our own scales (see Chapter 5), and
Picker button again (which is now pointing in the opposite direction).
▲

we do this by defining our variables and operationalising their measurement.

The important point, however, is that we need to be clear, unambiguous and
explicit about what it is we are measuring.

M09_LANG6873_03_SE_C09.indd 203 28/11/12 5:22 PM

Activity boxes suggest quick things you

M02_LANG6873_03_SE_C02.indd 41 28/11/12 5:12 PM
Command boxes provide detailed
can do to apply a concept yourself. They step-by-step instructions on carrying out
also include hints and tips on how this statistical analysis using the latest version
learning can be taken further. of SPSS. They are linked to SPSS files
available on the website.

xxii
 guided tour xxiii

424 Chapter 19 / Transcribing, coding and organising textual data

240 Chapter 11 / Bivariate analysis 1: exploring differences between variables

19.2 Systems of transcription Predicting direction has an important effect on the interpretation of signifi-
cance using values of t. When we have a one-tailed t-test the 5 per cent value
becomes a 2.5 per cent value. This is because the 5 per cent value of t includes
There is no universal system for transcription. The simple approach detailed both ends of the distribution (2.5 per cent in each end). If we do not correct this
above is adequate for much qualitative research but not all. Those approaches and use the 10 per cent value of t (which gives us the 5 per cent value for one tail)
to research that focus on language and language use, such as discourse analysis, with a one-tailed test then there is less likelihood of finding a significant effect
some forms of narrative analysis and conversation analysis (which is men- (because we are judging t against a higher standard). If you are calculating a t-test
tioned in Chapter 22), require a much more detailed level of transcription. But by hand you will often need to look up the 10 per cent value of t for a one-tailed
there are many different approaches to the analysis of language, and different test at the 5 per cent level (but not in this book as we have included columns for
one- and two-tailed tests). If you are using SPSS to calculate a t-test it will look up
approaches tend to use different systems of transcription. Even within the same
the appropriate value of t for you and report the significance. As you might have
approach there are disagreements over which system of transcription to use.
realised, a result may be significant with a one-tailed test when it is not significant
What do we mean by ‘system’? Well, when we said the approach detailed
with a two-tailed test. You must remember that any predictions of direction need
above was simple, that was not an understatement. While a verbatim record
to be made before the test is carried out and ideally should be grounded in estab-
that focuses on the content of what was said may be adequate for a phenom-
lished theory. It is bad practice to hunt around for significant results and then
enological analysis or grounded theory, it is most certainly not adequate for
make up some post hoc (after the event) explanation for predicting direction.
discourse or conversation analysis. This is because it does not record the con-
versation in sufficient detail. The important thing to remember is that spoken
language not only involves verbal information but also the prosodic (pho-
nological elements of spoken language such as intonation and stress), the 11.3 Calculating an independent groups t-test
paralinguistic (non-phonemic aspects of language, such as whether a word was
said in a joking manner or seriously) and the extralinguistic (non-linguistic ele-
ments of speaking, such as gestures). The formula and instructions for calculating an independent groups t-test by
The very fine level of analysis in which a discourse or conversation analyst hand are given in Box 11.1. Instructions for obtaining an independent groups t-test
engages includes analysis of all these aspects of language, for they believe (and using SPSS are given in Box 11.2. Both examples of the t-test given here (the calcula-
argue very strongly) that this information is necessary for understanding what tion by hand and the one using SPSS) will use the same data (detailed in Box 11.1).
is meant in an utterance (O’Connell & Kowal, 1995). This means that we need Further information about interpreting the SPSS output is also given below.
to include more information than simply verbal information in a transcript if
we wish to conduct a linguistic analysis of this kind. Therefore we need a com- Box 11.1
prehensive system to record and code all this extra information into a written
form. No system is perfect, however, and there are therefore arguments over Stats box Calculating an independent groups t-test
which system is best and/or most appropriate for a particular form of analysis.
One of the most widely used transcription systems is the Jefferson system. Gail
Formula for calculating an independent groups t-test
Jefferson developed this system, and a complete description can be found in
Atkinson & Heritage (1984). See Box 19.2 for an example and very brief intro- XA 2 XB
t5
Q a XA R Q a XB R
duction to some features of this system.
c a X2A 2 d 1 c a X2B 2
2 2

d
(NA 2 1) NB 1 1
Box 19.2 ã 3a 1 b
(NA 2 1) 1 (NB 2 1) NA NB
Information box
We know – it looks horrific! The trick with all formulae is to break them down
The Jefferson system of transcription into sections and tackle each section at a time. There are lots of discrete units
in the formula above, most of which should be quite familiar to you. There
are symbols for the mean, sigma (o – meaning add up the set of numbers)
P: well if you wanna the::n wot you mean and N (the number of numbers in the set), and that is about it. If you treat all
[
I: yes formulae as sets of instructions and tackle each element step by step, you will
P: is that I (0.5) can see ((sighs)) him find them a breeze. If you still struggle, take heart from the fact that most of
us now use SPSS to do the maths.

▲
▲

M11_LANG6873_03_SE_C11.indd 240 27/11/12 8:37 PM

Information boxes offer tips and examples

M19_LANG6873_03_SE_C19.indd 424 27/02/13 5:18 PM

Statistics boxes demonstrate how to do

to help you plan research, avoid common common statistical calculations by hand.
mistakes and carry out a successful research
project.

Calculating a one-way ANOVA 285 Further reading 465

Box 13.1, however, provides information about the slightly more complex psychologists would argue that grounded theorists end up inappropriately
method (using the General Linear Model command). We think this method moving from a human science, with the principal aim being to describe the
should be preferred for a one-way ANOVA, because it can be used no matter richness of our lived experiences, to a natural science, with the principal aim
how many factors you have in your ANOVA model. being prediction and control. For, while the aims and methods of the natural
sciences have undoubtedly been useful in biology, physics and chemistry, they
have not and cannot produce the same dividends when investigating human
Box 13.1
nature. For more on the distinction between natural and human sciences see
Data box Data used for independent ANOVA Giorgi (1985b).

The data file being used here is called RMB_IND_ANOVA.SAV and is available
from the book website. Fig. 13.1 shows how the data are entered in SPSS. It is the Further reading
raw data from a hypothetical study of the effect of three different educational
interventions (‘condition’) on end of year performance (measured on an over-
all scholastic aptitude test scored
Bryant, A. & Charmaz, K. (eds.) (2010). The Sage Handbook of Grounded Theory. London:
0 to 50) for young men and Sage.
women (age 16) at school. The
first condition (scored 1) involved A very comprehensive overview of the method with contributions from many of the
no active intervention and is leading figures in the field. The book covers everything from the origins and history to
debates and the practicalities of carrying out research.
therefore considered the control
group. Educational intervention Charmaz, K. (1995). Grounded theory. In J. A. Smith, R. Harré & L. Van Langenhove
A (scored 2) was a career guid- (Eds) Rethinking Methods in Psychology. London: Sage.
ance intervention where pupils
An excellent introductory chapter on grounded theory method with plenty of exam-
were counselled about future ples from the author’s own research on the experience of chronic illness.
careers. Educational intervention
B (scored 3) was a motivational Charmaz, K. (2006). Constructing Grounded Theory: A Practical Guide Through Qualitative
intervention where pupils were Analysis. London: Sage.
given motivational seminars to A very clear and practical book on the constructionist approach to grounded theory of
encourage achievement. Kathy Charmaz.
■ The dependent variable is per- Corbin, J. & Strauss, A. (2008). Basics of Qualitative Research, 3rd edn. London: Sage.
formance on the end of year
A detailed guide to the practicalities of grounded theory, following the approach of
scholastic aptitude test (‘test’). Strauss and Corbin (updated from the 2nd edition by Juliet Corbin alone following the
■ There are two factors that death of Anselm Strauss in 1996).
can be investigated: Factor 1 Glaser, B. G. & Strauss, A. L. (1967). The Discovery of Grounded Theory: Strategies for
is the educational interven- Qualitative Research. Chicago: Aldine.
tion (‘condition’), which has
The beginning of grounded theory and therefore a classic. There is information on the
three conditions (Control (1),
theoretical basis and clear guidance on carrying out research. It is well worth reading
A (2) or B (3)); Factor 2 is sex
but should be located within a particular historical, political and disciplinary context.
of pupil (‘sex’), which has two
That is, the authors were presenting a radical alternative to current work in sociology,
conditions (1 or 2, where 1 5 Figure 13.1 Data used for independent which necessitated a particularly polemical style.
female pupils and 2 5 male ANOVA
pupils).

Data boxes give further detail on the data

M13_LANG6873_03_SE_C13.indd 285 27/11/12 9:02 PM
Each chapter ends with further reading
used within examples. suggestions – helpful books and websites
M21_LANG6873_03_SE_C21.indd 465 27/02/13 5:23 PM

that will give you a deeper understanding

of what you’ve learnt.
 Preface

This book aims to present a comprehensive introduction to research methods

and data analysis for undergraduate students in psychology. It should provide
students with a single textbook to cover the majority of topics they will typically
encounter in an undergraduate course in psychology.
This book is unusual because of the coverage of quantitative and qualitative
methodologies. While there are many books that aim to introduce either quan-
titative or qualitative methods, there are very few books that address both. It is
also worth noting that those books that do claim to cover both quantitative and
qualitative approaches invariably fail to provide sufficient depth on one or the
other for most undergraduate courses in psychology.
In addition, this book introduces students to the range of research methods
used in psychology using topical real-life examples wherever possible. Considera-
ble coverage is given on the analysis of data from both quantitative (by hand and
using IBM® SPSS® Statistics version 19.0*) (‘SPSS’) and qualitative perspectives.
The material on the analysis of data is predominantly non-mathematical with
formulae kept to a minimum. Increasing numbers of students in psychology lack
any formal mathematical training and often find the mathematical presentation
of data analysis highly alienating. While it is recognised that some key concepts
require the use of basic mathematics, the widespread use of computer packages
for the analysis of data means that students can learn statistics ‘by doing’, not
simply by following mathematical formulae.
The book also includes activity boxes (which can be used by lecturers or tu-
tors for class/laboratory activities), study boxes (detailing published research) and
information boxes. It is thought that this organisational structure should best
facilitate student learning, and the use of the book in classroom and laboratory
activities by university lecturers. The accompanying website (see below) provides
easy access to these sources.
The principal readers will be first, second and possibly third year undergradu-
ates on psychology degrees. Students on courses in sociology, health sciences,
applied and generic social sciences, cultural studies, business studies and the hu-
manities may also find this book of value. Professionals from a variety of other
disciplines wanting a simple yet comprehensive guide to psychological research
methods and data analysis may also find this text of use.

