Child and Adolescent Development

Woolfolk
Perry
ISBN 978-1-29204-106-3
Child and Adolescent Development
Anita Woolfolk Nancy E. Perry

9 781292 041063
Pearson New International Edition

Child and Adolescent Development

Anita Woolfolk Nancy E. Perry
Pearson Education Limited
Edinburgh Gate
Harlow
Essex CM20 2JE
England and Associated Companies throughout the world

Visit us on the World Wide Web at: www.pearsoned.co.uk

© Pearson Education Limited 2014

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted
in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without either the
prior written permission of the publisher or a licence permitting restricted copying in the United Kingdom
issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency Ltd, Saffron House, 6–10 Kirby Street, London EC1N 8TS.

All trademarks used herein are the property of their respective owners. The use of any trademark
in this text does not vest in the author or publisher any trademark ownership rights in such
trademarks, nor does the use of such trademarks imply any affiliation with or endorsement of this
book by such owners.

ISBN 10: 1-292-04106-4

ISBN 10: 1-269-37450-8
ISBN 13: 978-1-292-04106-3
ISBN 13: 978-1-269-37450-7

British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

Printed in the United States of America

 P E A R S O N C U S T O M L I B R A R Y

Table of Contents

1. Introduction: Dimensions of Development

Anita Woolfolk/Nancy E. Perry 1
2. Physical Development in Early Childhood
Anita Woolfolk/Nancy E. Perry 29
3. Cognitive Development in Early Childhood
Anita Woolfolk/Nancy E. Perry 61
4. Social Emotional Development in Early Childhood
Anita Woolfolk/Nancy E. Perry 115
5. Physical Development in Middle Childhood
Anita Woolfolk/Nancy E. Perry 167
6. Cognitive Development in Middle Childhood
Anita Woolfolk/Nancy E. Perry 201
7. Social Emotional Development in Middle Childhood
Anita Woolfolk/Nancy E. Perry 261
8. Physical Development in Adolescence
Anita Woolfolk/Nancy E. Perry 317
9. Cognitive Development in Adolescence
Anita Woolfolk/Nancy E. Perry 351
10. Social Emotional Development in Adolescence
Anita Woolfolk/Nancy E. Perry 405
Glossary
Anita Woolfolk/Nancy E. Perry 455
References
Anita Woolfolk/Nancy E. Perry 465
Index 511

I
II
 Introduction:
Dimensions
of Development

From Chapter 1 of Child and Adolescent Development, 1/e. Anita Woolfolk. Nancy E. Perry.
Copyright © 2012 by Pearson Education. All rights reserved.
1
 Introduction:
Dimensions
of Development
䉴 The CA SEBOOK

WHAT WOULD YOU DO?

APPLYING YOUR KNOWLEDGE OF CHILD DEVELOPMENT
Why are you taking this class, and what will you do with the knowledge you gain?
Do you plan a career in child development? Which one? How will you decide?
Should you consider being a teacher, social worker, physician, child life specialist,
speech therapist, psychologist, researcher, nutritionist, pediatric or neonatal
nurse, recreational or camp director, children’s minister, college professor, public
policy analyst . . .? Are you now or will you ever be a parent, aunt, uncle, foster
parent, guardian, voter . . .? If the answer to any of these questions is “yes” or
even “maybe,” then you need to think critically about what this class means for
your future.

CRITICAL THINKING
• What experiences have you had with children?
• Which careers or roles involving children fit best with your talents, experi-
ences, dispositions, and abilities?
• What is your final educational goal: Associate degree? Bachelor’s degree?
Master’s? Doctorate?

2
Chrissy C., Age 5—USA

䉴 OVERVIEW AND OBJECTIVES

Welcome to the remarkable world of children caught in the act of becoming. For the next several
hundred pages, we will explore how children develop—and we will encounter some surprising
situations.

• Ethan, a 3-year-old, confidently predicts that there will be “candy” in a big, red, heart-shaped
candy box; when he sees that the box actually contains pencils, he claims that he always knew
there were pencils in the box, and that his friend Jacob, who has never seen the candy box be-
fore, would also know this.
• A young girl who once said her feet hurt suddenly begins to refer to her foots hurting, and then
describes her footses before she finally returns to talking about her feet.
• Elizabeth, a 4-year-old, watches as her mother flips through the channels on the TV. Elizabeth
insists she wants to watch one channel on the TV, then another, then the first one, then the
other—all at the same time.
• Leah, a 5-year-old, is certain that rolling out a ball of clay into a snake makes more clay.
• A 9-year-old child in Geneva, Switzerland is asked, “What is your nationality?”—I am Swiss.—
“How come?”—Because I live in Switzerland.—“Are you also a Genevan?”—No, that’s not
possible. I’m already Swiss, I can’t also be Genevan.
• Jamal, a very bright elementary school student, cannot answer the question, “How would life be
different if there were no darkness at night?” because he insists, “It IS DARK at night!”
• A 2-year-old who brings his own mother to comfort a friend who is crying (even though the
friend’s mother is available too) becomes an adolescent who buys that friend a gift—a CD by
a rapper he hates, but that his friend really likes.

3
 INTRODUCTION: DIMENSIONS OF DEVELOPMENT

What explanations are there for these interesting beliefs and behaviors? You will soon find out,
because you also are entering the world of child development. By the time you finish this chapter
you should be able to:

Objective 1.1 Describe the field of child development and compare it to the science
of developmental psychology.
Objective 1.2 Explain four broad time periods in the development of children, including the social
expectations about what children can do at each period.
Objective 1.3 Describe three broad areas of development during childhood and adolescence.
Objective 1.4 Discuss how family, ethnicity, social class, social policies, and historical time periods
provide contexts for child development.
Objective 1.5 Discuss three key and constant questions in child development involving the shape,
timing, and sources of development, and explain how these questions are answered
today.
Objective 1.6 Decide how to apply the knowledge you have gained about child development.

WHAT IS CHILD DEVELOPMENT?

The term development in its most general sense refers to patterns of growth and change that
occur in human beings (or animals) between conception and death. The patterns and
change often involve greater complexity—the 3-month-old who stops following an object
when it moves out of sight becomes an 8-year-old who can read a map and then a 16-year-
old who can understand theories of geometry (Thelen & Corbetta, 2009; Thelen & Smith,
1998). Development is not applied to all changes, but rather to those that appear in orderly
ways and remain for a reasonably long period of time. A temporary change caused by a brief
illness, for example, is not considered a part of development. Even a more permanent change
such as altering your appearance through plastic surgery is not development. A more tech-
nical definition is “a developmental theory describes changes over time in one or several
areas of behavior or psychological activity such as thought, language, social behavior, or
perception”(Miller, 2011, p. 8). So the study of child development is the study of predictable
patterns of change in children over time.
Both the content of the change (for example, the child saying feet, then
OUTLINE 䉲 foots, then footes, then feet to refer to the plural of foot) and the processes
(how children figure out the rules and exceptions in language) are part of
The Casebook—Applying Your the study of child development. Thus two important questions are: What
Knowledge of Child Development: changes? and How do the changes occur? A third important question is con-
What Would You Do? stancy: What does not change, and why? Miller’s definition above tells us
Overview and Objectives that the how and why questions about change are examined by considering
biological and environmental factors in continuous interaction.
What Is Child Development?
Now, let’s get more specific. Developmental scientists approach the
Basic Themes and Debates study of change/constancy and biology/environment in a systematic, sci-
in Development entific manner.
What Are the Contexts for
Development? The Science of Child Development
Why Study Development? Like so many other areas of study today, child development is a subfield of a
larger category, developmental science. Developmental scientists are inter-
Summary and Key Terms ested in human growth and change from conception until death, often
The Casebook—Applying Your called lifespan development. Those studying child development focus on
Knowledge of Child Development: the period from conception through adolescence, roughly the time from
What Would They Do? 0 to about 20 years old—the span covered by this book. Of course, people

4
 INTRODUCTION: DIMENSIONS OF DEVELOPMENT

continue to develop after adolescence. The more we learn about adult development, the
more we realize that it is impossible to disconnect child development from adult develop-
ment. For example, abusive parents often were abused as children, and their children are
more likely to continue the cycle of abuse. Still, our focus will be on the developing child, with
attention to all the influences along the way, including adults.
People always have been interested in children. In the 1800s and 1900s, the system-
atic study of child development began with the “baby biographies.” These biographies first
appeared in Germany around the end of the 1700s. The author, usually a close relative,
would keep a detailed journal, recording everything about the baby’s growth and develop-
ment. Often these baby biographies were written by mothers and published as guidance for
parents and teachers. For example, in the United States, Dr. Milicent Washburn Shinn wrote
four volumes, published between 1893 and 1898, called Notes of the Development of a
Child. She condensed the four volumes into a popular version called Biography of a Baby,
published in 1900. Dr. Shinn—quoted by David Noon (2004, p. 111)—believed that “It is
hard to get statistics about babies, scattered as they are, one by one, in different homes, not
massed in schoolrooms . . . the most fruitful method so far has been the biographical one—
that of watching one baby’s development, day by day, and recording it.”
Most baby biographies lacked the more sophisticated research methods described in
this text, and, of course, the authors were emotionally connected to their “subjects.” But
some of the early biographers were more systematic and scientific in their writings. For ex-
ample, Charles Darwin (1877), the author of the theory of evolution, studied his own son’s
first two years of development with the care that he brought to his other scientific obser-
vations. Darwin thought that studying how an individual developed might provide insights
about how a species develops. In fact, Darwin did use these observations to write a very im-
portant essay on the expression of emotions (Rochat, 2001).
As you can see, the scientific study of children is relatively recent—a bit over 100 years
old (Cairns & Cairns, 2006). What is meant by scientific study? Volumes have been written on
this question, but the simple answer is that scientific study involves asking carefully specified
questions based on current understandings (theories); systematically gathering and analyzing
of all kinds of information (data) about the questions; modifying and improving explanatory
theories based on the results of those analyses; and then asking new questions based on the
improved theories.
Theory is very important in scientific study. It is both the basis for initial questions and
the outcome of the questioning process—the beginning and the end of the research cycle.
The common sense notion of theory (as in “Oh well, it was only a theory”) is “a guess or
hunch.” But the scientific meaning of theory is quite different. “A theory in science is an in-
terrelated set of concepts that is used to explain a body of data and to make predictions . . .”
(Stanovich, 1992, p. 21). The overriding purpose of theories is to explain phenomena, to
tell us why things happened and what will happen in the future (Green & Piel, 2010).
Developmental scientists have constructed explanations for the relationships among
many variables and even whole systems of relationships. There are theories to explain how
language develops, how differences in intelligence occur, and how people learn. There are
grand theories, such as those of Piaget, Vygotsky, or Bronfenbrenner that provide compre-
hensive explanations for many different aspects of a child’s development—thinking, prob-
lem solving, language, social skills, and so on. There are smaller theories that focus on just
one domain such as vocabulary development or self-concept. Today, because many differ-
ent disciplines—from anthropology to zoology—are interested in understanding children,
there are emerging theories that combine insights from many fields of research (Hartup,
2002; Salkind, 2004).
Science, then, is a process that allows us to gather and organize information into large
and small theories to better understand the development of children. But few theories ex-
plain and predict perfectly. You will see many examples of people taking different theoret-
ical positions and disagreeing on the overall explanations of such processes as the
development of reasoning or the origins of self-concept. Because no one theory offers all
the answers, it makes sense to consider what each has to offer.

5
 INTRODUCTION: DIMENSIONS OF DEVELOPMENT

Periods of Development: Infancy,

Childhood, and Adolescence
You may have noticed that this text is organized
by periods of development—beginnings (which
includes prenatal development, infants, and tod-
dlers), early childhood, middle childhood, and
adolescence. These time period segments are
commonly used to organize discussions of child
development because they tend to be charac-
terized by particular patterns of limitations and
growing capabilities. Also, each time period is
associated with different environments for de-
velopment and changing social expectations.
For example, as infants mature and move into
the period of early childhood, they often are in
new environments outside their homes such as
In 1972, the United States Supreme Court ruled that the Older Order preschool or kindergarten, and they are ex-
sects of the Amish were exempt from mandatory school attendance after pected to assume more and more responsibility
grade 8, so Amish adolescents move to the world of work earlier than for their own care—feeding themselves, toilet-
most other young people in America. Blair Seitz/Photo Researchers, Inc. learning, getting along with other children, and
so on.
Before we examine these periods, a caveat is in order. These periods make some sense
and are convenient organizers, but they do not represent some kind of biological impera-
tive. Dividing the years from birth to adulthood into time periods is a social construction—
a generally agreed upon set of categories based not so much on age but more on functional
changes—what children can do and are expected to do. But all these periods have fuzzy
boundaries and are affected by culture. In some cultures, for example, childhood ends
much earlier as 12- or 13-year-olds work full time, marry, and start families. In the 1800s in
many countries, including the United States and Canada, schooling ended and children en-
tered the adult world before they were 13 years old, as they still do today in some cultures
such as the Amish, who generally leave school after the 8th grade. So as we examine the pe-
riods, remember that these distinctions reflect post-industrial, technological cultural expe-
riences and are not hard and fast categories. Here are the periods we will examine:
1. Prenatal, Infancy, and Toddlerhood. The prenatal period is the time between con-
ception and birth, typically 38 weeks, though some children are born earlier and survive.
In many ways, this is the time of greatest change. We go from being a single cell into a com-
plex human being with ears, eyes, hands, feet, heart, lungs, digestive system, brain, and
the capacity for lifelong development and learning. The first two years after birth also
bring dramatic changes. Children progress from being infants who need care to survive to
becoming toddlers who can crawl, then walk; babble, then talk; and interact with family
to form social bonds. The new environment for the infant is the world outside the womb,
but mostly the family. The new expectations are for gradually developing skills in the phys-
ical (particularly walking), cognitive (particularly language), and social/emotional arenas.
2. Early Childhood. As children become fully able to form and use symbols such as lan-
guage, they move to the next period of early childhood. The young child’s physical and cog-
nitive capabilities expand rapidly. At 2, children are walking, but by 6 most have added
running, skipping, jumping, climbing, drawing, writing, and even swimming or other sports.
Their vocabulary explodes from a few words to thousands. Their environments usually ex-
pand beyond family and home to include the neighborhood and caregivers outside the fam-
ily such as nursery school, preschool, or kindergarten teachers. With growing physical and
cognitive skills and new environments come new expectations for self-sufficiency and social
competence. Children are expected to do many things for themselves and to get along with
others—both children and adults.
3. Middle Childhood. From ages 6 or 7 to 11 most children in post-industrial cultures are in the
world of school. Their developing brains, language, and self-control allow them to learn reading,

6
 INTRODUCTION: DIMENSIONS OF DEVELOPMENT

writing, arithmetic, science, history, and many

other subjects. They can play organized games
and sports, form and abandon friendships, and
understand more abstract concepts such as in-
tention and morality. Standards for achievement
both in school and outside escalate, and children
are expected to be more independent, keeping
up with schoolwork and perhaps even caring for
younger members of their family.
4. Adolescence. The transition to adolescence
is marked by the physical and psychosocial
changes of puberty. Somewhere between ages
10 and 12 or so, most children in post-industrial
countries experience the dramatic development
of sexual maturity. Everything changes. In addi-
tion to physical changes, there are growing cog-
nitive capabilities to think abstractly, leading to
greater idealism and the ability to handle more
advanced abstract learning. The new environ-
There are dramatic cultural differences in the meaning of adolescence, or
ment is the world of peers, high school, work,
even the existence of adolescence separate from adulthood. In most
and even college for some, because adolescence
post-industrial cultures, adolescence continues until ages 18 to 22 years
continues until ages 18 to 22 years or so. or so and marriage is delayed. But in many other cultures, children move
Adolescents are expected to move toward an in- directly to the world of adults, like this teenage girl in India being carried
dependent identity and deal with their changing to her marriage ceremony. © Frédéric Soltan/CORBIS All Rights Reserved
bodies, particularly sexual development. As
with all the periods of development described
above, the edges of adolescence are fuzzy. Some adolescents have taken on adult responsibili-
ties for work and family at 18; others will not do so for several more years.
Of course, as we mentioned earlier, development does not stop with adolescence. Today
there is increased study of adults and an emphasis on lifespan development. But that is
another story and another book.

What Develops? Domains of Development

Child development can be divided into a number of different aspects based on what is develop-
ing. Physical development, as you might guess, deals with changes in the body and brain. So the
study of physical development includes such topics as health; growth and change in bones and
muscles that affect size, movement, and strength; and changes in sensory capabilities such as see-
ing and hearing. Cognitive development refers to changes in problem solving, memory, language,
reasoning, and other aspects of thinking. Emotional/social development is the term generally used
for changes in the individual’s feelings, personality, self-concept, and relations with other people.
Table 1.1 on the next page lists the different periods of development along with example ques-
tions addressed in each domain of development for that period.
Another caveat is in order. We deal with physical, cognitive, and emotional/social de-
velopment for each time period, but these domains are not separate in children. Having
problems hearing (physical) will affect language development and reading (cognitive), as
well as relationships with friends (social). So even though we discuss these domains of de-
velopment separately, we know that development in one domain affects and is affected by
development in the other two areas.
Many changes during development are strongly influenced by growth and maturation.
Maturation refers to changes that occur naturally and spontaneously and that are, to a large
extent, genetically based. Such changes emerge over time and are relatively unaffected by
environment, except in cases of malnutrition or severe illness (Overton, 2006). Much of a
person’s physical development falls into this category.

7
 INTRODUCTION: DIMENSIONS OF DEVELOPMENT

TABLE 1.1 • Periods and Domains of Development: Examples of Key Questions

PERIODS OF PHYSICAL COGNITIVE EMOTIONAL/

DEVELOPMENT DOMAIN DOMAIN SOCIAL

Prenatal If a woman drinks Will playing music to How does a mother’s

(Conception coffee while she is babies before birth stress during
to birth) pregnant, will it improve their pregnancy affect her
affect her baby? cognitive abilities? baby?

Infancy (Birth to If a baby is not Can infants learn If a child starts

2 years old) walking at 18 two languages? daycare at 3 months
months, is that a old, will that affect
problem? the emotional bonds
between parents and
the child?

Early Childhood Is it a problem if a Should some Is it normal for a

(2 to 6 years old) 5-year-old is children be “held 5-year-old to be
“overweight”? back” in afraid of a Halloween
kindergarten? mask?

Middle Childhood What are the What does an IQ Why are some
(6 to 11 years old) common diseases score tell you about children victims and
of childhood? a 7-year-old? others bullies?

Adolescence (11 to What are the Are there gender What factors
20+ years old) consequences of differences in influence racial
going through mathematics identity?
puberty late for abilities?
boys? For girls?

So far, we have examined the periods and domains of development. There also are
some fundamental themes and issues in explanations of development that will arise
throughout this text. We turn to those now.

BASIC THEMES AND DEBATES IN DEVELOPMENT

Along with the many different approaches to research and theory in child development,
there are continuing debates about some key questions. After considering some early
themes about children, we will look at three more current debates: What is the shape of
development—is it continuous or are there leaps and distinct stages? How important is
timing in development—are there critical periods when certain abilities must emerge or
they will be forever lost? Which is the more influential source of development—personal
characteristics or the environment? After considering these three issues, we will examine
some emerging ideas in child development.

Early Themes
MINIATURE ADULTS? You may have read in other classes that during medieval times, children
were viewed as miniature adults without special needs. One line of reasoning claims that as
soon as they could walk, talk, and care for themselves (about age 8 or so), children were con-
sidered small adults. Children worked and dressed like their parents. If they broke the law, chil-
dren could receive the same punishments as adults, including hanging (Jaffe, 1997). Evidence
for this view of medieval childhood comes from paintings showing children dressed as adults.

8
 INTRODUCTION: DIMENSIONS OF DEVELOPMENT

But scholars studying the lives of medieval children have ques-

tioned these assumptions (Hanawalt, 1993; Orme, 2001). These
historians believe that even though adolescence was not really
recognized as a separate phase in medieval times, childhood was
considered a special and vulnerable stage of life. For example,
there were laws that protected children and medicines for chil-
dren were different from those given to adults.
By the way, it has taken quite a while to provide full legal
protection for children. For example, the United States tried
several times during the early 1900s to limit the hours a young
child could work, but it was 1938 before federal laws specified
the minimum ages and maximum hours allowed. For current
U.S. laws, see http://www.continuetolearn.uiowa.edu/laborctr/
child_labor/about/us_laws.html.
INNATELY GOOD? ACTIVE OR PASSIVE? Following medieval
times, conceptions of the nature of children continued to re-
flect religious and philosophical thinking. In the 1500s, the
Puritans’ idea of original sin assumed that children were born
evil and should be educated and disciplined to overcome this
perilous beginning. Training for some Puritan parents included
harsh methods, but for others, persuasion and reason were the
preferred approaches (Clarke-Stewart, 1998).
In the 1600s, John Locke, a British philosopher, pre-
sented a different idea. Rather than perceiving children as in-
nately bad, Locke contended that they are blank slates (tabula
rasa in Latin) on which the world “writes” knowledge and be-
liefs. Through education, nurture, training, correction, tutor-
ing, and so on, the world molds the adult from the clay of
childhood. Locke saw children as passive—neither evil nor ac- Partly because artists in earlier centuries painted
tive in shaping their own development (Locke, 1690/1892). children to look like miniature adults and because many
By the 1700s, a new idea emerged. Jean-Jacques Rousseau children did not survive the first few years of their lives,
rejected the views of children as evil or as neutral blank slates. some scholars have assumed children were viewed
He proposed that children are inherently good—noble savages— simply as small adults, not as a separate and vulnerable
who have a built-in sense of right and wrong. Rousseau believed group. These assumptions are questioned today.
that if children were left alone to develop without adult training Jupiterimages
they would naturally mature from infants to children to adoles-
cents to adults (1762/1979).
Now we turn to the contemporary study of children. The first Handbook of Child
Psychology was edited by Carl Murchison in 1991. Reflecting on all the Handbook editions
since then in the preface of the 2006 edition, William Damon notes, “The perennial themes
of the field were there from the start” (p. xiii). Damon goes on to describe debating nature
versus nurture as the source of development, disagreeing about whether development un-
folds similarly for all children or whether contexts are powerful influences, discussing con-
tinuity versus discontinuity in the shaping of development, and separating the analysis of
development into different aspects (biological, cognitive, social, emotional) while insisting
that these processes cannot be separated when it comes to the “dynamic mix of human
development.” Let’s examine a few of these key themes.

What Is the Shape of Development? Continuity vs. Discontinuity

Is human development a continuous process of adding to and increasing abilities, or are
there leaps or moves to new stages with completely new abilities? A continuous process
would be like gradual improvement in your running endurance through systematic exer-
cise. A discontinuous change would be like a tadpole becoming a frog—the frog developed
from the tadpole, but the frog is not simply a bigger tadpole—not just “more of the same”
tadpole. The tadpole-to-frog change has been called qualitative because the animal changes

9
 INTRODUCTION: DIMENSIONS OF DEVELOPMENT

FIGURE 1.1

CONTINUOUS AND DISCONTINUOUS CHANGE

Piaget’s theory describing four qualitatively different stages of children’s thinking is an example of
discontinuous change.

Continuous
Discontinuous

Formal Operations

Operational

Preoperational

Sensorimotor

in its qualities (legs appear, for example). Qualitative changes are contrasted to purely
quantitative change, such as the frog growing longer or heavier.
You can think of continuous or quantitative change like walking up a ramp to go higher
and higher. Progress is steady, as you can see in Figure 1.1. A discontinuous or qualitative
change is more like walking up stairs—there are level periods, then you move up to the next
step all at once.
The best examples of discontinuous or qualitative change in child development are stage
theories that describe qualitative changes in an aspect of development. In the next chapter we
will look at several stage theories. One of the best known is Jean Piaget’s theory describing four
qualitatively different stages of cognitive development (Piaget, 1970, 1971). The four stages are:
Sensorimotor: Children know the world through actions on the world—
sucking, throwing, pounding, etc. They know what they can
see. Objects out of sight are out of mind—they don’t exist for
the infant.
Preoperational: Children can use symbols such as pretending and language,
but thinking relies on appearances. At this stage, a child may
think that five coins spread out are more coins than the same
five pushed close together.
Operational: Children can think about and reverse actions mentally, as
long as they are thinking about objects they have experi-
enced or dealt with personally, so they can mentally move
the coins (or buttons, or blocks, etc.) apart and together to
know that the quantity does not change just because the
appearance changes.
Formal Operational: Children can perform mental operations on abstract ideas
and objects that are only imagined—objects or events they
have never encountered personally.

10
 INTRODUCTION: DIMENSIONS OF DEVELOPMENT

From one stage to the next, the thinking of the child changes in ways that involve more
than just the addition of knowledge and skills. Children at the preoperational stage may
think, for example, that they will some day catch up to a sibling in age, or they may confuse
the past and the future. But children at the next stage, operational, have no such confusions.
According to Piaget’s stage theory, all the explanation and practice in the world will not help
a child functioning at one stage to understand the ways of thinking at a higher stage.
Besides continuous and discontinuous change, there is a third possibility. Changes may
seem like discontinuous, qualitative leaps when we look across longer time periods. The
adolescent contemplating possible utopian societies certainly is thinking differently than the
4-year-old who cannot reason about hypothetical, what-if situations, but maybe those
changes developed continuously and gradually. If we watched a developing child very closely
moment-to-moment or hour-to-hour, we might see the gradual, continuous changes. Rather
than arising all at once, the knowledge that a hidden toy still exists may evolve gradually as
children’s memories develop. The longer you make the infants wait before searching—the
longer you make them remember the object—the older they have to be to succeed, so there
is some evidence for this third possibility of gradual evolution (Siegler & Alibali, 2005).
The opposite is also possible. Developments that seem quantitative may actually be
based on qualitative changes. For example, when a 7-year-old can remember twice as many
objects as a 4-year-old, that seems like a quantitative difference. But the 7-year-old may be
using strategies to remember—a qualitatively different memory method than that em-
ployed by the 4-year-old, who likely is just “trying hard” to remember (Miller, 2011).
So change can be both continuous and discontinuous, as described by a branch of
mathematics called catastrophe theory. Changes that appear suddenly, such as the collapse
of a bridge, are preceded by many slowly developing changes such as gradual, continuous
corrosion of the metal structures. Similarly, gradually developing changes in children, such
as learning to use memory strategies, can lead to large changes in abilities that seem abrupt
(Fischer & Pare-Blagoev, 2000; Siegler & Alibali, 2005).

Timing: Is It Too Late? Critical Periods

and Earlier vs. Later Experiences
Are some experiences, such as exposure to toxic drugs or improved nutrition, more pow-
erful at certain times than others? Are there critical periods when certain abilities, such as
language, need to develop? If those opportunities are missed, can the child still “catch up”?
These are questions about timing and development.
In answer to the first question, there are critical times in prenatal development when
exposure to a toxin or a disease afflicting the mother, such as rubella, will cause damage to
the developing fetus. But the same exposure earlier or later in the pregnancy would have
minimal effects. So, what about developing abilities after the child is born? There appears
to be a critical period for learning accurate language pronunciation. The earlier people
learn a second language, the more their pronunciation is near-native. After adolescence it
is difficult to learn a new language without speaking with an accent (Piske, MacKay, & Flege,
2001).
Does the critical period for developing near-native pronunciation extend to learning
language itself? Years ago, Eric Lenneberg (1969) proposed that the time from infancy to
puberty is the critical period for language development. If somehow a child were kept
from developing language during that time, Lenneberg believed, then language would
never develop. You can imagine that this is a difficult theory to test. It would be highly
unethical, in fact criminal, to perform an experiment that would keep an infant from the
chance to develop language. But in 1970, outside Los Angeles, authorities discovered a
13-year old-girl who had been kept in a tiny room, tied to a potty chair, and cut off from
all human contact by her mentally ill father. She seemed to recognize her name, but did
not speak. Would her experiences point to the existence of a critical period for language?
Funded by grants from the National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH), several re-
searchers took over the care of “Genie,” a name they gave her for reporting purposes. After
a few years of intensive care and language teaching, Genie could use several words and say

11
 INTRODUCTION: DIMENSIONS OF DEVELOPMENT

some simple sentences, but her language never became normal. When the funding ran out
and Genie lived in a series of foster homes, she returned to complete silence. Genie’s ex-
periences seem to lend some support for the critical period theory. But it is also possible
that the serious abuse she endured caused so much cognitive and emotional damage that
language development was almost impossible.
Some critical periods for development appear to depend on the plasticity (adaptabil-
ity or modifiability) of brain organization and structures. For example, we know that the left
side of the brain is more involved in language processing for most people. But this special-
ization of the two sides of the brain takes a while to develop. Therefore, the brains of young
children show more plasticity because they are not as specialized as the brains of older chil-
dren and adults. Damage to the left side of a young child’s brain can be somewhat overcome
to allow language development to proceed. Other areas of the brain take over this task. But
this compensation is less likely for older children and adults.
Many earlier developmental psychologists, particularly those influenced by Freud, be-
lieved that early childhood experiences were critical, especially for emotional/social and
cognitive development. But does early “toilet teaching”really set all of us on a particular life
path? Probably not. More recent research shows that later experiences are powerful, too,
and can change the direction of development (Kagan & Herschkowitz, 2005). Most devel-
opmental psychologists today talk about sensitive periods—not critical periods. These are
times when a person is especially ready for or responsive to certain experiences. Thus, al-
though the best time to learn a second language on your own without direct instruction is
childhood, adults can and do learn second languages all the time.

What Is the Source of Development? Nature vs. Nurture

Which is more important in development, the “nature” of an individual (heredity, genes,
biological processes, maturation, etc.) or the “nurture”of environmental contexts (education,
parenting, culture, social policies, etc.)? This debate has raged for at least 2,000 years and
has had many labels along the way—“heredity versus environment,” “nativism versus em-
piricism,”“biology versus culture,”“maturation versus learning,”and “innate versus acquired
abilities” (Cairns & Cairns, 2006; Miller, 2011). In earlier centuries, philosophers, poets, re-
ligious leaders, and politicians argued the question. Today scientists bring new tools to the
discussion as they can map genes or trace the effects of drugs on brain activity, for example
(Gottlieb, Wahlsten, & Lickliter, 2006).
If we look at the history of scientific explanations for development, we see that the
pendulum has swung back and forth between nature and nurture (Cairns & Cairns, 2006;
Lerner, Theokas, & Bobek, 2005). For an example of the differing views, see the
Point/Counterpoint on the next page.
Today the environment is viewed as critical for development (more about this in the
next section on contexts), but biological factors and individual differences are important,
too. In fact, some scientists assert that behaviors are determined 100% by biology and 100%
by environment—they can’t be separated (Miller, 2011). Even with recent advances in
mapping human genes, we still need to consider complex interactions with life experi-
ences. Gilbert Gottlieb (2003) sums it up: “gene-environment coactions are the rule in
developmental investigations” (p. 352).

Emerging Ideas
As you might imagine, the debates above proved too complicated to be settled by splitting
alternatives into either/or possibilities (Griffins & Gray, 2005).

BEWARE OF EITHER/OR. Richard Lerner and his colleagues (2005) summed up the problems
with either/or thinking:
In human development, major instances of such splitting involved classic debates
about nature versus nurture as “the” source of development, continuity versus
discontinuity as an appropriate depiction of the character of the human develop-
ment trajectory, and stability versus instability as an adequate means to describe

12
 INTRODUCTION: DIMENSIONS OF DEVELOPMENT

POINT/COUNTERPOINT: Are Numbers Innate or Learned?

We will be examining some debates in child development. then renewed attention to a new number doesn’t work, how-
We will look at the arguments for both sides, so this feature ever, with larger numbers, say 4 or above. Based on these
is called Point/Counterpoint. studies and others like it, Gelman and her colleagues
What seems like a simple notion, that 3 cups in a stack (Gelman & Gallistel, 1978; Starkey, Spelke, & Gelman, 1990)
is the same number as 3 birds on a telephone wire, is not so concluded that humans must be born with a sense that 2 is
simple. After all, the stacked cups and the lined-up birds different from 3; that is, babies have “a clear understanding
look quite different. And what about counting? Different lan- of the number continuum, which they can apply at first only
guages have very different ways of saying 17, for example. to small numbers but extend to larger numbers as they grow
In English, 17 is “seventeen,” but in French it is “dix-sept” older and their cognitive powers and memory capacities
or 10 - 7. Some psychologists claim that this whole process increase” (Bryant & Nunes, 2004, p. 414).
is easier because an understanding of number is innate—we

䉲
are born with it. Others believe that we have to learn the We need to learn about numbers. But are these
meaning of numbers. Let’s look at the arguments. After you experiments really about number? Other researchers

COUNTERPOINT
read these positions, you might listen to a podcast on innate claim that although these babies are detecting
numbers from Radiolab (http://www.wnyc.org/shows/radiolab/ differences, they are not differences in number, just
episodes/2009/10/09/segments/137633). differences in the amount of “stuff” in the displays. To
test this, researchers tried using 3 small dots in the first
habituation phase, and then showed 3 larger dots in
We are born with a sense of numbers. The idea
䉲

the checking phase. After habituating (growing unin-

that people are predisposed to understand numbers terested) in the 3 dots, the babies increased their at-
POINT

comes mostly from work with babies. In the 1980s, tention to the larger dots, even though the number was
Rochell Gelman and her student, Prentice Starkey, used still 3. So it seemed that the babies were noticing
a technique called habituation to study infants’ under- greater size, not a change in number (Clearfield & Mix,
standing of number. In a typical experiment, babies are 1999). Peter Bryant and Terezinha Nunes (2004) believe
shown a series of 3 dots arranged in different ways— that basic mathematical ideas about numbers are not
close together or farther apart. After a while, the babies innate. “They are a source of genuine difficulty for
usually habituate—their attention to the displays of children, and the idea that they come as an innate and
dots decreases. But when a new display with just 2 dots ap- universal gift is misguided and actually harmful, for it
pears, they look longer at it, indicating that the 2 dots is distracts us from giving help to children where they
something new for them. This habituation to one number, need it” (p. 349).

development change. Today, most major developmental theories eschew such

splits and use concepts drawn from developmental systems theories (e.g., Lerner,
2002; Overton, 1998, 2003). (p. 3)
Developmental systems theories are general perspectives on development, heredity, and
evolution that emphasize the study of interactions and coactions among the many influ-
ences on development, without falling into the kinds of “which is more” debates described
in the previous sections (Lerner, 2006). As you will see in the next chapter, these systems
perspectives are leading explanations of development. So where does that leave us on the
nature/nurture questions?
NATURE AND NURTURE TODAY. Current views emphasize complex coactions (joint
actions) of nature and nurture. For example, a child born with a very easygoing, calm
disposition will likely elicit different reactions from parents, playmates, and teachers
compared to a child who is often upset and difficult to soothe, so individuals are active in
constructing their own environments. But environments shape individuals as well—if not,
what good would education be? So today, the either/or debates about nature and nurture
are of less interest to developmental psychologists. The more exciting questions involve
understanding how, as a pioneer in developmental psychology, James Mark Baldwin, said
over 100 years ago, “both causes work together”(1895, p. 77). A recent special section in the
journal Developmental Psychology on biology and environment (Diamond, 2009) included
articles on how experience affects gene expression, how genes influence what effects
environments have, and even how physical fitness affects cognition and the brain. The general

13
 INTRODUCTION: DIMENSIONS OF DEVELOPMENT

public is beginning to understand that nature and nurture act together. A poll found that 90%
of parents and teachers believed that genetics and environment are equally important factors
for mental illness, intelligence, personality, and learning disabilities (Plomin, 2004).
Today, advanced research tools and technologies allow us to ask new questions about
nature and nurture that reflect a developmental systems perspective, such as, “How do
genes affect emotional development and how do those effects change over time?” An
example is in the development of schizophrenia, a serious mental disorder that appears in
adolescence. There is evidence that some genetic factors are involved in schizophrenia—it
tends to run in families and an identical twin has about a 45% chance of having the disor-
der if the other twin has schizophrenia. But if genes are involved, why do the behaviors of-
ten observed, such as hearing voices or having paranoid delusions, not occur in childhood,
before adolescence? One answer is that the brain may have to mature enough to be capable
of abstract thought before genes that underlie schizophrenic behaviors will have the effects
we associate with the disorder—voices and delusions (Plomin, 2004).
Another example involves intelligence as assessed by IQ tests. We might guess that the
effects of the environment on IQ would increase as we grow and have more different ex-
periences, but that does not seem to be the case. Genetic influences on IQ increase from
infancy to adulthood—the relationship between parents’IQs and their children’s’IQs grows
stronger over time—the opposite of what we might predict. One explanation is that as we
go through life, we create environments, select experiences, and shape our contexts, so the
environments we create are consistent with the genes and magnify the influence of the
genes over time (Plomin, 2004).
The future of developmental research on the complex coactions of nature and nurture
may well involve building on the work of the Human Genome Project that, in 2003, identified
the 20,000 to 25,000 genes in human DNA and how these genes work collaboratively with
other influences such as hormones to affect human development. As researchers understand
gene–environment coactions to explain differences in development over time, we may be
able to design more effective interventions for disorders such as schizophrenia or alcoholism.
A focus on coactions of biology and environment highlights the importance of con-
texts. No matter what, all scientists agree that the contexts in which children develop—
their biological, physical, emotional, cultural, and social environments—are important
considerations in development. We turn to those contexts next.

WHAT ARE THE CONTEXTS FOR DEVELOPMENT?

Developmental researchers are increasingly interested in the role of context. Context is the to-
tal setting or situation that surrounds and interacts with a person or event. As we learn more
about the biology of development, it is clear that there are contextual effects both internal and
external to the developing individual. For example, the child’s health is a context for develop-
ing organs, including the brain. However, we focus on the contexts outside the individual.
These contexts may include family, neighborhood, school, economic conditions, cultural tools
and traditions, social norms and processes, timing issues, architectural and environmental
structures, emotional and physical climate, and historical factors—to name just a few (Lerner,
Theokas, & Bobek, 2005). Uri Bronfenbrenner’s theory of development highlights these nested
and interacting contexts for development.
Contexts affect how actions are interpreted. For example, when a stranger approaches
a 7-month-old infant, the baby is likely to cry if the setting is unfamiliar, but not cry when
the stranger approaches in the baby’s home. Adults are more likely to help a stranger in
need in small towns as opposed to larger cities (Kagan, & Herschkowitz, 2005). Here is an-
other example: Standing on your seat and screaming means one thing at a football game and
another on an airplane. Think about a ringing telephone. Is it 3:00 in the afternoon or
3:00 AM? Did you just call someone and leave a message asking for a return call? Has the
phone been ringing off the hook, or is this the first call in days? Did you just sit down to din-
ner? Are you engrossed in a conversation or bored and looking for an excuse to exit the dis-
cussion? The meaning of the phone ringing and the feelings you have will vary, depending
on the context. In making a case for greater attention to context in developmental research,
Jerome Kagan (2004), director of Harvard University’s Infant and Child Study Center said,

14
 INTRODUCTION: DIMENSIONS OF DEVELOPMENT

“because humans evaluate every event with respect to the situation in which it normally
occurs, every event must be conceptualized as an ‘event in context’” (p. 293).
Contexts also influence the development of behaviors, beliefs, and knowledge by pro-
viding resources, supports, incentives and punishments, expectations, teachers, models,
and tools—all the building blocks of development. Children do not develop in laboratories
or isolation bubbles. They grow up in families and neighborhoods. They attend schools and
are in classes, teams, or choirs. They are members of particular ethnic, religious, economic,
and language communities. The social and educational programs and policies of their gov-
ernments affect their lives. Moreover, the contexts in which we live and develop are in-
credibly diverse. For example, here are a few statistics about the United States and Canada
(taken from Children’s’ Defense Fund, 2008; Dewan, 2010; Freisen, 2010; Meece & Kurtz-
Costes, 2001; U.S. Census Bureau, 2010a):

• In 2003, 12% of the people living in the United States were born outside of the United
States and 18% speak a language other than English at home—half of these families
speak Spanish.
• Today 22% of children under the age of 18 are Latino. By 2050, Latinos will be about
one quarter of the U.S. population (U.S. Census Bureau, 2010b).
• In Canada, projections are that by 2031, one in three Canadians will belong to a visible
minority, with South Asians the largest group represented. About 17% of the population
reported that their first language was not French or English, but instead one of over
100 languages.
• 1 in 5 American children lives in poverty and 1 in 12 lives in extreme poverty, defined
in 2009 by the United States Department of Health and Human Services as an income
of $22,050 for a family of four ($27,570 in Alaska and $25,360 in Hawaii). The num-
bers are very similar for Canada.
• In Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, and Texas, over half of the students live in low-
income families.
In the next few pages we take a closer look at several influential interacting contexts
for development.