Structure of the book

The book consists of four parts:

*SPSS was acquired by IBM in October 2009

­xxiv
 Preface ­xxv

■ Part 1 provides information on research methods. This includes details of the

philosophy underpinning the discipline and the distinction between quantitative
and qualitative methods. There is detailed advice on searching and reviewing
the literature along with information on a number of key issues including the
need for accuracy in measuring variables, reliability, validity, sampling and
much more. This section also provides coverage on the range of methods used
by psychologists to collect data with guidance on interviews, observation, ex-
periments, questionnaires and psychometric tests. There is also a chapter pro-
viding advice on conducting ‘e-research’.
■ Part 2 provides coverage of the quantitative analysis of data and introduces
the reader to the use of IBM SPSS Statistics (version 19.0) (‘SPSS’). This section
begins with coverage of the fundamentals of statistics and then moves pro-
gressively through the most commonly used statistical tests in psychological
research today. Information is provided on the calculation of these statistics
by hand (where useful) and by using SPSS. A new chapter on factor analysis
is included in this edition. For the really keen, there is an introduction to the
open access statistics software called ‘R’. At the end of Chapter 15 there is a
statistical flowchart designed to guide the reader through the selection of ap-
propriate statistical tests.
■ Part 3 covers qualitative methods of analysis and introduces the reader to phe-
nomenological approaches, grounded theory, discourse analysis and life story/
narrative research. The section begins by providing further discussion of the phil-
osophical issues underpinning qualitative and quantitative research. Information
is provided on transcription and coding before moving on to cover each of the
major approaches to qualitative research in use today. There is also coverage of
the use of computers in qualitative analysis and also a chapter on mixed methods.
■ Part 4 covers the important issues of ethics and politics along with informa-
tion and guidance on reporting and presenting your findings. This edition
now includes an annotated example of a report write-up to provide further
guidance on the presentation of reports in psychology.
Although the book is designed to be read from Chapter 1 through to Chapter 27,
the interested reader should be able to dip into any of the chapters without too
much difficulty. Most chapters do not rely on others for understanding, but readers
new to research methods are advised to progress through the book from Chapter 1
to Chapter 27 to maximise their understanding.

Supplementary material
Additional student and lecturer material for this book is provided on an accom-
panying website (www.pearsoned.co.uk/langdridge). The following student/ lecturer
items are available:
■ multiple choice questions to test your knowledge;
■ weblinks to useful sites to help you explore relevant topics in greater depth;
■ downloadable datasets and text files to accompany exercises and examples
from Parts 2 and 3 in the book;
■ a guide with useful tips and common traps.
 Acknowledgements

I would like to take this opportunity to thank Graham Gibbs, Dallas Cliff and
Sue Frost for all the support given to me during my time at the University of
Huddersfield when the first edition of this book was written. Thanks also to
Trevor Butt, Donna Gornall and Rudy Van Kemenade for feedback on chapters
in the first edition.
Darren Langdridge

I would like to thank Martha Whiteman and Tony Coxon for their ongoing advice
and encouragement. For regular snippets of useful knowledge, I am ­indebted
to Andrew Wawrzyniak, Jeremy Miles and Andy Fugard. I am also grateful to
­colleagues at University College London for their support.
Gareth Hagger-Johnson

­xxvi
 Publisher’s acknowledgements

We are grateful to the following for permission to reproduce copyright material:

Figures
Figures 1.2, 1.3, 1.4, 1.5, 1.6 OvidSP screenshots using PsycINFO® database, used
with permission of Ovid Technologies, Inc. The PsycINFO® Database screenshots
are reproduced with permission of the American Psychological Association, pub-
lisher of the PsycINFO database, all rights reserved. No further reproduction or
distribution is permitted without written permission from the American Psycho-
logical Association; Figure 9.1 and other Microsoft products screenshots reprinted
with permission from Microsoft Corporation; Figures 9.2, 9.3, 9.4, 9.5, 9.6, 9.7,
9.8, 9.9, 9.10, 9.11, 9.12, 9.13, 9.14, 9.15, 10.1, 10.2, 10.3, 10.4, 10.5, 10.6, 10.7,
10.9, 10.10, 10.11, 10.13, 10.14, 10.16, 10.17, 10.18, 10.20, 10.21, 11.2, 11.3, 11.4,
11.6, 11.7, 11.8, 11.10, 11.11, 11.12, 11.14, 11.15, 11.16, 11.17, 11.18, 12.1, 12.2,
12.3, 12.4, 12.7, 12.8, 13.1, 13.2, 13.3, 13.4, 13.10, 13.11, 13.12, 13.13, 13.22,
13.23, 13.26, 13.27, 13.30, 13.31, 13.33, 13.34, 14.1, 14.2, 14.3, 14.4, 14.5, 14.6,
14.14, 14.15, 14.16, 15.1, 15.2, 15.3, 15.4, 15.5, 16.3, 16.4, 16.5, 16.6, 16.7, 16.9,
16.11, 16.12, 16.13, 16.14, 16.18, 16.19, 16.20 IBM SPSS Statistics screenshots,
reprinted courtesy of International Business Machines Corporation, © SPSS, Inc.,
an IBM Company. SPSS was acquired by IBM in October, 2009. IBM, the IBM logo,
ibm.com, and SPSS are trademarks of International Business Machines Corp.,
registered in many jurisdictions worldwide. Other product and service names
might be trademarks of IBM or other companies. A current list of IBM trade-
marks is available on the Web at “IBM Copyright and trademark information” at
www.ibm.com/legal/copytrade.shtml.; Figures 17.1, 17.2, 17.3, 17.4, 17.5, 17.6, 17.7,
17.8, 17.13, 17.14, 17.15, 17.16, 17.17, 17.18 from R: A Language and Environ-
ment for Statistical Computing. (R Development Core Team 2008) Vienna, Austria:
R Foundation for Statistical Computing (www.R-project.org) (ISBN 3-900051-07-0);
Figures 17.9, 17.10, 17.11, 17.12 showing R Commander from Fox, J., 27 October
2008, courtesy of John Fox; Figure on page 486 from Didgeridoo Records flyer dis-
tributed in Songbird (CD) by Eva Cassidy, Beyond the Sea Limited, special thanks
to Martin Jennings; Figures 25.1, 25.2, 25.3, 25.4 adapted from Combination and
integration of qualitative and quantitative analysis, Forum Qualitative Sozialforsc-
hung/Forum Qualitative Social Research, Vol. 2 (1), Art. 6, p. 8, Abb. 2 (Mayring, P.
2001), http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0114-fqs010162

­xxvii
­xxviii Publisher’s acknowledgements

Tables
Table 7.2 adapted from Conducting Research on the Internet: Guidelines for ethical
­practice in psychological research online (2007) p. 2, Table 1, © The British Psycho-
logical Society 2007; Table A.4 adapted from An Introduction to Statistics in Psy-
chology, 4th ed., Pearson Education (Howitt, D. and Cramer, D. 2008) pp. 486–7,
Appendix C, © Pearson Education Ltd. 2000, 2008; Table A.5 adapted from An
Introduction to Statistics in Psychology, 4th ed., Pearson Education (Howitt, D. and
Cramer, D. 2008) pp. 488–9, Appendix D, © Pearson Education Ltd. 2000, 2008.

Text
Box 1.6 Boolean operators in PsycINFO, http://www.ovid.com/site/help/documentation/
ospa/en/syntax.htm, used with permission of Ovid Technologies, Inc.; Box 7.8 from
Ethical issues in qualitative research on internet communities, British Medical
Journal, 323 (7321), pp. 1103–5 (Eysenbach, G. & Till, J. E. 2001), with permis-
sion from BMJ Publishing Group Ltd.; Box 22.2 from Discourse Dynamics: Critical
Analysis for Social and Individual Psychology, Routledge (Parker, I. 1992) pp. 6–22;
Box 26.1 adapted from Guidelines for Psychologists Working with Animals (2007) ©
The British Psychological Society 2007, reproduced with permission.

In some instances we have been unable to trace the owners of copyright material,
and we would appreciate any information that would enable us to do so.
Part

1 Introducing research methods

1 Starting out in research 3

2 Variables: definitions and measurement 40
3 Reliability, validity, sampling and groups 50
4 Collecting data 1: interviews and observation 61
5 Collecting data 2: questionnaires and psychometric tests 87
6 Collecting data 3: experimental and quasi-experimental designs 113
7 E-research 137
This page intentionally left blank
1 Starting out in research

■ This chapter explains why we need good-quality research in

psychology.
■ It begins by introducing social science research and the philosophy
underpinning it.
■ It then covers the differences between quantitative and qualitative
research methods.
■ Finally, this chapter will introduce you to the nature of the research
process itself, including the vital role of searching the literature.

INTRODUCTION

Let us start the journey. Research methods are the backbone of the social sci-
ences and vital to the production of knowledge in psychology. They may not appear
to be the most entertaining of topics to study but we promise to try to entertain
you as long as you promise to read. If we had one wish as teachers of research
methods it would be for all of our students to read about them. Like all good
(although maybe our students should be the judge of that) teachers we provide up-
to-date reading lists at the start of all our courses and talk to our students through
all the books on offer. But we are pretty sure a lot of our students do not read
much about research methods and we cannot really blame them. Most research
methods textbooks are not the sort of thing you want to sit down and read from
cover to cover, especially when you have the allure of other more intrinsically inter-
esting books (or the pub, of course). But we guarantee you will find your degree in
psychology goes a lot smoother with a little reading about research methods, so
stick with it and give it your best shot. You may even like what you read.
­4 Chapter 1 / Starting out in research

1.1 Why research?

We will start by explaining just what research methods are and why you need
to complete several years of courses on research methods and data analysis
during a degree in any social science, but most especially in psychology. In
short, research is the systematic study of some topic in order to find answers
to questions. In psychology these questions are invariably (though not
exclusively) about people – while in chemistry, for example, they are about
chemical things. The important issue at stake here is what evidence we can
provide for the questions we ask and the answers we give. So, if we want to
know whether there is a difference between men and women in driving abil-
ity and, most particularly, whether women are safer drivers, we would want
to provide evidence for any claims we make. Every day we see, hear and read
things based on so-called ‘common sense’:
■ Watching sex on television is harmful to children (or violence on television
produces a more violent society).
■ Children living with single parents do less well in school than children living
with two parents.
■ Women are more naturally caring and therefore make better parents than
men.
■ Men are better at mathematics than women.

However, these beliefs are often based on prejudice, speculation or just simply
misinformation. Unless we have evidence, from good-quality research (and it
is very important that the research is good quality), we cannot make any reli-
able claims for or against these statements. As good psychological researchers we
want better than that. Why else do we study this subject? We want to be able to
contribute to debates such as these, understand more about human nature and
provide evidence that either supports or challenges statements such as these. And
this is why we need to know about methods of research and data analysis. Only
through knowledge of research methods can we carry out good-quality research
that elevates our findings above the opinion and speculation that we encounter
on an almost daily basis on TV, in the papers or in everyday conversation.
We need to think only of some classic psychological findings to realise the
value of good-quality research. The studies by Solomon Asch (1951, 1952, 1956)
on group conformity are a good example (see Box 1.1).
 Why research? ­5

Box 1.1 Study box

Asch, S. E. (1956). Studies of independence and conformity: I. A minority of one
against a unanimous majority. Psychological Monographs, 70 (9) (whole issue,
no. 416).

Asch recruited participants for a study on participants (starting at the front) call out the
‘visual perception’. If you were a partici- correct answer. However, in the third round
pant you would find yourself seated in the of the test with yet another board (once again
second to last row in a laboratory (with only with an obvious line match), the first partic-
one person behind you) and six to eight ipant calls out the wrong line letter, and so
people in front of you. You would not realise does the next person and the next (six people
that the other participants (who are all con- in total) until it is your turn. Of course, you
federates, that is, people working with the think you would give the correct answer
experimenter) forced you into this seating regardless of what everyone else said as it was
position. You are asked to judge the lengths obvious what was the correct answer. Well,
of vertical lines drawn on a board at the front it is not that simple. Asch found that one in
of the room. There is one standard line and three people went along with the group and
three comparison lines. All the people in gave the wrong answer when it came to their
the room are asked to call out which line is turn to call out the letter of the matching
the same length as the standard line. The line. Asch knew that the choice was obvious
answer is very obvious as one line is the same because he repeated the experiment with par-
length and the other two lines are either ticipants writing their answers privately on
much shorter or longer than the standard paper and the judgements were almost totally
line. Answers are called out person by person error free (less than 1 per cent of mistakes). It
from front to back along the rows. In the first was obvious to Asch that the participant went
test everyone announces the correct answer along with the group because of the effect
and calls out the letter attached to the line of group pressure and the desire to conform.
that matches the length of the standard line This finding was found time and time again
shown on the board. Then the experimenter as Asch and others replicated the experiment,
puts up a board with another standard line and it has established itself as an extremely
and three comparison lines (again with one strong and stable psychological finding about
obvious match). Once again, one by one, the human nature.

The Asch studies used an innovative experimental method to manipulate the

participants and demonstrate a particular aspect of human behaviour. The
thing to remember from this example is that the fascinating findings obtained
about conformity and group pressure only happened through appropriate
knowledge and use of research methods. Without an understanding of research
methods we would not be able to carry out studies like this and make claims
about human nature that are any better than ‘common sense’, and psychology
would be a much more limited discipline.
­6 Chapter 1 / Starting out in research

1.2 A very brief history of science

First we must begin by stating that this will be a very (!) brief history of psy-
chological research (if you want to explore the history of psychology and the
social sciences in more detail, look at the Further reading section at the end
of the chapter for some suggested reading material). We will move rapidly
(and superficially) through a great deal of history in order to show how cur-
rent debates about particular approaches to research methods came about. We
will also introduce you to several new ideas, which should enable you to under-
stand more about the nature of psychological research today (and the structure
of this book).

The beginnings of science

Social research as we know it today emerged out of a scientific age. Very early
thinkers (before the sixteenth century) who wrote about human nature tended
to speculate at a very general level about the nature of humanity and/or rely
on their status as an ‘authority’ for justification of their arguments. Often these
speculations were sophisticated and insightful but they were rarely based on
evidence collected in a systematic manner. However, Francis Bacon (1561–1626)
and Isaac Newton (1642–1727), working in the physical sciences (what we now
tend to understand as biology, chemistry and physics), clearly and widely dem-
onstrated the value of empirical work in making claims about the world. That
is, work based on experience – invariably through observation of or experimen-
tation with the natural world rather than theory or speculation. It is important
to note that early scientists such as these still thought they were studying proc-
esses created by God, albeit in scientific ways. This scientific approach emerged
as a force to be reckoned with, as it enabled technological innovations that had
practical and beneficial impact on life at that time.
It is perhaps not surprising given the success of the physical sciences that
many of the early figures in the social sciences wanted to position their work
within the realm of science, for with science came credibility and respectability.
So, for instance, Sigmund Freud (1856–1939) proclaimed his work to be the sci-
entific study of human nature. At that time it was widely believed that the same
scientific methods were applicable to both the physical and the social sciences,
and indeed this belief continues to this day among many psychologists. Freud,
one of the early psychological theorists and founder of psychoanalytic theory,
used clinical case studies based on therapeutic interviews with his patients to
generate data and then theories (we talk more about these particular methods
in Chapter 4). His theories about human nature came from close observation
of his patients and led to an enormous body of work, which still influences the
discipline today. Psychoanalytic theory has, however, been subject to consider-
able criticism for not being scientific at all despite the claims of its founder to
the contrary. The over-reliance on clinical case study to provide data has led to
charges of bias in the data collected. But perhaps the most significant criticism
 A very brief history of science ­7

that is levelled at psychoanalytic theory concerns the perceived lack of concrete

testable statements about the theory. Instead, critics have argued that psycho-
analytic theory is not scientific at all, for (1) there is little possibility of testing
the imprecise statements that stem from theory, and (2) even when evidence
provides a challenge to the statement it is not rejected but merely modified
to fit the evidence. We will come back to some of these issues later when dis-
cussing the work of the philosopher Karl Popper, who strongly argued against
psychoanalysis as a science (and also again in Chapter 18 when introducing
qualitative methods).
Later psychological theorists have tended, often as a reaction against psy-
choanalysis, to embrace (what they believed to be) scientific methods more
strongly (often more strongly than theorists in the natural sciences!). For
instance, behaviourism emerged as the dominant approach to psychology in
the middle of the twentieth century. Behaviourists concentrated on only that
which was directly observable and dismissed research into the workings of the
mind (like psychoanalysis and what we now call cognitive psychology) as unsci-
entific. They believed that only through study of directly observable events
could psychology be a truly scientific discipline. In their defence, this is not
an untenable position. There are good philosophical arguments that lend sup-
port to this position. Needless to say, many others disagreed with this position.
Cognitive psychologists believed that it was possible, and indeed scientific, to
study the workings of the mind. This position became more and more influ-
ential, and in the early 1980s cognitive psychology became the dominant
theoretical approach in the discipline. At the same time, interest in behaviour-
ism lessened. Although interest in behaviourism still continues to this day,
it is no longer the dominant approach to psychological research that it once
was. More recently, we can see other movements in the discipline that provide
radical challenges to the dominant cognitivism. These approaches do not neces-
sarily seek to be scientific at all and provide an alternative to more ‘traditional’
scientific psychological research. We will talk more about these recent devel-
opments later in this chapter and then again in Part 3 when we introduce the
range of qualitative research methods within psychology that have assumed
increasing importance in recent years.

So what is science?
This is not as simple a question as it seems. Although many people believe there
is a single approach to method that we call science, the truth is that the criteria
for scientific knowledge are controversial and subject to considerable debate.
The desire to clearly explicate the scientific method exists because it is believed
by many that only through use of the scientific method can we be confident in
the quality of the knowledge we obtain about the world.
Perhaps the easiest way to answer the question posed at the start of this sec-
tion is to contrast knowledge about the world obtained through science (or
scientific investigation) with ordinary everyday (or ‘common-sense’) knowl-
edge. Chalmers (1999: 1) starts his excellent discussion of the philosophy of
­8 Chapter 1 / Starting out in research

science through an examination of the widely held ‘common-sense’ view of

science:

When it is claimed that science is special because it is based on the facts, the
facts are presumed to be claims about the world that can be directly estab-
lished by a careful, unprejudiced use of the senses. Science is to be based
on what we can see, hear and touch rather than personal opinions or spec-
ulative imaginings. If observation of the world is carried out in a careful,
unprejudiced way then the facts established in this way will constitute a
secure, objective basis for science.

This mistaken view still remains a widely held view about the nature of science.
It is this understanding of science, in various guises, that has been taken up by
many social scientists and most particularly psychologists. As you can see, the
two factors that mark out science from everyday knowledge in this formula-
tion are that we (1) acquire information about the world through experience
and (2) that the information we acquire in this way is objective. The first claim,
that science should be based on empirical evidence (evidence acquired through
experience, observation, experimentation and so on), is less controversial for
psychologists as many (but not all) would support this position. Without empir-
ical data derived from good-quality research many psychologists believe we
would have no findings and therefore no evidence to enable us to make claims
about human nature.1 However, even this first issue is not as straightforward
as it seems, for many ‘mature sciences’ such as physics do not simply rely on
the collection of data for their advancement. Indeed, some of the most impor-
tant and exciting work in physics is theoretical and not empirical at all. The
second statement, that science (and therefore psychology if it claims to be a sci-
ence) must be objective, is even more controversial. Many psychologists would
support this claim and believe strongly that one of the central purposes of
research methods is to enable us to collect empirical data that are objective and
free from bias. These people believe that this approach enables psychologists
to make stronger claims about human nature than those based on subjective
information derived through everyday experience. While many, if not all,
psychologists would wish for their research to be privileged above common
sense, not all believe that we can claim the work we do is objective. Instead

1 It is important to clarify what we mean by empirical (and empiricist) here. In a very strict
sense empiricism is based on the assumption that all knowledge claims about the world
must be derived through direct experience of the world (through our five senses). Very
few people would subscribe to this very strict definition today as it is generally believed
that direct experience does not provide incontrovertible access to truths about the world.
However, modern-day adherents of empiricism believe that gathering data (often through
experimentation using instruments and tests rather than through direct experience) does
move us closer to the truth than theoretical argument alone. Willig (2001) clearly and
importantly marks out the difference between the terms empiricism and empirical as fol-
lows: ‘While “empiricist” refers to the attitude that all knowledge claims must be grounded
in data, “empirical” is a descriptive term referring to research involving the collection and
analysis of data’ (p. 4). And psychology is very much an empirical discipline.
 A very brief history of science ­9

these psychologists argue that a more useful (and better/more accurate/realis-

tic) understanding of the nature of the discipline comes about when we do in
fact explicitly recognise the subjective nature of the research process. We will
come back to these issues in more detail later when we discuss the differences
between quantitative and qualitative research in the social sciences.