These two children certainly are developing in different contexts.

Can you identify all the differences in resources and supports
available to each? © Janet Jarman/Corbis (left);
Melanie DeFazio/Shutterstock (right)

15
 INTRODUCTION: DIMENSIONS OF DEVELOPMENT

Family
The first context for development is the mother’s womb. As research advances in biology,
biochemistry, neuroscience, and other fields, we learn more about the effects of this first
environment. You will learn about the influence of the expectant mother’s level of stress,
nutrition, smoking, alcohol and drug intake, exercise, general health, and even voice on her
infant’s development. The influence of the family begins before birth. After the baby is
born, new family influences are added.
FAMILY STRUCTURE. You may have grown up in a nuclear family, defined as a mother and father
(or a single parent) along with biological, adopted, or stepchildren living in the same household.
Sometimes this unit is called a traditional family when it includes both parents, but it is not the
family configuration for everyone. Some children are being raised by same-sex parents in a nu-
clear family structure. These children may be the biological offspring of one of the parents or
they may be adopted. Increasingly, children today may be part of blended families, with step-
brothers or stepsisters who move in and out of their lives. Some children live with an aunt, with
grandparents, with one parent, in foster or adoptive homes, or with an older brother or sister.
In some cultures such as Asian, Latin American, or African, children are more likely to grow up
in extended families, with grandparents, aunts, uncles, and cousins living in the same household
or at least in daily contact with them. Childcare and economic support often are shared among
family members. Family structure is determined in part by cultural customs and in part by eco-
nomics and mobility. For example, family groups that move to take advantage of economic op-
portunities tend to be smaller—more nuclear and less extended (Peterson, 1993).
PARENTING STYLES. The family context affects child development in many ways, but one
of the most widely researched influences is parent discipline style. One well-known
description of parenting styles is based on the research of Diane Baumrind (1991, 2005).
Her early work focused on a careful longitudinal study of 100 (mostly European American,
middle-class) preschool children. Through observation of children and parents and inter-
views with parents, Baumrind and the other researchers who built on her findings identi-
fied four styles based on the parents’ high or low levels of warmth and control or
demandingness. A general finding is that, at least in European American, middle-class fam-
ilies, children of authoritative (high warmth, high control/demand) parents are more likely
to be happy with themselves and to relate well to others, whereas children of authoritar-
ian parents (low warmth, high control/demand) are more likely to be guilty or depressed.
Cultures differ in parenting styles, as you can see in the Relating to Every Child
discussion on the next page.
The research on parenting styles makes it clear that all families are part of a culture,
and that culture is a powerful context for development.

Culture and Community

There are many definitions of culture. Most include the knowledge, skills, rules, traditions,
beliefs, and values that guide behavior in a particular group of people, as well as the art and
artifacts produced and passed down to the next generation (Betancourt & Lopez, 1993; Pai
& Alder, 2001). The group creates a culture—a program for living—and communicates the
program to members. Groups can be defined along regional, ethnic, religious, gender, social
class, or other lines. Each of us—recent immigrant or longtime resident—is a member of
many groups, so we all are influenced by many different cultures. Sometimes the influences
are incompatible or even contradictory. For example, if you are a feminist but also a Roman
Catholic, you may have trouble reconciling the two different cultures’ beliefs about the
ordination of women as priests. Your personal belief will be based, in part, on how strongly
you identify with each group (Banks, 2002).
There are many different cultures, of course, within every modern country. In the United
States, students growing up in a small rural town in the Great Plains are part of a cultural group
that is very different from that of students from a large urban center or a Florida gated commu-
nity. In Canada, students living in the suburbs of Toronto certainly differ in a number of ways
from students growing up in a Vancouver high-rise apartment or on a farm in Quebec. Within

16
RELATING TO E V E RY C H I L D
䉴 Different Parenting Styles
in Different Cultures
NOT EVERY STUDY finds results consistent with Diane parents who do not speak
Baumrind’s findings about the problems that accompany English has an impact on
authoritarian styles in white, middle-class families. Other re- the child’s psychological
search indicates that higher control, more authoritarian par- well-being and relation-
enting is linked to better grades for Asian and African ship with the parents.
American students (Glasgow, Dornbusch, Troyer, Steinberg, Research with Latino
& Ritter, 1997). Parenting that is strict and directive, with parents also questions
clear rules and consequences, combined with high levels of whether parenting styles
warmth and emotional support, is associated with higher studies based on European
academic achievement and greater emotional maturity for American families are help-
inner-city children (Garner & Spears, 2000; Jarrett, 1995). ful in understanding Latino
Differences in cultural values and in the danger level of families. Using a carefully
some urban neighborhoods may make tighter parental con- designed observation sys-
trol appropriate, and even necessary (Smetana, 2000). In ad- tem, Melanie Domenech Ruth Chao Courtesy of Ruth Chao
dition, in cultures that have a greater respect for elders and Rodríguez and her col-
a more group-centered rather than individualistic philoso- leagues included a third dimension of parenting—giving chil-
phy, it may be a misreading of the parents’ actions to per- dren more or less autonomy (freedom to make decisions).
ceive their demand for obedience as “authoritarian” (Lamb They found that almost all of the Latino parents they studied
& Lewis, 2005; Nucci, 2001). In fact, research by Ruth Chao could be characterized as protective (high on warmth, high
(2001; Chao & Tseng, 2002) has challenged Baumrind’s con- on control/demand, and low on granting autonomy)
clusions for Asian families. Chao finds that an alternative or authoritative (high on all three—warmth, control/ demand,
parenting style of chiao shun (a Chinese term that Chao and granting autonomy). Also, these Latino parents tended
translates to mean “training”) better characterizes parent- to be more demanding and less likely to grant autonomy to
ing in Asian and Asian American families. Chao is also study- their female children (Domenech Rodríguez, Donovick, &
ing whether serving as a translator or “language broker” for Crowley, 2009).

those small towns in the Great Plains or Quebec, the child of a convenience store clerk grows
up in a different culture from the child of the town doctor or dentist. Individuals of African,
Asian, Hispanic, Native American, or European descent have distinctive histories and traditions.
The experiences of males and females are different in most ethnic and economic groups.
Everyone living within a particular country shares many common experiences and values, es-
pecially because of the influence of the mass media. But other aspects of their lives are shaped
by differing cultural backgrounds. For example, even symptoms of psychological disorders
are affected by culture. In industrialized cultures where cleanliness is emphasized, people
with obsessive-compulsive disorders often become obsessed with cleaning their hands,
whereas in Bali, where social networks are emphasized, people with obsessive-compulsive
disorders often become obsessed with knowing all the details about the lives of their friends
and family—their social network (Lemelson, 2003). In fact, some cultures have mental health
disorders not experienced in the Western countries. For example, in some Southeast Asian
cultures men might experience amok—an episode of murderous rage followed by amnesia
or koro—a terrible fear that their genitals are receding into their bodies (Watters, 2010).
The above examples are not meant to imply that there are no universals in child
development. Jerome Kagan and Norbert Herschkowitz (2005) remind us that “over 90%
of 1-year-olds in every village, town, and city across the world will smile at the approach of
the caretaker, remember and reach toward a place where an adult hid a toy, cry occasionally

17
 INTRODUCTION: DIMENSIONS OF DEVELOPMENT

to an approaching stranger, and imitate some parental behaviors” (p. 32). Throughout this
book we will consider both universals and the influences of culture.
Ethnicity and race are two important elements of culture that influence individual
development.

Ethnicity and Race

Since the beginning of the 20th century, scores of immigrants have entered the United Kingdom,
Western Europe, Canada, Australia, the United States, and many other post-industrial countries.
These immigrants bring with them their cultures and languages. By the year 2020, over 66% of
all school-age children in the United States will be African American, Asian, Hispanic, or Native
American—many the children of new immigrants. According to projections by the U.S. Census
Bureau (2010a), the Hispanic and Asian populations will triple over the next half century and
non-Hispanic whites will represent only about one-half of the total population by 2050.
Ethnicity usually refers to groups that share common cultural characteristics such as
history, homeland, language, traditions, or religion. The word ethnic is from the Greek
word for “nation” or “foreign people”—ethnos. We all have some ethnic heritage, whether
our background is Italian, Ukrainian, Hmong, Chinese, Japanese, Navajo, Hawaiian, Puerto
Rican, Cuban, Hungarian, German, African, or Irish—to name only a few.
Race, on the other hand, has been considered “a social category that is defined on the
basis of physical characteristics” such as skin color or hair texture (Yetman, 1999, p. 3). In
effect, race is a label people apply to themselves and to others based on appearances, an-
cestry, or history. There are no biologically pure races. In fact, for any two humans chosen
at random, an average of only .01% (about one-hundredth of one percent) of the alphabetic
sequence of their genetic codes is different due to race (Smedley & Smedley, 2005). Still,
race is a powerful construct. At the individual level, race is part of our identity—how we
understand ourselves and interact with others. At the group level, race is involved with eco-
nomic and political structures (Omi & Winant, 1994).
Today many psychologists emphasize that ethnicity and race are socially constructed
ideas. In an interview for the Monitor on Psychology, Helen Rose Markus, who studies iden-
tity, said that both race and ethnicity share a similar definition as “a dynamic set of histori-
cally derived and institutionalized ideas and practices that allow people to identify or be
identified on the basis of commonalities including language, history, nation, customs, phys-
ical appearance and ancestry” (DeAngelis, 2008, p. 30).
Sociologists sometimes use the term minority group to refer to a group of people that have
less power than the dominant group and receive unequal or discriminatory treatment. There
was a time when the term indicated a numerical minority as well. But today, referring to par-
ticular racial or ethnic groups as “minorities” in the numbers sense is technically incorrect in
many situations, because in certain places the “minority”group is actually the majority—for ex-
ample, African Americans in Chicago or Mississippi. So minorities may not always be fewer in
numbers, but they often have less political or economic power and experience discrimination.
There is another important contextual influence on children as they develop—social class.

Social Class and Socioeconomic Status

In modern societies, levels of wealth, power, and prestige are not always consistent. Some
people—for instance, university professors—are members of professions that have a reasonably
high social status, but provide little wealth or power (believe us). Other people have political
power even though they are not wealthy or they may be members of the upper-class social reg-
ister in a town, even though their family money is long gone. Most people are generally aware
of their social class—that is, they perceive that some groups are above them in social class and
some are below. They may even show a kind of “classism”(like racism or sexism); they believe
they are “better”than members of lower social classes and avoid associating with them.
There is another way of thinking about class differences that is commonly used in
research. Sociologists and psychologists combine variations in wealth, power, control over
resources, and prestige into an index called socioeconomic status, or SES. In contrast to so-
cial class, most people are not conscious of their SES designation. SES is more ascribed to
people by researchers; different formulas for determining SES might lead to different

18
 INTRODUCTION: DIMENSIONS OF DEVELOPMENT

TABLE 1.2 • Selected Characteristics of Different Social Classes

UPPER MIDDLE WORKING LOWER

CLASS CLASS CLASS CLASS

Income $200,000⫹ $110,000– $25,000– Below

$200,000 (1/2) $50,000 $25,000
$50,000–
$110,000 (1/2)

Occupation Corporate, White-collar, skilled Blue-collar Minimum

professional, blue-collar wage, unskilled
family labor
money

Education Prestigious High school, High school High school

colleges and college, or or less
graduate professional school
schools

Home At least one Usually own home About half Uncommon

ownership home own a home

Health coverage Full Usually Limited Uncommon

Neighborhoods Exclusive or Comfortable Modest Deteriorating

comfortable

Afford children’s Easily Usually Seldom Uncommon

college

Political power National, state, State or local Limited No

local

Source: Information from Macionis, J. J. (2010). Sociology (13th ed). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson and Macionis,
personal communication, 4/2/2010.

assignments (Liu et al., 2004). No single variable, not even income, is an effective measure
of SES. Most researchers identify four general levels of SES: upper, middle, working, and
lower SES. The main characteristics of these four levels are summarized in Table 1.2.
Research in child development often examines variables such as race, SES, religion,
ethnicity, or gender separately, because such research is easier to conduct and interpret. Of
course, real children are not just African American or Buddhist or female; they are complex
beings and members of many groups. Even though cultural and socioeconomic contexts are
powerful influences on development, these influences are not consistent in their effects on
every person, as James Banks cautions:
Although membership in a gender, racial, ethnic, social-class, or religious group
can provide us with important clues about an individual’s behavior, it cannot
enable us to predict behavior. Membership in a particular group does not
determine behavior but makes certain types of behavior more probable. (1993,
pp. 13–14, emphasis in original)
Another set of contextual influences comes from the larger society in which the indi-
vidual develops and the policies of that society.

Society and Policy

As we were finishing this chapter, we noticed an article in the New York Times. Two stud-
ies summarized by Tara Parker-Pope (2010) reported the effects of Title XI, the regulation
in the United States that required schools and colleges receiving federal money to provide

19
 INTRODUCTION: DIMENSIONS OF DEVELOPMENT

the same opportunities in sports for girls as they do for boys. When the amendment passed
in 1972, schools and colleges protested that they could not afford the increases in sports
budgets, but the results of these two studies (Kaestner & Xu, 2010; Stevenson, 2010) show
the money was well invested. For example, even after taking other important influences
into account, Title XI explained about 20% of the increase in women’s educational level
and 40% of the rise in employment for 25- to 34-year-old women and a 7% decrease in obe-
sity rates for the same age group. This federal policy has had dramatic effects for many
women who attended high school after the early 1970s—maybe you are one of them.
Different societies and countries have different social and educational policies affect-
ing development. What kind of prenatal care and education are available for expectant
mothers? Are there national policies supporting maternity leave for new parents? What sort
of childcare is provided for preschool age children? When do children begin school? Is there
financial support available for higher education or job training? For example, there are great
variations among countries in the childcare available to 4- and 5-year-olds. All 4-year-olds in
Ireland and in the Netherlands are in school. All children in Belgium and France have access
to preschool if their families want to send them. Most children in post-industrial societies
attend at least a half-day kindergarten when they are 4 or 5. As you can see in Table 1.3,
countries vary greatly in the amount of leave new parents are allowed when a baby is born.
All these societal and policy differences can affect physical, cognitive, and emotional/social
development. We will examine these contextual influences in the upcoming chapters.

Time and Place: Historical Contexts

Anita (one of your textbook authors) is a Baby Boomer—someone born between 1946 and
1964. She arrived after her father returned from World War II and started college under the
GI bill, so her life was affected by a government policy that allowed her father to earn a

TABLE 1.3 • A Few Examples of Policies Governing Leaves for Parents of New
Babies in Different Countries

PERCENT OF WAGES
COUNTRY DURATION OF LEAVE REPLACED

Australia 1 year parental leave Unpaid

Mexico 12 weeks maternity (6 weeks pre-birth) 100%

Switzerland 16 weeks maternity (8 weeks mandatory) 100%

Turkey 16 weeks maternity 66.7%

Canada 50 weeks (15 weeks maternity ⫹ 35 weeks 55% up to $447/week

parental leave shared with father)

Italy 22 weeks (2 before birth) 80%

Greece 119 days 100%

Japan 14 weeks (6 pre- and 8 post-birth) 60%

Denmark 52 weeks: 18 to be taken by the mother, 2 100%

weeks by the father, the rest as they see fit

United States 12 weeks family leave, includes maternity Unpaid

Source: Based on data from http://www.catalyst.org/publication/240/family-leave-us-canada-and-global;

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Parental_leave

20
 INTRODUCTION: DIMENSIONS OF DEVELOPMENT

degree. Nancy (your other textbook author) is also a Boomer, but born toward the end of
that period and in Canada, so she experienced different events and different government
policies growing up. Anita’s children are all members of Generation X (1965–1981), so they
have no memories of the Civil Rights Movement in the United States or the Vietnam War—
experiences that defined Anita’s high school and college years. Most undergraduates today
are Millennials, sometimes called Generation Y, born between roughly1982 and 2002; you
may be a member of that group yourself.
Millennial, Generation X, Baby Boomer—these names assigned by the media and pop-
ular culture refer to people born during certain time periods. According to popular wis-
dom, Baby Boomers are better educated and more individualistic than previous
generations, more optimistic about money (they did not experience the Great Depression—
until lately anyway), more comfortable with technology and less respectful of authority.
For Generation Xers, racial segregation has always been illegal and the ability to walk on
the moon is a given. Millennials are said to be more conforming and conventional and
closer to their parents than Gen Xers (Howe & Strauss, 2000). Some people now identify
a Generation Z, born in the 2000s. Others label these children the iGeneration (Rosen,
2010). So far the main characteristics highlighted for this group involve familiarity with and
dependence on technology—IM, YouTube, cell phones, texting, the Internet, Twitter,
Facebook. . . . Members of this generation sometimes are called “digital natives.” These are
not scientifically established groupings, but the designations let us consider the more
scientific idea of cohorts.
A cohort is a group of people who share the same historical context because they were
born during the same time period, during the presidential administration of Ronald Reagan,
for example, or in the years right after the 9/11 destruction of the World Trade Center. A
cohort can be narrowly defined, for instance—everyone born in 2000, or more broadly,
such as the millions of Baby Boomers born during the post-World War II years. People in a
cohort share many historical, economic, and social experiences, especially now that the
media and Internet disseminate information so quickly and widely. For example, in the
United States 200 years ago, close to 70% of children lived on farms with two parents and
had little or no access to radio and travel, no access to television or the Internet. Today
about 70% live with one parent or two working parents, not on farms, but with access to
radio, television, travel, and the Internet (Kagan & Herschkowitz, 2005).
As we write this chapter, people around the world are dealing with the HIV virus and
AIDS, a challenge not faced by children and adults before the 1980s. They also are worried
about the increasingly destructive hurricanes, pandemics such as the H1N1 flu, ecology-
destroying oil spills, and the financial crises that affect the entire world. Children growing
up in many countries today must deal with violence and terrorism on a scale much greater

Can you match these pictures with the decades: 1950s, 1960s, 1970s, 1980s, 1990s, 2000s? What did you look at to decide?
© Henry Diltz/CORBIS All Rights Reserved (left); John Eder/Getty Images, Inc./Riser (center); Val Thoermer/Shutterstock (right)

21
 INTRODUCTION: DIMENSIONS OF DEVELOPMENT

than that faced by their parents or grandparents. So when you grow up—in what cohort—
has a major impact on your development. It even has an impact on your name, as you can
see if you go to http://www.ssa.gov/OACT/babynames/ and type in your birth year or any
year back to 1880. For example, the most popular names in 1880 were John and Mary. By
1995 the top names were Michael and Jessica, and in 2009, the winners were Jacob
and Isabella.
So, there is much to learn in the next years and much already known about the com-
plexities of development. Why should you care?

WHY STUDY DEVELOPMENT?

You are beginning your investigation of child development, perhaps as a required course,
perhaps as an elective. What can you hope to gain by studying this rapidly growing field?
We turn to that question to end this first chapter.

Teaching
Many of you are planning to be teachers. What better foundation for quality teaching is
there than an understanding of the people you will teach? In addition, teachers are a major
force in children’s development. Bridgett Hamre and Robert Pianta (2001) followed all the
children in a small school district who entered kindergarten during one year and continued
in that district through the eighth grade. The researchers found that the quality of the
teacher–student relationship in kindergarten (defined in terms of level of conflict with
the child, the child’s dependency on the teacher, and the teacher’s affection for the child)
predicted a number of academic and behavioral outcomes through the eighth grade, par-
ticularly for students with high levels of behavior problems. Even when the gender, ethnic-
ity, cognitive ability, and behavior ratings of the student were accounted for, the relationship
with the teacher still predicted aspects of school success. Based on the results of this care-
fully conducted study, it appears that students with significant behavior problems in the
early years are less likely to have problems later in school if their teachers are sensitive to
their needs and provide frequent, consistent feedback.
So teaching is important in children’s development. This leads to a question probably
of interest to you: What is good teaching? Is it science or art, the application of research-
based theories or the creative invention of specific practices? As we will say many times in
this book, beware of either/or choices. Teachers must be both theoretically knowledgeable
and inventive. They must be able to use a range of strategies, and they must also be able to
invent new strategies. They must have some basic research-based routines for managing
classes, but they must also be willing and able to break from the routine when the situation
calls for change. They must know the research on children’s development, “patterns com-
mon to particular ages, culture, social class, geography, and gender”(Ball, 1997, p. 773) and
they also need to know their own particular students who are unique combinations of
culture, gender, and geography.

Other Careers
You may not be planning a career in teaching that requires knowledge of child develop-
ment. But you may have worked as a camp counselor, nursery aide at your church, or vol-
unteer in the pediatric wing of a hospital. Perhaps these experiences encouraged you to
explore child development in college. Or maybe you don’t even have a major yet and are
open to many career possibilities. What are those possibilities?
Careers in child development might be in education, medicine, consultation and coun-
seling, or research. Some careers require only a 2-year associate degree, others need a bach-
elor’s or master’s degree, and some require an advanced degree such as an M.D. or Ph.D.
You may be familiar with some careers, such as kindergarten teacher or pediatrician. Other
careers may be new to you. For example, today there are many people working in children’s
hospitals called Child Life Assistants or Child Life Specialists. These people have 2- or 4-year

22
 INTRODUCTION: DIMENSIONS OF DEVELOPMENT

college degrees in child development or a related field. On their website, the Child Life
Council describes the profession as:
. . . trained professionals with expertise in helping children and their families over-
come life’s most challenging events. Armed with a strong background in child de-
velopment and family systems, child life specialists promote effective coping
through play, preparation, education, and self-expression activities. They provide
emotional support for families, and encourage optimum development of children
facing a broad range of challenging experiences, particularly those related to health-
care and hospitalization. (http://www.childlife.org/The Child Life Profession/)
Table 1.4 describes the possibilities for several example careers in education, medicine,
and mental health areas that require different levels of education. The website associated
with each career provides more information.

TABLE 1.4 • Careers in Child Development

2-YEAR PROGRAMS/ASSOCIATE DEGREE

EDUCATION MEDICAL/NURSING MENTAL HEALTH

Park/Recreation Leader Associate in Nursing Social & Human Services Assistant

http://www.bls.gov/oco/ ocos058.htm http://www.noadn.org/all.php http://www.bls.gov/oco/ ocos059.htm
Childcare Worker Hospital Child Life Assistant Substance Abuse Counselor
http://www.bls.gov/oco/ ocos170.htm http://www.childlife.org/ http://www.flahec.org/
hlthcareers/SUBST.HTM

4-YEAR PROGRAMS/BACHELOR’S DEGREE

EDUCATION MEDICAL/NURSING MENTAL HEALTH

Elementary/Secondary Teacher Pediatric Nurse Child Welfare Worker

http://www.bls.gov/oco/ ocos069.htm http://www.napnap.org/index_home.cfm http://www.cwla.org/ default.htm
Children’s Book Author or Illustrator School Nurse Art Therapist
http://www.cbcbooks.org/ contacts/ http://www.nasn.org/ http://www.arttherapy.org/

MASTER’S DEGREE

EDUCATION MEDICAL/NURSING MENTAL HEALTH

School Principal Speech Therapist School Psychologist

http://www.naesp.org/ http://www.asha.org/ http://www.nasponline.org/
Learning Disabilities Teacher Genetic Counselor Social Worker
http://www.ldaamerica.org/ http://www.nsgc.org/careers/ index.asp http://www.naswdc.org/
Pediatric Occupational Therapist
http://www.pediatricoccupational
therapist.net/

DOCTORATE

EDUCATION MEDICAL/NURSING MENTAL HEALTH

College Professor Pediatrician Parenting Coordinator in Divorces

http://www.aera.net/ http://www.aap.org/ http://www.apa.org/monitor/jan05/
Child Development Researcher Child Psychiatrist niche.html
http://www.srcd.org/ http://www.aacap.org/ Family Therapist
http://www.ifta-familytherapy.org/
home.html

23
 INTRODUCTION: DIMENSIONS OF DEVELOPMENT

Parenting
Not all of you reading this text will select a career in child development, but many of you
someday will have, or already do have, children. Take a moment now to type “parenting”
into a search engine. Look at the hundreds of millions of resources and websites available.
How will you evaluate this wealth of information? Surely knowledge of child development
is useful for parents, but how do you select good information? Do parenting skills really mat-
ter? How much and for what outcomes?
If you become a parent, how will you know if your child’s problems are fairly typical
or deserve further attention? Early but appropriate intervention is important. Who could
provide interventions if they are needed? How will you evaluate the claims of toy manufac-
turers, food companies, childcare facilities, or “how-to-parent” books and websites? The in-
formation in the next 12 chapters will help with all these challenges.
Relations between parents and their children change across time (Lamb & Lewis,
2005). In the early years, parents help their children learn that their behaviors have con-
sequences. With parents’ support, children also develop a sense of competence in their
own growing abilities and appropriate trust in others. As children mature, parents help
them develop self-control and self-regulation. In adolescence, parents are stable “targets”
for their children’s testing of limits and strivings for autonomy. But, of course, parents
are not the only influence as children develop (Harris, 1998). “Certainly, researchers see
parent-child relationships as dynamic systems that vary in quality depending on individ-
ual, familial, societal, and cultural circumstances” (Lamb & Lewis, 2005, p. 455). This
book will help you make sense of all this information so you can be a better parent.

Policy
Some of you will work in child development careers, more of you will be parents, but all of
you will be citizens and voters who can influence the public policies that affect children and
families. What sort of work leave policies support families without harming businesses? Is full-
day kindergarten better than half-day? For whom? Are government expenditures for early
childhood education or children’s television valuable? How much and what kind of achieve-
ment testing is useful in helping children learn? Are smaller classes worth the larger costs?
How do we provide prenatal education and care for young women who cannot afford it? What
will happen if we don’t provide it? What are the implications of policy decisions for child de-
velopment and how can you know? These are questions every citizen should be able to an-
swer for the good of future generations (Groark & McCall, 2005). We hope this text will help.

䉲 SUMMARY AND KEY TERMS

• What Is Child Development? improving explanatory theories
Developmental scientists study human growth and change based on the results of those analy-
from conception until death, often called lifespan develop- ses, and then asking new questions
ment. Child development focuses on the time period from based on the improved theories.
conception through adolescence, roughly the time from 0 to
about 20 years old—the span covered by this book. The • Basic Themes and Debates in Development
science of human development involves asking carefully Three current debates in child development are: (1) Is human
specified questions based on current understandings development a continuous process of adding to and in-
(theories), systematically gathering and analyzing of all kinds creasing abilities, or are there leaps or moves to new stages
of information (data) about the questions, modifying and when abilities actually change? Are changes continuous and

24
 INTRODUCTION: DIMENSIONS OF DEVELOPMENT

quantitative (more of the same) or discontinuous, leading to • What Are the Contexts for Development?
qualitative differences? This may not be an either/or question Developmental scientists are increasingly interested in
because some changes that look discontinuous may be the the role of context—the total setting or situation that
result of very gradual changes over time and some changes surrounds and interacts with a person or event. Contexts
that look continuous may result from using qualitatively dif- also influence the development of behaviors, beliefs, and
ferent strategies. (2) Are there critical periods when certain knowledge by providing resources, supports, incentives and
abilities, such as language, need to develop? There are criti- punishments, expectations, teachers, models, tools—all the
cal times in prenatal development when exposure to a toxin building blocks of development. Children grow up in fami-
or a disease afflicting the mother, such as rubella, will cause lies and neighborhoods. They attend schools and are in
damage to the developing fetus. There appears to be a criti- classes, teams, or choirs. They are members of particular
cal period for learning accurate language pronunciation. ethnic, religious, economic, and language communities. The
Some critical periods for development appear to depend on social and educational programs and policies of their gov-
the plasticity (adaptability or modifiability) of brain organiza- ernments affect their lives. Moreover, the contexts in which
tion and structures. Most developmental psychologists today we live and develop are incredibly diverse. Family structures
talk about sensitive periods—not critical periods. These are and parenting styles differ. Cultural rules and expectations
times when a person is especially ready for or responsive to differ. Resources, histories, and challenges for different eth-
certain experiences. (3) Which is more important in develop- nic, racial, geographic, religious, language, and SES groups
ment, the “nature” of an individual (heredity, genes, biological differ. Finally, children develop in different historical times
processes, maturation, etc.) or the “nurture” of environmen- and under different societal policies and practices.
tal contexts (education, parenting, culture, social policies,
etc.)? This debate proved too complicated to be settled by
splitting alternatives into either/or possibilities. Current views • Why Study Development?
emphasize complex coactions (joint actions) of nature and We can’t summarize this for you, but we can say that you will
nurture. Developmental systems theories are general use knowledge of child development throughout your life—
perspectives on development, heredity, and evolution that perhaps as a parent, aunt, uncle, teacher, medical worker,
emphasize the study of interactions and coactions between recreational leader, mental health worker, art therapist, speech
the many influences on development, without falling into the therapist, social worker, school psychologist, or therapist.
kinds of “which is more” debates. Enjoy the exploration.

䉲 KEY TERMS
blended families developmental science physical development
child development developmental systems theories plasticity
coactions discontinuous development post-industrial
cognitive development emotional/social development prenatal
cohort ethnicity race
context extended families sensitive periods
continuous development maturation social construction
critical periods minority group socioeconomic status (SES)
culture nuclear family tabula rasa
development parenting styles theory

䉲 The Casebook
APPLYING YOUR KNOWLEDGE OF CHILD DEVELOPMENT
Why are you taking this class, and what will you do with the physician, child life specialist, speech therapist, psychologist,
knowledge you gain? Do you plan a career in child develop- researcher, nutritionist, pediatric or neonatal nurse, recreational
ment? Which one? How will you decide? Should you consider or camp director, children’s minister, college professor, public
being a teacher, social worker, policy analyst . . .? Are you now or will you ever be a parent, aunt,
uncle, foster parent, guardian, voter . . .? If the answer to any of
these questions is “yes” or even “maybe,” then you need to
think critically about what this class means for your future.

25
 INTRODUCTION: DIMENSIONS OF DEVELOPMENT

WHAT WOULD THEY DO?

Here is how some students like you responded: ELIZABETH RUHL—Social and Behavioral Sciences/
Psychology Major
SARAH GRAFF—Junior, World Languages and Cultures/ California State University–Monterey Bay, Monterey, California
Spanish Major
Working with children teaches important lessons for anyone
California State University–Monterey Bay, Monterey, California
who wishes to have a career involving social interactions. It
For as long as I can remember I have enjoyed interacting with teaches you patience, responsibility, and viewing the world in
children. As a child, I attended an elementary school that a different manner. I have worked with children on two sepa-
strongly encouraged and facilitated cooperative learning and rate occasions. The first was during my time volunteering at an
a sense of community. The classroom where I spent most of my in-patient pediatric ward. This was an interesting experience
elementary years was made up of students in kindergarten all because I was able to witness how resilient children can be. The
the way to sixth grade. It was this early exposure to children of children could be battling diseases as serious as cancer, and
all ages and interacting and learning with them that initially di- yet they would still want to play board games or watch movies.
rected me towards the path of babysitting throughout middle I found this fascinating because most adults in their position
school, high school, and college, and now toward pursuing a would not have the positive energy that the children portrayed.
career in child development. Another opportunity I have had was spending a summer as a
Today I am a junior in college and after taking my first nanny. The children ranged from ages four to six. These ages
class in child development, I am adding a minor in Human were particularly intriguing to observe because the children
Development. I hope to eventually receive my masters in were learning how to read. I was given the opportunity to help
Education and pursue a career as a Special Education or them sound out the tough words and form sentences. I was
Spanish teacher. able to see how they viewed ethical decisions, such as sharing
Children have a curiosity and wonder to them that is dif- as well. These two experiences have definitely awakened my
ficult to find among adults. Working with children is not only re- interest in child development.
warding for that reason; I want to continue to promote that A particular career involving children that would best fit
curiosity and love of learning in the classroom. I hope to put my my talents and experiences would a Psychologist. This would
creativity and joy of working with children to use as a teacher. be interesting because the idea of using art therapy, which is
Understanding child development is critical to being a pro- often used while working with children, has always fascinated
ductive and positive teacher, but also knowledge I hope to use me. My final educational goal is to achieve my Ph.D. in Clinical
as a future aunt and mother. or Counseling Psychology. I chose these two options because
it leaves me with the widest range of opportunities whether I
SHANNON GLADIEUX—Early Childhood Education/ choose to counsel children or adults.
Mathematics Major
University of Toledo, Toledo, Ohio
ALYSSA VOGT—Special Education Major
Sometimes when I work with children I am amazed by how University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wisconsin
we as humans learn, develop, and process information.
I have had many different meaningful experiences working
How does a child go from a crying, screaming, and com-
with children, all of which have had an impact on preparing
pletely dependent infant to a free thinking adult capable of
me to work with children in my future career. As a baby-sitter,
complex, abstract and even profound thoughts? Watching a
I learned the necessary skills of how to care for the needs
child’s early language skills, spatial reasoning, and complex
of children. I have tutored many different students at all
motor functioning develop can be an amazing experience
grade levels in various subjects. As a tutor, I was a mentor
giving you insight into the human condition or even your
to my students and developed a meaningful relationship
own self.
with them.
I personally am focusing my studies on early childhood
One of the greatest experiences, though, was working as
education with a concentration in math. I am very intrigued by
a counselor at a summer camp for individuals with disabilities.
the ways in which we learn mathematics, on a fundamental
At this camp, I first discovered that becoming a special educa-
level similar to the study of language literacy development.
tion teacher was my true calling in life. Now, I am majoring in
Piaget showed that all children construct logic and number
Special Education with a concentration in working with individ-
concepts from within. I often ask myself how it is that children
uals with cognitive disabilities. My child development courses
develop mathematics literacy and how educators can help to
as well as my years of working with children will help me to be
make mathematics deeply meaningful to a child, in the same
successful in my future profession.
way that a powerful piece of literature can deepen children’s
awareness of the written word and put them on the path to a
truer understanding and interest in language and literacy. I am JAZMIN AGUIRRE MORENO—Human Development and
torn by a difficult life decision between working in a classroom Family Science (Family Studies) Major
setting exclusively or possibly pursuing a doctoral degree and The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio
continually doing research. Either way, I am convinced that Children have been a very important factor in my life. I grew up
children and their development will be a main focus of my life, with two younger sisters, one who is two years younger and the
and for that I am glad. other who is six years younger than I. The six year age difference

26
 INTRODUCTION: DIMENSIONS OF DEVELOPMENT

allowed me to observe how my youngest sister developed educate children, teens, and their families, to help them make
through her childhood—from learning to walk and talk, to expe- choices that will have a positive impact on their lives.
riencing her first day of school, to watching her play on the junior
varsity soccer team. Observing these changes sparked my inter-
est in working with children. In high school, I became very involved JADE EVETTE MUÑOZ
Texas A&M University Corpus Christi, Corpus Christi, Texas
in mentoring second and third grade students—helping them im-
prove their reading and social skills through a program called I have had multiple rewarding experiences with children. My
Teen Trend Setters. I also volunteered at annual fundraisers held first experience was coaching and refereeing youth indoor soc-
at local elementary schools and I started a small childcare and cer and basketball games, which I have done since the age of
mentoring program at my own church, during high school, as well. 14. I have also spent the past four summers as a camp assistant
A career in family therapy would fit my personality well. I site coordinator working with more than 150 children a day
would enjoy working with a nonprofit organization possibly fo- from the ages of 7 to 14. During my time in Corpus Christi, I
cusing on teen pregnancy prevention or working with children worked as a tutor and after school counselor at a local arts and
and teens at a young age to promote higher education. In col- education center and I am currently working at the early child-
lege thus far, I have become a member of a few organizations hood development center at Texas A&M Corpus Christi, as-
that focus on children and young adults. It has sparked my de- sisting in elementary school classes. I have a great passion for
sire to continue my path in higher education – I want to be the working with children. I know the kids feed off my passion and
first in my family to receive not only a Bachelor’s degree, but desire to see them succeed. After finishing my Bachelor’s de-
hopefully a Master’s degree as well; one day I may even pur- gree, my goal is to earn my Master’s. I would like to further my
sue a Doctoral degree. When I am much older, I would like to education by learning more ideas and concepts that I will be
look back at my life and my experiences knowing that I helped able to use in the classroom.

Now go to MyEducationLab at www.myeducationlab.com,

where you can:
• Find the instructional objectives for this chapter in the Study
Plan.
• Take a quiz as a part of the Study Plan to self-assess your
mastery of chapter content. The program generates an indi-
vidualized Study Plan based upon your answers to the quiz.
• Complete Activities and Applications to assist you in deep-
ening your understanding of important chapter concepts.
• Apply what you have learned through Building Teaching
Skills, exercises that guide you in trying out skills and strate-
gies you will use in professional practice.

27
28
 Physical
Development IN
Early Childhood

From Chapter 5 of Child and Adolescent Development, 1/e. Anita Woolfolk. Nancy E. Perry.
Copyright © 2012 by Pearson Education. All rights reserved.
29
 Physical
Development IN
Early Childhood
䉴 the Ca sebook

WHAT WOULD YOU DO?

CHILDHOOD OVERWEIGHT AND OBESITY
Near the end of every school year, Susan makes a point of meeting with the
families of each child in her preschool class to review what she’s observed in
terms of physical, cognitive, and social emotional development. One child in
particular is extremely overweight for her age and height—an increasing problem
among preschoolers. Susan struggled with how to broach this very sensitive
subject. She tried very hard not to sound judgmental—just concerned—when
speaking with Laura’s mom about her diet and activity level. After all, Laura is just
4 years old, but if the issue is not addressed now, she could struggle with
overweight and health issues throughout her life. Laura’s mom reasoned that it
was very difficult to deny Laura the foods many of her friends are allowed to eat.
But Laura doesn’t want to participate in games or other activities that would burn
off calories because the kids in the neighborhood tease her about the way she
looks and moves. Susan struggled with how to impress upon this mother and her
young daughter her concerns about the grave risks to health and well-being that
stem from being overweight. And this risk will only get more serious as Laura
“grows.” How can Susan help them understand?