Induction
Induction is the process by which scientists decide on the basis of multiple
observations or experiments that some theory is true or not. If we observe nat-
ural phenomena, such as the effect of a Bunsen burner flame on a chemical
element like sodium, we can conclude, on the basis of multiple observations, a
general principle: that all sodium glows orange when heated with a flame. The
common nature of induction is that through a finite number of observations
(or experiments) we generate a general conclusion for all such future obser-
vations (or experiments). A great deal of science relies on this principle. Drug
efficacy and safety provides one obvious example. On the basis of repeated drug
trials we learn which drugs are effective in treating which conditions and we
also learn which drugs are safe for us to consume and which are not. Because
we have repeatedly found a drug to work (and be safe) in these trials, we con-
clude that it will always act in this way in the future.
However, there is a problem with the method of induction that has chal-
lenged philosophers of science for many years. The problem is a simple one
to pose but a very difficult one to answer (if it is possible to answer at all):
how can a finite number of observations about some event in the past (such
as the effect of a flame on sodium or a drug in treating some illness) guaran-
tee that we will always see this same effect in the future? Firstly, we can never
be certain that we have considered the full range of relevant conditions, and
secondly, there is no certainty that the course of nature will not change. We
cannot know with certainty that in the future sodium will always glow orange
or the drug will work in the same way. Think of it like this. We set you the
task of observing and describing the bird that we commonly know as the swan.
You go out and about the lakes in the United Kingdom and observe a common
pattern. The swan is a large white bird. Observation after observation dem-
onstrates that the swan is always large and white when an adult. Therefore,
you conclude, on the basis of your multiple observations, that all swans are
large white birds. You have used induction from a finite number of cases to
make a general theory (or in science, law) about the natural world. However,
the next summer you go on holiday to Australia and discover a black swan on
your first visit to a lake. This one observation immediately overturns your gen-
eral theory of swans despite the very large number of observations you had in
support of your theory. The problem is that we can never guarantee that our
general conclusion formed from a number of observations (even if the number
of observations is very large) will always follow in the future. This is, of course,
a major problem for all scientific research that relies on an inductive approach
to theory generation.
­10 Chapter 1 / Starting out in research

Popper and the need for falsifiability

Sir Karl Popper (1902–1994) responded to the problem of induction with what he
believed to be the solution for scientific research. His arguments remain extremely
influential in science and the philosophy of science today. Popper (1963) argued
that science does not rely on induction in the first place. He thought that sci-
ence started with theories (or in his words ‘conjectures’), which it sought to test.
These initial theories were intuitive and lacking supporting evidence. Scientists
seek to test their theories (or conjectures) through observation or experimenta-
tion to ascertain whether they stand up to the test. If they do not stand up to
the test we must reject the theory or conjecture and start again with an alterna-
tive. If the theory or conjecture does work when tested then scientists are able to
continue to uphold the theory (not as a statement of truth about the world but as
an undefeated theory). In this form, Popper essentially argues that we learn from
our mistakes. Science understood in this way does not therefore rely on induction.
For Popper it is the falsifiability of conjectures that matters when making scientific
inferences and not repeated positive tests of a conjecture. Evidence in support of a
conjecture, from a finite number of observations – an inductive approach – is not
important. What is important is that science forms clearly testable conjectures or
theories, which it then seeks to refute. Science is simply a series of ‘conjectures and
refutations’ (the title of Popper’s 1963 book on the topic).
But what separates science from non-science for Popper? If we do not search
for evidence supporting a theory but only evidence designed to refute a theory,
what makes physics a science and astrology a non-science? Popper termed this
the ‘problem of demarcation’. He believed that the key issue that separates sci-
ence from non-science is that scientific conjectures are at least falsifiable. That is,
they are always framed as clear and explicit statements that can be tested and
refuted if the evidence from empirical research fails to support them. In contrast,
disciplines that are not scientific, such as astrology, do not provide clear and
explicit conjectures that can be refuted. Their conjectures are so imprecise that no
evidence can ever serve to disprove the theory. Popper used the criterion of falsifi-
ability to separate science from non-science and marked out psychoanalysis as a
‘pseudo-science’ despite its claims to be scientific (see Box 1.2).

Box 1.2
Activity box Science and pseudo-science

■ In pairs spend some time thinking of a couple of key conjectures (or the-
ories) put forward by astrology or psychoanalysis. Write these down as
clearly and explicitly as possible.
■ Now plan a study to test the conjectures you have written.
■ Can these conjectures be falsified by your study? Does this differ from
conjectures put forward in chemistry, physics or biology? Why?
■ How do you think astrologers or psychoanalysts would respond to and
explain your findings if the conjectures were falsified? Do you think
chemists, physicists or biologists would react differently? Why?
 A very brief history of science ­11

The failings of falsification and Bayesianism

Although Popper’s ideas remain influential in science today, they have been sub-
jected to considerable criticism. The principal criticism is an obvious one. While
Popper has produced a sophisticated understanding of science that enables us to
separate science from pseudo-science, he has not actually dealt with the problem
of induction at all. He has not given us a way of understanding positive scien-
tific knowledge, only negative scientific knowledge. And for most scientists it is
positive scientific knowledge that is the most important. Popper shows us that a
single negative example can disprove a theory but provides no mechanism for
judging whether a theory is right or not. We treat and cure illnesses because we
know that certain causes (such as a drug) always (as far as we can tell) have cer-
tain effects (such as a cure for illness). We need to know why we should prefer
one theory to another, and for that we need some criteria for judging the qual-
ity of theories on the basis of how much evidence we have in support of them.
Popper seems to have ignored what is arguably most important for science.
So, how are we going to resolve the problem of induction? For if we believe
in positive science and the benefits of past observations (or experiments) in
predicting future effects we need to deal with the problem of induction. One
possible (although not perfect) solution has been proposed by the Bayesians
(named after Thomas Bayes, 1701–1761). Bayesians are philosophers who argue
that our beliefs (including scientific beliefs) come in degrees. So, for example, we
may believe that there is a 50 per cent chance (or 0.5 degree likelihood) of rain
tomorrow and only a 10 per cent chance (or 0.1 degree likelihood) of snow. That
is, we express the likelihood of future events on the basis of past knowledge.
These degrees of belief are the extent to which events are subjectively probable
(and we will talk about probability much more in later chapters on statistics).
The essence of Bayesianism is that it does not matter what degree of probabil-
ity you assign to some event in the first place (for instance, when you propose
a conjecture or theory) as long as you revise your probability prediction in a
rational way when faced with evidence in support of or against your conjecture.
With this principle in mind we can see a way through the problem of induc-
tion. For, although we still cannot state with absolute certainty that sodium will
always glow orange when subjected to a flame or a particular drug will always
cure an illness, we can state that it is very likely that they will act in these ways
in the future because we have so much evidence in support of these conjectures
from past observations. It is highly probable that sodium will burn orange and
we would be very surprised if it did not. The Bayesian approach to probability
enables us to revise our conjectures on the basis of empirical evidence and be
confident (or not) to different degrees in the strength of our conjectures on the
basis of past evidence. This clearly enables us to say something about our knowl-
edge of the world on the basis of positive evidence supporting our theories.
Like all philosophical principles the Bayesian approach has been the sub-
ject of considerable criticism. In essence, the criticism concerns the subjective
nature of the judgements being made about probability and inherent difficul-
ties in deciding between two competing positions. However, even accepting
this difficulty, we think it serves as a useful way of understanding the nature of
­12 Chapter 1 / Starting out in research

particular approaches to the generation of social scientific knowledge. If you

want to read more about this approach and the debates surrounding it, see
Chalmers (1999).

The hypothetico-deductive method

The approach most commonly understood as the principal scientific method
within the social sciences is known as the hypothetico-deductive method.
This is often, mistakenly, contrasted with the method of induction. In fact
this approach must be seen in relation to an inductive approach rather than in
opposition to it. The hypothetico-deductive approach first entails the researcher
producing hypotheses (or specific predictions) to be tested. These predictions
are subject to some empirical test and deductions made from the results of the
test. Most often the hypotheses to be tested stem from theories about the object
of study. Theories are systems of ideas or statements that explain some phe-
nomena. They are generally derived from previous inductive research (series of
observations, for instance) or through intuition and reasoning. Through empiri-
cal tests of the hypotheses we can find evidence that supports or challenges our
theory. If there is evidence to challenge the hypothesis it is rejected and the
theory must be abandoned or amended to account for the data. If the test pro-
duces evidence in support of our hypothesis we can say we have support for our
hypothesis and therefore our theory (see Fig. 1.1).
The hypothetico-deductive approach continues in a cyclical fashion, with
hypotheses generated from theories being tested empirically and this evidence
providing support for or challenges to the theory that generated the hypoth-
eses. On this basis, increasing knowledge is gathered about the object of study
and theories are developed and modified to account for the empirical data we
have about the world. Much, though not all, research in psychology follows
this hypothetico-deductive approach. This has prompted criticism from some

Inductive Observations Intuition

Theory

Hypotheses

Deductive
Empirical tests

Results

Figure 1.1 The hypothetico-deductive approach

 Quantitative versus qualitative? ­13

people who believe that psychology has moved too quickly to model itself on
a particular, rather restricted, view of the natural sciences. This move is con-
sidered a problem, for many people believe that the discipline has not yet built
a sufficiently strong base of knowledge discerned from inductive research to
produce generally accepted systems of ideas, or paradigms, that can be tested
(Kuhn, 1970). It is, arguably though probably, the case that psychology needs
both inductive and deductive approaches to research.

1.3 Quantitative versus qualitative?

Although the preceding discussion of philosophy was necessary and important,

the distinction between types of research that you will most often encounter
on a regular basis in psychology is that between quantitative and qualita-
tive research. The reason for needing to engage with the difficult philosophy
so early on is because it provides the backdrop necessary for understanding
the essential differences between quantitative and qualitative research, and
it is vital for psychologists to understand the differences between these two
types of research. At a very simple level, quantitative research is that which
involves numbers and qualitative research is that which does not. However,
there is more to this important distinction than these simple principles, and
we address this in more detail below.

Quantitative research
Quantitative research (and therefore quantitative research methods) is research
that concerns the quantity or measurement of some phenomenon. What this
means is that quantitative research is concerned with quantifying (measuring
and counting) phenomena. This is still the dominant analytic approach used
in psychology in the United Kingdom, continental Europe, Australasia and the
United States today. As stated in the previous section, quantitative research
tends to subscribe to a particular empirical approach to knowledge, believ-
ing that if we measure things accurately enough we can make claims, with
some degree of certainty, about the object of study. Quantitative research also
tends to use the hypothetico-deductive approach to knowledge acquisition.
See Box 1.3 for a good example of quantitative research.
­14 Chapter 1 / Starting out in research

Box 1.3 Study box

Loftus, E. F. & Palmer, J. C. (1973). Reconstruction of automobile destruction: An
example of the interaction between language and memory. Journal of Verbal
Learning and Verbal Behavior, 13, 585–9.

Elizabeth Loftus and colleagues have con- other?’ Those asked the latter question (with
ducted numerous experiments on eyewitness the prime word ‘smashed’) gave consist-
testimony over the years. In this study Loftus ently higher speed estimates for the cars than
& Palmer showed their participants a short those asked the former question (with the
film of a traffic accident in the laboratory. prime word ‘hit’). Furthermore, when partici-
Participants were given questionnaires about pants were questioned one week later about
what they had just witnessed. Unknown whether they remembered seeing any broken
to the participants the questionnaires they glass in the film those asked the question
completed were worded differently depend- with ‘smashed’ were twice as likely to recall
ing on which condition they were assigned broken glass as those asked the question with
to (all watched the same film). In one con- ‘hit’. In fact, the film showed no broken glass.
dition participants were asked the question This, and many later studies, demonstrate the
‘How fast were the cars going when they effect of what we now call ‘leading questions’
hit each other?’ and in the other condition on memory and recall, and has had very
they were asked the question ‘How fast were important implications for the way people
the cars going when they smashed into each are questioned in the criminal justice system.

Quantitative research also tends to be characterised by a number of other quali-

ties. Firstly, quantitative research is often conducted in controlled settings, such
as psychology laboratories, in an attempt to produce findings that are as objective
and unaffected by external influences as possible. Quantitative research also tends
to focus more on behaviour than qualitative research (which tends to focus more
on meanings). Quantitative research also tends to be concerned with prediction
rather than ‘mere’ description (the remit of much qualitative research). Finally,
quantitative research tends to involve the use of experimental methods and/or
the use of structured questionnaires or observation, often conducted with large
numbers of participants. As we are sure you will have noticed, we have avoided
saying that quantitative research always subscribes to one particular philosophical

Advantages Disadvantages

■ Precise (in terms of measurement) ■ May grossly oversimplify the complexity

■ Controlled (in terms of design) of human nature
■ Makes claims about causation ■ May fail to recognise or be explicit about
■ Has predictive power (can generalise to the subjective nature of social science
other settings on the basis of some finding research
in a particular setting) ■ May fail to recognise the individuality
■ Is the dominant approach in psychology and autonomous nature of human beings
 Quantitative versus qualitative? ­15

position or method. Like much in life, and certainly like much in the social sci-
ences, things are not so clear-cut. For there will always be research that crosses
and challenges these traditional divisions (see Chapter 25 on mixed methods).

Qualitative research
Qualitative research (and therefore qualitative research methods) is research
that is concerned with the quality or qualities of some phenomenon. Unlike
quantitative research, qualitative research is principally concerned with text
and meaning. Unlike many quantitative researchers, qualitative researchers
predominantly reject the idea that there is a simple relationship between our
perception of the world and the world itself. There is also a greater focus on an
inductive,2 rather than hypothetico-deductive, approach to research. However,
much qualitative research in psychology is still empirical though often based
on the collection of data from a relatively small number of individuals. In gen-
eral, then, qualitative researchers do not believe that there exist ‘definable and
quantifiable “social facts”’ (Rist, 1975: 18). That is, there are not truths about
the world that are waiting to be discovered through more and more sophisti-
cated methods of investigation and measurement. Qualitative research often
involves the collection of text-based data through, for instance, small numbers
of semi-structured or unstructured interviews. This text then forms the basis of
the material for analysis. We will talk about the nature of qualitative research
much more in Part 3, where we will also introduce some of the (many) different
approaches to this increasingly important type of research.

Advantages Disadvantages

■ Recognises the subjective experience of ■ Cannot apply traditional notions of valid-

participants ity and reliability (see Chapter 3) on the
■ Often produces unexpected insights about data
human nature through an open-ended ■ It is often not appropriate or even possi-
approach to research ble to make generalisations or predictions
■ Enables an ‘insider’ perspective on differ- ■ Needs justification for it is still not
ent social worlds a widely and consistently accepted
■ Generally does not impose a particular way approach to psychological research
of ‘seeing’ on the participants ■ Lack of replicability

2 Strictly speaking, no approach can be purely inductive for we always set out to study some-
thing. So, for instance, if we set out to study the qualities of dogs we must first find a number
of dogs to study. There is always a theoretical backdrop to the questions we ask, no matter
how much we try to approach the objects of study without preconceptions. However,
qualitative researchers would argue that their approaches attempt to be inductive through
explicitly recognising this issue and attempting to understand the qualities of phenomena
‘in their appearing’ rather than from a particular theoretical perspective (with all sorts of
assumptions and expectations that that entails).
­16 Chapter 1 / Starting out in research

1.4 A brief introduction to methods in the social sciences

Now that we have covered the important background to social science research
through a quick excursion into philosophy, we will briefly give you a taste of the
variety of research methods and forms of data analysis available to researchers in
psychology. As you probably know already, psychology is an extremely broad and
disparate discipline. In reality there are many ‘psychologies’ rather than one psy-
chology. At their heart all forms of psychology are interested in understanding
more about people and human nature and sometimes animals and animal nature,
but tackle this question in radically different ways. So, in biological psychology
we see a concern with understanding the biological processes (most often, within
the brain) underpinning human behaviour. In social psychology we see a concern
with understanding the person (or groups of people) in relation to other people
and the wider world more generally. Not surprisingly, these different forms of
psychology require quite different methods of research and data analysis.
We have already outlined the basic distinction between quantitative and
qualitative research methods (and previously explained the philosophi-
cal principles upon which this distinction is based). Quantitative methods of
data collection include experiments, structured interviewing, structured obser-
vation and the use of structured questionnaires. Interviews, observations and
questionnaires are structured, as opposed to unstructured or semi-structured,
in that they consist of a predetermined structure (so a set list of questions in
an interview or questionnaire or a predetermined list of things to observe).
We talk more about these methods in Chapters 4, 5 and 6. Qualitative meth-
ods of data collection include unstructured and semi-structured interviews,
participant observation (where you observe while taking part in the setting
you are observing) and occasionally use of semi-structured questionnaires.
Quantitative methods of analysis are principally concerned with the analysis of
numerical data, and this is where the use of statistics is encountered (Chapters
8–17). Qualitative methods are quite varied but principally concerned with the
analysis of text and include approaches such as phenomenological analysis,
grounded theory and discourse analysis (Chapters 18–23).

1.5 Planning research

At last we can move on to a little more about the practicalities of carrying out
research and tackle a few of the key aspects of psychological research. The
sooner you can carry out your own research the better, for it is only through
doing this that you can truly understand what the excitement of research is all
about. Some of what is written below, with the notable exception of the mate-
rial on searching and reviewing the literature, relates to quantitative research
rather than qualitative research. We will cover the planning and process of qual-
itative research specifically in Part 3.
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 "Not far from his bed Basil noticed a queer little being."

'You called me?' asked he of Basil. His voice was so agreeable, and
sounded so like that of an old acquaintance.
'I—I—don't know,' stammered the child.
'But you could not fall asleep, and you kept repeating—

' "Sleep, sleep, come to me.

Sleep, sleep, take me now.
Sleep, lull me into sleep." '

'Yes, Mr. Old Man, I have been repeating all this, but I did not mean
to disturb you; it is hard to be under an obligation to any one. I am
not afraid to be alone, Mr. Old Man.'
'Oh!' said the Old Man, smiling, 'where did you learn such words; of
all things, as to be under an obligation? He! he! he!'
'No, no, Mr. Old Man; you see, I told Mrs. Lookina to go home. Why
should I disturb you? You have your own business.'
'Ho! ho! ho!' laughed the Old Man. 'What a sensible young man you
are! But don't trouble yourself about this. My duty consists in being
where people want to sleep, so you only help me to do what I ought
to do. You want to sleep, don't you?'
'Yes, Mr. Old Man.'
'And so I will put you to sleep if you like, soundly.' Then the Little
Old Man began to blink with evident enjoyment, and to yawn slowly
and loudly. Somebody immediately yawned in answer, and Basil, who
had also a great desire to yawn, looked around. He saw to his great
astonishment that at the foot of his bed sat a new old man. It was
he who had yawned in answer to the first Old Man.
This Old Man much resembled the other, only he was a little smaller.
His jacket and trousers were made of lilac poppy petals instead of
red ones, and he had no light on his head.
'Listen, Basil,' said the little lilac-coloured creature, and with a gentle
voice, like a mother telling fairy tales to her child, he began to
speak:
'A gnat was born on the moors. It stood on its thin little legs, it
spread its wings, and thought to itself: "It is time to fly after some
booty! If I meet a man or a bull, I will eat him up."
'The gnat flew away, spread its little legs in the wind, and vanished.
Hardly anybody would notice it—so small, and thin, and weak it was.
Nevertheless, as it flew, it blew its own trumpets—

'"Fi-fo-fum!
Here I come!
I will slay
Man and beast!
I will feast
All the day!"

'Whether the gnat flew for a long or a short time no one knows.
Anyhow it came to a reddish mound. This was a heap of bricks.
Some time ago a hut stood here, but the hut had been burnt down;
its brick stove had fallen to pieces, and now stood in view—a heap
of fragments. The gnat looked at the mound and thought: "This is a
fine portion; it will just suit my appetite." It flew with all its might,
settled on a brick, then flew on to another, and tried to drive its
proboscis into it. The gnat held the brick fast, and fought with its
proboscis the best it could; but it found it hard. Brick was brick, you
know; it was not soft stuff. The gnat raced from place to place. It
tried the brick in every way, but without avail.
'"No," thought the gnat, "this does not please me; it is not worth
while troubling about." It moved on again, and flew away. It flew on
and blew its own trumpets—

' "Fi-fo-fum!
Here I come!
I will slay
Man and beast!
I will feast
All the day!"

'Presently the gnat came across something large and high,

surmounted by a sharp-pointed deep-green dunce's cap. It was a fir-
tree with resin oozing out.
'The gnat thought: "This is more in my line; this will suit my
appetite; I will begin at this yellow spot."
'It flew towards the resin, and, settling down, drove its proboscis
into it. Oh, wonder! It was bitter and sticky. The gnat after a great
effort dragged its proboscis out, and then tried to free its legs. It
tugged and tugged, and managed to free five, but could not succeed
with the sixth.
'The gnat got angry. "Let go," he called to the fir-tree; "I know a
trick worth two of that." But the fir-tree held the leg tight. The gnat
got still angrier; dashed about until its leg came off, and then flew
away with only five legs; the sixth had remained in the resin. It flew
on, and again blew its own trumpets—
 ' "Fi-fo-fum!
Here I come!
I will slay
Man and beast!
I will feast
All the day!"

'A tale is quicker told than actions can be done.