CRITICAL THINKING
• As a medical professional, teacher, family member, or friend, how would you
broach this issue with Laura’s parents?
• How might some reasonable goals for diet and exercise be set?

30
Nora Skalleova, Age 9—Czech Republic

• How would you speak to Laura about the consequences of being overweight?
• How would you help her to cope with the peer rejection and humiliation she
is experiencing?
• What should schools and teachers be doing to educate children and families
about health and nutrition, as well as the causes and long-term consequences
of being overweight?

䉴 OVERVIEW AND OBJECTIVES

As children develop, they experience numerous and dramatic physical changes. For example, birth
weight tends to triple from birth to age 1, and quadruple by 30 months of age. Similarly, most
humans increase their height by 50% in their first year of life. Body growth presents the most
obvious changes, but developing bodies also undergo profound changes in the brain and other
internal systems. In this chapter, we focus specifically on physical development in the early years
(ages 2 through 6) and how physical changes influence and are influenced by children’s overall
health and well-being. Also, we examine some special physical needs that arise from chronic
illnesses and cancer. Finally, we will look at how parents, educators, and other professionals can
support healthy development in all children,

31
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

especially children with special physical needs. By the time you finish this chapter you should be
able to do the following:

Objective 5.1 Describe some significant physical changes in children from ages 2 through 6.
Objective 5.2 Explain the implications of myelination and lateralization for young children’s thinking
and functioning.
Objective 5.3 Provide examples of major milestones in gross and fine motor development during
the early years.
Objective 5.4 Summarize the risks for and implications of overweight and obesity in early childhood.
Objective 5.5 Identify common sleep problems in young children and present some evidence-
based solutions.
Objective 5.6 Summarize advances in research on childhood cancer as well as challenges that
require further study.
Objective 5.7 Describe common environmental hazards and discuss their implications for children.

BODY GROWTH
Compared to other species, humans experience a prolonged period of physical growth and
development. On average, humans’ bodies continue to grow for 20% of their lifespan, com-
pared with mice’s bodies, which grow for 2% of their lifespan, and other primates (e.g.,
chimpanzees), whose physical development lasts for 16% of their lifespan. In most children,
growth follows a typical trajectory, or growth curve, which is shown in Figure 5.1. During
infancy, growth is very rapid! On average, infants increase their height by 50% during their
first year and by 75% by the time they are 2 years old. Infants’ weight shows a similar in-
crease over the first two years of life. This rapid rate of growth slows during the preschool
and middle childhood years, but accelerates again in adolescence.
From ages 2 through 6, young children lose their babyish appearance. Their body fat
decreases and their signature “pot-bellies” flatten as the muscles in their stomachs gain
strength. Also, whereas babies’ heads appear large in proportion to the rest of their bodies,
young children’s bodies appear appropriately sized relative to their heads. Finally, as young
children grow and develop, they become stronger and more coordinated. We will examine
these developments in the section on motor development below.
Different systems in the body grow at different rates. For example, just as infants’
heads appear large compared to their bodies (at birth their heads are 25% of their total
length at two months of age), adolescents’ hands and feet often appear large relative to
their total body size, giving them a “gawky” appearance. Figure 5.2
shows these changes. Internal systems grow at different rates as well. For
OUTLINE 䉲 example, the lymphoid system, which includes tonsils and lymph nodes,
The Casebook—Childhood Overweight grows rapidly in the early years, building children’s immunity to the many
and Obesity: What Would You Do? infectious diseases they come in contact with as they begin to socialize
Overview and Objectives more outside their homes. Breastfeeding boosts the immune system and
is believed to protect against developing allergies. In contrast, reproduc-
Body Growth tive organs grow slowly until adolescence, when they grow rapidly.
Brain Development Boys and girls are similar in their patterns of growth during the early
years. Girls tend to have more body fat and boys more muscle mass through-
Motor Development
out the lifespan. In general, the proportion of body fat is highest during in-
Health and Well-Being fancy. It slowly declines during the early and middle childhood years. In
Special Physical Needs
adolescence, body fat increases in girls and decreases in boys. Muscle mass,
in contrast, increases from early childhood through adolescence for both
Summary and Key Terms sexes. However, boys have a greater increase in muscle mass during ado-
The Casebook—Childhood Overweight lescence than girls, giving them the edge in many physical activities.
and Obesity: What Would They Do?

32
 FIGURE 5.1

WEIGHT- AND STATURE-FOR-AGE PERCENTILES FOR BOYS AND GIRLS 2–20 YEARS

Source: Adapted from Vital and Health Statistics. (2002). 2000 CDC growth charts for the United States: Methods and development (DHHS
Publication No. PHS 2002-1696). Maryland, MD: Department of Health and Human Services, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, and
National Center of Health Statistics. Used courtesy of Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, www.cdc.gov

33
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

FIGURE 5.2

CHANGES IN DIFFERENT BODY SYSTEMS

6 mo. 2 yrs. 5 yrs. 8 yrs. 11 yrs. 14 yrs. 16 yrs.

6 mo. 2 yrs. 5 yrs. 8 yrs. 11 yrs. 14 yrs. 16 yrs.

Source: McDevitt & Ormrod, Child Development and Education, “Changes in different body systems”
p. 146, © 2010. Reproduced by permission of Pearson Education, Inc.

Individual and Cross-Cultural Differences

Of course, there are individual differences in children’s growth trajectories that are associ-
ated with both hereditary and environmental factors. For example, taller children typically
have taller parents, and weight problems, unfortunately, run in families. But health and nu-
trition have important roles to play as well, so both nature and nurture are at work in physi-
cal growth. Children in the developed regions of the world, where food is plentiful and
infectious diseases are controlled, tend to be taller than children in developing regions where
hunger and disease are more common (Bogin, 2001). Even in wealthy countries, children
who experience chronic poverty are more likely to experience slower growth because of
poor nutrition and growth-stunting illnesses (Leathers & Foster, 2004). However, children are
resilient. When circumstances that halt typical growth and development are addressed, most
children grow rapidly and reach expected levels of height and weight.
There are ethnic differences in rates, as well as absolute levels of growth and devel-
opment. For example, American Caucasian and Northern European children tend to be
taller and larger framed than children from Asian countries. Within the United States,
African American children grow faster and taller than their American Caucasian peers.

BRAIN DEVELOPMENT
One of the most important areas of physical development during early childhood is brain
development. The brain continues to grow more rapidly than other parts of the body dur-
ing early childhood, such that children’s brains reach 75% of their adult size by the time they

34
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

are 3 and 90% by the time they are 5. In comparison,

children’s bodies continue growing in the middle
childhood years and undergo another growth spurt in
adolescence. More importantly, between the ages of
about 2 and 6, changes in children’s brains both sup-
port and reflect impressive cognitive developments.
The production and pruning of brain synapses
that takes place in the first two years continues during
the early childhood years. But the number of synapses
pruned in early childhood is more than the number of
new synapses formed, so the circuits that experience
has made useful and adaptive are strengthened while
less adaptive circuits are pruned away (Kagan & Her-
schkowitz, 2005). Growth of neural fibers and the
coating of the fibers with fatty myelin—a process
called myelination—increase brain efficiency, particu-
larly in the parts of the brain involved with memory.
Young children are able to think faster and to hold
more thoughts in mind, so they can make sense of in-
creasingly complex sequences of words or actions.
They can remember what comes next when doing an Children in developed countries, where food is plentiful and
activity (Sampaio & Truwit, 2001). With this capacity diseases are controlled, tend to be taller than children in
for faster thought and the ability to make sense of developing countries. Paul Harrison/Photolibrary/Peter Arnold, Inc.
longer sequences of words and ideas, young children
are ready to learn—language, concepts about other
people, simple games, and other cultural tools.
The process of myelination is also responsible for the rapid growth in brain size we
mentioned above, from an average weight of about 1,000 to 1,100 grams at 2 years old to
an average of 1,200 to 1,300 grams by 5 years old (boys tend to have larger brains than girls).
But these developing brains are doing more than growing in size. The two hemispheres of
the brain are specializing—called lateralization. By about age 3, most children (around 90%)
favor the left hemisphere of the brain for language processing and logical, step-by-step rea-
soning. The right hemisphere handles much of the spatial-visual information and such non-
verbal tasks as appreciation of art or music and emotions. For some left-handed people, the
relationship may be reversed, but for most left-handers, and for females on average, there is
less hemispheric specialization altogether (O’Boyle & Gill, 1998).
These differences in performance by the brain’s hemispheres, however, are more
relative than absolute; one hemisphere is just more efficient than the other in performing
certain functions. Nearly any task, but particularly complex skills and abilities, requires par-
ticipation of many different areas of the brain in constant communication with each other.
The corpus callosum is made up of a thick band of nerve fibers that connects the two hemi-
spheres and coordinates this constant communication between the two sides of the brain.
During the early childhood years, this area of the brain develops rapidly, increasing in size
and becoming more myelinated. As a result, the young child’s coordination improves for
complex tasks that require both sides of the brain. For example, the right side of the brain
is better at figuring out the whole meaning of a story, but the left side is the region where
grammar and syntax are understood, so both sides of the brain have to work together in un-
derstanding stories.
Before lateralization takes place, damage to one part of the cortex often can be over-
come as other parts of the cortex take over the function of the damaged area. For example,
when young children experience damage to the left side of their brains, their right hemi-
spheres can take over language processing fairly well. But after lateralization, the brain is
less able to compensate, so damage to an adult’s left brain hemisphere is likely to cause
greater language problems (Stiles, Reilly, Paul, & Moses, 2005).
Another development in the brain during the early years involves the prefrontal
cortex—the area of the brain related to planning, decision making, risk taking, and managing

35
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

impulsive behaviors. Getting angry or wanting revenge when we are insulted or hurt are com-
mon human emotions. It is the job of the prefrontal cortex to control these impulses through
reason, planning, or delay of gratification. But the impulse-inhibiting capacities of the brain
are not present at birth (as all new parents quickly discover). An immature prefrontal cortex
explains some of the impulsiveness and temper tantrums of 2-year-olds. Many studies
show advances in the prefrontal cortex around 3 to 4 years old. This means 3- to
5-year-olds become increasingly able to control their emotions and impulses, and to focus at-
tention. But, as we will see when we look at adolescent brain development, it takes at least
two decades for the biological processes of brain development to produce a fully functional
prefrontal cortex (Kagan & Herschkowitz, 2005).
With slimmer, stronger bodies and the increased control and coordination that come
from brain development, children are able to move more quickly and gracefully.

MOTOR DEVELOPMENT
Motor development is a hallmark of early childhood, and young children thrive on physical
activity. In fact, the early years constitute the most active time in children’s lives. During this
time, children experience dramatic advances in both gross and fine motor development.

Gross Motor Development

Gross motor skills involve movement of the large muscle groups, and advances in gross mo-
tor skills are associated with brain development, especially enhanced myelination of neu-
ron connections in areas of the brain that are responsible for balance and coordination.
Changes in body size and proportions also contribute to advances in gross motor skills. As
indicated above, preschool children’s bodies are leaner and stronger than when they were
toddlers; they are less top-heavy, and their center of gravity shifts to the center of their
bodies. This leads to improvements in balance. Vision also improves, which allows for
better eye-hand coordination.
Table 5.1 lists some of the movement milestones from ages 2 to 6. By age 2, most chil-
dren stop “toddling.” Their awkward, wide-legged gait becomes smooth and rhythmic—
they have perfected walking. During their third year, most children learn to run, throw, and
jump, but these activities are not well controlled until children are 4 or 5 years old. For ex-
ample, when children first attempt running, they find it difficult to lift both legs off the
ground and to start and stop quickly. Similarly, their first attempts at throwing a ball look
very rigid because they throw using only their arms. By age 4 or 5, children learn to use
their whole bodies—shoulders, torso, trunk, and legs—in a more flexible motion that lets
a ball travel farther and faster. In general, motor developments are cumulative and sequen-
tial: They occur as a consequence of children bootstrapping previously learned skills into
increasingly complex and dynamic systems (Thelen, 1995; Thelen & Jensen, 1990).
In addition to simple maturation (i.e., body growth and brain development), a number
of factors are associated with children’s gross motor development, including practice, tem-
perament, genes, parental and cultural norms, and children’s sex. Because of their high en-
ergy and activity levels, young children spend a lot of time practicing gross motor movements;
running, jumping, and climbing are often part of children’s play. Of course, levels of activity
vary among children, as do differences in gross motor development. For example, infants
characterized as unusually active typically continue to be active during the preschool years.
Children with African origins tend to be more advanced in their motor development than
children of European descent (Cratty, 1986). Genetics has much to do with this difference
(e.g., the lengths and proportions of arms and legs), but activity levels and gross motor de-
velopment also are associated with parental and cultural norms concerning how much and
what kinds of physical activities are appropriate. Some cultures expect and encourage high
levels of physical activity in young children, whereas others are more restrictive.
In general, boys are more physically active than girls, and stronger (Pelligrini &
Smith, 1998). Typically, they can throw a ball farther and jump higher. However, girls
often outperform boys on tasks that involve the coordination of arms and legs. By age 5,

36
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

TABLE 5.1 • Gross and Fine Motor Development of Children Ages 2–6

AGE GROSS MOTOR SKILLS FINE MOTOR SKILLS

TWENTY-FOUR TO THIRTY-SIX MONTHS (2–3 YEARS OLD):

Hops on one foot Turns pages one at a time

Walks up stairs alternating feet Builds a 9 block tower
Walks down stairs alternating feet Strings small 1/2 inch beads
Walks backward Unscrews lid of a jar
Balances on one foot briefly Imitates horizontal line, cross, circle
Throws overhand at a target Holds pencil in hand instead of fist
Catches a rolled ball Makes snips with scissors
Throws a small ball 2 feet Unbuttons
Rides a tricycle using pedals Places pegs in a pegboard

THIRTY-SIX TO FORTY-EIGHT MONTHS (3–4 YEARS OLD):

Throws ball overhand with accuracy Builds 9 block tower

Catches large ball from 5 feet Cuts with scissors
Hops on one foot 2 or more times Holds pencil like an adult (static)
Balances on one foot briefly Copies a circle/cross

FORTY-EIGHT TO SIXTY MONTHS (4–5 YEARS OLD):

Catches ball with hands only Screws together a threaded object

Bounces and catches a ball Tripod grasp on a pencil
Throws a ball in the air and catches Builds 10 block tower
Balances on one foot for 4-5 seconds Cuts fairly accurately with scissors
Walks on a line heel to toe

SIXTY TO SEVENTY-TWO MONTHS (5–6 YEARS OLD):

Jumps rope by self Copies triangle/square

Kicks a rolling ball Cuts on a straight/curved line
Rides a bicycle Ties shoes/zips
Dribbles a ball Completes a lacing card
Throws a ball with good accuracy Attempts to stay in lines when coloring

Source: Suba, R. (n.d.) Stages of motor development in infants/young children: An informative guide for parents
(lecture notes). Developed from various sources by Rae Suba, OTR/L for Child’s Play Clinic. Reprinted by
permission.

girls typically are better than boys at balancing on one foot or performing a set of jump-
ing jacks. If children interpret that games and activities that involve gross motor move-
ment are more appropriate for boys than girls, boys probably will engage in these
activities more than girls, thus increasing their opportunities to practice and develop
skills in this area (Golombok & Fivush, 1994; Yee & Brown, 1994).
Finally, some children experience greater difficulty with respect to gross motor devel-
opment than others, including children with physical disabilities, such as cerebral palsy
(Beckung, Carlsson, Carlsdotter, & Uvebrant, 2007); children with hearing and visual im-
pairments (Fazzi et al., 2002; Rine et al., 2000); and children with developmental disabili-
ties such as autism (Ozonoff et al., 2008).
At the same time that young children are developing gross motor skills, they also are
making significant advances in the development of fine motor skills.

37
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

Fine Motor Development

Fine motor skills involve small muscle movements that are more limited and controlled (e.g.,
eating with a fork or spoon, tying shoelaces, or cutting with a pair of scissors). As was true for
the development of gross motor skills, fine motor skills follow a developmental progression
from less to more differentiation, coordination, and control (see Table 5.1 on the previous
page). In addition, fine motor skills require a good deal of practice, as anyone who has observed
a 2-year-old struggle to put on a pair of shoes or awkwardly grasp a crayon and scribble a pic-
ture can attest. By age 3 or 4, children can do much more. They can put on and take off articles
of clothing, although they may need help with buttons and zippers. Also, they can hold and
manipulate crayons and pencils to draw shapes and people. Like gross motor skills, many fine
motor skills are acquired early and are perfected over time, as children gain experience through
practice, but also as their brains develop and visual systems and eye-hand coordination improve.
Large variations in children’s fine motor skills are not uncommon. Opportunities and
interests have much to do with individual differences. For example, your text author Nancy
has a niece, Lucy, the child painting below. Lucy is less than 2 at the writing of this chap-
ter, yet her mother has already created a space in her playroom where she can draw and
paint. In addition, Lucy and her mother attend the Strong Start program in a neighborhood
school, where trained early childhood educators create opportunities for children to engage
in a wide range of literacy, art, and play activities, many of which support fine motor de-
velopment (Human Early Learning Partnership, 2008). Lucy loves to turn pages and point
to objects in books and “draw” with crayons. Often the first words she says in the morning
are “Read, read.” Some children have fewer opportunities to practice these skills and others
have less interest in them. Boys tend to have less interest in such activities early on, and
some research indicates girls acquire fine motor skills sooner and more easily than boys
(Cohen, 1997). Children with disabilities often develop fine motor skills more slowly.

DRAWING AS A FORM OF FINE MOTOR DEVELOPMENT. Children’s developmental changes

in drawing have been studied quite extensively. Kellog (1970) proposed a sequence of devel-
opmental stages to describe how children’s drawing progresses from scribbles to pictures. He
and later researchers (e.g., Gardner, 1989; Golomb, 2003) have argued that children’s scribbles,
which correspond to Stage 1 in the progression, are not random and may contain the building
blocks for more sophisticated forms they will produce later. Kellog identified 20 distinct types
of scribbles (e.g., horizontal lines and zig-zags) that are characteristic of children’s first attempts
at drawing. Most children begin to scribble at around 18 months. By age 3, they reach Stage 2,
and their drawings contain clear shapes, such as squares and circles. They may also draw fa-
miliar symbols, such as X’s and plus signs. During this stage, children make their first attempts
at drawing people—“tadpole” people. Typically, these people have stick arms and legs grow-
ing out of a circle that is the head and body. Eyes, noses,
and mouths are typically included in these renderings,
and often belly buttons. By age 5, however, children’s
drawings of people have more realistic proportions.
Stage 3 is referred to as the design stage, in which
children can combine more than one shape to create a
more complex representation. Finally, children enter
Stage 4, the pictorial stage, and we can recognize ob-
jects in them (e.g., people, the sun). Children typically
reach the pictorial stage by age 4 or 5. Figure 5.3 shows
children’s progression through these stages.

HANDEDNESS. The term handedness is used to

describe each person’s preference for using one hand
or another to perform one-handed tasks (Cavill &
Bryden, 2003). Approximately 90% of the population
shows a preference for using their right hand—they
Young children's scribbles are not random. They may be
limited, but they are controlled. Gillian Craven
are right-handed. More boys than girls are left-handed,
and a small but indeterminate number of people are

38
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

FIGURE 5.3

CHILDREN’S PROGRESSION THROUGH THE STAGES OF DRAWING

Lucy scribbles at 18 and 20 months Rowen draws mommy’s face and Ashley signs
her name at 3 years

Andrew draws people at ages 4 and 5,

respectively

Savannah draws a picture at age 4

39
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

CONNECTING WITH CHILDREN

Guidelines for Families, Teachers, and Other Professionals:
Attending to Children’s Hand Preferences
Watch for signs of hand (and foot) preference. 3. Buy left-handed baseball mitts and other sports
Examples equipment.
1. Observe which hand children use to reach for toys and 4. See “Anything Left-handed” for access to all sorts
other objects that are put directly in front of them. of tools and equipment for lefties: http://www
2. Note which hand they use to feed themselves. .anythingleft-handed.co.uk/
3. Notice whether children prefer the left or right when
Learn about teaching children who are left-handed.
they are standing on one leg. Do they consistently lead
Examples
with one foot or the other when asked to move?
1. Sit across from children for demonstrations, rather than
4. Observe when children are experimenting with toys, to
beside or behind them. This way, they can watch your hand
see if they turn lids or screws counterclockwise.
movements. Left-handed movements are mirror images of
right-handed movements, so be the children’s mirror.
There are no hard and fast rules for determining hand
2. Watch the “How to Tie Your Shoes” demonstration on
preference for particular tasks.
YouTube: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=
Examples
lc4H6goKFB0&feature=PlayList&p=FC32D5CF567EAAF
1. Most children will prefer one hand over the other for 2&playnext_from=PL&index=0&playnext=4 to learn how
delicate work. to model teaching left-handed children how to tie shoes.
2. Some left-handed children prefer the left eye when 3. Ask family and friends who are left-handed to be models
looking through telescopes or the lens of a camera. for left-handed children.
3. Preferences may be less strong for gross motor activities
or tasks requiring less precision. Create a physical environment that is lefty friendly.
Examples
For left-handed children, get equipment that reflects their 1. Seat left-handed children with left-handed children at
hand preferences. tables (or lefties on the left), to avoid knocking
Examples elbows.
1. Purchase left-handed scissors and rulers, as well as 2. Seat left-handed children on the right side of the
smudge-free pens and pencils. classroom, so they can clearly see the main writing
2. Switch the settings on computers to make using the board without twisting their bodies.
mouse or cursor more “lefty” friendly.

ambidextrous—these individuals may prefer different hands, depending on what task

they need to complete, or switch hands, even when completing the same task, but at
different times (Porac, Coren, & Searlman, 1986). Infants typically do not show hand
preferences; however, most children show a clear hand preference by the time they are
3 to 4 years of age (Cavell & Bryden, 2003; Coren, 1993).
Handedness is more influenced by genetics than the environment (Beaton, 2003; Hill &
Khanem, 2009). However, in the past, parents and educators tried to influence and change
children’s handedness, believing there was something wrong with a child who was left-
handed. Now we understand that hand preferences are linked to brain development and the
way the brain is organized, but not necessarily in a bad way. For example, children who are
right-handed tend to have stronger brain lateralization (i.e., their left hemisphere is dominant
for language processing and their right hemisphere dominates for spatial tasks). In contrast,
some (not all) children who are left-handed show less specialization in brain function.
There are some challenges associated with being left-handed. Many everyday objects,
such as scissors and soup ladles, are designed for right-handed people. Handedness also
presents challenges for playing sports—left-handed baseball mitts and golf clubs are more
difficult to find. Finally, left-handed models are less available, so children who are left-
handed often have to learn from parents, teachers, and peers who are right-handed. Try
tying your shoes while looking in the mirror to experience some of what these children
face. The Connecting with Children guidelines offer some suggestions for supporting
young children’s development of handedness, especially left-handedness.
40
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

HEALTH AND WELL-BEING

Children’s physical, cognitive, and social emotional development depend on their overall
health and well-being. Good nutrition and eating habits and adequate rest and exercise are
important throughout the lifespan. In this chapter, we focus on nutrition and sleep, al-
though both continue to be important for healthy development in middle childhood and
adolescence. When children do not eat well or sleep well, they are at risk for a number of
health-related problems and they can have difficulty learning (Rosales, Reznick, & Zeisel,
2009; Wagner, Meusel, & Kirch, 2005).

Nutritional Needs and Eating Habits

What is a healthy diet in the early years? Young children need fewer calories than infants
and toddlers because their brains and bodies are growing more slowly. As a result, appetite
typically decreases from ages 2 to 6, which causes some parents concern. However, as long
as children are growing and gaining weight, concern is likely unwarranted. The American
Heart Association (AHA, 2010) provides estimates of how many calories children should
consume each day according to their age. Table 5.2 shows these figures, along with guide-
lines about how much and what types of foods children should be eating. Keep in mind that

TABLE 5.2 • Estimated Calories, Recommended Servings, and Guidelines for Healthy Eating

1 YEAR 2–3 YEARS 4–8 YEARS 9–13 YEARS 14–18 YEARS EXAMPLES

Calories 900 kcal 1000 kcal

Female 1200 kcal 1600 kcal 1800 kcal

Male 1400 kcal 1800 kcal 2200 kcal

Fat 30–40% kcal 30–35% kcal 25–35% kcal 25–35% kcal 25–35% kcal

Milk/Dairy 2 cups 2 cups 2 cups 3 cups 3 cups Lowfat and fat-free milk, milk
products

Lean meat/ 1.5 oz 2 oz 5 oz Fish, nuts, liquid oils (corn,

Beans soybean, canola, olive)

Female 3 oz 5 oz
Male 4 oz 6 oz

Fruits 1 cup 1 cup 1.5 cups 1.5 cups Eat fresh, frozen, canned,
dried, or even fruit juice

Female 1.5 cups

Male 2 cups

Vegetables 3/4 cup 1 cup Spinach, broccoli, carrots,

and sweet potatoes

Female 1 cup 2 cups 2.5 cups

Male 1.5 cups 2.5 cups 3 cups

Grains 2 oz 3 oz Whole-wheat bread, oatmeal,

brown rice, lowfat popcorn

Female 4 oz 5 oz 6 oz
Male 5 oz 6 oz 7 oz

Source: Dietary Recommendations for Children. (2010). Retrieved from American Heart Association: http://www.americanheart.org/presenter.jhtml?
identifier⫽3033999
MyPyramid for Preschoolers. (2009, September 4). Retrieved from United States Department of Agriculture: http://www.mypyramid.gov/preschoolers/
index.html

41
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

CONNECTING WITH CHILDREN

Guidelines for Families, Teachers, and Other Professionals: Promoting
Healthy Eating Habits in Young Children
Take children food shopping and involve them in making Encourage smart snacking.
healthy choices for healthy eating. Examples
Examples 1. Avoid sugary snacks, such as candy, cookies, juice, and
1. Fill your cart with fresh produce and cut down on soft drinks.
processed foods that often contain a lot of fat and salt 2. Stay away from high fat junk foods, such as chips and
and/or sugar. cheese puffs.
2. Make a game out of picking many colors of fruits and 3. Promote snacks that contain some protein, such as
vegetables. peanut butter or low-fat cheese, because they will be
3. Think about the meals you can make in the coming week satisfying.
(e.g., stir fries can include green broccoli, yellow and red 4. Try to avoid snacking close to mealtime, or offer
peppers, and orange carrots). something light and healthy, such as fresh fruit or cut-up
vegetables, that won’t interfere with appetite.
Invite children to participate in the food preparation.
Don’t ban junk food.
Examples
Examples
1. Ask children to help by washing vegetables and tearing
1. Let children indulge in some candy or chocolate every
up lettuce.
once in a while—forbidding these foods can create an
2. Have them set the table and put bread in a basket. unhealthy relationship with food and result in children
3. Help them to measure and mix ingredients. scarfing down all the sugar or fat or salt they can find
when they eat out.
Don’t stress about how much your children eat. 2. Keep the portions small.
Examples 3. Steer children who clamor for sweet treats toward raisins
1. Do not worry when young children finish everything on and other healthier choices most of the time.
their plate and ask for more on one day, and then eat
two peas and declare they are done the next day. Adapted from: Lee, K. (nd). Best ways to build healthy food habits.
2. Offer smaller portions with the option of seconds if, Retrieved from http://childparenting.about.com/od/nutrition/tp/
once finished, they are still hungry. healthyfoodhabits.htm.

these are just estimates for “average” children and there is a range of normal in every age
group. Also, children differ in their activity levels—the more physically active they are, the
more calories they will require.
There is general consensus among health professionals (American Academy of Pediatrics,
2003; American Dietetic Association, 2008; AHA, 2010) that between the ages of 2 and 5, chil-
dren should gradually reduce their intake of fat from a recommended 30–40% of calories con-
sumed to 25–35% of calories consumed. Moreover, calories from saturated fats should be limited
to 10% of the total calories consumed each day. Finally, these health professionals recommend
that juice (and sugar generally) be restricted to 4–6 ounces per day. Whole fruits should be pro-
moted over juice and 100% juice is preferable to mixed beverages. According to the American
Dietetic Association (ADA, 2010), a balanced diet for most children includes 212⁄ cups of vegeta-
bles and 112⁄ cups of fruit each day, 2–3 ounces of lean meat or the equivalent of 12⁄ cup of beans
at each meal; in addition, half the grains consumed should be whole grains. For lunch and
dinner, they recommend drawing an imaginary line across a plate and filling half with fruit and
vegetables. Then divide the remaining space in half again. Fill one of these halves with grains
and the other with protein. Also, they recommend children drink milk with meals and water
with snacks, which amounts to three 8-ounce glasses of milk and two 8-ounce glasses of water
each day. For most children, this will be all the liquid they need to stay well hydrated and meet
their calcium needs. Finally, the ADA emphasizes that “no one food group provides all the
nutrients growing bodies need for good health.” Therefore, the best way to meet children’s nu-
tritional needs each day is to provide access to a variety of foods from all the food groups.

42
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

What about children’s food preferences? Young children

can be finicky eaters. They may want macaroni and cheese for
every meal and turn their noses up at anything green. How can
parents promote healthy eating habits and avoid unpleasant
food fights? The Connecting with Children guidelines pro-
vide tips on how to accomplish this. One overarching princi-
ple is to offer children a variety of healthy choices and allow
them to regulate how much they eat. You will learn through-
out this text that self-regulation is involved in all domains of de-
velopment (physical, cognitive, social emotional), including
energy intake, which should be guided by feelings of hunger
and satiety. The development of self-regulation for eating can
be derailed if parents coax too hard or are overly restrictive
about eating. If children turn their noses up at a healthy choice,
don’t give up, but don’t bribe them either. Reintroduce the
food in the future. Similarly, don’t deny children sweet and
salty treats. Fisher and Birch (2003) studied the effects of lim-
iting access to palatable foods on children’s food preferences
and behaviors and found that it does not teach children to mod-
erate their intake of less healthy foods and may, in the long run,
encourage consumption of sweet and salty foods. A second
principle is to communicate a consistent message about health
and nutrition in the family. Parents should model good eating
habits; they should not have different sets of rules about food
for different members of the family; and they should promote
physical activity as a complement to good eating habits.

CHILDHOOD OVERWEIGHT AND OBESITY. According to the

Centers for Disease Control (2009g), the incidence of childhood Children who are overweight often are rejected or
teased by peers. © Kayte Deioma/PhotoEdit
obesity has more than doubled in all age groups, from ages 2 to 19,
since 1971 (see Figure 5.4). The CDC (2009g) defines childhood

FIGURE 5.4

PREVALENCE OF OBESITY AMONG U.S. CHILDREN

AND ADOLESCENTS (AGED 2–19 YEARS)

National Health and Nutrition Examination Surveys

20.0% 17.0% 17.6%

15.0% 12.4%
11.3%
Percent

10.5%

10.0% 7.2%
6.1% 6.5%
5.0% 5.0%
5.0%
5.0%
4.0%
0.0%
NHANES I 1971-1974 NHANES II 1976-1980 NHANES III 1988-1994 NHANES 2003-2006
Survey period

Aged 2-5 years Aged 6-11 years Aged 12-19 years

Source: Adapted from: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (2009, November 17). Overweight and
obesity. Retrieved from http://www.cdc.gov/obesity/childhood/prevalence.html. Used courtesy of Centers
for Disease Control, www.cdc.gov

43
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

obesity in terms of children’s body mass index (BMI) plotted on the CDC growth charts for boys
and girls, respectively. An example is shown in Figure 5.5. BMI measures weight in relation to
height and can be calculated using either English or metric units. Children are classified as
overweight when their BMI is at or above the 85th percentile (i.e., 85% of children the same age
and sex weigh less than they do) and below the 95th percentile. Children are classified as obese
when their BMI is at or above the 95th percentile. The BMI provides a good screen for over-
weight and obesity, but other factors need to be considered, too. Children with BMIs at the 85th
percentile or higher should see a healthcare provider who will assess other factors, such as skin-
fold thickness, diet, physical activity, and family history, to determine whether excess fat is a
problem.
Being overweight or obese is a serious health concern for children. It is linked to the
early onset of potentially life-threatening diseases, such as hypertension, cardiovascular dis-
ease, and Type 2 diabetes, previously associated with overweight and aging adults (Dubois,
Girard, & Kent, 2006; Mei et al., 1998). Type 2 diabetes is a chronic condition that affects
the way the body metabolizes sugar (glucose). This condition needs to be taken seriously
because it can affect almost every major organ in the body, including the heart, blood ves-
sels, nerves, eyes, and kidneys (Mayo Clinic, 2009). For most children, this disease can be
managed, or prevented all together, by eating healthy foods, being physically active, and
maintaining a healthy body weight. When diet and exercise are not enough, children will
need medications, such as insulin, to manage their blood sugar.

FIGURE 5.5

BOYS’ AND GIRLS’ AVERAGE BMI BY AGE (BMI)

BMI BMI

34 Body mass index-for-age percentiles: 34

Boys, 2 to 20 years
32 32
95th
A 10-year-old boy with Percentile
30 a BMl of 23 would be in the 30
obese category (95th
percentile or greater). 90th
28 28
85th
Percentile
26 26
75th

A 10-year-old boy with

24 24
a BMl of 21 would be in the
overweight category (85th 50th

to less than 95th percentile).

22 22

25th

20 10th 20
5th
Percentile
18 18

16 16

A 10-year-old boy with

14 a BMl of 13 would be in the 14
underweight category
A 10-year-old boy with (less than 5th percentile).
12 a BMI of 18 would be in the 12
healthy weight category (5th percentile
1 2 to less than 85th percentile). 1 2
kg m kg m
2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20
Age (years)

Source: Adapted from: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (2009, January, 27). About BMI for
children and teens. Retrieved from http://www.cdc.gov/healthyweight/assessing/bmi/childrens_bmi/
about_childrens_bmi.html. Used courtesy of Centers for Disease Control, www.cdc.gov

44
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

Other health concerns, such as asthma, also are more common in children who are
overweight or obese. Some research indicates that children’s academic achievement goes
down as weight goes up, although it’s not clear why (Guillaume & Lissau, 2002). Impor-
tantly, being overweight or obese is associated with social and emotional problems (Allen,
Byrne, Blair, & Davis, 2006; Hill & Lissau, 2002). Children who are overweight tend to have
more negative body images than children who are a healthy weight, and often they are
teased and/or rejected by peers. Over the long term, self-esteem can suffer (Friedlander,
Larkin, Rosen, Palermo, & Redline, 2003; Mustillo et al., 2003).
The causes of overweight and obesity in children are many and varied. Some are
controllable and others are not. Heredity is implicated. Genes affect children’s activity
levels, food preferences, body types, and metabolic rates, and children whose biological
parents are overweight are more likely to be overweight themselves. Also, some ethnic
groups appear more predisposed to overweight and obesity than others. Wang and
Beydoun (2007) examined National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey data for
disparities in rates of obesity among ethnic/racial groups within the United States. Their
findings indicate racial/ethnic disparities emerge at very young ages and are present even
in homogeneous SES groups. Cultural eating habits and food preferences may contribute
to these differences, as can food security—consistent access to sufficient quantities of
food. Kaiser and colleagues (2002) studied the relationship between food insecurity and
nutrition and overweight in a group of Mexican American families (N ⫽ 211). Their find-
ings indicate children in food-insecure households were less likely to meet nutritional
guidelines, such as those promoted in the government’s Food Guide Pyramid. Also, chil-
dren in these families had higher weight for height ratios than children living in house-
holds where food insecurity was not an issue. Many North American children live with
food insecurity issues. In a national study of Canadian food banks, findings indicated 39%
of users were children (Langlois, 2006). Food insecurity is associated with poor nutri-
tion, which can lead to overweight and obesity as well as undernutrition, which is dis-
cussed below.
Lifestyle is likely the most important contributor to overweight and obesity. As a soci-
ety, we have come to rely more on prepared and fast foods that accommodate our busy
lifestyles. Unfortunately, these foods tend to have more calories and higher fat, salt, and sugar
content than foods we prepare from scratch. Table 5.3 displays nutritional information for
some fast foods that are popular with children. As you can see from the calorie count, it is
possible for children to consume most of their daily allotment of calories in one meal at
McDonald’s or Burger King. In addition, soft drink consumption, which rose from ninety
8-ounce servings per capita per year in the United States in 1942 to 600 servings per capita
per year in 2000, has been linked to overweight and obesity, as well as to increased risk for
diabetes (Vartanian, Schwartz, & Brownell, 2007). These drinks have been banned from
schools in Britain and France and from some school districts in the United States. To counter,

TABLE 5.3 • Nutritional Information for Fast Foods That Are Most Popular with Children

FOOD CALORIES FAT (GMS) CARBS (GMS)

A&W Cheeseburger, kids fries, and small root beer 1000 37 142

Burger King Chicken Whopper Junior and medium fries (salted) 770 44 81

McDonalds Chicken McNuggets (6 pieces), small fries, and small soft drink 610 27 75

Pizza Hut Pepperoni Pan pizza (each slice) 353 14 44

Kentucky Fried Chicken one piece of drumstick and one piece of breast 630 40 19

Source: Retrieved from http://www.shapefit.com/burgerking.html. Used with permission from ShapeFit.com.

45
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

the American Beverage Association argues that the research linking soft drink consumption
to negative health outcomes is flawed or insufficient. However, in a meta-analysis of 88 stud-
ies, Vartanian and colleagues concluded, “Recommendations to reduce population soft drink
consumption are strongly supported by the available science” (p. 667). Their research pro-
vided support for the negative outcomes associated with soft drink consumption. Further-
more, their findings indicated that higher levels of soft drink consumption are associated
with lower consumption of milk, calcium, and other nutrients.
Children lead more sedentary lives today than they did 50, or even 20 years ago. For
example, children spend less time playing outside than they did in the past. Some peo-
ple blame television, video games, computers, and unsafe neighborhoods for this. When
they reach school age, fewer children walk to school. Parents are more likely to drive
their children to school and extracurricular activities. In school, less time is devoted to
recess and physical education in favor of boosting academic performance (Graber,
Locke, Lambdin, & Solmon, 2008; Graham, 2008).
Finally, overweight and obesity in North American children have been linked to SES
(Dubois et al., 2006; Mei et al., 1998). Lean cuts of meat and fish are more expensive than
those containing more fat. Similarly, fresh fruit and vegetables can be expensive, especially
when they are out of season (e.g., in winter) in some regions of the country. Families with
fewer resources may not be able to afford the healthy choices. Moreover, children in low-
SES communities are more likely to miss breakfast, which doubles their risk of overweight
and obesity (Dubois et al., 2006).
Given the risks of overweight and obesity to children’s health and general well-being, how
can we help children (like Laura in our casebook) to lose weight? Attending to energy intake
and physical activity in overweight and obese children is important, but successful weight loss
for individuals usually requires family-wide changes, too. It is important to send a consistent
message about health and nutrition within families and, later, within schools. Also, it is impor-
tant that programs for weight loss not be perceived as punitive. The Connecting with Chil-
dren guidelines offer some ideas about how to accomplish these goals.

UNDERWEIGHT AND MALNOURISHMENT. Children in developed countries may consume

more than enough calories, but still not get adequate nutrients for their bodies and brains
to grow and develop. For example, it is not uncommon for young children to have iron de-
ficiency anemia, which is a decrease in the number of red blood cells caused by a lack of
iron (Medline Plus, 2008; University of Maryland Medical Center, 2009). The most common
cause of iron deficiency is an iron-poor diet. Iron-rich foods include red meat, legumes, nuts,
and dark green vegetables. When children do not get enough of these foods, their iron lev-
els can be low. Also, children who drink too much cow’s milk (more than 2 cups per day)
may have iron deficiency: Milk is a poor source of iron and actually prevents the absorption
of iron from other foods. Finally, lead exposure can also cause iron deficiency anemia. Signs
of iron deficiency anemia include chronic fatigue, decreased appetite, poor concentration,
irritability, and poor growth and development. Children with iron deficiency anemia can
suffer physical, cognitive, and social delays and are more likely to become ill because their
immune system is weakened. Calcium and zinc are other nutrients that are commonly defi-
cient in children.
Children from low-income families are most at risk for poor nutrition (Hampton,
2007; Yu, Lombe, & Nebbitt, 2010). In developed countries, persistent hunger is typically
not due to lack of food or food programs, but may be due to the stigma associated with us-
ing them. For example, in the United States, only 60% of those who qualify for food stamps
and other programs actually utilize them (Share Our Strength, retrieved 2010, Yu et al.,
2010). Children who are chronically hungry are at a disadvantage when it comes to learn-
ing and development.
A child who is hungry has difficulty concentrating, is more easily distracted, and
may exhibit behavior problems. A hungry or undernourished child cannot take
full advantage of educational opportunities and may disrupt other children from
learning as well. (Langlois, 2006, p. 8)

46
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

CONNECTING WITH CHILDREN

Guidelines for Families, Teachers, and Other Professionals: Helping
Children Lose Weight
Set realistic goals. 2. Provide snacks of fruits and vegetables, and encourage
Examples children to drink water instead of juice.
1. Begin with a modest goal of not gaining weight. Since 3. Make available popcorn, pretzels, and whole wheat
children are growing, they will naturally become thinner crackers; these are better choices than chips, cakes,
if they don’t gain weight. and cookies.
2. Set a new goal of losing a pound a week once children 4. Encourage children to eat only when they are hungry
have reached the goal of not gaining weight. and only enough to fill the void.

Encourage exercise. Change your family’s eating habits.

Examples Examples
1. Promote any type of aerobic activity, including walking, 1. Stock the house with healthy food choices and make the
running, and bike-riding. These burn calories, and burning menu the same for everyone.
calories through physical activity reduces the number of 2. Turn off the TV and remove other distractions during
calories that need to be removed from the diet. mealtime. If children eat while watching TV, they may
2. Involve children in preschool programs that include not be aware of how much food they are consuming.
physical activities. 3. Keep a diary that records general trends in your
3. Make equipment for physical activity available at home family’s eating habits (e.g., which foods are popular,
(e.g., balls, hula hoops, jump ropes). which are not, what schedule works best for meals
4. Stay active with children—use stairs instead of elevators, and snacks).
walk to friends’ houses and on local errands instead of
taking the car. Adapted from: Iannelli, V. (2008). Weight loss goals for kids:
Childhood obesity basics. Retrieved from http://pediatrics.about
Encourage healthy eating and a healthy weight rather .com/od/obesity/a/0707_wt_loss_gl.htm. Lee, K. (No Date). Best
than pushing diets on children. ways to build healthy food habits. Retrieved from http://
Examples childparenting.about.com/od/nutrition/tp/healthyfoodhabits
1. Encourage children to eat three small meals and two .htm. Trachtenberg, J. (No Date). Weight management: 7 ways to
snacks, so they don’t go for long periods without food help your child lose weight. Retrieved from http:// parenting.ivillage
and start feeling hungry. .com/gs/gshealth/0,,n9k5,00.html.

Around the world, child hunger is a powerful predictor of population health. The Relating
to Every Child feature on the next page examines the implications of feeding the world’s
children.

Sleep
In addition to getting adequate nutrition, children need sufficient amounts of good quality
sleep to function well. Newborn infants divide their sleep time equally between day and
night. Gradually, over the first three years of life, children consolidate sleep at night into one
long block—they sleep through the night—and the amount of time they spend sleeping dur-
ing the day decreases. By age 4 or 5, most children no longer nap during the day and by age
15 or 16, their sleep patterns are similar to those of adults. Figure 5.6 shows these sleep pat-
terns across childhood. It’s important to note that these data reflect parents’ reports of aver-
age times children spend sleeping, not scientific studies of absolute requirements for
sleeping. However, the numbers are remarkably consistent across time and countries. For ex-
ample, the data in Figure 5.6 are from an American sample that was first reported in Ferber
(1986/2006), but results from a more recent study of children in Switzerland (Iglowstein,
Jenni, Molinari, & Largo, 2003) are almost the same. Also, research indicates that children
who get less sleep than what is reported here suffer a wide range of difficulties relating to
cognition, learning, behavior, social and emotional well-being, and health (Buckhalt, Wolf-
son, & El-Sheikh, 2009; Iglowstein et al., 2003; Sadeh, 2007).

47
 Relating to E V E RY C H I L D
䉴 Feeding the World’s Children
CHILDREN who live with chronic hunger are likely to suf-
fer extreme malnourishment, which puts them at higher
risk for illness and is associated with more than half of
childhood deaths (WHO, 2003). The vast majority of chil-
dren at risk for or living with extreme malnutrition live in
just 10 countries in the world: India, Nigeria, China,
Bangladesh, Ethiopia, Indonesia, Pakistan, Democratic
Republic of Congo, Uganda, and Tanzania (Irwin, Siddiqi,
& Hertzman, 2007). These children account for 145 million
(66%) of 219 million children living in extreme poverty in
the developing world. As a result of their circumstances,
many of these children will never attend school (UNESCO,
2007); they will subsequently have low earning potential
as adults but high fertility, and will provide poor nutrition,
health care, and stimulation to their own children, contin-
uing the cycle (Irwin et al., 2007).
Economists argue investments in early childhood
are the most powerful investment countries can make
(Irwin et al., 2007). Research indicates that societies—rich
and poor—that invest in children and families in the early
years have the most literate and numerate populations.
They also have the best health status and health equality
in the world. And, as a proportion of GDP, these countries
spend only 1.5–2% on policies and programs for early
childhood development. Estimates are that $1 spent to The vast majority of children living with extreme hunger
help a child to thrive and reach school age will generate live in just 10 countries in the world. RAPHO Agence/Photo
up to $17 in benefits to society over the following four Researchers, Inc.
decades, even after controlling for inflation (Schweinhart,
2004; Schweinhart, Barnes, & Weikart, 1993, cited in Irwin international agencies, and civil society partners. Giving
et al., 2007). Therefore, according to Irwin and colleagues, children a healthy start in life not only allows children to
investing in early childhood development is a productive thrive, but also supports the prosperity—economically
strategy that should be adopted by governments, and socially—of communities and countries.

Shortened sleep time, erratic sleep/wake schedules, late bedtimes, and poor sleep
quality are linked to problems with cognitive functions (e.g., attention, self-regulation)
and learning (Sadeh, 2007). Sleep is believed to play an active role in brain maturation, in-
formation processing, memory consolidation, and affect regulation. When children get in-
sufficient amounts or a poor quality of sleep, especially rapid eye movement (REM) sleep,
the brain activity required for these functions to develop is reduced. Similarly, sleep plays
a reinvigorating role, so insufficient or disrupted sleep at night leaves children feeling
sleepy and less alert during the day. Daytime sleepiness is associated with learning and be-
havior difficulties (Fallone, Owens, & Deane, 2002; Sadeh, 2007; Sadeh, Gruber, & Raviv,
2002). Children who are tired are more irritable and less able to control their emotions.
Also, they are more prone to accidents (Valent, Brusaferro, & Barbone, 2001). In general,
sleep deprivation and disruptions negatively affect children’s daytime behavior as well as
family functioning.
Although most complaints about children’s sleeping patterns are about not getting
enough sleep (Ferber, 2006), getting too much sleep can also be a problem. If the time

48
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

FIGURE 5.6

TYPICAL SLEEP REQUIREMENTS IN CHILDHOOD

Total Total No.of

Hours Night Day Naps
HOURS OF SLEEP Hours Typical
of Sleep Sleep Sleep (1/2–1 Hrs)
2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 of Sleep Range AGE

weeks
AGE
weeks

–1 16 14 –18 –1 16 Varied Varied Varied

1 14 121/2–151/2 1 14 Varied Varied Varied
3 13 12 –14 3 13 81/2 41/2 3–4

months
months

6 121/2 111/2–131/2 6 121/2 91/4 31/4 2–3

9 121/4 111/4–131/4 9 121/4 91/2 23/4 2
12 113/4 11 –121/2 12 113/4 91/4–101/4 11/2–21/2 1–2
18 115/8 11 –121/4 18 115/8 95/8 2 1
2 111/2 11 –12 2 111/2 95/8 17/8 1
3 111/4 103/4–113/4 3 111/4 93/4–111/4 0 –11/2 0–1
4 11 101/2–111/2 4 11 10 –11 0 –1 0–1
5 103/4 101/4–111/4 5 103/4 103/4 0 0
6 101/2 10 –11 6 101/2 101/2 0 0
7 103/8 97/8 –107/8 7 103/8 103/8 0 0
8 101/4 93/4 –103/4 8 101/4 101/4 0 0
9 101/8 95/8 –105/8 9 101/8 101/8 0 0
years

10 10 91/2 –101/2

years
nighttime 10 10 10 0 0
11 sleep 97/8 93/8 –103/8
11 97/8 97/8 0 0
12 93/4 91/4 –101/4
daytime 12 93/4 93/4 0 0
13 sleep* 95/8 91/8 –101/8
13 95/8 95/8 0 0
14 *Divided into 91/2 9 –10
typical number 91/4 14 91/2 91/2 0 0
15 83/4 –93/4
of naps per day. 15 91/4 91/4 0 0
16 Length of naps 91/8 85/8 –95/8
17 may be 9 81/2 –91/2 16 91/8 91/8 0 0
quite variable. 81/2 –91/2 17 9 9 0 0
18 9
18 9 9 0 0
2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16

Source: Reprinted with the permission of Touchstone, a Division of Simon & Schuster, Inc., from Solve Your Child’s Sleep Problems
by Richard Ferber, M. D. Copyright © 1985, 2006 by Richard Ferber, M. D. All rights reserved.

children spend in bed exceeds their actual sleep need, they can have difficulty falling asleep
or they may awaken during the night or very early in the morning (Iglowstein et al., 2003).
According to Iglowstein and colleagues, sleep duration is an indicator of sleep need, so one
way to manage bedtime and sleeping problems is to monitor children’s sleep duration and
adjust bedtime schedules accordingly.

SLEEP AND OBESITY. There is growing evidence that persistent short sleep latencies are
associated with obesity. One cross-sectional study of 5,358 Turkish children ages 6 to
17 found that as children’s sleep duration increased, their BMI decreased (Ozturk et al.,
2009). This was the case for both boys and girls. In fact, boys who slept less than 8 hours
at night were more than twice as likely to be overweight or obese. Similarly, a longitudinal
study that followed Canadian children from ages 2-1/2 to 6 found four patterns of sleep
duration in children: short persistent, short increasing, 10-hour persistent, and 11-hour
persistent (Touchette et al., 2007). Findings indicated the risk for overweight and obesity
was 4.2 times greater for short persistent sleepers than for 11-hour persistent sleepers. The
causal relationship between sleep and weight remains unclear, but experts believe short
sleep may result in metabolic changes that affect growth and appetite (Cappuccio et al.,
2008; Ozturk et al., 2009; Touchette et al., 2007). One hypothesis is that shorter sleep

49
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

leads to the secretion of hormones that increase appetite. Alternatively, longer sleep may
increase the secretion of the growth hormone, thereby reducing the risk of overweight
and obesity. Both of these may be true. Also, length of sleep likely affects energy intake
and expenditure: Children who are awake more hours in the day have more time to con-
sume calories, whereas children who are tired during the day are likely to engage in less
physical activity.
Taken together, research points to the importance of ensuring that children get
adequate amounts of sleep for optimal cognitive, behavioral, and physical development. On
average, this means 10–11 hours each night for children ages 2 to 6.

SLEEP PROBLEMS. Dr. Richard Ferber, Director in the Center for Pediatric Sleep Disor-
ders at Boston’s Children’s Hospital, says the most frequent calls he receives are from
parents whose children ages 5 months to 4 years are having problems sleeping. Typically,
the child is having difficulty falling asleep or is waking up repeatedly during the night, or
both. According to Dr. Ferber (2006), sleep problems are extremely common in young
children, but they are also the source of a great deal of distress at home—parents get tired
and frustrated. They wonder if there is something wrong with their child or with their
parenting.
It is true that some groups of children are especially likely to experience problems
sleeping. For example, there is a substantial body of research documenting sleep problems
in children with attention deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) and behavior disorders
(Buckhalt et al., 2009). Children with developmental disabilities such as autism, or mental
or chronic health concerns such as anxiety, depression, obesity, asthma, or migraine
headaches, also experience higher rates of sleep problems than children who don’t have
these disabilities and health concerns. However, it is common for all children to have diffi-
culty sleeping at one time or another and, for most children, sleep problems do not persist
or reflect more serious underlying issues.
Almost all children experience nightmares, which are scary dreams that occur during
REM sleep (Ferber, 2006). Infants and toddlers show signs of having nightmares (e.g., they
may wake up crying and upset), but certainly children ages 3 to 6 have bad dreams that
involve some threat to their well-being (e.g., being separated from parents or being chased
by an animal). Nightmares can be quite upsetting and make it difficult for children to return
to sleep without some soothing and reassurance from parents or other caregivers. They
need to know the adults in their lives are in control and will keep them safe. When children
are old enough (age 3 or 4), discussing the substance of the nightmare and the feelings as-
sociated with it usually serves to calm their fears and help them to return to their normal
sleep routine.
Night terrors are associated with partial arousal from the deepest phase of non-REM
sleep and higher levels of physiological response than nightmares (e.g., rapid heart rate and
breathing, perspiration, thrashing). During night terrors, children are not fully awake: They
may not recognize an adult who approaches and tries to comfort them. After the event, they
may not remember yelling or thrashing or what it was that scared them. Once awake, the
signs of fear subside and children often return to sleep easily. In the morning, many children
do not remember or only vaguely remember the event and, therefore, are not afraid to go
to sleep on subsequent nights. Night terrors are less common than nightmares, but are not
usually a serious problem (Thiedke, 2001). They are more likely associated with situational
stress and fatigue, lasting only a short period of time. Table 5.4 shows the differences be-
tween nightmares and night terrors.

SOLUTIONS. Bedtime resistance, waking during the night, and difficulties falling and/or
returning to sleep are the most common sleep problems in young children (Buckhalt et al.,
2009). Behavioral strategies have proven effective for addressing these problems, and most
parents and clinicians find them more acceptable than pharmacological remedies. One
strategy is to develop a positive bedtime routine, which includes familiar and relaxing ac-
tivities that children come to associate with bedtime. The Connecting with Children
guidelines provide tips on how to quiet children and get them ready for bed. Once bedtime
routines are established, major disruptions at bedtime are rare.

50
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

TABLE 5.4 • Guidelines for Distinguishing Nightmares and Night Terrors

NIGHTMARES NIGHT TERRORS

Child has frightening dreams that occur Child experiences frightening episodes that
during the REM sleep stage. happen during a partial awakening from a deep,
non-REM sleep stage.

These dreams typically occur during the These events usually occur in the first half of a
latter half of a night’s sleep. night’s sleep—1–4 hours after falling asleep.

Child is comforted by the presence of Child does not notice if a parent is present and
one or both parents. resists any effort of comfort or reassurance.

Child remembers the nightmare. Child has no memory of the event.

The dream may interfere with child’s Child returns to sleep easily once the event is over.
ability to return to sleep or go to
sleep in the future.

Source: Based on Ferber, R. (2006). Solve your child’s sleep problems (pp. 343–344). New York: Simon & Schuster.

If difficulties with settling or returning to sleep once wakened in the night are attrib-
utable to sleep associations—conditions children have come to connect with falling asleep
(e.g., rocking or nursing until asleep)—changes may be needed. Initiating change may be
met with resistance at first. Extinction is a well-established, but somewhat controversial
strategy for addressing settling and night waking problems in children. The Point/
Counterpoint discusses the advantages and disadvantages of this strategy.

CONNECTING WITH CHILDREN

Guidelines for Families and Professionals: Establishing Positive
Bedtime Routines
Engage in bedtime hygiene. 2. Tuck children into bed, perhaps with a favorite toy, kiss
Examples and hug good night, and provide assurances about
1. Start with a warm, soothing bath. where you are and how you will know they are all right
2. Put on pajamas. (e.g., listening through a monitor, checking on them
before you go to bed).
3. Brush teeth.
3. Turn the lights out and leave the room while children are
Spend time unwinding with quiet activities still awake, so they learn to settle and soothe themselves
before bedtime. to sleep.
Examples
Follow the routine as consistently as you can.
1. Spend time assembling puzzles or drawing and coloring.
Examples
2. Curl up with a basket of books.
1. Choose a routine that suits your family—if you are
3. Don’t tease or read scary stories that tend to excite uncomfortable with the routine, sticking with it will be
children. difficult.
4. Save wrestling and other active forms of play for a 2. Avoid frequent interruptions to the routine. Make sure
different time in the day. other caregivers know and follow the routine when you
are out. Excuse yourself to follow the routine when you
Help children anticipate sleep as part of their routine.
have guests in the evening.
Examples
3. Put one parent in charge of the routine; this can help
1. Tell children how much longer they have before it will be
with consistency.
time to go to sleep—“Just one more story” or “Just 2–3
more pages.”

51
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

POINT/COUNTERPOINT: Using Extinction to Solve

Children’s Sleep Problems
Night settling and night waking problems are the most com-

䉲
mon sleep problems reported for young children. Approxi- Extinction’s effectiveness hinges on parents’ ability to
mately 20% of typically developing children experience comply with the requirement to ignore children and

COUNTERPOINT
these problems and this rate more than doubles for groups outlast their emotional and behavioral outbursts. This
of children with developmental disabilities. Treatment ap- has proven stressful for many parents and children.
proaches are controversial. Parents are reluctant to use med- However, when parents are not consistent in their im-
ications and some behavioral approaches, although they plementation of an extinction protocol (e.g., they allow
have proven effective, can be difficult for parents to imple- children to cry sometimes, but not others, or they give
ment. Extinction is one of those strategies. in to children’s crying after an amount of time has
passed), they may actually exacerbate the problem
(positively reinforce the behavior they want to extin-
guish). Moreover, extinction may not be appropriate
䉲

Standard extinction involves putting children to bed

for all children and all sleep problems. For example,
and then ignoring disruptions (e.g., not attending to
POINT

sleep problems that are associated with separation

their crying, tantrums, calls to parents) until, eventually,
anxiety or nighttime fears will not be solved by leaving
they fall asleep on their own. If children get out of bed,
children alone. Similarly, it is not safe to ignore children
parents lead them back without talking or making eye
who engage in self-injurious behavior when they be-
contact. Extinction is well researched and has a high
come upset. Before initiating any strategy for solving
success rate. Improvements are typically observed
sleep problems, it is important to ask, “What’s the source of
within a few days and maintain over the long term
the problem?”
(Buckhalt et al., 2009; Thackeray & Richdale, 2002). Also, ex-
A modified version of extinction—graduated
tinction has proven effective with special populations of chil-
extinction—is extinction with parental presence. Parents
dren, including children with ADHD and developmental
can remain in children’s bedrooms until they fall asleep, but
disabilities such as autism.
still ignore their bedtime-resistant behavior. Alternatively,
parents can engage in a process of “progressive waiting.”
Rather than ignoring children completely, this process allows
parents to check on children according to a schedule of
gradually decreasing frequency. Parents can go to children
briefly, reassure them and ensure their safety, and then leave
again, so that the children learn to soothe and settle them-
selves. Numerous studies and meta-analyses indicate that
graduated extinction and standard extinction are similarly
Sumetho/Shutterstock

effective (Buckhalt et al., 2009; Mindell, 2005; Owens,

Palermo, & Rosen, 2002), and it seems a good compromise
for parents. Graduated extinction may take a bit longer to
achieve the desired result, but is less stressful for parents.
Parents’ “buy-in” leads to more consistent implementation,
which is associated with greater success.

SPECIAL PHYSICAL NEEDS

Some children have special physical needs. In this chapter, we focus on how illness and en-
vironmental hazards can affect children’s growth and development.
Most children living in resource-rich nations experience good health, thanks in large
measure to medical advances and schedules of immunization that can control or eradicate
diseases that once were life-threatening (e.g., influenza, measles, polio). In developing na-
tions, where vaccines are not so readily available, these diseases continue to pose signifi-
cant threats to public health. Not all children in the United States get vaccinated. For
example, families in low-SES communities may not have medical insurance to cover the cost
of children’s vaccinations. Alternatively, some parents choose not to vaccinate
their children for fear of negative consequences (e.g., they are concerned about possible
side effects and links between vaccines and other disabling conditions, such as autism,
which have been largely disproven). However, the preponderance of the evidence

52
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

indicates vaccines are safe and they are an important safety measure to protect individual
children and the general public from the reemergence of serious diseases.

Chronic Illness
Unfortunately, some children still experience serious, chronic illnesses. In this chapter we
focus on asthma and cancer.

ASTHMA. Asthma affects people of all ages, but the onset of symptoms typically begins during
childhood (Department of Health and Human Services [DHHS], 2008). It is one of the most
common chronic childhood diseases, affecting more than 22 million people in the United
States, nearly 6 million of them children. Asthma causes an inflammation of the airways—the
tubes that carry air in and out of the lungs—and interferes with breathing (Medline Plus,
2010). Children have smaller airways than adults, making asthma a particularly serious
condition for them. Children who have asthma can experience wheezing, coughing, chest
tightness, and trouble breathing, especially early in the morning or at night.
The exact cause of asthma is unknown, but researchers attribute the disease to both
genetic and environmental factors (DHHS, 2008). Children whose parents have asthma and
children with an inherited tendency to develop allergies are more likely to develop the dis-
ease. Asthma is also linked to certain respiratory infections during childhood and exposure
to irritants, such as mold, pollen, animal dander, air pollution, and cigarette smoke. In one
study, researchers found that 20% of children living in homes where there was cigarette
smoke had asthma compared with 15% of children living in smoke-free homes (MacDonald,
Pertowski, & Jackson, 1996). We talk more about the negative impact exposure to second-
hand smoke has on children’s health below.
Since there is no cure for asthma, the goal is to manage the disease (DHHS, 2008; Medline
Plus, 2010). The most common treatments include long-term medicines that reduce inflam-
mation in airways and prevent asthma symptoms, and quick-relief, or “rescue,” medicines,
such as inhalers, that relieve asthma symptoms when they flare up. Importantly, parents and
caregivers need to help children avoid what “triggers” their asthma symptoms. If pollens or
air pollution make asthma worse, limit children’s time outdoors when levels of these sub-
stances are high. Air conditioning prevents outdoor allergens from getting inside during the
spring and summer. If animal dander is a problem, keep animals with fur outside, or at least
out of children’s bedrooms. There are dogs without dander (e.g., poodles and wheaten terri-
ers) that make better choices for family pets when children have allergies or asthma. Limit or
eliminate children’s exposure to second-hand smoke. Finally, since young children may not be
able to monitor their asthma symptoms, parents, teachers, and other caregivers need to work
together to watch for signs and symptoms that might lead to an asthma attack. Figure 5.7 on
the next page shows the common signs and symptoms of asthma.

CANCER. Childhood cancer is a rare but very serious disease. In the United States, 1–2 children
in 10,000 (.0001%) develop cancer each year (Daly, Kral, & Brown, 2008). However, this
still represents more than 10,000 new cases of pediatric cancer in children 0 to 14 years of
age each year (National Cancer Institute [NCI], 2009). The most common forms of child-
hood cancers are leukemias, which are blood cell cancers, and brain and central nervous
system tumors. Together, these forms of cancer account for more than 50% of new cases.
Leukemia causes the production of abnormal numbers of early stage white blood cells,
which eventually block the production of normal white blood cells; this compromises the
body’s ability to fight infections. The most common cancer in children in the United States
is a specific form of leukemia, Acute Lymphoblastic Leukemia (ALL), which peaks in inci-
dence in children 4 to 5 years of age (Daly et al., 2008).
Fortunately, there have been dramatic improvements in early detection and treatment
of childhood cancers. Today, the 5-year survival rate exceeds 80%, compared with less than
50% in the 1970s (Daly et al., 2008; NCI, 2009). Unfortunately, therapies used to treat these
cancers (e.g., chemotherapy and radiation) often have negative long-term effects that have
implications for development and learning. Cancer treatments are designed to kill cells that
grow quickly, but in children, healthy cells in their brains, bones, and other organs also are

53
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

FIGURE 5.7

COMMON SIGNS AND SYMPTOMS OF ASTHMA

Asthma Overview

Common Signs and Symptoms

Are any of your students displaying Signs:
the following symptoms? Poor quality sleep, so is tired in class
Many children may not be aware that their asthma School absenteeism, so academic performance
symptoms are not normal. The presence of a may suffer
chronic cough may be the teacher’s only clue Low exercise tolerance or reluctance to
that something is wrong. participate in gym class
Symptoms: Needs to use their inhaler more than two
Persistent or troublesome cough times a week to relieve symptoms
Wheezing
Shortness of breath
Chest tightness or pain

Did You Know?

Although hospital admissions occur throughout
the year, there is a peak in September. Viral
infections are a powerful and common
inflammatory trigger for asthma symptoms and
they are easily spread in the classroom setting.

Source: From Asthma Society of Canada. Asthma Kit for Canadian Schools. Retrieved from www
.Asthma-Kids.ca. Used with permission.

growing fast. Cancer treatments can damage these cells and keep them from growing the
way they should. Children who receive cranial radiation therapy, especially to their head
and neck, are at risk of developing cognitive impairments that result in academic difficul-
ties when they go to school. Similarly, children who receive CNS chemotherapy are at risk
of developing learning disabilities post-treatment.
These treatment effects, referred to as late effects, may not show up until months or
even years after treatment and range from mild to severe. For this reason, long-term follow-up
care that focuses on children’s development and learning, as well as their health and
emotional well-being, is receiving more attention from researchers and caregivers (Butler &
Haser, 2006; Daly et al., 2008). Research goals include understanding the specific deficits
that result from disease and treatment, and developing interventions that ameliorate these
deficits. Early intervention is critical but receiving treatment at an early age is associated
with higher risks for late effects. However, attention also needs to be paid to school re-
entry for children who may experience gaps in learning due to long absences in addition
to late effects that are a consequence of having cancer and treatment.

Environmental Hazards
Young children are exposed to many toxins in their environments, and these put their health
at risk. Fortunately, as a consequence of widespread efforts at public education, mandated

54
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

use of child-resistant safety caps, availability of poison control centers, and advances in med-
ical care, deaths from accidental poisonings are far less common than they were 50 years ago
(AAP Committee on Injury, Violence, and Poison Prevention, 2003). Still, more than 2 million
poisonings are reported to poison control centers across the United States each year, and
more than half occur in children under age 6 (Liller, 2007). Kitchens, bathrooms, and garages
are the most common sites of accidental poisoning in homes. Parents and caregivers need to
remain vigilant about keeping harmful substances, including cleaners and medications, out
of the reach of young children.
Exposure to lead is a serious health issue for children (CDC, 2009b). Lead is present in
many substances, including paint, window frames, dust, gasoline, foods, and toys. It gets into
children’s bloodstreams when they eat food or drink water that is contaminated with lead, put
their fingers in their mouths after touching lead, or inhale dust from lead-based paint (Gulson
et al., 2004; McLaughlin et al., 2004). Lead-based paint in older homes is the most common
cause of lead poisoning, so children who live in older homes, especially if the paint is deterio-
rating, are most at risk, as are children who live in areas of substantial air pollution from auto-
mobile traffic. Not surprisingly, children in low-SES communities are more at risk for lead
poisoning than children in higher income communities. Even small amounts of lead poisoning
can have negative consequences (Kaneshiro, 2009, writing for Medline). For example, a single
exposure can cause symptoms requiring a visit to the emergency room. However, it is more
common for lead to build up over time and from repeated exposure. Exposure to lead is asso-
ciated with a myriad of negative outcomes, including slowed body
growth, hearing impairment, kidney damage, lower intelligence,
delayed development and low achievement in school, attention
problems, hyperactivity, and aggression. The CDC (2009b) em-
phasizes that lead poisoning is preventable and advises that the
key to prevention is stopping children from coming into contact
with lead and treating children who have been poisoned by lead.
Second-hand smoke is another toxin with which children’s
contact is entirely preventable, yet a recent report from the Sur-
geon General (CDC, 2007) indicates that 60% of American chil-
dren ages 3 to 11 are exposed to second-hand smoke, about 22%
in their homes and family vehicles. Similarly, data collected by
Health Canada (Canadian Lung Association, 2007) indicated that
7% of children under the age of 12 were regularly exposed to
second-hand smoke in their homes, whereas 16% of 12-year-olds
were exposed to second-hand smoke in public spaces and in pri-
vate vehicles. Because second-hand smoke permeates an envi-
ronment and lingers long after a cigarette has been extinguished,
smoking inside, even at certain times or near a fan or a window,
is not safe (CDC, 2009). Furthermore, evidence about the effects
of second-hand smoke is clear—children exposed to high levels
of second-hand smoke are more susceptible to ear and respira-
tory infections, such as bronchitis and pneumonia, than children
who live in smoke-free environments. Also, children who al-
ready have asthma experience more frequent and severe attacks
when they are exposed to second-hand smoke. Finally, children
exposed to second-hand smoke on a regular basis have higher
levels of cotinine—the major metabolite (breakdown) product
of nicotine—in their systems than children who live in homes
where smoking is not allowed (CDC, 2009).
Young children are powerless to protect themselves from Lead-based paint in older homes is the most common
toxins in their environment. They depend on the adults in their cause of lead poisoning, so children who live in older
homes, especially if the paint is deteriorating, are most
lives to be responsible. Recommendations about how adults
at risk. Children in low-SES communities are more at
can protect children from accidental poisoning and environ-
risk for lead poisoning than children in higher income
mental hazards are provided in the Connecting with Children communities. © Tony Freeman/PhotoEdit
guidelines on the next page.

55
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

CONNECTING WITH CHILDREN

Guidelines for Families, Teachers, and Other Professionals: Protecting
Children from Toxic Substances
Increase awareness of substances in and around your Prevent children’s exposure to lead.
home that can be poisonous when children inhale or Examples
ingest them. 1. Test paint and dust in older homes (built before 1978)
Examples for lead.
1. Identify common household substances that are highly 2. Make sure pregnant women and young children are not
toxic (e.g., charcoal, lighter fluid, paint thinner and present in older homes or schools during renovations.
remover, antifreeze, turpentine, pesticides, and cleaning 3. Avoid having children play on older playground equip-
products). ment, especially if paint is chipped, as it could contain lead.
2. Teach children to recognize these substances as things 4. Teach children not to suck on toys or playground
they should not touch. equipment that may be covered in lead-based paint.
3. Obtain “Mr. Yuk” stickers from local poison control 5. Wash children’s hands and toys regularly—both can be
centers and place them on poisonous substances to contaminated by household dust or exterior soil, which
warn children to stay away from them. can contain lead.
Store harmful products, including cleaners, paints, Protect children from secondhand smoke.
medicines, and even vitamins and minerals, safely. Examples
Examples 1. Make your home and vehicles 100% smoke-free at all
1. Store harmful products on shelves that are out of the times.
reach of children or, better yet, in locked cabinets—use 2. Make sure your children’s daycare centers and schools
childproof locks. also are smoke free.
2. Store harmful products in their original containers—labels 3. Choose smoke-free restaurants.
on the original containers typically provide information
4. Insist that no one smokes around your children.
about what to do in the event of accidental ingestion.
3. Never store toxic substances in containers that can be
mistaken for food and drink (e.g., old soda bottles or ice Adapted from: CDC. (2007). Children and secondhand smoke
cream buckets). exposure. Retrieved from http://www.cdc.gov/features/
childrenandsmoke/. CDC. (2009). Prevention tips. Retrieved from http://
4. Seek out child-resistant packaging when purchasing
www.cdc.gov/nceh/Lead/tips.htm. Optum Health. (2008). Accidental
medications and other potentially poisonous substances. poisoning in children. Retrieved from http://www.myoptumhealth
5. Make sure that other homes where your children spend .com/portal/Information/item/Accidental⫹Poisoning⫹in⫹Children?
time (e.g., grandparents) are childproofed too. archiveChannel=Home%2FArticle&clicked=true

䉲 SUMMARY AND KEY TERMS

• Body Growth more muscle mass throughout the
Compared to other species, humans experience a prolonged lifespan. This gives boys the edge in
period of growth and development—we continue to grow many physical activities. Hereditary
during 20% of our lifespan. The rate of growth during the and environmental factors also influence children’s growth tra-
early years is not as fast as it was during infancy, but some sig- jectories. For example, children who have tall parents tend to
nificant changes take place. From ages 2 through 6, children be tall themselves, and weight problems often run in families.
lose their babyish appearance. Specifically, their body fat de- Children who are under- or malnourished don’t grow as fast or
creases and their bodies appear more appropriately propor- as tall as children who have adequate food and a healthy diet.
tioned relative to the size of their heads. Finally, there are ethnic differences in rates and absolute lev-
Different body systems grow at different rates. For exam- els of growth and development, too (e.g., Northern European
ple, the lymphoid system, which includes tonsils and lymph children tend to be larger than their Asian peers).
nodes, grows rapidly during the early years, building children’s
immunity to the many infections and diseases they come in con- • Brain Development
tact with as they socialize more outside their homes. In contrast, Children’s brains continue to grow more rapidly than other
the reproductive system grows slowly until adolescence. parts of the body during early childhood. In addition, changes
Boys and girls have similar growth patterns during the are taking place in children’s brains that both support and
early years, but girls tend to have more body fat and boys reflect impressive cognitive developments. For example, the

56
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

process of myelination increases the brain’s efficiency. Chil- fruits and vegetables, lean proteins, and whole grains. Juice
dren can think faster, remember better, and make sense of in- should be restricted to 4–6 ounces per day. It’s healthier for
creasingly complex sequences of words and actions. These children to drink milk with meals and water with snacks.
enhancements help children learn language and complex Children can be finicky eaters. The best way to promote
concepts. Similarly, the two hemispheres of the brain undergo healthy eating is to provide access to a variety of foods from
a process of lateralization, or specialization. By age 3, in most all food groups and then allow children to regulate how much
children, the left hemisphere dominates for language pro- they eat. Don’t coax too hard when children refuse a healthy
cessing and logical reasoning, whereas the right hemisphere choice or indicate they’re “all done.” Also, don’t deny chil-
is primarily responsible for visual-spatial information and con- dren sweet and salty treats. Rather, communicate a consistent
trolling emotions. For some left-handed individuals, this rela- message about health and nutrition in the family; model good
tionship may be reversed, but for most left-handers and girls, eating habits and encourage physical activity as a comple-
there is less hemispheric specialization altogether. ment to good eating habits.
Differences in hemispheric function are more relative The incidence of childhood obesity has more than dou-
than absolute. Nearly all tasks, particularly complex tasks, re- bled since 1976. Children’s body mass index (BMI)—a ratio of
quire participation from many parts of the brain. During the weight to height—is a common measure of overweight and
early years, the corpus callosum, which is responsible for com- obesity. Other indices, such as skinfold thickness, diet, physi-
munication and coordination between the two sides of the cal activity, and family history also can be used. Being over-
brain, develops rapidly. Before lateralization, damage to one weight is linked to a wide range of health concerns for
part of the brain often can be overcome because other parts children, including early onset of diabetes and heart disease.
of the brain take over that function. After lateralization, the Also, being overweight is associated with lower academic
brain is less able to compensate. achievement, social and emotional problems, negative body
Finally, advances in the development of the prefrontal cor- image, and low self-esteem. Causes of overweight and obe-
tex between ages 3 and 4 lead to increases in children’s ability to sity include heredity, ethnicity, poverty, and lifestyle. In partic-
control emotions and impulses and to focus attention. Children ular, contemporary society’s reliance on processed foods,
become less impulsive and have fewer temper tantrums than along with our sedentary lifestyle are often blamed for the
they did at age 2. rising incidence of childhood overweight and obesity.
Some children eat more than enough calories, but still
• Motor Development don’t get sufficient nutrients. For example, iron deficiency ane-
mia occurs when children don’t eat sufficient quantities of iron-
Advances in gross motor development are associated with brain
rich foods or are exposed to substances that interfere with iron
development, particularly myelination of neuron connections
absorption. Calcium and zinc are other nutrients that are com-
that are responsible for balance and coordination. Changes in
monly deficient in children. Around the world, childhood
body size and proportions also contribute to gross motor de-
hunger and malnutrition are a powerful predictor of population
velopment. By age 2, most children have perfected walking and,
health. Children who are hungry are at a disadvantage for
in their third year, most children learn to run, throw, and jump.
learning and development, which limits their later earning
However, these activities are not well controlled until children
potential and ability to provide for their own families.
are 4 or 5 years old. In general, motor developments are cumu-
In addition to getting adequate amounts of nutrition, chil-
lative and sequential—new skills develop from previously
dren need sufficient amounts of good quality sleep. Those who
learned skills. However, a number of factors other than matura-
get less sleep than they need suffer a wide range of difficulties
tion are associated with children’s gross motor development, in-
relating to cognition, learning, behavior, social and emotional
cluding practice, temperament, genes, cultural norms, and sex.
well-being, and health (e.g., getting too little sleep has been
Finally, some groups of children experience particular
linked to obesity). Getting too much sleep can also be a
difficulties with respect to gross motor development (e.g.,
problem—children who get too much sleep can have difficulty
children with physical disabilities, children with hearing or vi-
falling asleep or awaken during the night or early in the morning.
sual impairments, and children with developmental disabili-
The most common sleep problems for children include
ties such as autism). Like gross motor development, fine
bedtime resistance, waking during the night, and difficulties
motor development follows a progression from less to more
falling and/or returning to sleep once awake. Nightmares and
differentiation, coordination, and control. By age 3 or 4, chil-
night terrors are also common problems. Some groups of chil-
dren can put on and take off articles of clothing they might
dren are more likely to experience sleep problems (e.g., children
have struggled with at age 2, and they can hold and manipu-
with ADHD or behavior disorders, children with developmental
late crayons to draw. Fine motor skills, such as putting on a
disabilities, children with chronic health concerns). Establishing
pair of shoes or grasping a crayon, develop over time, with
positive bedtime routines and graduated extinction are two
practice, and as children’s brains develop and their visual
established strategies for addressing children’s sleep problems.
systems and eye-hand coordination improves.
• Special Physical Needs
• Health and Well-Being Children can experience a wide range of chronic illnesses that
Developing good nutrition and eating habits in early child- affect development and learning. Asthma is one of the most
hood can make a difference to an individual’s overall health common childhood diseases. It causes inflammation of the air-
and well-being throughout the lifespan. Children need fewer ways and interferes with breathing. Children with asthma may
calories, especially calories from fat, than infants and toddlers experience wheezing, coughing, chest tightness, and trouble
because their brains and bodies are growing more slowly. A breathing. The exact cause of asthma is not known, but re-
healthy and balanced diet for most children includes mainly searchers attribute it to both genetic and environmental factors

57
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

(e.g., mold, pollen, animal dander, and air pollution). There is no Exposure to toxins is a serious health concern for
cure for asthma, so treatments are designed to manage the dis- children. Parents and caregivers need to work hard to keep
ease. Common treatments include medicines that reduce in- harmful substances, such as household cleaners and medica-
flammation and prevent asthma symptoms, as well as inhalers tions, out of children’s reach. Lead is present in many
that relieve asthma symptoms when they flare up. It’s important substances, including paint, window frames, dust, foods, and
for children with asthma to avoid whatever triggers their symp- toys. Children may ingest it or inhale it. Over time, it can build
toms (e.g., stay indoors when pollens and air pollution are high up in their bodies and cause a myriad of negative outcomes
and choose pets with hair, not fur, to reduce exposure to dander). (e.g., slowed growth, hearing impairment, kidney damage,
Childhood cancer is a rare but very serious disease. lower intelligence, low achievement, attention and behavior
The most common forms of cancer are leukemias and brain problems). Children in low-SES communities tend to be
and central nervous system tumors. Today, the 5-year sur- exposed to higher levels of lead than other children.
vival rate for children with cancer is 80%, up from less than Lead poisoning is preventable, as is children’s exposure
50% in the 1970s. Unfortunately, the therapies used to treat to second-hand smoke. Evidence is clear that children ex-
cancer can have negative effects that may not show up until posed to high levels of second-hand smoke are more likely to
months, or even years after treatment. Therefore, long-term acquire ear and respiratory infections than children who live in
follow-up care is essential and needs to focus on children’s smoke-free environments. Also, children who have asthma ex-
development and learning as well as their health and emo- perience more frequent and severe attacks when they are ex-
tional well-being. posed to second-hand smoke.