'Our gnat flew over hill and vale, furrowed fields, green meadows,
quick flowing rivers, and whispering woods. It flew along roads, past
cornfields. Nowhere did it find anything profitable. In the meantime
some fine raindrops began to fall. The gnat was not dejected; it
hurried on. Suddenly it met a whole herd of cattle; the young calves
went on in front and the large oxen behind. The gnat's eyes
glistened. It wished to settle on the first calf and fix its proboscis
into it, but it bethought itself: "I see you are small, little calf; it is
better to eat a big ox." He began to examine the oxen. The herd
went on and the gnat still looked around. This one seemed too thin
—that one, though stout, yet not big enough; then came one that
looked worse than the preceding ones. Thus all passed by, and the
gnat had not made a choice.
'It suddenly flew after the herd, for the purpose of settling down on
the first it could reach. But now it met with a new misfortune. The
rain soaked its wings and made them heavy; it could not fly any
farther, and got angry and began to scold the rain: "So you intend to
wet my wings? you cannot find another place to drop on? Beware!
do you think to take me in with your tricks?" The gnat had hardly
spoken thus, when a large drop of rain fell on its back and maimed
it; it was choked by its last word, and fell head over heels on to the
grass.
'Nobody knows how long the gnat remained there. Anyhow, when
the bright sun peeped out from the clouds and shone upon the
earth, the gnat contrived to creep out of the grassy thicket and to
dry itself. Then it flew on farther, and again, flying, it blew its
trumpets—

' "Fi-fo-fum!
Here I come!
I will slay
Man and beast!
I will feast
All the day!"

Suddenly it perceived before it, at some distance, a mare harnessed

to a cart, moving on slowly. A peasant was sitting in the cart.
'The gnat rejoiced: "Now I can eat my fill; when I shall have dined
off the man I'll taste the horse." So it flew straight on to the man's
forehead, and stung with all its force.
'The peasant passed the palm of his hand over his forehead, crushed
the gnat, and threw it behind the cart, and all was over with it.'
The Lilac Old Man had finished his tale.
'Basil, are you not asleep?' asked the first Old Man.
'Not yet, Mr. Old Man,' answered Basil.
'Do you wish to sleep?'
'I do.'
'Aaa!' yawned the Red Old Man.
'Aaa!' yawned after him the Lilac Old Man.
'Aaa!' yawned after them Basil.
'Aaa!' yawned yet another near them. When Basil looked round he
saw that a third old man sat on his pillow, looking exactly like the
two others; the only difference was that his coat and trousers were
of white poppy petals. The White Old Man smiled caressingly, laid his
hand on Basil's head, and Basil could not refrain from closing his
eyes and smiling back at him. Meanwhile the new old man gently
rocked himself. Basil heard him sing a little song in a very soft and
lulling voice:

'Gentle dreams with pinions light

By the window did alight,
Whisp'ring through their tresses bright:
'Has sweet sleep been here to-night?"

Wearied out a sick man lies

Tossing on a fever bed,
Gazing with wide, hopeless eyes
Through the darkness thick and dread.
Fairy dreams come trooping, shining,
Hand in hand with quiet sleep,
And their tresses, intertwining,
Softly o'er his pillow sweep,
Till his eyelids sink and close
While their song around him flows:
"Sleep, oh sleep!
Night and rest
From thee keep
Sprites unblest!
When to-morrow
Sunbeams peep,
Be thy sorrow
Laid asleep!"
'Gentle dreams with pinions light
By the window did alight,
Whisp'ring through their tresses bright:
'Has sweet sleep been here to-night?"

'See! A haggard seamstress, bending,

Bloodless cheek and aching head,
O'er the toil that, never ending,
Hardly gives her children bread.
Cometh sleep, and from her fingers
Steals away the half-turned seam,
And with noiseless footstep lingers,
Weaving many a joyous dream,
Till her eyelids sink and close,
While their song around her flows:
"Work is over!
And we hover
Round thee lightly,
Bringing nightly
Short relief,
Till thy grief
Again is born
With each new morn!"
 'Gentle dreams with pinions light
By the window did alight,
Whisp'ring through their tresses bright:
'Has sweet sleep been here to-night?"

'No! I hear a baby crying,

Though the curly little head
Long ago should have been lying
Cradled in a cosy bed.
Fairy dreams come round him flocking,
And on many a snowy arm
Lift and bear him, softly rocking,
Covering with kisses warm,
Till his eyelids sink and close,
While their song around him flows:
"Hush, my sweetest!
Shut thine eyes
Till thou greetest
Fair sunrise,
Till dawn's hour
Laughs again;
Like a flower
After rain!"'

The White Old Man had long finished singing, but Basil was still
listening, longing for more; it pleased him so much.
'Basil, are you asleep?' suddenly asked the Red Old Man, in a low
voice.
'Not yet, Mr. Old Man,' answered Basil.
'Do you wish to sleep?'
'I do.'
Here the Red Old Man yawned again very loudly; then the Lilac one
yawned; and the White one did the same. Basil also yawned. But
then it seemed as if he heard another yawn still louder than the
others very near to him, somewhere above. Basil looked round and
saw on the side rail of his bedstead, above his head, a fourth old
man, who was dangling his legs. He much resembled the Lilac and
White Men, but he was dressed in many colours.
The old man smiled, and strewed, as if in fun, many, many poppy
petals on Basil.
Basil felt so very sleepy that he hardly could keep his eyes open; yet
he wished very much to look at the new old man.
'Shut your eyes, and I will show you my pictures,' whispered the
Many-Coloured Old Man, and poured a whole handful of poppies on
Basil.
The boy closed his eyelids gladly, and at once saw a beautiful street
in which mamma never allowed Basil to walk alone.
Now Basil went along with both his hands in his pockets. One pocket
was full of apples, the other full of pears. Basil took them out by
turns, first one and then the other, and ate to his great content.
When he got tired of the fruit he felt nuts in his pockets instead of
apples, and dates and dried figs instead of pears. After a while he
could not help thinking of sweets. And as soon as he did so the nuts
turned into chocolate, and the dates and figs into sugar-candy.
Besides this, at every curbstone stood a prettily-dressed girl, very
like those who served Basil at the confectioner's when Petr Petróvich
took him there and offered him some choice morsel.
One regaled him with grapes, another with ice cream, a third with
pineapple, a fourth with strawberries, and a fifth with apricots; and
so on.
Basil walked on gaily, looking around on all sides, and taking a good
piece from each plate. What was the most wonderful was that he
never suffered after it.
Basil walked on and on in the happiest frame of mind. Nevertheless
he could not help noticing that the street was somewhat long. He
had hardly thought this when he perceived that the street had
vanished, and he stood in the middle of a toy-shop. Goodness me!
what beautiful things he saw there! Drums, swords, guns,
mechanical dogs, balls, furniture, rocking-horses, loto, pictures—a
regular furnished house.... But no! let us stop enumerating. It would
be impossible to remember all the splendid things displayed in the
shop. Basil's eyes were simply dazzled at the cupboards and shelves.
After a good while, when he had surveyed all these treasures, his
attention became attracted by a crossbow with a steel spring, a
capital bowstring, and the butt end well polished. Next to the
crossbow was a quiver attached to a strap with all sorts of arrows.
For a long time Basil had longed for such a bow. With this bow you
might hit any mark, and you might even, if on the watch, shoot the
raven that was in the habit of stealing small chickens from the yard.
Basil had seen just such a bow at a little friend's house. How easy it
was to shoot with it! Basil had asked his mamma to buy him such a
bow, but his mamma said she could not afford it; it cost five roubles.
[6] And now Basil saw his pet bow in the shop. Suddenly the door
creaked, and Basil's mamma entered. She paid down the money,
took the bow and the quiver, and walked out. Basil was so overjoyed
that he nearly jumped out of his bed; but at the same moment the
shop vanished from his sight, and in its place stood a shoemaker's
workshop, where his mamma used to order her boots. How happy
he was walking with her and holding his bow in his hands. He looked
around on all sides, and thought all other people were happy to see
him with his beautiful bow. Suddenly he perceived how greatly he
was mistaken, for he saw the master of the workshop, a rather
short, square-built man, standing before his apprentice, scolding
him, and preparing by his gestures to thrash him. The unhappy boy
cried hard, trembled with fear, and begged for mercy, but the master
was angry, and did not listen to him. Seeing some visitors, the
master in a moment put on an amiable expression, turned to them,
and threw away the strap. The trembling apprentice drew back
towards the door. Basil pitied the boy dreadfully. He went up to the
poor fellow and asked in a whisper, 'What does he want to beat you
for?' The boy did not answer, and drew back towards the door with
downcast eyes. Basil went after him and asked again: 'Did you do
anything?'
'I've done nothing, and I'm not guilty,' answered the apprentice,
after a long silence.
'What does he want to beat you for then?'
'Peter informed about me.'
'Which Peter?'
'The son of my master.'
'Tell me all.'
'My master bought Peter a bow—a beautiful bow like yours—and told
him to take care of it; and he broke it, and he pretended I had
broken it; and I swear I didn't.' (Here the boy made the sign of the
cross in token of his innocence.) 'The master is going to beat me,' he
added in a whisper, and the tears flowed from his eyes.
'Now, don't cry,' said Basil, taking the apprentice by the hand. He
pitied the boy dreadfully, but he did not know how to console him.
'It's all very well for you to say, Don't cry. If you felt his strap you
wouldn't talk like that; my master has a heart of stone.'
Basil looked at his own bow; the bow was beautiful, and Basil had
not even had time to shoot with it. He sighed and turned away; it
would be too hard for him to part with his bow. But when the
unhappy boy began to cry again Basil could not bear it. He took him
by the hand, and said: 'Here you are; if you wish I'll give you my
bow; you can give it to your master, so that he won't beat you.'
'How?' asked the apprentice, hardly believing that Basil would give
up his toy, and after looking at him attentively, added: 'Won't you be
sorry to give it up? It is such a beautiful bow. I know what to do: let
him beat me—I'm not afraid. Better keep it and allow me to shoot
with it. Peter never allowed me to shoot, but you will. I'm not afraid.'
Basil pitied the boy still more, and called out: 'No, no, I don't want
it; take it;' and Basil put the bow in the apprentice's hands.
Immediately after the boy and the bow and the workshop vanished.
The Many-Coloured Old Man left off showing pictures, and at the
same time the Red Man asked in a well-known voice: 'Basil, are you
asleep?'
'No, Mr. Old Man,' answered Basil, with great difficulty.
'With what Old Man are you talking?' asked the same voice,
laughing. Basil opened his eyes; it was already morning. The sun
shone brightly through the red cotton curtains at the window, and
his mamma stood at his bedside.
'Mamma?' asked Basil, with wonder. 'Then it was all dream?'
'What?'
'The Little Old Man?'
'Why, certainly it was;' and the mother tenderly kissed her boy.
 BROWNY
(A POPULAR OUKRAÏNÏEN TALE)
certain peasant had a dog called Browny. So long as
the dog was young and strong his master fed him; but
when he grew old, and the master saw that he was no
longer fit for a watchdog, he began to grudge him his
food, and turned him out of doors. Browny went out
into the fields and wandered on, not caring where—on and on he
went, weeping bitterly.
A wolf came up to him and asked: 'Why do you cry so?'
'I have something to cry for,' answered the dog. 'So long as I was
strong, and could feed myself, I served my master truly and
faithfully, and now, when I have grown old in his service, he says:
"Be off with you!" Where am I to go now? I have not even the
strength to catch a hare.'
'Ah, that's too bad!' said the Wolf. 'Now, look here: we wolves are
supposed to be downright robbers, because we have to procure our
food in some way or other. Yet I wouldn't do such a meanness as
your master did. Well, if he does not remember your faithful service,
there is another way of making him give you the food that you have
honestly deserved from him.'
'Oh! if you could manage that, some day I would repay you for it!'
exclaimed poor Browny, licking his lips at the very thought of a good
dinner.
'We'll manage it,' said the Wolf. 'When your master comes out into
the field with his family to reap the corn, his wife will lay down the
baby under a rick; you keep close by, so that I may know which is
their field. I will seize the child and run off; you rush after me and
make believe to snatch the child away from me, and I will let it go as
if I were afraid of you. Then everything will go as you wish.'
No sooner said than done. At harvest-time the man came out into
the field with his family to reap. His wife laid down the baby under a
rick, took a sickle, and went with her husband to reap. Suddenly the
Wolf rushed up, snatched the baby, and ran off. Browny sprang out
of the corn and after him. The baby's father and mother were
dreadfully frightened: the father tore along, shouting, 'Catch him,
Browny—bite him! bite him!...' And Browny did his best: he caught
up the Wolf, took the child from him, and brought it to his master.
'Good dog, Browny!' said the master. 'Oh you good dog! I thought
he wasn't fit for anything now, and see what a plucky fellow he is!'
and he took half a loaf and a piece of lard out of his bag and gave
them to Browny.
In the evening the peasants went home, and Browny with them.
When they got in, the man said to his wife: 'Light the fire and make
us some buck-wheat dough-dumplings, with plenty of lard.'
Browny's mistress made the dumplings—capital dumplings—so nice
that they would make your mouth water to look at them! The master
gave Browny a seat at the table as if the dog were his best friend,
and sat down beside him. Browny, on his part, made an agreeable
face, and expressed by his whole appearance that he would know
how to behave himself, even if he were the starosta (elder) of the
village.
'Now, wife,' said the man, 'turn the dumplings out into the bowl, and
let us have supper!'
The wife filled the bowl, and the husband put a helping for Browny
into a smaller bowl, and blew it a long time, so that Browny should
not burn his muzzle. He had become such an important person all of
a sudden!
Browny lived in peace and plenty, but he did not forget his
benefactor, the Wolf. He used to think: 'Perhaps the Wolf is
wandering about the steppes now, starving!' Then he would grow
quite melancholy, and shake his head, sighing.
Meanwhile, Carnival came round, and the peasant began making
wedding preparations—his daughter was to be married. Then
Browny shook off all his melancholy. He went far away from the
village, and called the Wolf. When the Wolf came up, they hardly
recognised one another: Browny had grown fat and glossy, while as
for the unhappy Wolf, he was thin, worn-out—nothing but skin and
bones; his fur hung in ragged tufts, and his teeth chattered from
hunger. When Browny looked at his friend his heart ached for pity.
'Come on Sunday evening, brother, to my master's garden-plot,' said
the Dog to the Wolf; 'I'll give you such a feast as you have not had
in all your life!'
Now a good dinner was a rare thing to the poor Wolf; his eyes shone
with delight, and he felt quite sick with hunger.
On Sunday evening the Wolf came to the place agreed upon. That
very evening was the wedding feast in the house of Browny's
master. Browny came out to his friend, and, seizing a moment when
there was no one in the cottage, led him in and hid him under the
table. The feast began. When the food was put on the table, Browny
instantly snatched a big hunch of bread and the best slice of roast
meat and carried it under the table. The guests shouted at him;
some wanted to strike him; but the master of the house stopped
them, saying: 'Don't touch him; that dog is allowed to do anything
he likes; he saved my child, and I will keep him till he dies!' That
was just what Browny wanted: he pulled all the best things off the
table, and gave them to his friend—pies, everything, even a bottle of
horílka[7]. The horílka made the Wolf tipsy, and he said to Browny:
'I want to sing a song!'
'Heaven forbid!' answered Browny; 'there'll be the devil to pay here!
I'll bring you a bottle of nalívka[8], only hold your tongue!'
But after drinking the nalívka, the Wolf grew merrier than ever.
'You can do as you like,' said he; 'but now I am going to sing.' He
lifted up his muzzle, and such a howl as he set up under the table!
Every one was terrified. Some ran right out of the cottage, some
caught up sticks and spades and wanted to kill the Wolf there and
then. Browny, seeing that it was a bad job, flew at his friend as if to
strangle him. Then the host called out to his guests: 'Don't hit the
Wolf, or you will kill my Browny. Let them alone; Browny will settle
the Wolf by himself.'
The dog, meanwhile, struggling and pretending to bite, managed to
get his friend first out of the cottage, then out of the garden and
right across the fields. Then he stopped.
'There, brother,' said he to the Wolf; 'you did me a good turn, and
I've done you one. Good-bye!'
'Thank you!' said the Wolf. 'Good luck to you!'
And so they parted.
 THE OLD SWORD'S MISTAKE
NCE upon a time there was a steel sword, whose blade
was forged and tempered in a most excellent manner.
The handle was of precious wood, with beautiful inlaid
work of mother-of-pearl and gold. From his very birth
the Sword was in the service of a gallant knight; and a
sturdy, faithful sword he was. He fought for the sake of truth and of
every fair lady, and against all oppressors of the weak. All who, even
by word or glance, injured a lady dreaded the steel weapon: there
was no man, no arms in the world, whom the steel warrior feared.
But the valiant knight was killed in a hard fight, and the Sword
remained lying on the battle-field. There the wind blew sand upon
him, and leaves, fallen during the autumn from the neighbouring
bushes, covered him. And many long years he lay there buried and
unseen, until a peasant proposed to clear the ground, and his
plough ran by chance against the Sword. The first thing that the
ploughman did was to utter an oath, for his coulter, in striking
against the stout weapon, received a notch. Then the Sword was
dug out, taken to town, and sold to an old curiosity shop. The
shopman hung the Sword on a nail.
From his lofty resting-place the old warrior, in glancing about the
shop, saw in the corner of the hall a white lady of astonishing
beauty. She was clad only in a loose-fitting garment about her fair
form. Her neck, arms, and feet were bare; her hair was all combed
back, then caught up by a diadem, from which it hung down in a
shower of curls. She stood erect, and did not move. On her fair lips
played an enigmatic smile, while her beautiful arms hung loose
beside her, and her whole form seemed to breathe with free,
powerful peace. One thing alone appeared to the steel warrior
somewhat strange: the fair one was all white; her cheeks, eyes,
hair; her hands and feet; her garments and diadem,—all were like
fresh snow. But this seemed only to give a new charm to her beauty.
The longer the old Sword gazed at the white unknown woman, the
brighter grew his blade, the more merrily danced all the rainbow
tints in his mother-of-pearl inlaid work, and the stronger grew his
wish to fight as of old for truth's and a lady's sake—nay, for this very
lady.
The steel warrior longed to speak to the white beauty, but he did not
venture. 'I am so old,' he thought; 'so notched; even somewhat
rusty ... while she is so fair!... No, no, it would not do. Methinks she
would not even mind me or look at me.'...
Now the old Sword glanced at the lady in the corner, and she gazed
at him, smiling enigmatically....
'Oh,' thought the sturdy warrior, 'if only I could do something for
her!' But there seemed no chance of being of use to the fair
creature. The Sword could no longer bear such suspense. He