䉲 KEY TERMS
asthma handedness night terrors
body mass index (BMI) iron deficiency anemia nightmares
fine motor skills late effects positive bedtime routine
food security lateralization sleep associations
graduated extinction leukemias standard extinction
gross motor skills myelination Type 2 diabetes

䉲 Casebook
CHILDHOOD OVERWEIGHT AND OBESITY
Near the end of every school year, Susan makes a point of struggle with overweight and health issues throughout her life.
meeting with the families of each child in her preschool class to Laura’s mom reasoned that it was very difficult to deny Laura the
review what she’s observed in terms of physical, cognitive, and foods many of her friends are allowed to eat. But Laura doesn’t
social emotional development. One child in particular is ex- want to participate in games or other activities that would burn
tremely overweight for her age and height—an increasing off calories because the kids in the neighborhood tease her
problem among preschoolers. Susan struggled with how to about the way she looks and moves. Susan struggled with how
broach this very sensitive subject. She tried very hard not to to impress upon this mother and her young daughter her con-
sound judgmental—just concerned—when speaking with cerns about the grave risks to health and well-being that stem
Laura’s mom about her diet and activity level. After all, Laura is from being overweight. And this risk will only get more serious
just 4 years old, but if the issue is not addressed now, she could as Laura “grows.” How can Susan help them understand?

WHAT WOULD THEY DO?

Here is how some professionals in several fields responded: for the parents may include referral to the pediatrician, par-
enting classes, and websites and support groups dedicated
KATHERINE A. YOUNG—K–8 School Counselor
to children’s health issues. Since children learn by example,
Montgomery County Intermediate Unit, Non-Public School
I would encourage the parents to lead by example. When
Services Division, Norristown, PA
they prepare a healthy snack or meal for their child, they
To help with a situation involving an overweight child, I should eat the same thing. Also, I would suggest to limit time
would first schedule the conference with the parents for a spent on the computer or in front of the television and
time when the school nurse is available to offer insights from to start making plans to do activities outdoors as a family.
a medical professional. To begin, I would share some of the I would gather resources for teachers to learn how to incor-
wonderful strengths that the child possesses. Then, I would porate nutrition and physical activity into their lesson plans.
express my concerns that the implications of being over- Above all, it is important for parents and schools to work
weight have not only on a child’s health and mental well- together to help children develop healthy habits that will
being, but on his or her social development as well. Resources provide life-long benefits.

58
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

KAREN E. DAVIES—Kindergarten Teacher strengths (e.g., “She is smart, sweet spirited, eager to learn
North Royalton Early Childhood Center, Broadview Heights, Ohio and please teachers and peers”). Also, I would affirm that her
I would not wait until the end of the school year to meet with each parents want only the best for her—health, happiness, and
child’s parents. Early and frequent communication is essential for success.
building trust with parents. A call to introduce oneself, or to com- I would then broach the subject of weight. “She does
municate good news of the day goes a long way to building a seem to shy away from games that involve physical activity
good rapport. With a connection established early, it is much and I was wondering how we can help Laura join in the fun!”
easier to discuss difficult topics, such as a preschooler’s weight. It takes everybody working together, parents, teachers, and
I would begin by discussing the school curriculum with school nurses. I would suggest it might be helpful to have
the parents, explaining that we have been learning about Laura’s pediatrician involved with the diet and exercise plan.
healthy eating. I would explain to the parents that these les- Perhaps the doctor would include a dietician. Many local
sons have been difficult for Laura and she seemed to be both- services are available to teach children and parents healthy
ered by them. I would also tell Laura’s parents that she was eating strategies that benefit the entire family so that the
hesitant to participate in our classroom physical activities. I child doesn’t feel like the “target.” “Let’s all do this to-
would ask if she is bothered by playmates teasing her about gether.” Many local parks and recreation centers as well as
her size or coordination, and then ask her parents about her ac- hospitals have exercise programs that are geared toward
tivities outside of school. As a teacher, I would explain my con- children and make exercise fun.
cerns for her health and social development, citing examples Goals should be attainable. Make a chart with healthy
from the classroom, as well as medical research. As a result of choices for meals and snacks. Laura can help make the chart
this discussion, I would offer some suggestions about cutting by cutting pictures of fruits, vegetables, and whole grains
quantities of food, rather than eliminating favorite foods. I out of magazines and planning family meals. Teach about
would also include some fun ideas for movement that Laura portions (e.g., a fist-sized serving of chicken, beef, or pork is
could do alone or with her parents, (hula hoop, hopscotch, about 3 oz.). I would talk about the benefits of increasing the
etc.) to build her confidence and coordination. Finally, I would amount of water she drinks while cutting back on soda and
tell Laura’s parents that I will keep them informed of her sugary juices. Let her pick out a cute reusable water bottle.
progress at school and ask them to do the same from home. You can purchase some flavor packets to add to water that
I would tell Laura that her parents and I will be communicating are non-calorie. I really believe at age 4 you could make this
about her progress and I will be glad to talk with her any time. fun for Laura and the whole family. I would suggest family
activities—take a walk together, go to the park, walk the
SARAH DAVLIN—Elementary School Counselor (K–5) dog, take a bike ride together. Turn off the TV! Again, chal-
Wyandot Run Elementary School, Olentangy Local Schools, lenge Laura to suggest activities for the family—a weekend
Powell, Ohio hike, a scavenger hunt that involves school or neighbor-
With the obesity and weight epidemic within our country, we, hood friends.
as educators, face a very difficult question: Do we dare tackle To help Laura cope with peer rejection and humiliation,
this incredibly sensitive issue with the children and families again I would stress the positive “fun, sweet, caring, loyal
that face it or do we look away, too afraid to “step on toes” child.” Don’t make the issue become “the world is against
or broach a matter that we possibly struggle with ourselves? me.” Rather continue to stress the positives of personal
The reality is many of us ignore obesity and weight problems choices and how good choices can keep us healthy and feel-
within our students because we are not sure how to approach ing good so that we can feel like joining in with others in
them constructively. The reality is also that we can make a sig- group activities. The goal is to make healthy diet choices and
nificant difference if we are willing to attempt to help. exercise choices a fun game for Laura and her whole family so
When addressing childhood obesity, we must recog- it’s not always, “No, we can’t have pizza and movie night.” Let
nize that our impact will be minimal, at best, if we do not take pizza and movie night become a VERY special reward for an
the plunge and involve a child’s family. We can assist families accomplished goal.
by pointing them toward useful school and community
resources. The school counselor can explore the possibility of
underlying emotional causes and consequences and give
referrals to community counselors if necessary.
Finally, we can help prevent and end childhood obesity
through our honesty and openness with children. When we Now go to MyEducationLab at www.myeducationlab.com,
are willing to serve as role models by sharing our personal fit- where you can:
ness and nutrition goals, we communicate the value of a
• Find the instructional objectives for this chapter in the Study
healthy lifestyle and our belief that change is possible. We
Plan.
can further demonstrate healthy living by “taking the long • Take a quiz as a part of the Study Plan to self-assess your mas-
way” when we walk students through the building or by play- tery of chapter content. The program generates an individu-
ing jump rope or basketball during the occasional recess. alized Study Plan based upon your answers to the quiz.
• Complete Activities and Applications to assist you in deep-
DEBBIE WILSON, RN—School Nurse
ening your understanding of important chapter concepts.
St. Mary’s Elementary School; St. Bernadette School; Lancaster City • Apply what you have learned through Building Teaching
Schools, Lancaster, Ohio Skills, exercises that guide you in trying out skills and strate-
I would try to be positive and honest with Laura’s mother. I gies you will use in professional practice.
would probably begin the conversation by pointing to Laura’s

59
60
 Cognitive
Development IN
Early Childhood

From Chapter 6 of Child and Adolescent Development, 1/e. Anita Woolfolk. Nancy E. Perry.
Copyright © 2012 by Pearson Education. All rights reserved.
61
 Cognitive
Development IN
Early Childhood
䉴 The CA SEBOOK

WHAT WOULD YOU DO?

ONLY CHILDREN AND IMAGINARY FRIENDS
Kayla has set her table again to make “tea” for Sassy. When her mother walks in
and starts to sit down, Kayla protests, “No! that’s Sassy’s chair. You have to go,
she is coming.” Kayla’s mother sighs, says, “OK, I’ll leave,” and returns to her
desk to check her e-mail. In a few minutes she hears Kayla talking with Sassy, or
at least she hears Kayla’s side of the conversation. Sassy is not a real child but an
imaginary friend that Kayla talks about and with often—she has for the past few
years. When she is upset or has been scolded, Kayla threatens, “I’m going to run
away and live with Sassy in China—she has a nice mommy!” But at other times,
Kayla complains that Sassy has been mean to her and has spilled ice cream on
her shirt. Her parents were not concerned at first about the invisible Sassy, but
then they found out Kayla believes that Sassy is a giraffe who wears jeans and can
make herself tiny to fit in Kayla’s pocket when she goes to school. Her parents
worry, what will the preschool teacher think? What will the other children think?
Should we talk to someone about Kayla? Is it because she is lonely as an only
child? Will Sassy keep Kayla from making real friends?

CRITICAL THINKING
• Did you or someone you know have an imaginary friend?
• What role could such a friend play for children?
• What else would you want to know about Kayla and her family to evaluate this
situation?
• Should Kayla’s parents be concerned?

62
Jasmine T., Age 5––USA

䉴 OVERVIEW AND OBJECTIVES

The years from ages 2 to 7 are filled with remarkable cognitive accomplishments. All over the world,
children learn the language(s) of their families. Some even learn two or more languages at once. They go
from using fewer than 500 words at age 3 to using over 2,500 words and understanding over 20,000
at age 6. They learn the grammar and syntax of their languages. By age 5 or 6 many can read.
Language development reflects the changes in thinking and reasoning during the early years. In this
chapter we will look at the perspectives of Piaget, Vygotsky, and the information processing theorists
on thinking, self-regulation, attention, memory, knowledge, problem-solving strategies, and theory of
mind. Next we move outside the child to explore contexts for development—the family, home,
school, and the digital world. By the time you finish this chapter you should be able to:

Objective 6.1 Identify five cognitive abilities that appear and increase from ages 2 to 7.
Objective 6.2 Describe the development of language during the early years, including the role of
culture in language, dual language development, and what can be done to support
emergent literacy in the early years.
Objective 6.3 Explain the differences between and the implications of Piaget’s and Vygotsky’s
theories for parents, teachers, and other professionals working with young children.
Objective 6.4 Distinguish and describe changes in children’s knowledge of numbers, attention,
memory, problem-solving strategies, and theory of mind during the early years.
Objective 6.5 Summarize the research on the impact of home environments and early childhood
education on children’s cognitive development during the early years.
Objective 6.6 Choose developmentally appropriate uses of television and computers during the
early years.

63
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

NEW COGNITIVE POSSIBILITIES

FOR A DEVELOPING BRAIN
For centuries, the period from about ages 2 to 6 has been viewed as a time of great growth
in cognitive abilities. Even if they were unsure of their child’s exact age, medieval European
parents first assigned chores to their children around age 6, the time considered the end of
infancy (Orme, 2001). During these years of early childhood, most 2-year-olds who know
several hundred words become 6-year-olds with a vocabulary of about 20,000 words. Chil-
dren who at age 2 believed that everyone shared their thoughts and feelings realize at age 6
that different people have different minds, and thus different thoughts and beliefs. Three-
year-olds who count, “one, two, three, seven, five, ten,” can do simple addition by age 6.
And most children have a preference for using their right or left hand by age 5 or 6. Kagan
and Herschkowitz (2005) summarize five cognitive abilities that appear and increase during
these years in Western cultures:
• Integrating the present with the past. Children can connect an experience in the pres-
ent with an event in the past. For example, beginning around age 4, a child greeting a
parent returning from the store with a grocery bag might retrieve the knowledge that
the parent left earlier to buy ice cream and ask, “What ice cream did you get?’ A
younger child is less likely to integrate the parent’s present return with the past event
of leaving to buy ice cream.
• Anticipating the future. Children develop a better sense of what is “sooner” and what
is “later.” For example, 7-year-olds, but not most 3- or 4-year-olds can differentiate
events close in time (a birthday next week, an upcoming holiday) from events that are
farther away (summer vacation, Halloween next year).
• Appreciating causality. Even though younger children can make causal connections,
“I got medicine because it makes my fever go away” (Hickling & Wellman, 2001;
McCormack & Hoeri, 2005), they are less likely to reflect on situations and search for
causes. If something unfamiliar happens, however, 7-year-olds are likely to try to
understand why.
• Relying on semantic categories. As children develop during this time, they increas-
ingly use words and networks of meaning (semantic categories) to represent and
remember experiences. For example, ask a 4- or 5-year-old “What is the first word that
comes to mind when you say sun?” and you might get a response of
OUTLINE 䉲 shine or burn—simple word associations. But ask a 6- or 7-year-old the
same question and the response might be other objects in the se-
The Casebook—Only Children and mantic category such as moon, earth, or planet. Being able to use
Imaginary Friends: What Would You Do?
meaningful categories allows children to think more logically and to
Overview and Objectives expand their knowledge of the world by adding new information to
New Cognitive Possibilities for a
categories and building hierarchies such as dog is a pet, is a animal, is
Developing Brain a living thing . . .
• Detecting relationships between events and concepts. During this
Language in the Preschool Years: period, children are increasingly able to understand abstract relation-
Amazing Developments ships such as larger, smaller, shorter, and taller and to apply these
Piaget and Vygotsky flexibly, so they know, for example, that a child can be the shortest in
one group but the tallest in another group.
Information Processing:
Knowing and Remembering Underlying these accomplishments are several brain developments
Contexts for Cognitive Development:
that allow maturing children to focus attention, inhibit impulses, think
Family and Home faster, and follow longer, more complex sequences of actions and ideas.
With these growing capacities, young children are ready to expand
Early Childhood Education their language. Language plays an important role in the five cognitive
Young Children in a Digital World abilities described above because it provides a means for expressing ideas
and asking questions, the categories and concepts for thinking, and the
Summary and Key Terms
links between the past and the future. Language frees us from the imme-
The Casebook—Only Children and diate situation to think about what was and what might be (Das, 1995;
Imaginary Friends: What Would They Do? Driscoll, 2005).

64
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

LANGUAGE IN THE PRESCHOOL YEARS:

AMAZING DEVELOPMENTS
All children in every culture master the complicated system of their native language, unless
severe deprivation or physical problems interfere. This knowledge is remarkable. Sounds,
meanings, words and sequences of words, volume, voice tone, inflection, and turn-taking
rules must all be coordinated just to have a conversation. Yet, by about age 4, most children
have a vocabulary of thousands of words and knowledge of both rules of grammar and rules
of conversations. They have “basically all that is needed for communication in face-to-face
contexts with friends and family” (Colledge et al., 2002).

What Develops: Language and Cultural Diversity

There are over 6,000 natural languages in the world (Tomasello, 2006). In general, cultures
develop words for the concepts that are important to them. For example: How many differ-
ent shades of green can you name—mint, olive, emerald, teal, sea foam, chromium, turquoise,
chartreuse, lime, apple? An oil painting artist can add cobalt, titanate green, cinnabar green,
phthalo yellow green, viridian green, and many others. Google a few of your favorite clothing
stores. What colors do they offer for T-shirts? A quick check on one popular site revealed bur-
nished olive, seashore green, wild mushroom, dark pewter, sand dune, light pineapple, faded
mango, and light maritime. English-speaking countries have over 3,000 words for colors. Such
words are important in our lives for fashion and home design, artistic expression, films and
television, and T-shirt choices—to name only a few areas. In contrast, the Himba people of
Namibia and a tribe of hunter-gather people in Papua New Guinea who speak Berinmo have
five words for colors, even though they can recognize many color variations. But whether
there are few or many color terms, children gradually acquire the color categories that are
appropriate for their culture (Roberson, Davidoff, Davies, & Shapiro, 2004).

The words that children learn are shaped by the values and needs of the culture. Eskimos really
don’t have hundreds of words for snow, but the Ulgunigamiut Eskimo do have more that 160 words
for ice, because they have to recognize ice at different stages of freezing to hunt and live safely
in their environment. Industrialized cultures have many words for communications technologies.
In the picture here you see a telephone, television, computer, and even a credit card number
that “communicates” to the online seller that the buyer can pay. David Hiser/Getty Images (left);
© David Young-Wolff/PhotoEdit (right)

65
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

Languages change over time to reflect changing cultural needs and values. The
Shoshoni Native Americans have one word that means, “to make a crunching sound walk-
ing on the sand.” This word was valuable in the past to communicate about hunting, but
today new words describing technical tools have been added to the Shoshoni language, as
the emphasis of life moves away from nomadic hunting. To hear hundreds of new 21st cen-
tury tool words, listen to techies talk about computers and apps (Price & Crapo, 2002).

Diversity in Language Development

Some children learn two or more languages growing up. In fact, about half the children in the
world live in environments where two or more languages are spoken (Hoff, 2006). In 2003,
approximately 15% of school-age children in the United States spoke a language other than
English at home. The number grows each year. For example, by 2025, the number of Spanish-
speaking Latinos in the United States is projected to reach 40.2 million, up from 28 million
today. By 2050, Latinos are projected to represent about one-fourth of the U.S. population.
Today three out of four Latino children age 8 and younger live in homes where some Spanish
is regularly spoken (Garcia & Jensen, 2009; Roslow, 2005; SRCD, 2009).
We call people who speak two or more languages bilingual—but this is not a simple
idea. There are disagreements about the meaning of the term bilingualism. Some definitions
focus exclusively on a language-based meaning: Bilingual people, or bilinguals, speak two
languages. But most bilingual individuals also must be able to move back and forth between
two cultures while still maintaining a sense of identity. Being bilingual and bicultural means
mastering the knowledge necessary to communicate in two cultures as well as dealing with
potential discrimination.
Do you speak two or more languages? If you mastered your own first language, then
added a second or third language, you are an example of additive bilingualism—you kept your
first language and added another. But if you lost your first language when you added a second
one, you experienced subtractive bilingualism (Norbert, 2005). If children’s first language is
valued by their family and community, they are more likely to keep the first language when
they add a second one. But if they experience discrimination against their use of the first
language, they may be at greater risk of leaving the first language behind as they learn a new
language (Hamers & Blanc, 2000). Immigrants are more likely to experience discrimination
and therefore “subtract” their first language, at least in interactions outside the family.

DUAL LANGUAGE DEVELOPMENT. Are children at a disadvantage if they are learning two
languages at once? That depends. Children exposed to two languages from birth reach the
language milestones in both languages on the same schedule as monolingual children
(children who are learning only one language). Initially, bilingual children may have a larger
vocabulary in the language that they are learning from the person with whom they spend
the most time or have the closest bond, so a child who stays home all day with a French-
speaking parent will likely use more French words. But over time, these children “can and
do become fully and equally bilingual if dual language exposure occurs (a) early in life,
(b) consistently and in a sustained manner, and (c) across a wide and rich range of contexts”
(Petitto & Kovelman, 2003). One general finding is that children will not develop a second
language if that language constitutes less than 25% of the language input they receive, but
if adequate input is available and continues over time in both first and second languages,
children can become balanced bilinguals—equally fluent in both languages (Hoff, 2006;
Petitto & Kovelman, 2003). Simply put, learning two languages simultaneously is not detri-
mental to language growth in either of the languages (Brice & Brice, 2009). Even balanced
bilingual children may mix vocabularies of the two languages when they speak, but this is
not a sign that they are confused because their bilingual parents often intentionally mix vo-
cabularies as well, selecting the word that best expresses their intent. So with consistent
and sustained engagement in two languages, children can become fully bilingual.

BENEFITS OF BILINGUALISM. There is no cognitive penalty for children who learn and
speak two languages. In fact, there are benefits. Higher degrees of bilingualism are
correlated with increased cognitive abilities in such areas as concept formation, creativity,

66
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

theory of mind, cognitive flexibility, and understanding that printed words are symbols for
language. In addition, these children have more advanced metalinguistic awareness (awareness
of the forms and structures of language); for example, they are more likely to notice grammar
errors. These findings seem to hold as long as there is no stigma attached to being bilingual
and as long as children are not expected to abandon their first language to learn the second
(Bialystok, 2001; Bialystok, Majumder, & Martin, 2003; Hamers & Blanc, 2000). Laura Petitto
and Ioulia Kovelman (2003) suggest that perhaps humans evolved to speak multiple languages
because this would have survival value, so maybe the “contemporary pockets of civilization
where one language is spoken are the aberrant deviation; in other words, perhaps our brains
were neurologically set to be multilingual” (p. 14). In addition, fluency in two or more
languages is an asset when graduates enter the business world (Mears, 1998).

How and When Does Language Develop?

It is likely that many factors—biological, cultural, and experiential—play a role in language
development. To master a language, children must (a) read the intentions of others to ac-
quire the words, phrases, and concepts of their language and also (b) find patterns in the
ways other people use these linguistic symbols to construct the grammar of their language
(Tomasello, 2006). There are individual differences in language development. One conclusion
of years of research is that children in social environments with “more adult-produced,
child-directed speech—particularly speech that uses rich vocabulary and complex structure—
acquire language more rapidly” (Hoff, 2006).
The important point is that children develop language as they develop other cognitive
abilities by actively trying to make sense of what they hear and by looking for patterns and
making up rules to put together the jigsaw puzzle of language. In this process, humans may
have built-in biases, rules, and constraints about language that restrict the number of possi-
bilities considered. Another built-in bias leads children to assume that the label refers to a
class of similar objects. So the child learning about the rabbit is equipped naturally to as-
sume that rabbit refers to the whole animal (not just its ears) and that other similar-looking
animals are also rabbits (Jaswal & Markman, 2001; Markman, 1992). Reward and correction
play a role in helping children learn correct language use, but the child’s thinking in putting
together the parts of this complicated system is very important (Waxman & Lidz, 2006).
Table 6.1 on the next page shows the milestones of language development, ages 1 to 6, in
Western cultures, along with ideas for encouraging language development.

SOUNDS AND PRONUNCIATION. Phonology is the study of how sounds function in a

language system. A phoneme is the smallest unit of sound that can affect meaning: For
example, in English, the k sound can change at to cat. By about age 5, most children have
mastered the sounds of their native language, but a few may remain unconquered. In
English, generally the j and v sounds and the consonant clusters of th, zh, str, sl, and dr are
the last to develop (Owens, 2008). Young children may understand and be able to use many
words, but they prefer to use the words they can pronounce easily.
As young children learn to hear differences in the sounds of language, they enjoy
rhymes, songs, and general sound silliness. Young children like stories by Dr. Seuss partly
because of the sounds, as is evident by the book titles—All Aboard the Circus McGurkus
or Wet Pet, Dry Pet, Your Pet, My Pet. The young son of a friend of ours wanted to name his
new baby sister Brontosaurus “just because it’s fun to say.”

VOCABULARY AND MEANING. As you can see in Table 6.1, children between ages 2 and 3
can use about 450 words (expressive vocabulary) even though they can understand many
more (receptive vocabulary). By age 6, children’s expressive vocabularies will grow to about
2,600 words and their receptive vocabulary will be an impressive 20,000 plus words (Otto,
2010). Children who are learning two languages at once tend to have smaller vocabularies
in each language compared to children learning only one, at least in during childhood, but
these size differences depend on the bilingual children’s exposure to each language—more
exposure, larger vocabulary (Hoff, 2006). In addition, the vocabulary of bilingual children
is linked to the context in which they use each language, so children are more likely to

67
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

TABLE 6.1 • Milestones in Language in the First 6 Years and Ways to Encourage Development

AGE RANGE MILESTONE STRATEGIES TO ENCOURAGE DEVELOPMENT

By age 1 Says 1–2 words; responds to name; imitates • Respond to sounds and babbles
familiar sounds; can follow simple instructions • Sing songs and repeat nursery rhymes
• Teach the names of familiar items and people
• Play “peek-a-boo,” “I spy with my little eye,”
and other simple games

Between 1 and 2 Uses 5–20 words, including names, says 2-word • Acknowledge and encourage all efforts to use
sentences; vocabulary is growing; gestures new words
“bye-bye”; makes familiar “animal sounds”; can • Talk about everything you’re doing while you’re
express wishes by saying words like “more” or with the child
“up”; understands “no” • Use simple, clear language and speak slowly
• Maintain eye contact when the child talks
to you
• Describe the world around the child—what he
or she is seeing, hearing, or doing
• Let the child listen to children’s audio recordings.

Between 2 and 3 Can point to body parts; calls self “me” instead of • Help the child listen and follow instructions by
name; combines nouns and verbs; vocabulary is playing simple games
about 450 words; uses short sentences; can • Repeat new words; use them over and over
identify 3–4 colors, knows big and little; enjoys • Describe your actions, thoughts, and feelings
hearing the same story over and over; can use • Give the child simple messages to
some simple plurals; answers “where” questions communicate to others
• Let the child know you understand by
responding, smiling, and nodding your head
• Expand what the child says. Child: “no nap!”
You say, “Amaya does not want to take a nap.”

Between 3 and 4 Sentences are about 4–5 words and vocabulary of • Describe similarities and differences in objects
about 1,000 words; knows last name, name of • Support child’s story telling with pictures
street, several nursery rhymes; tells a simple story and books
• Encourage play with other children
• Talk about trips, visits, outings, etc.

Between 4 and 5 Sentence length of 4–5 words; uses past tense; • Help the child create and use categories—
vocabulary of about 1,500 words; identifies colors, food, pets, friends, colors, etc.
shapes; asks many questions like “why?” and • Teach the child how to use the telephone and
“who?” how to call for help
• Involve the child when you plan activities and
encourage the child to make some plans
• Use the child’s interests as a focus of
conversations
• Encourage storytelling and listen to the stories

Between 5 and 6 Sentence length of 5–6 words and expressive • Encourage children when they talk about
vocabulary of about 2,600 words; defines objects feelings, thoughts, hopes, fears
by their use; knows spatial relations (like “on top” • Sing songs, rhymes
and “far”) and opposites; knows address; • Talk with them as you would an adult
understands same and different; uses all types of
sentences

At every age • Listen and show your pleasure when the child
talks to you
• Carry on conversations with the child
• Ask questions to get the child to think and talk
• Read books to the child every day, increasing in
length as the child develops

Source: Based on: http://www.ldonline.org/ld_indepth/speech-language/lda_milestones.html

http://www.med.umich.edu/1libr/yourchild/devmile.htm

68
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

know more academic words in the language they use in school. If you combine vocabulary
knowledge for bilingual children—the total number of concepts that they have words for
from both languages—vocabulary size likely is the same for bilingual and monolingual chil-
dren (Pearson, Fernandez, Lewedeg, & Oller, 1997).
By some estimates, children learn about 10 words a day between the ages of 1 and 18
(Bloom, 2002). How is this incredible rate of learning possible? Researchers describe a
process called fast-mapping—children hear a word once and quickly locate the meaning on
their mental map of the language, based on what they already know or what is “close by”
on the map. So if they already know that blue is a color, they can map the meaning of
turquoise quickly when they are told it is a color. This fast-mapping is amazingly, well, fast.
One study showed that children as young as 2 could fast-map a new word after only a 3-second
exposure (Halberda, 2003a). Children can fast-map nouns and adjectives, map several words
at a time, and can even map from television. But the learning may be a rough estimate of
the exact meaning—turquoise is some kind of color, for example. Refining the precise
meaning takes a bit more time and experience with different color concepts (Flavell, Miller,
& Miller, 2002). More accurate fast-mapping is supported when adults provide more cues
as part of extended and rich conversations (Mintz, 2005).
Children generally fast-map concrete nouns and action verbs that can be pointed to or
demonstrated before mapping more abstract words that denote relations or comparisons
(big—little or tall—short). But even when they learn the meaning of a relational word such
as big or tall, children may have very specific meanings for these words—the meanings they
first mapped. So a child may insist that a tall glass can’t be tall because it is not as high as a
tree that his parents called “tall.”
Another process in learning words is mutual exclusivity—the assumption that each ob-
ject in the world belongs in just one category, so it has just one category label (Markman,
1992; Markman, Wasow, & Hansen, 2003). Imagine this situation. Brian, a 4-year-old boy, is
shown two objects—a key (he knows the word key)—and a soda bottle vacuum stopper he
has never seen. An adult asks Brian to give him the blicket. Like most children, Brian selects
the soda bottle vacuum stopper as the blicket because he knows the key is not a blicket. So
without being told that the unknown object was a blicket, Brian learned the name indirectly
by comparing it to a known object. In one study, six different familiar and unfamiliar pairs
of objects were used (a key and a soda bottle vacuum stopper, a spoon and a honey dipper,
etc.), and the adult actually pointed to the familiar object while asking, “Can you give me
the blicket?” Still, the children in the study selected the unfamiliar object as the blicket (in
spite of the pointing) over 87% of the time (Jaswal & Hansen, 2006).
Young children begin to elaborate on their simple language by adding plurals; endings
for verbs such as -ed and -ing; small words such as and, but, and in; and articles (a, the);
and by using possessives (the girl’s hair). A classic study by Jean Berko (1958) demonstrated
that children could even apply these rules for making plurals, possessives, or past tense
verbs to words that they had never encountered. For example, when shown a picture of a
single “wug” (see Figure 6.1 on the next page), the preschool children in the study could
answer correctly “wugs” when the researcher said, “Now there is another one. There are
two of them. There are two ______.”
In the process of figuring out the rules governing these aspects of language, children
make some very interesting mistakes.

LEARNING GRAMMAR AND SYNTAX. For a brief time, children may use irregular forms of
particular words properly, as if they are saying what they have heard. Then, as they begin
to learn rules, they overregularize words by applying the rules to everything. Children who
once said “Our car is broken” begin to insist, “Our car is broked.” A child who once talked
about her feet may discover the “s”for plurals and refer to her foots or feets, then learn about
-es for plurals (horses, kisses) and describe her footses, before she finally returns to talking
about her feet (Flavell, Miller, & Miller, 2002). Parents often wonder why their child seems
to be “regressing.” Actually, these “mistakes” show how logical and rational children can
be as they try to assimilate new words into existing schemes (review Piaget’s theory for
a discussion of assimilation and schemes). Apparently these overregularizations

69
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

FIGURE 6.1

BERKO’S WUG TEST

Jean Berko (1958) used these pictures and questions to study preschool children’s understanding of
English language rules for making plurals, possessives, present tense, and past tense.

This is a wug.

Now there is another one. This is a man who knows how to rick.
There are two of them. He is ricking. He did the same thing
There are two yesterday. What did he do yesterday?
Yesterday he

Source: From The child’s learning of English morphology in Word, 14 by Jean Berko, ©1958, pp. 150–177. Used
with permission of the International Linguistic Association.

happen in all languages, including American Sign Language. Because most languages have
many irregular words, accommodation (Piaget’s term) is necessary in mastering language.
One interesting finding was that girls tend to overregularize verb tenses
more than boys, so they are more likely to say “holded” instead of “held.”
Joshua Hartshore and Michael Ullman (2006) speculate that because girls
may have better memory for words, they have better access to similar
words (folded, molded, scolded) and generalize to “holded”; thus, “girls’
hypothesized superior lexical memory abilities may lead to more rather
than fewer over-regularizations, thanks to their memorization and associa-
tive generalization of regular past-tense forms” (p. 31).
Children master the basics of word order, or syntax, in their native
language early. Another aspect of overregularizing language involves syntax.
Because the usual order in English is subject–verb–object, preschoolers just
mastering the rules of language have trouble with sentences in any different
order. For example, if 4-year-old Justin hears a statement in the passive voice,
such as “The truck was bumped by the car,”he probably thinks the truck did
the bumping to the car because “truck” came first in the sentence. Interest-
ingly, however, in languages where the passive voice is more important, such
as the South African language Sesotho, children use this construction much
earlier, as young as 3 or 4 (Demuth, 1990). So in talking with young children,
in English at least, it is generally better to use direct language—not passive. If
you use passive constructions, immediately rephrase in active language. By
Copyright © 2000 Sidney Harris. Reprinted with early elementary school, many children can understand the meaning of
permission of Sidney Harris. passive sentences, but they do not use such constructions in their normal
ScienceCartoonsPlus.com. conversations, unless the passive construction is common in their culture.

70
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

PRAGMATICS: USING LANGUAGE IN SOCIAL SITUATIONS. Pragmatics involves the appro-

priate use of language to communicate in social situations—how to enter a conversation,
tell a joke, interrupt, keep a conversation going, or adjust your language for the listener. For
instance, children must learn the rules of turn-taking in conversation. Young children may
appear to take turns in conversations, but if you listen in, you realize that they are not
exchanging information, only talk time. Even so, they are learning and practicing the prag-
matics of conversations.
Children show an understanding of pragmatics when they talk in simpler sentences to
younger children or command their pets to “Come here!” in louder, deeper voices (Rice,
1984). Children as young as 2 provide more details in their descriptions of a situation to a
parent who was not there than they do in descriptions they give to a parent who had ex-
perienced the situation with them. So even young children seem quite able to fit their lan-
guage to the situation, at least with familiar people (Flavell, Miller, & Miller, 2002).
There are cultural differences in pragmatics, even within the same spoken language. For
example, Shirley Brice Heath (1989) spent many hours observing White middle-class parents
and African American families who were poor. She found that the adults asked different kinds
of questions and encouraged different kinds of “talk.” White parents asked test-like questions
with right answers, such as “How many cars are there?” or “Which car is bigger?” These ques-
tions seem odd to African American children, whose families don’t ask about what they already
know. The African American child might wonder, “Why would my aunt ask me how many
cars? She can see there are 3.” Instead, Heath found that African American families encourage
rich storytelling and also teasing that hones their children’s quick wit and assertive responses.

Emergent Literacy
Today, in most languages, reading is a cornerstone of learning,
and the foundation for reading is built in early childhood. But
young children vary greatly in their knowledge and skills related
to reading, so research has expanded to study what supports
these emerging literacy skills. Emergent literacy is made up of
the skills, knowledge, and attitudes that develop along the way
as children learn to read and write, as well as the environments
and contexts that support these developments (Whitehurst &
Lonigan, 1998). Look at the picture of a 4-year-old’s story and
grocery list to see some emerging literacy skills.
What are the most important skills that help literacy
emerge? Here, the answers are not certain, but research has
identified two broad categories of skills that are important for
later reading: (1) skills related to understanding sounds and
codes such as knowing that letters have names, that sounds are
associated with letters, and that words are made up of sounds
in a sequence (this last skill often is called phonemic aware-
ness), and (2) oral language skills such as expressive and recep-
tive vocabulary, knowledge of syntax, and the ability to
understand and tell stories (Dickinson, McCabe, Anastopoulos,
Peisner-Feinberg, & Poe, 2003; Storch & Whitehurst, 2002).
Some educators have emphasized code skills and others oral
language, but a study by the National Institute of Child Health
and Human Development Early Childhood Research Network
(2005a) that followed over 1,000 children from age 3 through
third grade found that oral language skills at age 41/2 predicted
word decoding in first grade and reading comprehension in
third grade. The NICHD researchers concluded, “most recent This child knows quite a bit about reading and
writing—letters have different forms, letters make
investigations find that preschool oral language skills [for
words that communicate meaning, writing goes from
example, size of vocabulary, ability to use syntax, ability to un-
left to right and lists go down the page, and stories
derstand and tell stories] play an important role alongside code look different than shopping lists.
skills in predicting reading in the transition to school” (p. 439).

71
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

The relationships found were more than simple correlations, so there is evidence that both
code and oral language skills are necessary for later literacy. In fact, these sets of skills prob-
ably support each other in the process of learning to read and write.
One way to think about emergent literacy that captures both code and oral language
skills for emergent literacy is the notion of inside-out skills and outside-in skills and
processes, described in Table 6.2. This model, developed by Grover Whitehurst and
Christopher Lonigan (1998), includes two interdependent sets of skills and processes.
A reader must decode units of print into units of sound and units of sound into units
of language. This is an inside-out process. However, being able to say a written
word or series of written words is only a part of reading. The fluent reader must
understand those auditory derivations, which involves placing them in the correct
conceptual and contextual framework. This is an outside-in process. (p. 855)
For example, to understand even a simple sentence in print, such as “She ordered a
camera from Amazon?” the reader must know about letters, sounds, grammar, and punctu-
ation. The reader also has to remember the first words as he is reading the last ones. But
these inside-out skills are not enough. To understand, the reader needs to have conceptual
knowledge—what is a camera? What does it mean to order? Is this the Amazon River or
Amazon online? Why the question mark? Who is asking? How does this sentence fit in the
context of the story? Answering these questions takes outside-in skills and knowledge.