summoned up all his courage, and uttered in a faltering clang:
'Queen of my soul! tell me what you desire. Only tell me, and I will
do it; at least I will attempt anything for you!' But the White Beauty
remained speechless, and only smiled enigmatically as before.
'Why does she keep silence?' This was the question that tormented
the old Sword, and he looked at the fair lady with anguish. Oh how
much she might say if she would but speak! What power breathes
through her apparent calm! And her smile! what a rich soul it hides!
Nay, if this heavenly creature does not speak it is certainly only in
consequence of some spell laid upon her! And the old fighter looked
around, pondering over the question, Who could be the malicious
sorcerer? It could not be the gigantic snake, stuffed with tow, that
stood in an opposite corner, for its eyes were but glass, and though
they say snakes fascinate birds and little animals, they need living
eyes for the purpose. Nor could it be yonder ivory-headed cane near
the shelf; it had the shape of an old man's head in a nightcap, with
saucy, black goggle eyes. The insolent creature smiled, it is true,
very mockingly, and was capable, as it seemed, of any rude trick;
but he was so placed as not to be able even to see the White Lady.
Somewhat higher than the Sword, hung on the same wall a red-
nosed man, with a mass of tangled hair upon his head. He had a
wine-glass in his hand, and he looked straight at the beauty with
winking, roguish eyes. But that fellow could not have bewitched the
lady either; he was too commonplace and good-natured for such a
thing. The old Sword had seen scores of such fellows in old times,
when his knight was banqueting in some wayside inn, or carousing
in some friar's cellar, after the conquest of a town. Revellers of those
days were clad differently, but they were evidently birds of the same
feather. The Sword even felt some special interest in the old toper—
he seemed to be a clever fellow.
'Look here, old boy,' said the old warrior in a whisper to his
neighbour, 'who do you think has bewitched the lady in the corner?'
'And why do you imagine the girl to be bewitched?' retorted the red-
nosed one, in a hoarse, loud bass voice, making no scruples about
the matter, though his companion evidently wished to speak in an
undertone.
'H'm, h'm ... well, well!' said the old Sword; 'hold your peace! indeed
you speak too loud.... One must be more discreet in delicate
matters.... As to the spell, it is evident: have you not noticed the
lady to be absolutely silent?'
'Well, what can she say if she has nothing to say? Ha! ha! ha!'
'What!' roared the Sword, and was about to teach the reveller
politeness in his own way, but the latter checked his ardour with
these words—
'Listen to what I am going to tell you, old fellow: if you do not intend
to hear me quietly, why then do you ask my opinion?'
This remark seemed to the Sword to be reasonable, therefore he
restrained himself and resumed his speech, though not without
anger.
'You have drowned your reason in wine, that's all. How can it be that
such a woman as this has nothing to say? Just look at her smile!'
'But perhaps she does not know anything but how to smile
enigmatically.'
But such things the old warrior could no longer endure. Indeed, he
would have made a cut at the toper's red nose had he not been
taken down at that moment by the owner of the shop to show to
some customer.
'Very good indeed,' said the latter; 'but it is not to my taste. I like
this far better.' And the customer pointed to the White Beauty.
'Ha! ha! ha!... I should think you do,' laughed the shopman merrily.
'It is my luck she cannot speak, else she would have been married
long ago, and I should have lost instead of gained by her.'
'Ah!' thought the old Sword, 'here is the sorcerer; I might have
guessed it long ago. The owner of the shop is the mightiest here; he
may do with us what he will. And that hideous man intends to sell
that heavenly woman! But he shall smart for it.'
The old Sword broke loose from the nail, and, flashing dreadfully
with his blade, struck the shopkeeper's shoulder. No doubt the man
would have been wounded had the blade been sharp.
'Dear me,' cried the shopman, rubbing the injured spot, 'such a
heavy old fool! How did those knights in old times fight with such
cudgels?'
All of a sudden there arose a stir in the house. Along the passages
and staircases people were heard running to and fro, shouting 'Fire!
fire!' The owner of the old curiosity shop and his customer were
rushing up and down about the hall, not knowing what to do. At last
one of them seized a pot of withered geranium, and the other his
rubbers, and both hurried out. The White Lady stood near one of the
windows with her usual quiet smile, whilst on the window-sill there
sat a pretty little naked bronze boy. For many long years he had
carried on his back a basket, into which a candlestick was to be put.
Though the boy, as I have said, was only a child, he knew very well
what 'fire' meant: he knew it from the time when the bronze of
which he was formed was melted in a blast furnace. A deadly fear
overspread his lovely face, and in a tender, tinkling voice he
addressed his pretty neighbour: 'Pray ... oh pray ... throw me down
into the street.... The fall can do me no harm, I know ... but the fire
will melt me.... Do, I beseech you; you have only to raise your arm.'
But the White Beauty remained silent and motionless. She continued
to smile in a most winning and most promising manner, but made no
gesture, uttered no sound.
The old Sword also knew what 'fire' meant. How many times had he
witnessed in old times the conflagration of whole cities taken by
assault! He saw how unhappy citizens and desperate artisans fled
from their homes; how women sobbed and lamented when they saw
the ruins, and when their little ones were slaughtered or burnt. All
this the old Sword now remembered, and his steel blade ached at
the thought: 'What will happen to the White Lady?'
The old curiosity shop was situated on the third floor, and the
window, near which stood the beautiful woman who charmed the
Sword, was only a few feet distant from the neighbouring roof. The
old Sword collected all his strength, swung on his nail, and flung
himself through the window, placing his handle on the sill and his
point on the cornice of the neighbouring house.
'Queen of my soul, hasten! Pass along, treading upon me, and you
will be safe,' so he rang out in a trembling voice. The beauty smiled
in her enigmatic, winning manner, but did not utter a word or make
a motion. 'Make haste, I beseech you!' rang once more the anxious
Sword. 'As soon as the fire reaches our hall my handle will be burnt,
I shall fall down, and your escape will be impossible.'
But these words made on the lady as little impression as his previous
ones: she remained motionless and dumb, but smiling in a
bewitching manner. Suddenly several firemen hurried in and began
to seize everything that their eyes fell upon, and to fling it through
the windows without any distinction. First went the sardonic, goggle-
eyed old man on the cane, and, without injury, tumbled headlong
down. Then came the red-nosed old toper, smiling as usual, his
wine-glass still in his hand; he dashed against a broken stool, and
the canvas on which he was painted was torn to pieces. Scores of
solid and fragile things followed.... One of the firemen seized the
Sword and threw him into the courtyard below. The jagged fighter
made several somersaults in the air, and plunging into the earth
stood upright. A few moments he shivered and made a dull sound.
But one thought overpowered him now: 'What would be the fate of
his lady?' All of a sudden he noticed something white falling from the
window, and ... recognised his goddess: it was she! The old Sword
uttered a groan.
'Oh, why did she not speak? Why did she not avail herself of his
devotion? Why did she answer all his entreaties only by an enigmatic
smile? O Heavens, why?' At this very moment the White Lady fell
down upon the pavement and broke in two, just where men have a
heart....
Many a time the old Sword had pierced men's hearts, and then their
hot blood flowed along his blade. He therefore cast a shuddering
and anxious look upon the fracture, expecting to see it bleed. He
saw, however, nothing but stone; the whole beauty consisted of
marble.... The marble was white as snow; it was irreproachably fair,
but yet it was only marble, and nothing more.
 'MY OWN'
(A Siberian Fairy Tale)
HE banks of the Vagaï are beautiful—very beautiful[9]—
in some places at least. Steep, almost overhanging,
and high as the walls of a fortress bastion, they rise
frowning above the river sternly; yet they are fair with
the rich verdure of the forest that crowns their heights.
This forest is of many kinds. The century-old fir-trees, with trunks
that three men could not gird with outstretched arms, rise in
straight, dark-red columns, so high that to look up at even the
lowest branches you must throw your head back till your hat falls
off; beside them the gray-barked aspens quiver in every leaf, as if
frightened at the twisted, snaky black trunks of the bird-cherry—the
tree that smells so sweet in early spring when the white blossoms
cover it like a sheet of snow. The gentle rowan is not noticeable for
its height; its feathery leaves are the only thing that could attract
your attention. But wait till autumn comes; then it is hung all over
with clusters of scarlet berries, and brightens up the forest. The
mighty cedar, with its long, grand sweeps of feathery needles,
towers up higher even than its comrade the fir; here and there
beneath the trees is scattered about an undergrowth of young pines,
almost branchless, like bristles or long sticks standing up out of the
earth. But the commonest trees in this forest are certainly silver
birches. The trunks of these birches stand out sometimes straight
and slender, with delicate heads of foliage, looking like cadets in
their white shirts; sometimes gnarled, branchy, knotted, with the air
of a burly peasant, rugged with labour.
Underneath, at the base of all these tree-trunks, so different in
thickness, height, and colour, all the ground is covered with masses
of bright flowers, and a carpet of grass that buries you waist-deep
when you walk. And the longer you look upon this forest scene the
more varied, the more exquisite, it appears to you. There are so
many beautiful shades of green—pale and delicate on the birch-
trees, dark on the cedars, almost black on the pikhta. Here the trees
cluster together on the river-bank, pressing one against the other,
forming an impassable barrier,—there they draw back, as if wearied
of following the course of the river, and leave a wide, open space,
where you can see the edge of the nearest bank, and the barren
precipice of the opposite one, also crowned with glorious green
forest; and if you advance to the edge you can see, far below, the
torrent itself, swift and mighty.
Ah yes, the Vagaï is beautiful! And not only is it beautiful, but it is a
merry life there—in any case it is a merry life for the birds who live
there. So many joys are theirs! The woodpeckers can find in the
bark of the trees (especially the old stumps of fallen trees) fat
caterpillars and beetles; for the snipe and woodcocks there are
endless strawberries, bilberries, cranberries, thick clumps of wild
oats and other edible grasses. The great cones, with their juicy nuts,
cluster on the branches of the pines and giant cedars, like candles
on a Christmas-tree, then late in autumn they fall to the ground. The
clear, fresh water of the Vagaï seems to call you to bathe and drink.
And then the bright sunshine, the transparent, fragrant air, the green
carpet of the forest, the joyous company of comrades, with whom
one can sing, chirp, hop, dart about, and fly like an arrow on light
wings. What more can heart desire? Living such a life, should one
not rejoice in this bright world, fling away all envy and malice, and
share together with one's fellow-creatures all the delights which our
common mother, Nature, gives?
So thought all the birds of the forest tract we are speaking of, and so
they lived. Early, very early, in the morning, when the first scarlet
flush shone in the sky to herald the golden sunbeams, one little bird
would wake up and open its eyes, and there beside it another would
have begun fluttering its wings, drinking the bright dewdrops from
the leaves, pecking seeds from the grasses. Then the first bird would
look at its friend, thinking, 'There's plenty for all;' and it, too, would
begin chirruping, delighted to have a companion with whom to share
both its labour and its rest. And both together would dart off and fly
to the Vagaï to bathe. So the little birds lived happily, neither
quarrelling nor disagreeing, helping one another in their work and
dangers, and sharing together all that the bright world gave them.
But this way of living and thinking did not suit a certain broad-
beaked, ponderous cedar-crow[10], who had taken up her abode in a
huge cedar.
This cedar stood apart in a glade, and the Cedar-crow liked it just on
account of its separate position.
'I will settle here; this shall be my estate. I don't want any one else's
property, and no one shall touch mine! It's comfortable and private
and nice!' The clumsy bird flew all round the cedar, and, being
satisfied with it, settled there.
The Cedar-crow stopped there a day, two days ... the other birds
darted past, chirping, flying races, playing with one another,
rejoicing together in the good gifts of their mother-earth, the bright
sun, and the Vagaï, and the delights of companionship; but the
thick-billed Cedar-crow dared not leave her tree; there she sat
watching that no other bird should touch her private nuts. When a
woodcock did but pass, she flew to him in anxiety, crying out: 'Go
away!—go away! There's nothing here for you; go back where you
came from! I don't touch your things; you let mine alone.'
'But do you suppose the rest of the forest is only ours?' said the
Woodcock. 'You can have them too; of course any one may take as
much as they want. There's enough for every one.'
'Yes, I dare say. You can do as you like. But I feel safer when I have
something of my own.'
'Why, you foolish one!' exclaimed a thrush, which had flown up to
them, 'we always live in whole companies—thousands together—and
never cut up things into "mine" and "thine"; and yet no harm
happens to us.'
'Yes; so long as there is plenty for all, but afterwards there's no
saying what will happen,' thought the Cedar-crow, though she did
not say so aloud. 'If the land is divided between all of us, how much
will each one have? Now I've got the whole of this huge cedar to
myself; it will last my time, and I can leave it to my children and
grandchildren; there will be more for them than for your
fledglings....'
'You're just gone silly with greediness,' said the other birds, and flew
away, chirruping and darting after one another in the air. But the
Cedar-crow, the forest landowner, seeing that she was alone, pulled
a cone from her cedar, and began picking out the nuts. She ate as
much as she could, and then returned to the work of guarding her
estate. She sat and looked about her, and occasionally flew round
the tree, constantly afraid that some one was touching her property.
The time for nest-building came. All the birds paired and got to
work: one carried a feather, another a straw; each one wove in its
contribution properly; then they would hop about, chirp to one
another, and fly off together to fetch more material.
The Cedar-crow became more anxious than ever. 'There!' she
thought; 'they will lay eggs and hatch new fledglings, and they, too,
will all want to eat and drink; they will simply ravage my cedar. I
shall have nothing left!'
She even left off going down to the Vagaï to drink. Yet she was
tormented with thirst: her tongue hung out; her eyes distended; she