TABLE 6.2 • Components of Emergent Literacy

COMPONENT BRIEF DEFINITION EXAMPLE

OUTSIDE-IN PROCESSES

Language Semantic, syntactic, and conceptual A child reads the word “bat” and connects the
knowledge meaning to knowledge of baseball or flying mammals.

Narrative Understanding and producing A child can tell a story; understands that books have
narrative stories.

Conventions of print Knowledge of standard print formats The child understands that print is read from left-to-
right and front-to-back in English; understands the
difference between pictures and print or the cover
and the inside of the book.

Emergent reading Pretending to read Child takes a favorite book and retells the “story,”
often by using pictures as cues.

INSIDE-OUT PROCESSES

Knowledge of graphemes Letter-name knowledge A child can recognize letters and name letters.

Phonological awareness Detection of rhyme; manipulation of A child can tell you words that rhyme with “hat.”
syllables; manipulation of individual A child can clap as she says sounds in a
phonemes word cat: /k/ /ă/ /t/.

Syntactic awareness Repair grammatical errors A child says, “No! you say I went to the zoo, not I
goed to the zoo.”

Phoneme-grapheme Letter-sound knowledge The child can answer the question, “What sounds do
correspondence these letters make?”

Emergent writing Phonetic spelling The child writes “eenuf,” or ““hambrgr.”

Other Factors Emergent literacy also depends on other factors such as short-term memory for sounds and
sequences, the ability to recognize and name lists of letters, motivation, and interest.

Source: Adapted from G. J. Whitehurst & C. J. Lonigan (1998). Child development and emergent literacy. Child Development, 69, p. 850. Reprinted with
permission of John Wiley & Sons, Inc.

72
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

BUILDING A FOUNDATION. What builds this foundation of emergent literacy skills? Two
related activities are critical: (1) conversations with adults that develop knowledge about
language and (2) joint reading, using books as supports for talk about letters, sounds, words,
pictures, and concepts (NIL, 2008; Whitehurst & Lonigan, 1998). Especially in the early years,
children’s home experiences are central in the development of language and literacy (Burgess,
Hecht & Lonigan, 2002; Sénéchal & LeFevre, 2002). In homes that promote literacy, parents
and other adults value reading as a source of pleasure, and there are books and other printed
materials everywhere. Parents read to their children (even a few minutes a day is helpful), take
them to bookstores and libraries, limit the amount of television everyone watches, and
encourage literacy-related play such as setting up a pretend school or writing “letters”(Pressley,
1996; Snow, 1993; Zeece, 2008). For all children, teachers and childcare workers can help, as
you can see in the Connecting with Children suggestions.

CONNECTING WITH CHILDREN

Guidelines for Teachers and Families: Supporting Language
and Emergent Literacy
FAMILIES Involve families in decisions about literacy activities.
Read with your children. Examples
Examples 1. Have planning workshops at times family members can
1. Help children understand that books contain stories, attend—provide child care for younger siblings, but let
they can visit the stories as often as the like, the children and families work together on projects.
pictures in the books go along with the story meaning, 2. Invite parents to come to class to read to children, take
and the words are always the same when they visit dictation of stories, tell stories, record or bind books,
the story—that’s reading! (Hulit, Howard, & Fahey, 2011) and demonstrate skills.
2. Have a nighttime reading ritual.
Identify and build on strengths the families already have
Choose appropriate books and stories. (Delpit, 2003).
Examples Examples
1. Books should have simple plots and clear illustrations. 1. Find out about the histories, stories, and skills of family
members. Children can draw or write about these.
2. Illustrations should precede the text related to the
illustration. This helps children learn to predict what is 2. Show respect for the student’s language by celebrating
coming next. poets or songs from the language.
3. Language should be repetitive, rhythmic, and natural. Provide home activities to be shared with family members.
Examples
Use stories as a springboard for conversations. 1. Encourage family members to work with children to read
Examples and follow simple recipes, play language games, keep
1. Retell stories you have read with your child. diaries or journals for the family, and visit the library. Get
2. Talk about the words, activities, and objects in the feedback from families or children about the activities.
books. Do you have anything like these in your 2. Provide lists of good children’s literature available locally—
home? work with libraries, clubs, and churches to identify sources.
3. Encourage families to use wordless books and have their
CHILDCARE WORKERS AND TEACHERS children dictate stories to fit the pictures—write the story
Communicate with families about the goals and activities together (Jalongo, Dragich, Conrad, & Zhang, 2002).
of your program.
Examples
For more information on Family Literacy Partnerships, see:
1. Have someone from the school, the community, or even
http://www.famlit.org/
an older student translate anything you plan to send
home into the language of the family that will be
Source: From Born to talk: An introduction to speech and language
reading the material. development (5th ed.) by L. M. Hulit, M. R. Howard., & K. R. Fahey.
2. Send home a newsletter giving suggestions for home Published by Allyn & Bacon, Boston, MA. Copyright © 2011 by
activities that support emergent literacy. Pearson Education. Reprinted by permission of the publisher.

73
 RELATING TO
E V E RY C H I L D
䉴 Teaching Bilingual Students to Read
MANY YOUNG CHILDREN begin school knowing one the children’s ability to identify letters and words in
language—the language of their parents. Some children, English. This was the case regardless of the level of the
however, are bilingual—they begin school already speak- children’s prior exposure to English” (p. 243). In addition,
ing two languages. No matter what the child’s language growth in Spanish language abilities predicted reading
or languages, emergent literacy skills are critical for performance in Spanish. One implication is that teachers
school readiness (Hammer, Farkas, & Maczuga, 2010). and parents should focus on continuing language devel-
Most school programs expect all children to learn to opment and not worry about rushing children into speak-
read in English. According to new research, this emphasis ing English exclusively. As Hammer and her colleagues
on reading only in English may not be necessary. In fact, note, “if bilingual children’s language growth is progress-
one key factor may facilitate literacy development— ing well in either Spanish or English during the preschool
growth in receptive language. Receptive language is years, positive early English and Spanish reading out-
made up of the words and language structures you un- comes result in kindergarten” (p. 244). These findings
derstand, even if you do not use them in your expressive are consistent with the recommendations of the Society
language, the words and structures you actually use when for Research in Child Development: “Investing in dual-
you talk. For example, by age 6, even though children’s language instead of English-only programs and encour-
expressive vocabularies include about 2,600 words, their aging pre-kindergarten attendance can improve learning
receptive vocabularies are much larger—about 20,000 opportunities for Hispanic children and increase their
plus words (Otto, 2010). chances of success” (SRCD, 2009, p. 1). See the Connect-
Carol Hammer and her colleagues have done ex- ing with Children guidelines for ideas.
tensive research on literacy development for bilingual
students. In one study, they followed 88 children for two
years in a Head Start program (Hammer, Lawrence, &
Miccio, 2007). The mothers of all the children spoke the
Puerto Rican dialect of Spanish. There actually were two
groups of students—those who had been expected to
speak both English and Spanish from birth and those who
were not expected to learn English until they started
Head Start at age 3. The researchers found that it was not
a particular score on any test, but growth in receptive lan-
guage in general during the program that predicated
early reading outcomes—and it did not matter if the stu-
dents spoke English and Spanish from birth or if they just
started speaking English in school.
The researchers concluded “that growth in chil-
dren’s English receptive language abilities during Head Growth in receptive language in general during Head Start
Start, as opposed to the level of English they had achieved predicated early reading outcomes—both for students who
by the end of Head Start, positively predicted the spoke English and Spanish from birth and for those who just
children’s emergent reading abilities in English and started speaking English in school. © Ellen B. Senisi/The Image Works

EMERGENT LITERACY AND BILINGUAL CHILDREN. Parent involvement and quality preschools
support emergent literacy in both English and Spanish. When Spanish-speaking and bilingual
parents are more involved with their young children in literacy activities, the children’s oral lan-
guage improves in both English and in Spanish (Farver, 2007). In addition, preschool children
who participated in an English-only preschool literacy program improved in their English skills,
but the preschoolers who began the program in Spanish and transitioned to English improved
both their English and their Spanish literacy skills (Farver, Lonigan, & Eppe, 2009). See Relating
to Every Child for an example of research in this area.

74
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

PIAGET AND VYGOTSKY

Language is a major cognitive accomplishment of early childhood. In fact, when children
have difficulties in their language development, it often is because they have problems in
cognitive abilities (Colledge et al., 2002). Two early theorists provided insight into cogni-
tive abilities: Jean Piaget and Lev Vygotsky.

Preoperational Thinking: Piaget

By the end of the sensorimotor stage, at about age 2, the child can use many goal-directed
action schemes—searching for a lost toy, for example, or throwing a spoon to the floor in a
game of “how many times will you pick this up?” with parents. As long as these schemes
remain tied to physical actions, however, they are of no use in recalling the past, keeping
track of information, or planning. For this, children need what Piaget called operations, or
actions that are carried out and reversed mentally rather than physically, such as mentally
pouring the water from the thin tall glass back into the short fat glass to confirm that the
amount of water stays the same. The stage after the sensorimotor period is called
preoperational (roughly ages 2 to 7), because the child has not yet mastered these mental
operations, but is moving toward mastery. During this time, children are developing impor-
tant abilities to represent actions internally—to “think” about actions (Piaget, 1970a, 1971).

ADVANCES IN THE PREOPERATIONAL STAGE. According to Piaget, the first type of think-
ing that is separate from action involves making action schemes symbolic. Symbols are
representations that look similar to what they stand for—a picture of a tree symbolizing a
tree, for example, or a child pretending to drink from a cup. Signs are more arbitrary; like
alphabets or numbers, they represent things or ideas without necessarily looking like them.
The ability to form and use signs and symbols—words, gestures, images, sounds, and so
on—is a major accomplishment of the preoperational period and moves children closer to
mastering the mental operations of the next stage.
This ability to work with signs and symbols, such as using the word “horse” or a pic-
ture of a horse or even pretending to ride a horse to represent a real horse that is not actu-
ally present, is called the semiotic function. In fact, the child’s earliest use of symbols is in
pretending. Children who are not yet able to talk will often use action symbols—pretending
to stir food in an empty bowl cup or touching a toothbrush to their teeth, showing that they
know what each object is for. This behavior also shows that their schemes are becoming
more general and less tied to specific actions. The eating scheme, for example, may be used
in playing house.
There is an order to the development of the semiotic function. Young children are first
able to use deferred imagination—to imitate actions or sounds of objects or people not
present. For example, a child may scold the dog with words and a voice tone he heard his
older sister use earlier. Then comes symbolic play—the child uses a piece of wood as a boat
or a house. Next to develop is drawing that moves from scribbles to drawings that repre-
sent something, although that something may be obvious only to the child artist. Finally,
children are able to create mental images of objects or people—they have a “picture in
their minds” of things that are not moving like their pet dog or a cartoon character. Mental
images in motion take longer to develop (Wadsworth, 2004).
Of course, as we saw earlier, during the preoperational stage, we also see the rapid de-
velopment of that very important symbol system, language. Between the ages of 2 and 6,
most children enlarge their vocabulary from about 200 to 20,000 words. The development
of the semiotic system of language opens many more possibilities for thinking, remember-
ing, planning, and problem solving.
Even though young children know a great deal, they still have limited understandings
about their world and they lack key cognitive operations.

LIMITATIONS OF THE PREOPERATIONAL STAGE. As the child moves through the pre-
operational stage, the developing ability to think about objects in symbolic form remains
somewhat limited to thinking in one direction only, or using one-way logic. It is very

75
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

difficult for the child to “think backwards,” or imagine how to reverse the steps in a task.
Remember Justin’s difficulties with the passive voice? In order to make sense of the
sentence “The truck was bumped by the car,” Justin must mentally undo and then redo
the sequence by translating from the passive voice “was bumped” to the active voice,
“The car bumped the truck.” This translation requires reversible thinking—mentally un-
doing and redoing an event, and preschool children have not yet mastered this ability
(Davies, 2004; Piaget, 1970a, 1974). Reversible thinking is involved in many other tasks
that are difficult for the preoperational child, such as conservation. What is conserva-
tion? Read on.
Conservation is the principle that the amount or number of something remains the
same even if the arrangement or appearance is changed, as long as nothing is added and
nothing is taken away. You know that if you tear a piece of paper into several pieces, you
will still have the same amount of paper. To prove this, you know that you can reverse
the process by taping the pieces back together; however, this kind of thinking is difficult
for young children. The principle of conservation applies in several areas—number,
area, volume, mass, and weight. The ability to conserve in these different areas develops
slowly between ages 6 and 7, but conservation of weight takes a few years longer. A clas-
sic example of difficulty with conservation is found in the preoperational child’s
response to the following Piagetian task, described in Figure 6.2.
Piaget’s explanation for Amaya’s answer is that she is focusing, or centering, attention
on the dimension of height. She has difficulty considering more than one aspect of the
situation at a time, or decentering. The preoperational child cannot understand that de-
creased diameter compensates for increased height because this would require taking into
account two dimensions at once. Thus, children at the preoperational stage have trouble

FIGURE 6.2

EXAMPLE OF CONSERVATION OF LIQUID

In a test of conservation, Amaya is shown two short, fat glasses filled with the same amount of
colored liquid. She agrees the amounts are “the same.” Then the experimenter pours one of the
glasses into a tall, narrower glass and asks, “Now, does one glass have more water, or are they the
same?” Amaya responds that the tall glass has more because “It goes up more here” (she points
to a higher level on the taller glass). © Laura Dwight/PhotoEdit

76
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

freeing themselves from their own immediate perceptions of how the world appears. At
the beginning of this chapter we described five basic cognitive abilities that develop during
the preschool years. As Amaya improves in two of those abilities, integrating the past
with the present and reflecting on the causes of changes, she will be able to understand that
the current situation (taller glass of water) is still connected to the past situation (shorter,
wider glass of water) and the change in glass shape may have caused the water to go higher
(Bruner & Herschkowitz, 2005).
This brings us to another important characteristic of the preoperational stage. Preop-
erational children, according to Piaget, have a tendency to be egocentric, that is, they see
the world and the experiences of others from their own viewpoint. Egocentric, as Piaget in-
tended it, does not mean selfish; it simply means that children often assume everyone else
shares their feelings, reactions, and perspectives. For example, if a little boy at this stage is
afraid of dogs, he may assume that all children share this fear. Very young children center
on their own perceptions and on the way the situation appears to them. This is one reason
it is difficult for preoperational children to understand that your right hand is not on the
same side as theirs when you are facing them.
Egocentrism is also evident in the child’s language. You may have seen young chil-
dren happily talking about what they are doing even though no one is listening. This can
happen when the child is alone or, even more often, in a group of children: Each child talks
enthusiastically, without any real interaction or conversation. Piaget called this the
collective monologue.
Research has shown that young children are not totally egocentric in every situa-
tion, however. Young children do seem quite able to take the needs and different per-
spectives of others into account, at least in certain situations. For example, when asked
by a researcher, 3- and 4-year-olds can place objects where another person or doll would
be able to either see the object or not see it, so they can take the visual perspective of
another into account (Harris, 2006; Newcombe & Huttenlocher, 1993). In fairness to
young children, even adults can make assumptions that others feel or think like they do.
For example, have you ever gotten a gift that the giver loved but was clearly inappropri-
ate for you?
Piaget has taught us that we can learn a great deal about how children think by listen-
ing carefully, by paying close attention to their ways of solving problems. If we understand
children’s thinking, we will be better able to match educational experiences to children’s
current knowledge and abilities. In the early childhood years, activity and play are important
educational experiences. The Connecting with Children guidelines on the next page give
suggestions about the care of preoperational thinkers.

LIMITATIONS OF PIAGET’S THEORIES. Piaget taught us that children do not think like
adults. His influence on developmental psychology and education has been enormous,
even though recent research has not supported all of his ideas. It now appears that Piaget
underestimated the cognitive abilities of young children. The problems he gave them may
have been too difficult and the directions too confusing. His subjects may have understood
more than they could show on these problems. For example, work by Gelman and her col-
leagues (Gelman, 2000; Gelman & Cordes, 2001) shows that preschool children know
much more about the concept of number than Piaget thought, even if they sometimes
make mistakes or get confused. As long as preschoolers work with only three or four
objects at a time, they can tell that the number remains the same, even if the objects
are spread far apart or clumped close together. So, we may be born with a greater store of
cognitive tools than Piaget suggested.
Research across different cultures has generally confirmed that Piaget was accurate in
the characteristic ways of thinking and the sequence of the stages he described, but age
ranges for the stages vary. Western children typically move to the next stage about 2 to
3 years earlier than children in non-Western societies. But careful research has shown that
these differences across cultures depend on the subject or domain tested and how much the
culture values and teaches knowledge in that domain. For example, children in Brazil who

77
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

CONNECTING WITH CHILDREN

Guidelines for Teachers and Families: Caring for the Preoperational Child
Use concrete props and visual aids whenever possible. Be sensitive to the possibility that children may have
Examples different meanings for the same word or different words
1. When you discuss concepts such as “part,” “whole,” for the same meaning. Children may also expect everyone
or “one-half,” use shapes on a felt board or cardboard to understand words they have invented.
“pizzas” to demonstrate. Examples
2. Let children add and subtract with sticks, rocks, or 1. If a child protests, “I won’t take a nap. I’ll just rest!”
colored chips. This technique also is helpful for early when she is away from home, be aware that a nap may
concrete-operational children. mean something such as “having my stuffed animals and
being in my bed at home.”
Make instructions relatively short—not too many steps 2. Ask children to explain the meanings of their invented
at once. Use actions as well as words. words.
Examples
1. When giving instructions about how to enter the room Give children a great deal of hands-on practice with the
after recess and prepare for social studies, ask a child to skills that serve as building blocks for more complex skills
demonstrate the procedure for the rest of the class by such as reading comprehension or collaboration.
walking in quietly, going straight to his or her seat, and Examples
placing the text, paper, and a pencil on his or her desk. 1. Provide cut-out letters to build words.
2. Explain a game by acting out one of the parts. 2. Include the child in cooking, building projects, or dividing
3. Show children what their finished papers should look a batch of popcorn equally for the family or class.
like. Use an overhead projector or display examples 3. Allow children to clip from used magazines pictures of
where children can see them easily. people collaborating—families, workers, educators,
children all helping each other.
Help children develop their ability to see the world from
someone else’s point of view. Provide a wide range of experiences in order to build a
Examples foundation for concept learning and language.
Examples
1. Discuss how characters in books, siblings, or playmates
might feel when something happens. 1. Take trips to zoos, gardens, theaters, and concerts; make
sure to talk about the experiences later.
2. Avoid long lectures on “sharing” or being “nice.”
Instead, be clear about rules for sharing or use of 2. Give children words to describe what they are doing,
material. hearing, seeing, touching, tasting, and smelling.
3. Help children understand the value of the rules and
develop empathy by asking them to think about how For ideas about and connections between Piaget and the Reggio Emilia
they would like to be treated. approach, see http://www.aquinas.edu/education/ece/reggio.html

sell candy in the streets instead of attending school appear to fail a certain kind of Piagetian
task—class inclusion (Are there more daisies, more tulips, or more flowers in the picture?).
But when the tasks are phrased in concepts they understand—selling candy—then these
children perform better that Brazilian children the same age who attend school (Saxe, 1999).
So cultural differences and the type of tasks used affect children’s performances on Piaget’s
assessments.
One theory that includes culture as a major component of children’s cognitive devel-
opment was proposed by Lev Vygotsky, described next.

Vygotsky: The Beginning of Self-Regulation

At the beginning of the chapter we described five general abilities that develop during the
preschool years. Two of the abilities, anticipating the future and appreciating causality, are
involved in regulating your own thinking and actions. Language plays an important role in
developing self-regulation as well.

78
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

THE ROLE OF LANGUAGE AND PRIVATE SPEECH. Vygotsky

believed that cultural tools, including material tools (pencils,
computers, and so on) and psychological tools (signs and
symbol systems such as numbers, maps, and language) play
very important roles in cognitive development.
In Vygotsky’s theory, language is the most important sym-
bol system in the cultural tool kit, and it is the one that helps to
fill the kit with other tools. Vygotsky placed more emphasis
than Piaget on the role of language in cognitive development.
He believed that “thinking depends on speech, on the means of
thinking, and on the child’s socio-cultural experience” (1987,
p. 120). In fact, Vygotsky believed that language in the form of
private speech (talking to yourself) guides cognitive develop-
ment. If you have spent much time around young children, you
know that they often talk to themselves as they play. Vygotsky
suggested that these mutterings, called private speech, play an
important role in cognitive development by moving children
toward self-regulation, the ability to anticipate the future, and
to plan, monitor, and guide one’s own thinking and problem
solving.
Vygotsky explained that self-regulation developed in a
series of stages. First, the child’s behavior is regulated by others
using language and other signs such as gestures. For example,
the parent says, “No!” when the child reaches toward a candle
flame. Next, the child learns to regulate the behavior of others
using the same language tools. The child says, “No!” to another
child who is trying to take away a toy, often even imitating the
parent’s voice tone. The child also begins to use private speech
This child is learning to use an important cultural tool—
to regulate her own behavior, saying “no” quietly to herself, as a computer—and the “teacher” is a more expert peer.
she is tempted to touch the flame. Finally, the child learns to reg- © Inspirestock Inc./Alamy
ulate her own behavior by using silent inner speech (Karpov &
Haywood, 1998). The use of private speech peaks at around 9 years and then decreases,
although one study found that some children from ages 11 to 17 still spontaneously muttered
to themselves during problem solving (McCafferty, 2004; Winsler, Carlton, & Barry, 2000;
Winsler & Naglieri, 2003).
This series of steps from spoken words to silent inner speech is another example of
how higher mental functions appear first between people as they communicate and reg-
ulate each other’s behavior, and then emerge again within the individual as cognitive
processes. Through this fundamental process the child is using language to accomplish
important cognitive activities such as directing attention, solving problems, planning,
forming concepts, and gaining self-control. Research supports Vygotsky’s ideas (Berk &
Spuhl, 1995; Emerson & Miyake, 2003). Children and adults tend to use more private
speech when they are confused, having difficulties, or making mistakes (Duncan &
Cheyne, 1999). Inner speech not only helps us solve problems but also allows us to reg-
ulate our behavior. Have you ever thought to yourself something like, “Let’s see, the first
step is” or “Where did I use my glasses last?” or “If I work to the end of this page, then I
can . . .”? You were using inner speech to remind, cue, encourage, or guide yourself. In
a really tough situation, such as taking an important test, you might even find that you
return to muttering out loud.
Because private speech helps children to regulate their thinking, it makes sense to al-
low, and even encourage, children to use private speech at home and in school. Insisting on
total silence when young children are working on difficult problems may make the work
even harder for them. One approach, called cognitive self-instruction, teaches children to
use self-talk to guide learning. For example, children learn to give themselves reminders to
go slowly and carefully.

79
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

LIMITATIONS OF VYGOTSKY’S THEORIES. Vygotsky added important considerations by

highlighting the role of culture and social processes in cognitive development, but he
may have gone too far. As we have seen in this chapter, we may be born with a greater
store of cognitive tools than either Piaget or Vygotsky suggested. Some basic under-
standings, such as the idea that adding increases quantity, may be part of our biological
predispositions, ready for use to guide our cognitive development. Young children ap-
pear to figure out a great deal about the world before they have the chance to learn from
their culture or more capable adults and peers (Schunk, 2004). Also, Vygotsky did not
detail the cognitive processes underlying developmental changes: Which cognitive
processes allow children to engage in more advanced and independent participation in
social activities? The major limitation of Vygotsky’s theory, however, is that it consists
mostly of general ideas; Vygotsky died before he could expand and elaborate his ideas
and pursue his research. His students continued to investigate his ideas, but much of that
work was suppressed until the 1950s and 1960s by Josef Stalin’s dictatorial regime that
stifled scientific development and the free flow of ideas in the Soviet Union (Gredler,
2005; Kozulin, 2003; Kozulin & Presseisen, 1995). A final limitation might be that
Vygotsky did not have time to detail the applications of his theories. As a result, others
have created most of the applications described today—and we don’t know if Vygotsky
would have agreed with them.

Comparing Piaget and Vygotsky

SELF-TALK. Piaget called children’s self-directed talk “egocentric speech.” He assumed that
this egocentric speech is another indication that young children can’t see the world through
the eyes of others. They talk about what matters to them, without taking into account the
needs or interests of their listeners. As they mature, and especially as they have disagree-
ments with peers, Piaget believed, children develop socialized speech. They learn to listen
and exchange (or argue about) ideas. As you saw above, Vygotsky had very different ideas
about young children’s private speech. Rather than being a sign of cognitive immaturity, it
is a necessary stage in the development of self-regulation. Table 6.3 contrasts Piaget’s and
Vygotsky’s theories of private speech. We should note that Piaget came to accept many of
Vygotsky’s arguments and agreed that language could be used in both egocentric and
problem-solving ways (Piaget, 1962).

LEARNING AND DEVELOPMENT. Piaget defined development as the active construction

of knowledge and learning as the passive formation of associations (Siegler, 2000). He was
interested in knowledge construction and believed that cognitive development has to

TABLE 6.3 • Differences between Piaget’s and Vygotsky’s Theories of Egocentric or Private Speech

PIAGET VYGOTSKY

Developmental Significance Represents an inability to take the Represents externalized thought; its function is
perspective of another and engage in to communicate with the self for the purpose of
reciprocal communication. self-guidance and self-direction.

Course of Development Declines with age. Increases at younger ages and then gradually
loses its audible quality to become internal
verbal thought.

Relationship to Social Speech Negative; least socially and cognitively Positive; private speech develops out of social
mature children use more egocentric interaction with others.
speech.

Relationship to Environmental — Increases with task difficulty. Private speech

Contexts serves a helpful self-guiding function in
situations where more cognitive effort is
needed to reach a solution.

80
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

come before learning: The child had to be cognitively “ready” to learn. He said that
“learning is subordinated to development and not vice-versa” (Piaget, 1964, p. 17). Chil-
dren can memorize, for example, that Geneva is in Switzerland, but still insist that they can-
not be Genevan and Swiss at the same time. True understanding will happen only when
the child has developed the operation of class inclusion—that one category can be
included in another.
In contrast, Vygotsky believed that learning was an active process that does not have
to wait for readiness. In fact, “properly organized learning results in mental development
and sets in motion a variety of developmental processes that would be impossible apart
from learning”(Vygotsky, 1978, p. 90). He saw learning as a tool in development—learning
pulls development up to higher levels and social interaction is a key in learning (Glassman,
2001; Wink & Putney, 2002). Vygotsky’s belief that learning pulls development to higher
levels means that other people, including family members and teachers, play significant
roles in cognitive development.

Piaget and Vygotsky: Implications for Early Childhood Education

Piaget was more interested in understanding children’s thinking than in guiding educa-
tors. He did express some general ideas about educational philosophy, however. He
believed that the main goal of education should be to help children learn how to learn
(Piaget, 1969). Even though he did not design programs of education based on his ideas,
many other people have. For example, the National Association for the Education of
Young Children has guidelines for developmentally appropriate education that incorpo-
rate Piaget’s findings (Copple & Bredekamp, 2009). Some of these guidelines are in
Table 6.7.

PIAGET: THE VALUE OF ACTIVITY AND PLAY. The brain develops with stimulation, and ac-
tivity provides some of that stimulation at every age. Babies in the sensorimotor stage learn
by exploring, sucking, pounding, shaking, throwing—acting on their environments. Pre-
operational preschoolers love pretend play and through pretending form symbols, use lan-
guage, and interact with others. They are beginning to play simple games with predictable
rules.
As with so many other topics, there are cultural differences in play (as Vygotsky
probably would emphasize). In some cultures, such as American or Turkish, adults,
particularly mothers, often are play partners with their children. But in other cultures
such as East Indian, Indonesian, or Mayan, adults are not seen as appropriate play part-
ners for children; siblings and peers are the ones who teach younger children to how to
participate in play activities (Gaskins, 1996, 2000; Vandermass-Peler, 2002). In some fam-
ilies and cultures, children spend more time helping with chores and less time in solitary
or group play. Different materials and “toys” are used as available—everything from
expensive video games to sticks, rocks, and banana leaves. Children use what their
culture provides to play.

VYGOTSKY: THE VALUE OF ASSISTED LEARNING AND CULTURAL TOOLS. Vygotsky’s the-
ory suggests that teachers need to do more than just arrange the environment so that chil-
dren can discover on their own. Children cannot and should not be expected to reinvent or
rediscover knowledge and tools already available in their cultures. Rather, they should be
guided and assisted in their learning—so Vygotsky saw teachers, parents, and other adults
as central to the child’s learning and development (Karpov & Haywood, 1998). Assisted
learning, or guided participation, requires support and scaffolding—giving information,
prompts, reminders, and encouragement at the right time and in the right amounts, and
then gradually allowing the children to do more and more on their own. But assisted learn-
ing does not mean interrupting children who are engaged. Rather, adults are encouraged to
provide the level of scaffolding needed. When children are in meaningful interactions with
activities or each other, leave them alone. On the other hand, when children are frustrated
or troubled—the puzzle has too many pieces or a fight is about to break out—then some
assistance makes sense.

81
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

Here is an example of a teacher providing scaffolding. Two children are playing in the
music center and one gets stuck trying to create a song: “A man fell . . . um . . . down a tree,
down a tree . . . I don’t know . . .” Frustration ensues as one child strums an autoharp and
insists that the other keep making up the song. The would-be singer protests, “But I can’t
think of the rest.” The teacher steps in:
Teacher: I like the first part. “A man fell down a tree.” That’s a good start to a song.
Singer: Yeah, but I don’t know any more words to sing.
Teacher: Well, what else could the man do besides fall down a tree?
Autoharp player: (Stops playing the autoharp) I know. He could go up the tree.
(Laughs)
Singer: OK. Play it. . . . A man fell down the tree, up the tree, up the tree. A man fell
down and up and down . . . and . . . Wait. What can he do next?
Teacher: You could sing what happens to him when he falls down.
Singer: Oh . . . A man fell up and down and up and down and fell to the dirty floor.
Teacher: Wonderful. Now what will be your second verse?
Discussion, playing, and singing continue and the teacher moves on (Frost, Wortham, &
Reifel, 2005, p. 240)

LEARNING AND THE “ZPD.” Both Piaget and Vygotsky probably would agree that children
need to be taught in the place where the learning challenge matches their current abilities
(Hunt, 1961)—where they are neither bored nor frustrated. Piaget might emphasize match-
ing children’s current thinking abilities, but Vygotsky probably would recommend provid-
ing support to extend and grow current thinking. Vygotsky called the place where this
growth is possible the zone of proximal development (ZPD), defined as the area between the
child’s current development level “as determined by independent problem solving”and the
level of development that the child could achieve “through adult guidance or in collabora-
tion with more capable peers” (Vygotsky, 1978, p. 86). This is the area where instruction
can succeed, because real learning is possible. Children should be put in situations where
they have to reach to understand, but where support and teaching are also available.
Sometimes the best teacher is another child who has just figured out how to solve the
problem, because this child is probably operating in the learner’s zone of proximal devel-
opment. Having a child interact with someone who is just a bit better at the activity is a good
idea—both children benefit in the exchange of explanations, elaborations, and questions. In
addition, children should be encouraged to use language to organize their thinking and to talk
about what they are trying to accomplish. Dialogue and discussion are important avenues to
learning (Karpov & Bransford, 1995; Kozulin & Presseisen, 1995; Wink & Putney, 2002).
One explanation for the significant changes in cognitive development and languages
in the early years is that the capacities for attention and memory are rapidly increasing.
There are a number of theories describing attention and memory, but the most common are
the information processing explanations (Ashcraft & Radvansky, 2009; Sternberg, 1999).

INFORMATION PROCESSING:
KNOWING AND REMEMBERING
There are several information processing theories of cognitive development, but all share
some basic assumptions:
• Thinking is processing information.
• Information is represented in different ways in order to be remembered.
• Cognitive processes vary in how much attention and effort they require.
• What we already know plays a major role in information processing.
• Children become better information processors as they develop—they become faster
and more efficient thinkers. (Bjorklund, 2005; Munakata, 2006)
Most information processing theories also assume that there are different kinds of memory,
including short-term/working memory (what we are currently thinking about and can hold

82
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

briefly in memory) and long-term memory, where all that we know is stored. What do
information processing theories tell us about young children’s cognitive development?
We start with knowledge.

The Importance of Knowledge

Information processing theories suggest that one of the most important elements in cogni-
tive development is what the individual brings to the situation. What we already know is
the foundation and frame for constructing all future learning—because what we already
know determines to a great extent what we will pay attention to, perceive, learn, remem-
ber, and forget (Alexander, 1996; Bransford, Brown, & Cocking, 2000).
Earlier information processing approaches emphasized domain-general abilities—
general cognitive abilities such as processing speed that explain performance on all cog-
nitive tasks. Today, many information processing theories are domain-specific, meaning
the theories apply to specific cognitive abilities (e.g., the domain of visual perception,
language, or spatial reasoning) or particular area of knowledge (e.g., the domain of
number, physics, or biology). Research on children’s knowledge in different domains
has helped us understand their cognitive development. In fact, David Bjorklund, who
has done extensive research on children’s developing knowledge, notes that in the
research on cognitive development, one of the most consistent findings in the last
30 years has been that children’s thinking is domain-specific. As Bjorklund notes, “There
are many examples in the literature of children performing one cognitive task like a
champ while performing other seemingly similar tasks like a chump” (2005, p. 140).
Children’s thinking develops in specific domains of knowledge—and number is one im-
portant domain.

YOUNG CHILDREN’S UNDERSTANDING OF NUMBER. An understanding of number devel-

ops during the early childhood period. An essential step is learning the number words for
your culture. In European languages and those derived from them such as English, the
numbers 1 to 10 are fairly easy to learn, but after 10 there are numbers that don’t match a
base-10 pattern, like 11 12, 13, 14, and so on. In contrast, the words for numbers in
East Asian languages match the base-10 number system—for example, the Chinese word for
12 is translated, “ten two.” So Chinese children do not have to learn special words for num-
bers like 11, 12, 13, and 14. Another advantage in Chinese is that the word for 12 immedi-
ately tells you that 12 is made up of one tens-value and two units-values. There is evidence
that this difference in counting words from 10 to 100 is one of the reasons that East Asian
children generally are better than English speakers in some arithmetic procedures (Geary,
2006; Geary, Bow-Thomas, Liu, & Siegler, 1996).

PRINCIPLES OF COUNTING. Knowing the number words is just one part of learning to
count. Piaget, one of the first psychologists to carefully study children’s understanding of
number, noted that children can say the number names, and even apply the names to a
sequence of objects, years before they count accurately or even understand that they are
determining quantity. So 3-year-old Emily might count her books—“one, two, three, ten,
seven, eleven-teen, three-teen, sixteen!” When asked how many books, Emily is likely to
announce, “sixteen.” Years ago, Gelman and Gallistel (1978) identified five counting princi-
ples. Which ones does Emily seem to know?
How to Count
One-to-one principle: Each thing counted is assigned to one and only one number name
(1, 2, 3, . . .).
Stable order principle: Number names have to be said in the same order every time (1, 2,
3, 4 . . . not 1, 3, 4, 2 . . .).
Cardinal principle: The last number said is the cardinal value (quantity) of the things
counted (1, 2, 3, 4 . . . there are 4 books!).
What to Count
Abstraction principle: Any entity (alive or not, concrete or abstract) can be counted.

83
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

Which Way to Count

Order-irrelevance principle: You can count things in any order (top to bottom, left to right,
middle to ends), but as long as you count each object only once, the number you get
will be the same.
It looks as though Emily knows the first three principles, but we would have to watch
her count more than once to be sure. She does use one number name for each book and
knows that the last number name said (sixteen) is the number in the set, even though she
is wrong on the count. She may always count in a stable order (“one, two, three, ten, seven,
eleven-teen, three-teen . . .”), but we don’t know for sure.
Children between ages 2 and 4 seem to grasp the how-to-count principles as long as
the number counted is small, under five or six (Gallistel & Gelman, 1992; Gelman &
Gallistel, 1978). For example, 4-year-old Brennan and his grandfather are playing catch.
They agree that each will take nine steps backward before beginning the game. Brendan
confidently takes “one, two, three, four, five” steps back, calling out the number each time.
But after five, the numbers come more slowly and Brendan loses the one-to-one corre-
spondence between the called out count and the steps. By “nine”he had taken over a dozen
steps backwards (Bjorklund, 2005, p. 406).
The abstraction principle is more advanced, but seems to be understood by many
5-year-olds, at least implicitly. The order-irrelevance principle may not be fully understood
until age 11 or older (Flavell, Miller, & Miller, 2002; Kamawar et al., 2010). For years, psy-
chologists believed that children needed to understand these principles before they could
count, but evidence suggests that children construct an understanding of these principles
through their experiences in counting (Bryant & Nunes, 2004; Siegler, 1998). For example,
children may discover the order-irrelevance principle after counting many sets of objects in
different orders and still reaching the same final answer. So, as Piaget would recommend,
lots of activities with numbers and counting can be valuable experiences for young children.
With the five principles listed above, children can do a good job of counting, but they
still do not fully understand numbers. They also need to know about relations among sets.
They need to know, for example, that two sets with the same number in them have the same
quantity in them—that is, there is a one-to-one correspondence between sets as well (Bryant &
Nunes, 2004). They also need to reason about numbers: What happens when you add an ob-
ject to a set or take objects away? Does changing the appearance of something change the
number? How can you determine if two sets are equal? Can a number be larger than one quan-
tity and smaller than another? In other words, can a number be big and little at the same time?
Understanding numbers may seem rather simple and basic. In fact, some researchers
have suggested that a sense of number may be part of our evolutionary equipment (Geary &
Bjorklund, 2000; Gelman, 2000; Gelman, & Cordes, 2001), but others disagree and make the
case that a full understanding of number requires learning (Bryant & Nunes, 2004). It is true
that young children are ready and motivated to learn about numbers, but teaching and
experience play roles as well. One study by Raquel Klibanoff and her colleagues found that
when preschool teachers incorporate “math talk” into the daily routine—for example,
saying “You two get your coats” instead of “You guys get your coats” or asking students to
figure out how many students in a 21-member class were present if one was absent that
day—the children performed better on math assessments at the end of the year, compared
to students in classrooms with less math talk (Klibanoff, Levine, Huttenlocher, Vasilyeva, &
Hedges, 2006).

Information Processing Improves with Development

Typically, as they grow older, children become better at processing information—that is,
better at encoding, memory, retrieval, and executive control. As children become more so-
phisticated and effective in processing information, they are active in advancing their own
development; they are constructing, organizing, and improving their own knowledge and
strategies. Information processing theories are concerned about children’s successes as
well as their errors as they accomplish particular tasks and solve problems, because these
outcomes reveal the child’s developing knowledge and strategies (Siegler & Alibali, 2005).

84
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

Let’s examine three important aspects of children’s developing information processing

systems—attention, memory, and problem solving.
YOUNG CHILDREN’S ATTENTION. Attention takes effort and is a limited resource. By now
in this chapter, you probably have to work a bit to pay attention to these words about at-
tention! For younger children, mental operations require a good amount of effort and at-
tention. But with time and practice, some processes can become automatic (called
automaticity). This is true for all of us at the beginning of learning something new. For ex-
ample, when you were learning to drive, you probably couldn’t listen to the radio and drive
at the same time. After some practice, you could listen, but had to turn the radio off when
traffic was heavy. After years of practice, you can plan a party, listen to the radio, and carry
on a conversation as you drive. Like driving or searching for a toy, processes that initially re-
quire attention and concentration become automatic with practice. Actually, automaticity
probably is a matter of degree; we are not completely automatic, but rather more or less au-
tomatic in our performances depending on how much practice we have had and the situa-
tion. For example, even experienced drivers might become very attentive and focused
during a blinding blizzard (Anderson, 1995).
As the driving example demonstrates, we can pay attention to only one cognitively de-
manding task at a time (Ashcraft & Radvansky, 2009). The ability to regulate attention is a
critical skill—one that children need to develop. In order to regulate attention, children
need to focus on relevant information, ignore irrelevant information, sustain attention over
time, and control impulsive responses to distractions. In fact, a study that followed over
1,000 children from birth to age 4-1/2 found that the ability to control attention was related
to several positive outcomes in language and social skills (NICHD Early Child Care Network
Research, 2005c).
Young children are not aware that they need to focus and sustain their attention. They
think of their mind as being like a lamp that “lights”everything equally. But attention is more
like a flashlight that focuses selectively (Flavell, Miller, & Miller, 2002). Over 25 years ago,
John Flavell (1985) described four aspects of attention that seem to develop as children
mature, including the growing knowledge that attention shines its selective flashlight on
some things and not others:
1. As children grow older, they are more able to control their attention. Older children
not only have longer attention spans; they also focus more accurately on what is im-
portant while ignoring irrelevant details.
In addition, they can simultaneously pay
attention to more than one dimension of
a situation, which may explain why they
develop conservation in the Piagetian
sense. They can focus on both the width
and the height of the liquid in a glass, for
example.
2. As children develop, they become better
at fitting their attention to the task.
Older children, for example, know that
they should focus their attention on the
items they keep missing when they are
trying to learn a list of words or pictures.
Children below second or third grade are
more likely to keep studying all the
words or pictures.
3. Children improve in their ability to plan
how to direct their attention. Younger It appears that this child is becoming more able to focus attention and
resist distraction. Between the ages of about 2 and 3-1/2, there is a sharp
children have a hard time redirecting at-
increase in the length of time that children can sustain their attention to an
tention and changing plans. For example,
appropriate toy and resist distractions such as images or sounds (NICHD
when asked to sort pictures based on one Early Child Care Network Research, 2005c; Ruff & Capozzoli, 2003).
dimension such a color, 3-year-olds in a © Ellen B. Senisi/The Image Works

85
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

study by Zelazo, Frye, and Rapus (1996) had no trouble. But when asked to re-sort the
pictures by shape, the children kept returning to the previous way of sorting by color.
They could not change strategies and inhibit the previous way of sorting. This diffi-
culty changing sorting criteria shows up in research on 3-year-olds around the world,
but older children are able to change plans and redirect their attention to new sorting
criteria (Diamond & Kirkham, 2005).
4. Children improve their abilities to monitor their attention, to decide if they are using
the right plan, and to change approaches when necessary to follow a complicated
series of events.
Some of these improvements in attention stem from the rapid growth of the frontal lobes
of the brain’s cerebral cortex during the preschool years. Also, as their brains develop, young
children are more able to inhibit impulsive responses (such as sorting based on a previous rule,
described above) as well as resist distractions that interfere with the task at hand. Other factors
include improved language that allows children to benefit from the scaffolding of parents and
teachers who help the children plan their next steps, maintain focus, solve distracting prob-
lems, and reach goals through sustained attention (Bono & Stifter, 2003; Gauvain, 2004). But
there are individual as well as developmental differences in attention. Children can vary greatly
in their ability to attend selectively to information in their environment. In fact, many children
diagnosed as having learning disabilities actually have attention disorders (Hallahan, Kauffman,
& Pullen, 2009), particularly with long tasks. As we will see later in the chapter, the develop-
ment of attentional skills is related to quality characteristics of children’s environments such as
their mother’s or primary caretaker’s responsiveness and the cognitive stimulation available in
their homes (NICHD Early Child Care Research Network, 2003, 2005c).
YOUNG CHILDREN’S MEMORIES. Before age 4, children think remembering means what
they see or know now and forgetting means not knowing, but by age 4, children begin to un-
derstand that “remembering”means recalling something from the past (Perner, 2000). Work-
ing memory plays a role in many cognitive abilities, including performance on vocabulary and
addition tasks for 4- and 5-year-olds in one study (Noël, 2009). There are three basic aspects of
memory: memory span or the amount of information that can be held in short-term/working
memory, memory processing efficiency, and speed of processing. These three basic capaci-
ties act together and influence each other; more efficient processing allows greater amounts
to be held in memory, for example (Demetriou, Christou, Spanoudis, & Platsidou, 2002). You
can experience this effect of efficient processing by trying to hold these letters in memory:
HMOBFFMTVATMSUV
Now try these:
HMO BFF MTV ATM SUV
You just used a strategy—a general plan or set of plans to achieve a goal (Pressley &
Hilden, 2006)—to group the string of letters into memorable (and meaningful) chunks, and
you could hold more in memory: Your more efficient and faster processing expanded your
memory span. Also, you brought your knowledge of the world to bear on the memory task.
Young children have fewer strategies and less knowledge, so they have more trouble with
memorizing a longer series.
As children grow older, they develop more effective strategies for remembering infor-
mation. Most children spontaneously discover rehearsal around age 5 or 6 and continue to
use it. In a series of studies that followed children from ages 4 to 18 (a difficult process, so
there are few studies like this), Beate Sodian and Wolfgang Schneider (1999) found that as
soon as most (81%) of the children discovered the memory strategy of clustering items in
categories, they used it from then on. So some strategies can develop very quickly, but
teaching strategies to very young children is not always effective. Children younger than
5 or so can be taught to use clustering or rehearsal strategies, and will use the strategies ef-
fectively as long as they are reminded. But they will not apply the strategies spontaneously.
Young children have very limited working memory spans, but they improve with age.
It is not clear whether these differences are the result of changes in memory capacity or

86
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

improvements in strategy use, but probably both are involved. As the brain and neurologi-
cal system of the child mature and myelinization makes processing faster and more efficient,
more working-memory space is available (Bransford, Brown, & Cocking, 2000). Changes in
the brain that support memory affect how efficiently memories can be encoded, consolidated,
stored, and then retrieved (Bauer, 2006). In terms of strategies, for young children, using a
new strategy or operation—such as reaching for a toy, counting, or finding a word—takes
up a large portion of their working memory. Once an operation is mastered and becomes
more automatic, however, there is more working memory available for short-term storage
of new information (Johnson, 2003). So, through changes in the brain, faster processing of
information, the development and automating of strategies, and added knowledge, working
memory increases in capacity from ages 4 through adolescence (Alloway, Gathercole, &
Pickering, 2006; Gathercole, Pickering, Ambridge, & Wearing, 2004). Children are 10 to 11
years old before they have adult-like memories (Bauer, 2006).

CHILDREN’S MEMORIES FOR EVENTS. Research has shown that preschool children can
and do remember events in their lives, even events that happened before they were 2 or
3 years old, and they can accurately describe something about these events more than a year
later, but very few memories for events that occurred before 1 or 2 years old persist into
adulthood (Fivush & Nelson, 2004; Peterson, 2002). Do children’s memories for events in
their lives improve with age? Generally speaking, the answer is yes, but there is some evi-
dence that the type of event matters. Memory for positive events seems fairly accurate, as
long as the child was at least 3 years old at the time of the event. For example, when adults
were asked about the birth of a sibling, it did not matter if the adults were 3, 17, or any age
in between—the number of questions they could answer about the birth was the same. But
if the event was negative, such as a painful medical procedure or a fire alarm that the child
did not understand at the time, children below age about 5 did not have a clear memory of
the event (Bauer, 2006; Pipe, Lamb, Orbach, & Esplin, 2004). Other age differences involve
cues, content, and quantity of reported memories. Compared to older children, younger
children need more cues and prompts to remember, the content of their memories includes
more common or routine parts of the experience (“we went hiking and had lunch” versus
“we went hiking and I found an arrowhead”), and they report less information; for exam-
ple, they use fewer connections and qualifiers such as then, before, after, because, so, and
so on (Fivush & Haden, 1997; Fivush & Hamond, 1990; Fivush, Hazzard, Sales, Sarfrati, &
Brown, 2003).
There are individual differences in forming autobiographical memories. Children who
engage in more elaborated discussions with adults about shared experiences, who talk about
the emotions involved (“Were you scared when you saw the spider?”), and who reminisce
about details of the experiences can recount more coherent and complete narratives by the
end of the preschool years. Adults provide scaffolding and guide talking about past, present,
and future, so memories are socially constructed, as Vygotsky would say. This social con-
struction leads to gender and cultural differences in early memories. As adults, women have
earlier, longer, and more detailed first memories than men, and individuals from Western cul-
tures have earlier, longer, and more detailed first memories than people from Asian cultures.
One reason suggested by Fivush and Nelson (2004) is that young children’s discussions
about the past with adults in Western cultures tend to focus on the child’s actions (for boys
and girls) and feelings (more for girls), whereas Asian parents are less likely to talk about the
child separate from the group and tend to downplay emotions such as anger that would in-
terfere with group membership. So when Asian parents reminisce with their children, they
tend not to scaffold early memories of the child separate from the group.
During the preschool years, children develop an autobiographical or personal mem-
ory for the events in their own lives. Their memories begin to include what happened to
them and how they felt; for example, “I fell down and was so embarrassed because every-
one was watching me”(Bauer, 2006, p. 398, emphasis in the original). There are more time
markers such as “last summer”or “at Thanksgiving”(Nelson & Fivush, 2004). There is more
detail and description, and maybe even quoted dialogue—“And then I said . . . and then
Jamal said . . .” So children develop richer narratives—stories—about their own lives during

87
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

their preschool years (Bauer, 2006). As these narratives grow, children begin to realize that
they might have experienced the past events differently—remember different details or
have different feelings—compared to others who were there. As they sort out these differ-
ences, children are developing their theory of mind—the realization that others have differ-
ent minds, thoughts, feelings, and beliefs (Fivush & Nelson, 2004). We will look more
closely at theory of mind later in this chapter.

SCRIPTS. One kind of memory involves repeated events in our lives, such as getting ready
for bed or going to a grocery store. The memories for these common recurring events are
sometimes called scripts. We all have scripts for events like ordering food in restaurants and
these scripts differ depending on whether the restaurant is a four-star bistro or a fast-food
drive through. Even young children have scripts for how to behave during snack time at pre-
school or at a friend’s birthday party, as you can see in Figure 6.3 In fact, scripts seem to
help very young children to organize and remember the predictable aspects of their world.
Having a script for visiting a fast-food restaurant is useful in predicting what will happen
when you walk in and in knowing how to behave. This frees up some working memory to
learn new things and recognize when something is out of place in the situation. In terms of
human survival, it probably is useful to remember what is likely to keep happening and to
notice when something is out of place (Nelson, 2004).

FIGURE 6.3

A CHILD’S SCRIPT FOR A FAST FOOD RESTAURANT

First we drive to the

restaurant and park.

Then we go inside and

stand in line.

Then mommy asks me if I want a

hamburger or a hot dog.

Then we get our food and sit down.

I get up to find ketchup and mommy

opens it for me.

We eat and then throw

away our trash.

We go home.

88
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

ACCURACY OF CHILDREN’S EYEWITNESS MEMORIES. Often

children are asked about their memories of something they
witnessed. Can we rely on young children’s memories in these
situations? The answer appears to be, it depends: “when inter-
viewed appropriately, preschoolers can exhibit reliable long-
term recall” (Peterson, 2002, p. 395).
Children’s eyewitness memories are usually studied by
showing children a video, having them observe something in
school, or having them participate in an activity. Then, after a
few minutes, hours, days, or even weeks, they are asked a free
recall question (“Tell me what happened in the video you
saw”), a cued recall question (“What did the man who came
into your class yesterday morning do?”), or a recognition ques-
tion (“Was the bicycle in the video red?”). As you might expect,
the older the child, the more accurate are the memories. In free
recall situations, young children don’t recall much about the de-
tails of the event, but what they do recall is usually about the
core happening and is generally accurate. For example, after
viewing a video of someone stealing a bicycle, a young child
probably would recall that the bike was stolen, but not remem-
ber much about who did it or how. If asked specific questions
such as “Who took the bicycle?” young children will remember
more accurate, but also inaccurate information. The longer the
time that passes between the remembering of inaccurate infor-
mation and a retest of recall, the more likely the child will recall
the inaccurate version of the memory and the more those inac-
curate versions will resist forgetting (Bjorklund, 2005; Gordon,
Baker-Ward, & Ornstein, 2001).
The real problem with memory accuracy occurs for young Young children can give accurate testimony, if the
adults working with them do not ask leading or
children when suggestive questions are asked, such as, “Did the
suggestive questions. © Richard Lord/PhotoEdit
girl in the red shirt steal the bicycle?”or “Was the monkey wear-
ing a collar or a leash?”(Bruck, Ceci, & Hembrooke, 2002). Com-
pared to older children and adults, young children are more likely to be influenced by
leading questions and false suggestions, in part because young children have trouble with
source monitoring or remembering where they encountered the information. Was it some-
thing they really experienced, or did they see it on TV, or did the event happen to a friend,
not to them (Gordon, Baker-Ward, & Ornstein, 2001)? Also, when questions are suggestive,
repeated, and high pressure (“the other children said yes!”), then young children are more
likely to recall inaccurate memories (Finnila, Mahlberga, Santtilaa, & Niemib, 2003). Of
course, adults also are affected by the questions asked and the way they are interviewed
(Wells, Memon, & Penrod, 2006).
Unfortunately, when children are interviewed by attorneys or police, questions are
likely to be suggestive. For example, Livia Gilstrap (2004) studied 80 interviews of
children (ages 3 to 7 years) conducted by 41 male and female British police officers who
specialized in child protection interviews. One month before the study, two events were
staged in the children’s schools. The police officers were asked to question the children
about these events, following their usual procedures for child interviews, and were told
only that one event involved a magician visiting the class and the other, a worker. Gilstrap
found that from 20–28% of the questions asked were suggestive leading questions
(“I think the magician was wearing a black hat, was he?”), the kind that tend to distort the
memories of young children. About one-third of these leading questions introduced
inaccurate information. So, leading questions probably are used with children in real-life
settings and can lead to inaccurate memories. If one of your children or students is inter-
viewed by an adult, be sure that person is well qualified. Connecting with Children on
the next page gives just a few example guidelines for talking with young children about
events in their lives.

89
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

CONNECTING WITH CHILDREN

Guidelines for Teachers and Other Professionals: Interviewing Children
and Eyewitness Testimony
Plan the interview to make the most of the child’s Encourage children to monitor the source of their
memory. information.
Examples Examples
1. Interview the child as soon as possible after the event. 1. Ask the child to think carefully about where the
2. Have the interview in a simply furnished room with child- information came from.
friendly furniture and not too many toys—these could 2. Ask if the child heard from others about the event.
suggest make-believe play.
Respect the child’s wishes.
Establish rapport. Examples
Examples 1. If the child does not want to talk about a topic, don’t
1. Be friendly; avoid titles like “Doctor,” or “Officer.” press.
2. Make sure the child knows it is OK to say, “I don’t 2. If the child wants to end the interview, say, “OK, we can
remember,” “I don’t know,” or “I don’t understand.” talk again another time.”
Practice answering made up questions this way. For 3. End the interview with a thank you and then discuss
example, ask, “What did your mommy say the day you something neutral such as what the child is doing after
were born?” the interview.
3. Tell the child you have no information about the event
and the child should just report what he or she Learn more about interviewing.
remembers because you were not there. Examples
1. See: http://www.ipt-forensics.com/journal/volume6/
Do not use suggestive techniques. j6_3_2.htm, taken from the journal, Issues in Child Abuse
Examples Accusations.
1. Avoid leading questions such as, “What happened after 2. See UNICEF: Principles of Ethical Reporting on Children
he hit you?” Ask open-ended and free recall questions http://www.unicef.org/media/media_tools_guidelines.html
such as, “Tell me what happened yesterday on the 3. See the journal, Law and Contemporary Problems
playground,” or “Is there anything else you can tell me?” http://www.law.duke.edu/journals/lcp/articles/
2. Be careful not to praise some answers while ignoring lcp65dWinter2002p149.htm
others. Don’t promise the child a reward for talking to you. 4. Read, Investigative Interviews of Children: A Guide for
3. Avoid repeating questions—children might think you did Helping Professionals, by Debra A. Poole and Michael E.
not believe their first answer or that you thought it was Lamb, published by the American Psychological
wrong. Association, 2003.

USING STRATEGIES AND SOLVING PROBLEMS. You saw in the previous section that mem-
ory capacity and speed of processing affect the strategies children can use to solve prob-
lems, such as the water-poured-into-a-taller-glass problem. You also saw that having
effective strategies could improve memory capacity. In this section we look more deeply at
how young children develop problem-solving strategies and explore the role played by in-
struction or demonstration.
Young children may be able to use a strategy, but they might not employ it when they
should. This is called a production deficiency—failing to produce a strategy when it would
be useful, even though you know the strategy. Children can learn to apply more effective
strategies to solve problems, either through instruction or by discovery. Instruction often is
more efficient, but many strategies are discovered and improved over time (Pressley &
Hilden, 2006).
By using microgenetic methods to examine very tiny, subtle changes in children’s think-
ing, Robert Siegler (Shrager & Siegler, 1998; Siegler, 2000, 2004) has developed a model of
how problem-solving strategies are discovered and developed over time. For example, there
are several strategies for adding two numbers. One of the first that children use is the count
strategy. If you have two numbers to add, say 2 ⫹ 4, you can count: 1, 2, (pause and go to the
next set) 3, 4, 5, 6! So 2 ⫹ 4 is 6. A bit more sophisticated is the min strategy: Start

90
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

with the larger number and keep counting. So a child might say 4, then keep counting 5, 6—the
answer is 6. An even more advanced strategy is fact retrieval, simply remembering the memo-
rized fact that 2 ⫹ 4 is 6. Prior to Siegler’s microgenetic studies, most psychologists had con-
cluded that children always solve simple addition problems using the min strategy. Siegler
contended that this was wrong. It only appeared that the min strategy predominated because
the researchers were averaging data across time instead of carefully observing how individual
children’s problem solving varied over time. In fact, children often use several of these strategies
at once, depending on the type of problem and the context. David Bjorklund and Kristina Rosen-
blum (2002) asked kindergarten children to add pairs of numbers between 1 and 6, either by
adding the numbers from a roll of two dice to determine their moves in the game, Chutes and
Ladders, or by just doing addition problems like in school (“What is 2 plus 4?”). First of all, the
children used an average of 2 to 3 strategies in both situations, so count, min, and fact retrieval
all were used. The actual problem mattered: Children used fact retrieval to add identical pairs
(5 ⫹ 5; 3 ⫹ 3, etc.). The situation mattered as well: Children used the count strategy most in the
game and least in the “school”context. But older children were likely to just use the fact retrieval
(more efficient) strategy in both situations and for all problems; retrieving addition facts had be-
come more automatic for them.
A clear finding from this research is that there are few “aha”moments. Young children
will try an effective strategy, then an ineffective one, then another ineffective one, then
move to a more effective one—back and forth. This pattern has been called the overlapping
wave theory of adaptive strategy choice and is shown in Figure 6.4.

FIGURE 6.4

OVERLAPPING WAVE MODEL OF COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT

As children try strategies to solve problems, they may try an effective strategy, then an ineffective
one, then another ineffective one, then move to a more effective one—back and forth. Even after
they discover the most effective strategy, they do not use it exclusively. But gradually over time,
they let go of less effective strategies and focus on the one that works.

Strategy 4

Strategy 1 Strategy 5

Strategy 2

% USE

Strategy 3

AGE

Source: Adapted from Siegler, R. S. (2006). Microgenetic analyses of learning. In D. Kuhn & R. S. Siegler
(Eds.), Handbook of Child Psychology: Cognition, Perception & Language, (6e, Vol. 2, p. 479). New York:
John Wiley & Sons. Used with permission.

91
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

Look back at Figure 6.4. You can see that children may begin using a less effective
strategy (Strategy 1) most of the time, but every now and then apply other, often better
strategies (2, 3, and 4) before settling on a final successful strategy (5). At any given time,
one strategy may dominate efforts, but others are part of the repertoire as well. As you
can see in the graph, even when strategy 5 is used most often, strategy 4 is still used some-
times, and strategy 2 once in a while (don’t you still count on your fingers some of the
time—be honest!).

Theory of Mind
Do you remember how much trouble 3-year-olds have changing the way they sort objects,
switching from color to shape, for example (Diamond & Kirkham, 2005)? One reason this
switch is difficult may have to do with children’s theory of mind, an understanding of how
mental processes work. A theory of mind is not a formal scientific theory, but is more like
an everyday, common sense understanding (Wellman, 2004). John Flavell defines theory of
mind as “our understanding of the mental world—the inner world inhabited by beliefs, de-
sires, emotions, thoughts, perceptions, intentions, and other mental states” (2004, p. 274).
Basically, a theory of mind allows children to understand that thought and reality are not al-
ways the same—people can believe things that are not true and they can be deceived. Chil-
dren need a theory of mind to understand that other people have their own minds,
thoughts, dreams, feelings, beliefs, desires, and perceptions (Harris, 2006). Children need
a theory of mind to make sense of other peoples’ behavior. Why is Sarah crying? Does she
feel sad because no one will play with her? Children also probably need a theory of mind to
understand that they can “change their minds” and plan a new sorting strategy, switching
from color to shape, for example.
Study of children’s understanding of the mental world began, as many things did in
cognitive development, with Piaget in the 1950s and 1960s. He described children’s diffi-
culties in taking the perspective of others and their beliefs that physical objects such as
clouds might be alive and have thoughts because they move (called animism). In the
1970s, work on metacognition in information processing theory examined similar
questions about people’s knowledge of their own mental machinery and how it works.
Then in the early 1980s, two Australian psychologists, Joseph Perner and Heinz Wimmer
(e.g., Wimmer & Perner, 1983) invented the “unexpected contents”method described next
to test young children’s understanding of false beliefs, and theory of mind research was
launched (Flavell, 2004).

APPEARANCES ARE DECEIVING: FALSE BELIEFS AND DECEPTIONS. Here is a classic

study of theory of mind using the “unexpected contents” method (Astington & Gopnick,
1988). A researcher shows a 3-year-old a candy box and asks what is inside. The child
says, “candy.” Then the researcher opens the box and shows the child what is really
inside—pencils:
Child: Oh . . . holy moly . . . pencils!
Researcher: OK, I am going to put the pencils back in the box and close it. Now when
you first saw the box, what did you think was inside?
Child: Pencils.
Researcher: Your friend Nicky hasn’t seen what is inside the box. When he comes in
here, what will he think is in the box?
Child: Pencils.
Once the child sees what is really in the box, he believes that he always thought
there were pencils inside and so would his friend Nicky, or anyone else. The child’s
perception of what is in front of him now overwhelms his thinking. In order to give a
correct answer to the question about what Nicky would say, the child has to hold two
ideas in his mind at the same time—what Nicky would expect to be in a candy box and
what actually is in the box. The child also would need to understand that people

92
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

could have false beliefs. Much of the research on theory of mind uses this kind of false
belief task.
Around the world, most 3-year-old children do not have a theory of mind (unless their
language is very advanced); at 4 the understanding is growing; and by 5 it is in place
(Harris, 2006). Some researchers suggest that this almost universal timing indicates brain
maturation plays a big role in developing a theory of mind. Language is important, too. Chil-
dren with advanced language develop this understanding sooner and deaf children who do
not learn sign language develop the understanding much later. When parents talk to their
children about thoughts and beliefs and encourage them to imagine what others might
think, then the children develop a theory of mind sooner (Lockl & Schneider, 2007; Ruff-
man, Slade, & Crowe, 2002; Symons, 2004). Children with older siblings develop a theory
of mind sooner, perhaps because siblings argue, negotiate, cooperate, and try to trick each
other, so these children learn earlier that other people have their own thoughts and beliefs
(Perner, 2000; Wellman, 2004).
What advances come with an advancing theory of mind? Flavell summarizes the un-
derstandings that develop and those that take longer, as you can see in Table 6.4.
Theory of mind figures prominently in current explanations for the disorder of autism.

AUTISM SPECTRUM DISORDERS. One current explanation for autism spectrum disor-
ders is that children with these disorders have an underdeveloped theory of mind.
Autism is diagnosed using three criteria: (a) significant, persistent deficits in social com-
munication and interactions, (b) restricted, repetitive patterns of behavior, interests, and
activities, and (c) symptoms must be present in early childhood (DSM-5 proposed revi-
sions, 2010). About 1 in every 150 children is born with autism. We have used the term
preferred by professionals in the field, autism spectrum disorders to emphasize that
autism includes a range of disorders from mild to major. In fact, as the American Psy-
chiatric Association (2010) plans the fifth edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Man-
ual of Mental Disorders (DSM-5), recommendations being considered would fold
autism, Asperger syndrome, and some other disorders into the one category of autism
spectrum disorders.
Children with autism spectrum disorders have difficulties in at least three other areas
associated with theory of mind: joint attention (focusing attention with another person on
some object), pretend play, and empathy for the distress of others. Thus, children with
autism are deficient or delayed in developing some of the components of theory of mind
(Harris, 2006). They have difficulty explaining their own behaviors, appreciating that other
people might have different feelings, and predicting how behaviors might affect emotions.
So, for example, a student with autism may not understand why classmates are bored by his
constant repetition of stories or obscure facts about topics he finds fascinating. The student

TABLE 6.4 • Understandings Related to a Developing Theory of Mind in the Early Childhood Years
Following are some examples of understandings about mental life that develop between ages 3 to 5 and some understandings that
usually don’t develop until the early or middle elementary school years.

UNDERSTANDINGS THAT DEVELOP (AGES 3–5) UNDERSTANDINGS THAT TAKE MORE TIME

• Attention is selective; different people can pay • People do not always feel the way they look—they can be
attention to different things. unhappy without showing it, for example.
• People have different emotions. • People’s interpretation of an event can be influenced by biases
• Emotions and desires are connected. People are and previous experiences.
happy when they get what they want, for • You did not always know what you know now.
example. • You need information to make a judgment and sometimes you
• Thinking is an internal activity. don’t have enough; for example, you can’t tell what an object is if
you see only a small part.
• People can be actively thinking, even when they are sitting quietly,
not moving.

93
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

may stand too close or too far away when interacting, not realizing that he is making other
people uncomfortable (Friend, 2011).
Early on, children with autism spectrum disorders may have difficulties in social rela-
tions. They do not form connections with others, they avoid eye contact, and they don’t
share feelings such as enjoyment or interest with others. Communication is impaired.
About half of these students are nonverbal; they have no or very few language skills. Others
make up their own language. They may obsessively insist on regularity and sameness in
their environments—change is very disturbing. They may repeat behaviors and have
restricted interests, watching the same DVD over and over for example. They may be very
sensitive to light, sound, touch, or other sensory information—sounds may be painful, for
example, or the slight flickering of fluorescent lights may seem like constant bursts, causing
severe headaches. They may be able to memorize words or steps in problem solving, but
not use them appropriately or be very confused when the situation changes or questions
are asked in a different way (Franklin, 2007; Friend, 2011; Matson, Matson, & Rivet, 2007).
Asperger syndrome is one of the disabilities included in the autism spectrum. These
children have many of the characteristics described above, but they have the greatest trou-
ble with social relations. Language is less affected. Their speech may be fluent but unusual,
mixing up pronouns of “I”and “you,”for example (Friend, 2011). Many students with autism
also have moderate to severe intellectual disabilities, but those with Asperger syndrome
usually have average to above average intelligence.
Early and intense interventions that focus on communications and social relations are
particularly important for children with autism spectrum disorders. Without interventions,
behaviors such as poor eye contact and odd-seeming mannerisms tend to increase over time
(Matson, Matson, & Rivet, 2007). As they move into elementary school, some of these stu-
dents will be in inclusive settings, others in specialized classes, and many in some combi-
nation of these two. Collaboration among teachers and the family is particularly important.
Strategies such as smaller classes, structured environments, finding a class “buddy” to give
support, providing a safe “home base”for times of stress, consistency in instruction and tran-
sition routines, assistive technologies, and the use of visuals may be part of intervention
plans (Harrower & Dunlap, 2001; Smith & Tyler, 2010).

WHAT IS REAL? PRETENDING, FANTASIES, AND IMAGINARY FRIENDS. Imagination and

pretending play important roles in cognitive development. We saw earlier that one of
the child’s earliest uses of symbols is in pretending—using a block as a car, zoom,
zoom—for example. The child is able to separate the object from its meaning. This abil-
ity is a preparation for later abstract thought and may provide the basis for higher-order
thinking such as hypothetical “what if” reasoning (Garner, Curenton, & Taylor, 2005). By
age 3 at the latest, most children know the difference between “trying” and “pretending”
(Rakoczy, Tomasello, & Striano, 2004). Some researchers describe different levels of
play, with symbolic or dramatic pretend play as one important level. For example,
Vygotsky (1978) describes constructive play as playing with objects toward a goal such
as building a tower. Next comes symbolic or fantasy play that begins with simple substi-
tutions of one object for another—a plastic bowl for a hat, for example. But this fantasy
play becomes more complex as children create fantasy characters and rules, for example,
rules about how to bow to and obey the “Queen of everything.” Finally children move to
more complex real games that involve turns, spinners, and dice or sports. Vygotsky
believed that making and following rules in imaginary play enabled children to later follow
rules for real games.
But what about imaginary friends like Sassy, the invisible shrinking giraffe that kept
Kayla company at the beginning of this chapter? Is this carrying imagination too far? Actu-
ally, the phenomenon is pretty widespread. Between 60% and 70% of children under the age
of 7 have played with imaginary companions, with first-born and only children more likely
to have these invisible friends. One study found that 28% of children ages 5 to 12 had imag-
inary friends (Taylor, Carlson, Maring, Gerow, & Charley, 2004). For younger children, imag-
inary companions can be toys or other objects on which children bestow special powers
or personalities (a magic stuffed tiger), animals, or different versions of real people (your

94
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

author’s daughter had “another mother in China” who was more understanding of some
misbehaviors). For the children under age 7 in the Taylor study above, about half of the
imaginary companions were invisible and the other half were based on toys. Here are a few
companions of children in their study:
“Rose,” an invisible female squirrel, 9-years-old, lived in a tree in the yard.
“Skateboard guy,” an invisible 11-year-old boy who wore cool shirts, had a fancy skate-
board, lived in the pocket of a 7-year-old boy, and liked to see the boy run fast.
“Fake Rachel,”an alternative version of a real friend named Rachel. Fake Rachel lived un-
der the child’s bed.
“Elephant,” a 7-inch-high invisible female elephant that wore shorts and a tank top and
was mean at times.
The results of the Taylor study and others indicated that by and large, preschool girls cre-
ate imaginary companions more often than boys, but boys are more likely than girls to pretend
to be an imaginary character, like Spiderman or a monster dinosaur. This may be related to an
interesting gender difference. Boys create characters they can enact alone, but girls’ pretend-
ing tends to be more about relationships, so other players are needed in girls’ pretending. By
age 7, as many girls as boys have played with imaginary companions. Imaginary companions
who were left behind by age 7 were given up gradually with little trouble or drama (Carlson
& Taylor, 2005; Gleason, Sebanc, & Hartup, 2000; Taylor & Carlson, 1997; Taylor et al., 2004).
There appear to be some benefits to having imaginary companions. These pretend cre-
ations help children deal with fears, such as facing the first day of preschool. Children can prac-
tice conflict resolution when two imaginary companions are fighting or when the imaginary
friend disagrees with the child. Children with imaginary friends perform better on theory of
mind tests, so they are actually better at distinguishing reality from fantasy. Stephanie Carlson,
who has interviewed many children about their imaginary companions, said in an interview that
some of the children started to worry about the researcher’s grasp on reality and pulled her aside
to say, “You know this is just pretend, right?”Finally, often children with imaginary companions
are more cooperative in playing, have no shortage of real friends, are more imaginative and cu-
rious in their play, and have more advanced language (Carlson & Taylor, 2005; Singer & Singer,
1990; Taylor & Carlson, 1997; Taylor et al., 2004). So children’s imaginary companions should
not worry parents or teachers, unless the children seem depressed, have no real friends, or claim
to be controlled by the invisible companion and forced to do things they do not want to do.

INTENTIONS. Between the ages of 18 months and 2 years, children start to use want, wish,
hope, and other desire terms, and between 24 and 30 months, they can distinguish between
what they want and what they will get: “I want a dog, but I can’t have one”(Bartsch & Well-
man, 1995). So by about age 2, children have a sense of intention, at least of their own in-
tentions. As children develop a theory of mind, they also are able to understand that other
people have intentions of their own. Older preschoolers who get along well with their
peers are able to separate intentional from unintentional actions and react accordingly. For
example, they will not get angry when another child accidentally knocks over their block
tower. But aggressive children have more trouble assessing intention. They are likely to at-
tack anyone who topples their tower, even accidentally (Dodge & Pettit, 2003). As children
mature, they are more able to assess and consider the intentions of others.

CONTEXTS FOR DEVELOPMENT: FAMILY AND HOME

Many of you reading these pages are now or some day will be parents. We have spent much
of this chapter exploring young children’s developing language, cognitive operations, use
of cultural tools, self-regulation, domain-specific knowledge, attention, memory, and the-
ory of mind. Now we turn to the world outside the child. What roles do families, peers,
siblings, and teachers play in cognitive development in these early years? There are two
useful sources of information on this question. The first is research on home environments
using the Home Observation for Measurement of the Environment or HOME. The sec-
ond is a longitudinal study by the NICHD Early Child Care Research Network. (2005c).

95
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

Assessing Home Care

The Home Observation for Measurement of the Environment or HOME has been used for
over 30 years to study the relationship between different aspects of the home environment
and children’s cognitive and social emotional development (Bakermans-Kraneburg, van
Ijzendoorn, & Bradley, 2005; Caldwell & Bradley, 1984, 1994). A consistent finding is that
the quality of the home environment and interactions with mothers assessed by the HOME
are related to children’s cognitive development from infancy through adolescence (Bjork-
lund, 2005). The scales have been refined and used with five different national data sets that
followed over 10,000 children from ages 3 to 5 (Leventhal, Martin, & Brooks-Gunn, 2004;
Linver, Brooks-Gunn, & Cabrera, 2004). What did they find?
First, the scales on the HOME that were the most reliable and predictive of children’s
development at age 5 were Learning Stimulation, Access to Reading, Parental Warmth, Par-
ent Lack of Hostility, and Interior of Home. Look at Table 6.5 to see the kinds of items on
these scales. Scores on these subscales were related to U.S. children’s scores on widely used
measures of cognitive abilities such as subtests of the Stanford-Binet, Wechsler, Woodcock-
Johnson, or Peabody Picture Vocabulary test.
Second, after controlling for such background factors as mother’s socioeconomic
status (SES), race, ethnicity, and education, the two scales that were most predictive of cog-
nitive ability were Learning Stimulation and Access to Reading. So homes where children
have toys, games, or puzzles that teach concepts such as color, size, shape, number, animal
names, and so on; homes where children are encouraged to learn songs, rhymes, letters,
new words, numbers, and spatial relations; and homes where there are books and family
members who read to children are those where children score higher on cognitive abilities
tests. In addition, these characteristics were also more predictive of children’s social com-
petence: The greater the learning stimulation and access to reading during the preschool
years, the fewer behavioral problems were reported at age 5.
Margaret Caughy (1996) examined the importance of supportive home environments
for children with biological risks such as low birth weight or hospitalization before age 1.
She found that both increased biological risks and lower scores on the HOME assessment
were related to lower math and reading readiness scores at ages 5 and 6, but the home en-
vironment was more important. The children who suffered the most adverse effects had
both early health problems and unsupportive home environments.

TABLE 6.5 • Example Items from the HOME Scale

Items such as these below assess the quality of the home environment for young children.

SCALE EXAMPLE ITEMS

Learning Stimulation Child has toys that teach color, size, shape.
Child has three or more puzzles.

Access to Reading At least 10 books are visible in the apartment.

Child is encouraged to learn the alphabet.

Parental Warmth Parent encourages child to talk and takes time to listen.
Parent’s voice conveys positive feeling to child.

Parental Lack of No more than one instance of physical punishment during the last
Hostility week.
Parent does not shout at child during visit.

Interior of Home Building appears safe.

House is reasonably clean and minimally cluttered.

Source: From Leventhal, T., Martin, A., & Brooks-Gunn, J. (2004). The EC-HOME across five national datasets in the
third to fifth year of life. Parenting: Science and Practice 4(2–3), Table 2, 171–177. Reprinted by permission of the
publisher, Taylor & Francis Group, http://www.informaworld.com.

96
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

NICHD Early Child Care Research Network

One of the questions asked by researchers in the NICHD Early Child Care Research Network
(2005b) was, “how do experiences at home and in preschools affect the development of
the critical cognitive processes of attention, memory, and planning?” As we have seen, these
cognitive processes develop gradually over time, with important advances happening dur-
ing early childhood, along with changes in the frontal lobes of the brain (Welsh, 2002).
Quite a bit of correlational evidence links parents’behaviors to their children’s memory and
planning skills (Gauvain, 2004; Ornstein & Haden, 2001), but we know that correlation is
not cause. Often other characteristics such as family wealth or education are involved in
these correlational relationships.
The NICHD Early Child Care Research Network researchers examined the connections
between parenting and children’s cognitive skill development, while controlling the effects
of family income, mother’s intelligence, and child’s gender and ethnicity. They followed
over 700 children from age 6 months to first grade. Researchers assessed the quality of the
home environment using the HOME instrument (see Table 6.5 for example items) and also
the mother’s sensitivity to her child’s needs as they played together while being videotaped.
Raters watching the videotapes noted how the mother assisted her child when the task was
too difficult—what kind of scaffolding (in the Vygotskian sense) did she provide?
The quality of childcare outside the home was assessed through observations of how
much the caregivers seemed to like the child, respond to the child’s needs, and stimulate
the child’s development. The quality of first grade classroom environments was also as-
sessed through observations of the child-centered behavior of the teachers and the way the
teachers supported the child’s developing cognitive skills in teacher–student conversations.
The study used a sophisticated statistical analysis called structural equation modeling that
allows the researchers to test relationships among variables, so the relationships found were
more than simple correlations. What did the researchers learn?
• The first conclusion was that most of the variations among individual children in their
attention and memory abilities in first grade could be traced to the differences in the
quality of the child’s family environment. Surprisingly, the quality of the childcare,
preschool, or first grade environments had little connection to the development of at-
tention or memory.
• Second, differences in planning abilities were not related to home or school environ-
ment, perhaps because children under age 6 are not ready to benefit from supports for
developing the more complex skills of planning.
• Family environment quality was important for attention and memory skill develop-
ment during both the child’s first three years and second three years. The early ages—
6 months to 3 years old—were no more or less important than the later ages of 3 to
5–1/2 years old. So children need both early and continuing supportive and respon-
sive environments for development (Bjorklund, 2005).
Does this mean that early childhood education programs have no effect? Not at all. The
cognitive skills assessed in the NICHD study were very specific—attention, memory, and
planning. The next section looks more broadly at the many possible effects of early child-
hood education—beyond attention and memory.

EARLY CHILDHOOD EDUCATION

In the 1840s in Germany, Friedrich Froebel decided that young children needed a place to
be nurtured, and the kindergarten (or children’s garden) was born. The focus was on all the
child’s needs—physical, emotional, cognitive, and social—and on the process of learning
by doing (Frost, Wortham, & Reifel, 2005). But even though the concept of kindergarten
was developed over 160 years ago, it is only in the last 50 years or so that preschools, nurs-
ery schools, play schools, day care, childcare, pre-primary schools, pre-kindergartens, and
kindergartens have come to serve a large number of young children. The more parents
learned about the important cognitive developments happening between ages 3 and 5, the

97
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

more they wanted educational opportunities that would enrich the learning and develop-
ment of their young children. In addition, because many parents work outside the home,
childcare or day care is necessary. In the United States and Canada, between 60 and 70% of
mothers with children under 6 years old work outside the home. In the United States, about
59% of White and 62% of African American women with children under age 6 are working
(United States Bureau of Labor, 2009; United States Census, 2006).
Early childhood education programs are provided for all children in some
countries. For example, all 4-year-olds attend school in Ireland and the Netherlands. All
children in Belgium and France have access to preschool if their families choose to send
them. Most children in developed countries attend at least a half-day kindergarten when
they are 4 or 5. Table 6.6 shows the children enrolled in early childhood education in
several countries. Center-based means children in groups in organized programs such
as daycare centers, nursery schools, or preschools. The United States and Canada fall
below these other countries in enrollment. In Great Britain, all children must be
enrolled in formal schooling at age 5.

Learning from the Italians

Two early childhood approaches that originated in Italy, the Montessori Method and Reggio
Emilia, have influenced programs in many other countries.

THE MONTESSORI METHOD. In the early 1900s, Italian physician Maria Montessori devel-
oped a method of teaching young children that has become a widely used educational ap-
proach. She worked first with children who had intellectual impairments and then opened
a school for poor children in Rome. In each case, her methods were successful in helping
the children learn to read and write. Montessori believed that “the hand leads the mind”(Lil-
lard, 2004, p. 200); that is, children learn from self-chosen activities and games that give
them a sense of accomplishment and responsibility.

TABLE 6.6 • Percentage of Children Ages 3 to 4 Enrolled in Full-time

or Part-time Education in 12 Countries in 2007

COUNTRY PERCENT 3–4 YEAR-OLDS

Australia 32

Belgium 100

Czech Republic 80

France 100

Greece 28

Italy 100

Japan 84

Korea 27

Spain 100

Turkey 7

United Kingdom 90

United States 50

Source: Adapted from OECD (2009). http://www.oecd.org/dataoecd/35/11/43619343.pdf

98
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

Teachers in a Montessori classroom might demon-

strate how to use manipulative objects such as Cuise-
naire rods (see the picture), but then provide more
guidance only if the child asks. Children are encouraged
to be responsible—they put away their toys or games
and help clean the room. Social interaction with the
teacher and other children, as well as pretend play, are
less important than individual exploration. Children
are more likely to trace letters, do puzzles, or look at
books than play in a pretend kitchen or act out stories
(Edwards, 2002; Lillard, 2005).

REGGIO EMILIA. Reggio Emilia is a city in northern

Italy that has pioneered its own early childhood
schools. As in Montessori schools, children in Reggio
Emilia select their own projects and learn by doing, but
in Reggio Emilia, the children are more likely to work
together. Teachers are facilitators, but the children
identify and design their own projects, often involving
dance, music, costumes, puppets, painting, photogra-
phy, or construction. The arts and imaginative play are
more important than in the Montessori method. Reggio
Emilia schools have an abundance of resources—
space, materials, teachers, and other adults from the
community. Demand for enrollment is high in the com-
munity and all children can participate, with the costs
adjusted to the resources of the family. It is not clear yet This child is learning number concepts working with Cuisenaire
if the approach will work as well in communities that rods. Each different color is a different length—white is
do not devote the extensive human and material re- 1 centimeter, red is 2, light green is 3, purple is 4, and so on.
sources required to sustain the school. Even so, there is Children can manipulate the rods and discover that 2 red rods
quite a bit of interest in Reggio Emilia in countries equal 1 white and 1 light green rod, but 4 whites work too. You
outside Italy. For example, Howard Gardner and his can see all the possibilities, not just for addition or subtraction,
Project Zero worked with the Reggio Emilia schools to but also other concepts such as volume. Photo of Cuisenaire Rods®
courtesy of ETA/Cuisenaire® © ETA/Cuisenaire
publish Making Learning Visible: Children as Indivi-
dual and Group Learners (2001).

Types of Programs: Different Schools for Different Goals

There are many ways to characterize early childhood programs (Morrison, 2011). Some
educators distinguish between child-centered and teacher-centered programs (or play-
centered versus academic programs). Others add the category of intervention or compen-
satory programs, such as Head Start, aimed at closing the gap between children placed at
risk and children from more privileged backgrounds. As you will see, the different goals of
these programs lead to different experiences and activities for the children in them.

LET THE CHILDREN PLAY: CHILD-CENTERED PROGRAMS. Maria Montessori once noted,
“Play is children’s work.” Froebel and Piaget both would agree. Programs such as Montessori,
Reggio Emilia, and many kindergartens often are called child-centered because their physical
and social environments are based on the developmental needs of the whole child. Many early
childhood educators emphasize the value of developmentally appropriate practices (DAP) that
avoid pressures to master academic subjects. Programs that agree with this philosophy
encourage the child’s self-paced exploration, discovery, pretend play, artistic expression, and
knowledge construction. Usually there are no formal lessons in math or reading, but teachers
are alert to times in which number or word knowledge can be developed through talking
about the daily calendar or singing songs about sounds, for example. The National Associa-
tion for the Education of Young Children (NAEYC) has created a set of guidelines for devel-
opmentally appropriate practice, as you can see in Table 6.7 on the next page.

99
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

TABLE 6.7 • Guidelines for Developmentally Appropriate Practice (DAP)

1. KNOWLEDGE IN THREE AREAS MUST INFORM DECISION MAKING

• What is known about child development and learning—research-based knowledge of age-related characteristics that
permits general predictions about what experiences are likely to best promote children’s learning and development.
• What is known about each child as an individual—what educators learn about the specific child that has implications
for how best to adapt and be responsive to that individual variation.
• What is known about the social and cultural contexts in which children live—educators must strive to understand the
values, expectations, and behavioral and linguistic conventions that shape each of the children’s lives at home and in
their communities in order to ensure that learning experiences in the program or school are meaningful, relevant, and
respectful for each child and family.

2. GOALS MUST BE CHALLENGING AND ACHIEVABLE

• Meeting children where they are is essential, but no good teacher simply leaves them there. Keeping in mind desired
outcomes and what is known about those children as a group and individually, the teacher plans experiences to promote
the children’s learning and development.
• Learning and development are most likely to occur when new experiences build on what a child already knows and
is able to do and when those experiences also entail the child stretching a reasonable amount in acquiring new skills,
abilities, or knowledge. After the child reaches that new level of mastery in skill or understanding, the effective teacher
reflects on what goals should come next; and the cycle continues, advancing the child’s learning in a developmentally
appropriate way.

3. TEACHING MUST BE INTENTIONAL TO BE EFFECTIVE

• Creating a Caring Community of Learners: In DAP, practitioners create and foster a “community of learners” that
supports all children to develop and learn. The role of the community is to provide a physical, emotional, and cognitive
environment conducive to that development and learning.
• Teaching to Enhance Development and Learning: DAP provides an optimal balance of adult-guided and child-guided
experiences. Adult-guided experience proceeds primarily along the lines of the teacher’s goals, but is also shaped by
the children’s active engagement; child-guided experience proceeds primarily along the lines of children’s interests and
actions, with strategic teacher support.
• Planning Curriculum to Achieve Important Goals: In developmentally appropriate practice, the curriculum helps young
children achieve goals that are developmentally and educationally significant. The curriculum does this through learning
experiences (including play, small group, large group, interest centers, and routines) that reflect what is known about
young children in general and about these children in particular, as well as about the sequences in which children acquire
specific concepts, skills, and abilities, building on prior experiences.
• Assessing Children’s Development and Learning: In developmentally appropriate practice, the experiences and the
assessments are linked (the experiences are developing what is being assessed, and vice versa); both are aligned with
the program’s desired outcomes or goals for children.
• Establishing Reciprocal Relationships with Families: Developmentally appropriate practices derive from deep knowledge
of child development principles and of the program’s children in particular, as well as the context within which each of
them is living. The younger the child, the more necessary it is for practitioners to acquire this particular knowledge
through relationships with children’s families.

Source: National Association for the Education of Young Children. Available online at http://www.naeyc.org/files/naeyc/file/positions/PSDAP.pdf.
Downloaded on February 25, 2010

TEACH THE CHILDREN WELL: ACADEMIC PROGRAMS. With the No Child Left Behind leg-
islation in the United States, and more recently the Race to the Top, there is increasing pres-
sure to focus on academics and readiness for school, even in programs for young children.
Some countries such as China have expected preschools to focus on academics for quite a
while, but the emphasis is more recent in the United States and Canada. In academic
preschools, children spend time doing teacher-led activities such as counting, practicing let-
ters, learning shapes, studying word sounds, and even reviewing homework. Increasingly,
individual states have created learning standards for young children, describing what they
should know and be able to (Kagan & Scott-Little, 2004).
Because American schools are held accountable for the test scores of their elemen-
tary school students, they are eager to begin preparation for good test performance earlier
and earlier. Parents do not want their children “left behind,” so they may select preschools
with an academic emphasis. Also, many of the government-funded intervention programs

100
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

such as Head Start stress academic preparation for children

from low-income families who tend to enter first grade with
fewer basic skills than their more privileged peers.

HEAD START AND OTHER INTERVENTION PROGRAMS. Before

the 1960s, it was common for children from low-income homes
to encounter school for the very first time in first grade, whereas
children from middle and upper classes were more likely to have
attended preschools and kindergartens, or to have had other ed-
ucational experiences that prepared them for formal schooling.
As a consequence, even though both groups of children made
progress in school, many economically disadvantaged children
remained behind because they started behind and just did not
catch up (Stipek & Ryan, 1997).
In 1965, President Lyndon Johnson signed the legislation that
created Head Start, one of the many initiatives of the War on
Poverty. The idea was to provide educational experiences to better
prepare children from low-income homes for school. In addition to
education, children got medical and dental care, some meals, and
family social services. As you can imagine, when the Head Start
program began, there were many different types of approaches,
some better than others. Your author, Anita taught in a 3-month
Head Start program in Texas for children about to enter first grade
that fall—a really limited experience for the participants (most pro-
grams today are at least a half-day for 32 weeks). Around the United “Is there too much focus on academics for young
States, some Head Start programs were more academic, others children?”
more child-centered.
© United Feature Syndicate, Inc.
Were these Head Start programs effective? Early research
called Project Follow Through examined variations in Head Start approaches to track their
effects through the early grades. Some programs included enrichments that followed the
Head Start students through third grade. Reviewing the results of Project Follow Through,
Jane Stallings (1975) concluded that different designs and emphases had different out-
comes. Children who had participated in programs that emphasized self-esteem and social
emotional development were absent less and were more able to work independently on tasks
than students who had not participated in the programs. Students from the academic Head
Start programs were more persistent and scored higher on achievement tests. But for all
groups, the initial increases in IQ test scores that appeared right after the program had dis-
appeared by third grade. Were the programs a waste?
More recent research findings would say no! Children who participate in Head Start are
less likely to repeat a grade or be placed in special education. They also are more likely to
finish high school. But quality matters. The longer a child participates in a high-quality pro-
gram, the better the outcomes—both social and cognitive (Brooks-Gunn, 2003). In fact,
when programs such as Early Head Start begin by providing services for women during their
pregnancy and continue through the child’s first three years, the children benefit in terms of
language development and the parents provide more of the quality care assessed by the
HOME items in Table 6.5 on page 230 (Head Start Bureau, 2001). Three examples of excel-
lent Head Start programs are High/Scope Perry Preschool Project of Ypsilanti, Michigan; the
Abecedarian program in North Carolina; and the Child-Parent Centers in Chicago (Campbell,
Pungello, Miller-Johnson, Burchinal, & Ramey, 2001; Reynolds, Temple, Robertson, & Mann,
2001). Let’s look at the Perry Preschool, a 2-year program that has been following its gradu-
ates for over 40 years (Schweinhart, 2005). The curriculum combines weekly home visits;
direct teaching of academic readiness skills; and child-centered exploration, play, and re-
sponsiveness to individual children’s needs. As middle-aged adults, compared to adults with
similar backgrounds who did not attend the school, the Perry graduates are less likely to have
been assigned to special education, experienced teenage pregnancy, needed welfare, or ac-
cumulated criminal records. Other differences are evident in Figure 6.5 on the next page.

101
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

FIGURE 6.5

MAJOR FINDINGS: HIGH/SCOPE PERRY PRESCHOOL STUDY AT 40

Program group No-Program group

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

36%
Arrested 5+ times by 40
55%
60%
Earned $20K+ at 40
40%
65%
Graduated regular high school
45%
49%
Basic achievement at 14
15%
61%
Homework at 13
38%
67%
IQ 90+ at 5
28%

From The High/Scope Perry Preschool Study through Age 40: Summary, Conclusions, and Frequently Asked
Questions, p. 2, by L. J. Schweinhart (Ed.), (2005), Ypsilanti, MI: HighScope Press. Copyright © 2005 by the
HighScope Educational Research Foundation. Reprinted with permission.

Although the cost of good quality preschools such as these seems high (about $15,000
per year in 2009 dollars), several economic studies have shown that these investments are
more than repaid in decreased costs to society for special education, welfare, and jail time
as well as by increased revenue from the taxes paid by fully employed citizens.

EARLY CHILDHOOD CARE CONCLUSIONS. Deborah Vandell (2004) has summarized the
last 25 years of research on early childcare. Luckily, there has been great progress in an-
swering some important questions about the effects of childcare because researchers have
examined large, diverse samples over time using reliable and valid measures and sophisti-
cated statistical techniques that can control for other influences such as SES. What can we
conclude?
First, children score higher on cognitive outcomes if they attend childcare facilities
where the ratio of adults to children is high and adults have a college degree with more early
childhood training. Also, it is important that the adults like the children and are responsive
to their needs. In effective programs, language fills the rooms as children talk, listen, and
are listened to. The space, materials, toys, activities, and equipment support learning.
There are many opportunities for art, blocks, and dramatic play. Parents are involved. Finally,
children do better in programs that meet more of the American Public Health Association
standards for childcare centers. Unfortunately, perhaps as few as 20% of all early childhood
programs are truly high quality (Vandell, 2004). See Figure 6.6 on the next page for a checklist
that can be used to evaluate preschool environments.

BEWARE OF “MAGICAL THINKING.” High-quality programs are especially valuable for the
most vulnerable children—those whose families have the least education and resources.
The power of these programs increases if there is good follow-up, that is, if graduates of
high-quality programs receive continuing support into elementary school. Too often, vot-
ers and government representatives hope for a magic bullet—a year of Head Start that
changes children forever. But Jeanne Brooks-Gunn, testifying before the U.S. House of Rep-
resentatives Committee on Ways and Means, cautioned: “It is unrealistic, given our knowl-
edge of development, to expect short-term early interventions to last indefinitely, especially
if children end up attending poor quality schools. It is magical thinking to expect that if we
intervene in the early years, no further help will be needed by children in the elementary

102
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

FIGURE 6.6

CHOICES: RATING CHILDCARE ENVIRONMENTS

Think about (and look at) your environment and rate the following areas, indicating S for Satisfactory, N for Needs Improvement,
and NI for Needs IMMEDIATE Improvement. Remember, you’re not looking at how much space you have but how well you use it!

The arrival and entrance area

____ adequate parking for parents
____ safe, well-lit entrance to home (e.g. snow cleared, ____ place for shoes and boots
path to door and steps in good repair) ____ place for the children’s outdoor clothes
____ entrance area is warm and welcoming ____ place for each child’s personal belongings
____ adequate space for adults and children ____ bulletin board for menu, parent info, pictures, etc.
____ washable door mat
The eating area:
____ is cheerful and comfortable ____ child-friendly dishes, cutlery, and cups
____ table and chairs ____ washable table, chairs, and floor surface
____ any required booster seats, high chairs/infant chairs ____ convenient sink
The personal care area:
____ is functional and bright ____ cleaning supplies (stored out of reach)
____ adequate space for adult and child(ren) ____ hooks/hangers/shelves for children’s personal care
____ toilet, potty seat or chair supplies (face cloths, towels, toothbrushes,
____ sink combs, etc.)
____ soap dispenser ____ accessible diapering facilities (change table,
____ non-slip stool for access to sink necessary supplies/equipment.
____ shelves for supplies
The sleeping area:
____ is quiet and pleasant ____ cribs or playpens for infants/toddlers
____ comfortable mats, cots, or beds ____ window coverings to reduce brightness
____ individual bedding
Play areas:
____ are bright, cheerful and provide adequate space for ____ shelves, tables or other furniture used to divide
intended use and organize areas for different kinds of play
____ child-sized table and chairs ____ comfortable rugs where appropriate
____ adequate and accessible shelving and storage for ____ washable floors where appropriate
toys, books, materials, and equipment ____ children’s artwork, posters, and decorations
Space, equipment, and supplies for:
____ creative play ____ dramatic play
____ block/building play ____ language/reading activities
____ manipulative/cognitive play ____ active play (indoors and outdoors)
Other areas:
Immediate Improvement: ____________________________________________________________
Satisfactory: ________________________________________________________________________
Needs Improvement: ________________________________________________________________

Source: Illinois Early Learning Project http://www.illinoisearlylearning.org/tipsheets/preschoolchoice.htm and Canadian Child Care Federation:
http://www.cccf-fcsge.ca/subsites/familytp/english/resourcesh1a_en.htm. Copyright © 2003 by the Canadian Child Care Federation,
www.cccf-fcsge.ca. All rights reserved. Used with permission.

school years and beyond”(Brooks-Gunn, 2003, p. 1). Recommendations in the Connecting

with Children guidelines on the next page may help.

Transition to Kindergarten
More and more often, children are attending kindergarten classes before entering first
grade. In fact, with the increasing emphasis on testing and accountability in U.S. and
Canadian schools, state-funded kindergartens are becoming more like first grades. The
kindergarten teachers we work with say that many children come to their classes already
able to read a few words, count to 20, and write their names. But other children are far
behind. They have limited vocabularies, little exposure to books and reading, and minimal

103
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

CONNECTING WITH CHILDREN

Guidelines for Families: Making Childcare and Preschool Choices
Check to see if the program is accredited by the state or for pretend play, puzzles, and games? Does the room
province or by the National Association for the Education look inviting?
of Young Children (NAEYC—rhymes with “Gracie”). 3. Is the noise level generally pleasing?
Examples 4. Is there a comfortable, enclosed space where a child can
1. Go online to find centers in your area accredited by calm down away from the crowd?
NAEYC: http://www.naeyc.org/accreditation/search/
2. Ask at the center for evidence of accreditation. Observe the children.
Examples
Ask about the teachers. 1. Do most of the children seem happy and truly absorbed
Examples in their activities most of the time?
1. What educational backgrounds do they have? Are they 2. Are the classroom rules fair and consistently applied?
trained to work with this age group and diverse groups Does the teacher help misbehaving children reflect on
of students? how to act next time, saying clearly what behavior she
2. Is the staff stable, or does it change constantly? expects?
3. How many children are there for each teacher? 3. Listen for positive discipline words. “Remember to walk
4. Is my child’s cultural background represented in the in our classroom” rather than “Stop running!” “I want
instructional materials used? you to use your indoor voices” rather than “Stop
shouting!”
Ask about the program.
Examples Find out whether the school encourages parent
1. Are children involved in enjoyable as well as involvement.
intellectually stimulating individual and group Examples
activities using a variety of materials? 1. Does the teacher discuss the child’s progress with
2. Is there time for outdoor as well as indoor play? parents at scheduled times as well as informal times?
3. Are children involved and absorbed in interesting 2. Listen for such statements as “Here’s a book we read
activities much of the time, and not sitting still listening today that your son really enjoyed. Would you like to
to a teacher for long periods? take it home to read with him?”

Sources: 10 Signs of a Great Preschool http://www.naeyc.org/

Look at the classroom.
resources/eyly/1996/01.htm; What Is a Quality Preschool
Examples Program? http://www.parentingweb .com/dev_edu/
1. Are all areas—indoors and outdoors—clearly safe? qualitypresch.htm
2. Are there distinct areas for reading, playing, and
participating in group activities with blocks, toys, props

understanding of numbers. What does it mean to be ready to learn? One early answer was
that children needed to score well on school readiness tests. Let’s look critically at this def-
inition of readiness.

THE IDEA OF “READINESS.” In the late 1980s, many states required paper-and-pencil tests
for admission to kindergarten. Public outcry led to modifications of the policy and spurred
many educators to reform the readiness testing process. Critics of readiness tests (Linn &
Gronlund, 2000) believe:

1. Group-administered paper-and-pencil tests are inappropriate for preschool children and

thus should not be the basis for decisions about school entry. Readiness tests do not have
sufficient predictive validity to be used alone to make screening or placement decisions.
2. The use of readiness tests narrows the preschool curriculum, making it more academic
and less developmentally appropriate.
3. The evidence shows that delaying entry into first grade or retaining children in kinder-
garten is not effective. Children who are retained do no better than similar children who
are not held back. See the Point/Counterpoint for a discussion of holding children back.

104
 POINT/COUNTERPOINT: Should Children Be Held Back?
For the last 100 years, parents and educators have debated
No, Retention in Not Effective. After summarizing

䉲
about the value of retention versus social promotion (pass-
the arguments in favor of kindergarten retention, Hong

COUNTERPOINT
ing students on to the next grade with their peers). One
and Raudenbush (2005) review the findings of almost a
study in North Carolina found that kindergarten retention
century of research. They note that even though there
had more than doubled from 1992 to 2002, with over 6% of
are a small number of studies that support the value of
students retained in 2002. Almost 20% of seniors have re-
retention, the weight of the evidence indicates that it is
peated at least one grade since kindergarten, usually in the
not helpful and may be harmful. Most research finds that
earlier grades (Kelly, 1999). Retained children are more likely
grade retention is associated with poor long-term out-
to be male, members of minority groups, living in poverty,
comes such as dropping out of school, higher arrest
and younger, and less likely to have participated in early
rates, fewer job opportunities, lower self-esteem (Jimer-
childhood programs (Beebe-Frankenberger, Berger, Bovina,
son, Anderson, & Whipple, 2002; Shepard, 1989). For
Macmillan, & Gresham, 2004; Hong & Raudenbush, 2005). Is
example, in a longitudinal study of 29 retained and
retention a good policy? What does the evidence say? What
50 low-achieving but promoted students, Shane Jimerson
are the arguments?
(1999) found that years later, the retained students had
poorer educational and employment outcomes than the
promoted students. The retained children dropped out
more often, had lower-paying jobs, and received lower
䉲

Yes, it just makes sense. Retention in kindergarten

for children considered “not ready” for first grade is a competence ratings from employers. In addition, the low-
POINT

common practice. In fact, some parents hold their son achieving but promoted students were comparable to a con-
or daughter back to give the child an edge over peers trol group in all employment outcomes at age 20.
in each grade thereafter or because the child was The study by Hong and Raudenbush (2005) examined
born late in the year—a practice sometimes called data on 11,843 kindergarten students who participated in a
“academic red-shirting.” In the mid-1960s, 96% of longitudinal study that followed them to the end of first
6-year-olds were enrolled in first grade in the United grade. The researchers were able to compare retained and
States. By 2008, the number was 84% (Barnard-Brak, promoted students from schools that practice retention as
2008). With the increased emphasis on high standards and well as promoted students from schools that practice social
accountability, the idea of social promotion has come under promotion. They found no evidence that retention improved
fire and retention is seen as the better way. Schoolteachers either reading or mathematics achievement. In addition, re-
and administrators often argue that instruction is more ef- tention did not seem to improve instruction in the first grade
fective when all the students in a class are at roughly the by making the class more similar in academic ability. After
same achievement level and ready to benefit from teaching. one year, the retained students were an average of one year
Ganglier Hong and Stephen Raudenbush (2005) summarize behind, and evidence indicated that these children would
this and other arguments that have been made in favor of have done better if promoted. The researchers concluded
retention: that retention “seemed to have constrained the learning po-
tential for all but the highest-risk children” (p. 220).
A widely endorsed argument is that, when low-achieving The results on academic red-shirting are mixed. Some
students are retained in a grade, the academic sta- studies have found benefits for students held back by their
tus of children in a classroom will become more parents, but other studies have found no benefits. Lucy
homogeneous, easing the teacher’s task of manag- Barnard-Brak (2008) identified 986 children from the na-
ing instructional activities (Byrnes, 1989; also see tional Early Childhood Longitudinal Study-Kindergarten who
Shepard & Smith, 1988, for a review). In particular, had been identified as having learning disabilities. She con-
retaining some children in kindergarten may allow the cluded, “delayed kindergarten entrance was not associated
first-grade teacher to teach at a higher level, benefit- with better academic achievement for children with learning
ing those who would be promoted under the policy. disabilities across time” (P. 50).
Meanwhile, children who view grade retention as a
punishment may study harder to avoid being retained Beware of Either/Or: Using Research for Children
in the future. Some have argued that, in comparison No matter what, children who are having trouble should get
with the social promotion policy, repeating a grade is help, whether they are promoted or retained. However, just
perhaps developmentally more appropriate and may covering the same material again in the same way won’t solve
make learning more meaningful for children who the children’s academic or social problems. As Jeannie Oakes
are struggling (Plummer & Graziano, 1987; Smith & (1999) has said, “No sensible person advocates social promo-
Shepard, 1988). If these arguments are correct, adopt- tion as it is currently framed—simply passing incompetent chil-
ing a policy of grade retention will benefit those pro- dren on to the next grade” (p. 8). The best approach may be
moted and those retained, thus boosting achievement to promote the children along with their peers, but to give
overall. (p. 206) them special remediation during the summer or the next year
(Mantzicopoulos & Morrison, 1992; Shepard & Smith, 1988). In
addition, because the inability to focus attention and self-
regulate is an important aspect of readiness to learn (Blair, 2002),
help should also focus on these skills as well. An even better
approach would be to prevent the problems before they oc-
cur by providing extra resources (McCoy & Reynolds, 1999).

105
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

Another answer suggested in the last decade was that cognitive and emergent lit-
eracy skills are important foundations for later achievement, so children need these to
be ready to learn in school (Kauerz, 2002). It appears that children who have expres-
sive and particularly receptive language difficulties right before starting school have
lower performance on many kindergarten academic and social outcomes (Justice,
Bowles, Turnbull, & Skibbe, 2009). In addition to having adequate language skills, be-
ing physically healthy, well rested, and well nourished; being able to communicate
needs and thoughts; being enthusiastic and curious; and being able to focus attention,
self-regulate, and especially control negative emotions are better indicators of readiness
than paper-and pencil testing, according to kindergarten teachers (Blair, 2002; Lewit &
Baker, 1995).
How about success after kindergarten? One large national study added social/
emotional and health measures to the usual cognitive and language measures. Elizabeth Hair
and her colleagues (2006) clustered a representative sample of over 17,000 first-time
kindergarten students into four groups: students with positive development in all areas—
cognitive, language, social/emotional, and health (30%), students with social/emotional and
health strengths (34%), students at risk for social/emotional problems (13%), and students
with health risks (23%). Children in the two risk groups performed the worst in the early
elementary grades, whereas children with positive development in all areas performed the
best. The researchers summarize:

[L]anguage and cognitive skills, although important components of school

readiness, are not the only relevant factors that predict later school success.
Below-average language and cognition skills in combination with severely
poor health or a lack of social skills at the beginning of kindergarten predicts
the lowest scores on math and reading assessments at the end of first grade.
Furthermore, below-average language and cognition skills in combination
with severely limited social/emotional skills at the beginning of kindergarten
predict the lowest ratings on self-control and classroom motivation at the end
of first grade. (p. 450)

The children in this study who were in the two high-risk groups were more likely to
have other risk factors in their background—poverty, single and/or teen parent, low birth
weight—pointing to the importance of early health and educational interventions, support,
and parent education.

YOUNG CHILDREN IN A DIGITAL WORLD

It seems that computers, cell phones, iPods, iPads, iPhones, Kindles, video games, Nooks,
BlackBerries, and other digital media have changed life for everyone. But what about young
children? How is their cognitive development affected? Think about it—young children to-
day have never known a world without the Internet and cell phones. Some people have
even suggested that we call this the iGeneration (Rosen, 2010).
Until the 21st century, very little was known about the impact of electronic media on
children’s development. In 2003, a group of researchers surveyed a random sample of 1,000
parents of children from ages 6 months to 6 years and analyzed the results (Rideout, Van-
dewater, & Wartella, 2003; Vandewater et al., 2005). They concluded, “Children’s homes
are packed with media options, including TVs, computers, DVD players and video game
consoles”(Rideout et al., 2003, p. 4). Television is everywhere. What is the effect of all this
TV exposure on young children?

Television
Because most children spend more time watching television than they do in any other activ-
ity except sleep, the possible influence of television is a real concern. In their survey, Ride-
out and her colleagues (2003) found that almost all (99%) of children lived in a home with a
television and 36% of these children had a television in their own bedroom. More recent

106
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

research found that 35% of children ages 6 months to 3 years had a TV in their own bed-
room, so the percentage for all children is probably higher now (Rosen, 2010). Rideout’s re-
search found DVD players in 95% of the homes, and 27% of the children had a DVD player in
their bedrooms. The television is on an average of 6 hours a day. In fact, Vandewater and col-
leagues (2005) found that the TV was on all day or most of the day in 35% of the homes they
studied.
Television viewing is related to a number of problematic physical and social outcomes
such as increased childhood obesity, eyestrain, aggressive behaviors, acceptance of violence
to solve problems, lack of empathy for victims of violence, and some childhood anxieties.
In terms of cognitive outcomes, viewing more hours of television tends to have negative ef-
fects on young children’s creativity, language development, and achievement in school
(Frost, Wortham, & Reifel, 2005). In the study of homes with the TV on most of the time
described above, parents read less to their children and the children were less likely to be
able to read (Vandewater et al., 2005). See Connecting with Children for guidelines about
television viewing.
Clearly, just spending hours in front of a TV is not helpful for children, but can tel-
evision be a positive force for young children? Yes. In fact, television has been used to
improve emergent literacy skills of young children. For example, Linebarger and her col-
leagues (2004) used 17 episodes of the educational television program Between the
Lions with kindergarten and first grade children. The program focuses on whole lan-
guage processes such as different contexts for reading and writing as well as specific
skills such as letter-sound correspondences and the alphabet. All the children who
viewed the program improved in word recognition and reading test scores, but the ones
who improved the most were the kindergarten students who were at no risk or moder-
ate risk for developing reading problems. Kindergartners at greatest risk and first graders
did not benefit as much—which indicates the importance of the lessons fitting the needs
and abilities of the child. Too advanced or too easy won’t be as helpful—as Vygotsky
would remind us.

Young Children and Computers

Before about age 3, children learn best by being active. They are in the sensorimotor stage
and need to use their hands, mouths, ears, eyes, arms, and legs to act on their environ-
ments. Sitting in front of computers or standing too still for anything will not support their
development (Hohman, 1998). But digital media are appealing (Rosen, 2010). Rideout
and colleagues (2003) found that nearly half of the children under 6 that they studied had
used computers and 30% had played video games. Every day, 27% of the 4- to 6-year-olds
in the study used a computer. Rosen’s (2010) more recent research found that 10% of chil-
dren ages 4–8 had a computer in their own bedroom. Joe Frost and his colleagues (2005)
note that “Computers, the Internet, video games, and electronic toys are the new electric
playgrounds for children, combining three forms of games: practice, symbolic, and rule
governed” (p. 77). These games provide challenge that requires practice, fantasy worlds
that allow “as-if” and symbolic play, and rules that often must be discovered to allow con-
trol. According to Malone and Lepper (1987) the features of challenge, fantasy, and con-
trol greatly increase motivation and may explain some of the appeal of computer and
video games.
Are these digital experiences appropriate for preschool children? This is a hotly
debated issue. Much of the research on the effects of computer usage on cognitive skills
such as spatial representation or the ability to divide visual attention have been
conducted with school age children and college undergraduates (Subrahmanyam, Green-
field, Kraut, & Gross, 2001). The Alliance for Children (2000) argues that we should stop
using computers in early childhood education until we learn more about their effects.
These researchers believe that computers take children away from the physical activities
and social interactions they require for their development. Children in front of a com-
puter playing alone are not having conversations with adults about a story or cooperating
with peers to build with blocks. They may be exposed to violence and sexual content

107
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

that is completely inappropriate. But it is likely that digital media are here to stay and
will only expand in the future (Rosen, 2010), so are there appropriate uses with young
children?

Developmentally Appropriate Computer Activities

Computers should not be used to do solitary drill and practice activities. Developmentally
appropriate ways to use computers with 3- and 4-year-olds are different from the ways we
use computers in kindergarten and the primary grades (http://www.kidsource.com/education/
computers.children.html). With developmentally appropriate computer activities, young
children can benefit cognitively without sustaining losses in creativity (Haugland & Wright,
1997). Developmentally appropriate software for children should include simple spoken di-
rections. The computer activities should be open-ended and encourage discovery, explo-
ration, problem solving, and understanding of cause and effect. Children should be able to
remain in control of the activities through a variety of responses. Finally, the content should
be appropriate for and respectful of diverse cultures, ages, and abilities (Fischer & Gillespie,
2003; Frost, Wortham, & Reifel, 2005). Linda Tsantis and her colleagues suggest that
you ask this question about any program you are considering: “Does this software program
help create learning opportunities that did not exist without it?” (Tsantis, Berwick, &
Thouvenelle, 2003).
There is another important consideration—do the material’s multimedia features (e.g.,
embedded videos, zoom-ins, music, added sounds, images) add to learning or take away
from it? One danger is that programs will include attractive visuals or sound effects inter-
ruptions that actually interfere with the development of important concepts. For example,
describing a Peter Rabbit storytelling program that includes the sound effects of a buzz saw
and the thud of a tree falling, Tsantis and colleagues (2003) caution:

How do these cute asides fit into a child’s construction of the notion of story
sequence and plot? Perhaps these digressions foster lack of focus and dis-
tractibility for youngsters who already have such tendencies. Further, how
does this interruption affect the comprehension of the plot, action, and char-
acters? (p. 6)

Dealing with all of this stimulation might make children better at multitasking, but
also worse at deeper thought processes such as developing perspective-taking skills and
understanding the plot, theme, and sequence of the story. So children learn to do
several things at once, but have a superficial understanding of what they are doing
(Carpenter, 2000).
Research in the Netherlands, however, demonstrated that multimedia storybooks can
provide support for understanding stories and remembering linguistic information for
kindergarten students from families with low educational levels who are behind in lan-
guage and literacy skills (Verhallen, Bus, & de Jong, 2006). The difference in this study
seemed to be that the multimedia features of the story supported understanding and mem-
ory by providing multiple pathways to meaning, giving visual and verbal representations
of key story elements, focusing attention on important information, and reinforcing key
ideas. This extra scaffolding may be especially important for students with limited lan-
guage and literacy skills. So the bottom line is that multimedia elements should focus on
meaning and not just provide attractive “bells and whistles.” The Connecting with
Children guidelines summarize ideas for developmentally appropriate uses of technology
with young children.

108
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

CONNECTING WITH CHILDREN

Guidelines for Families and Teachers: Using Technology
TELEVISION COMPUTERS AND THE INTERNET
Limit television-viewing time in keeping with the Select developmentally appropriate programs that
child’s age. encourage learning, creativity, and social interaction.
Examples Examples
1. Children under the age of 2 generally should not watch 1. Encourage two children to work together rather than
television. having children work alone.
2. Children older than 2 should watch TV no more than 2. Check the implicit messages in programs. For example,
10 hours per week or about 1 to 2 hours per day. some drawing programs allow children to “blow up” their
3. Do not put a television in a child’s bedroom. projects if they don’t like them, so instead of solving a
problem they just destroy it. Tsantis et al. (2003) recomm-
end a “recycle” metaphor instead of a “blow it up” option.
Involve children in decisions about television choices, but
maintain adult control and monitor viewing. 3. Look for programs that encourage discovery,
Examples exploration, problem solving, and multiple responses.
1. Offer young children a limited number of appropriate Monitor children as they work at computers.
choices between programs. Examples
2. Watch programs with your child and talk about what is 1. Make sure computers are in areas where adults can see
happening in the program. them.
3. Use filtering software to protect children from 2. Discuss with children why some programs or websites
inappropriate programs. are off limits.
3. Watch what children eat while they are using
Use the TV programs as springboards for conversations computers—replace junk food with healthy snacks.
with your child. 4. Balance computer time with active play such as
Examples hands-on projects, blocks, sand, water, and art.
1. Discuss alternative solutions to the problems
presented—What else could the character do to solve Keep children safe as they work at computers.
the problem? Examples
2. Discuss the difference between make believe and 1. Teach children to shield their identity on the Internet and
real life. monitor any “friends” they may be communicating with.
2. Install filtering software to protect children from
3. Stress that the violent acts on TV are not real, but are
inappropriate content.
created by special effects and stunts; and there are
better ways to resolve conflicts—these are the ways
most real people use to solve their problems (Huesmann Suggestions are taken from Frost, J. L., Wortham, S. C., & Reifel, S.
et al., 2003). (2005). Play and child development (2nd ed.). Upper Saddle River,
NJ: Prentice-Hall, pp. 76–80 and Tsantis, L. A., Bewick, C. J., &
4. Avoid using TV viewing as a reward or punishment—that Thouvenelle, S. (2003, November). Examining some common myths
makes television even more attractive and important to about computer use in the early years. Beyond the Journal: Young
children (Slaby et al., 1995). Children on the Web. (pp. 1–9).

109
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

䉲 SUMMARY AND KEY TERMS

• New Cognitive Possibilities for a Developing Brain moving children toward self-regulation,
In the early years, children develop the abilities to integrate the ability to anticipate the future,
the present with past experiences, anticipate what might hap- and to plan, monitor, and guide
pen in the future, think about and understand causality, use one’s own thinking and problem
semantic (meaning) categories and concepts to organize their solving. Piaget’s theories highlight the value of activity and
thinking and express ideas, and detect relationships between play in the cognitive development of young children.
concepts such as larger and smaller. Vygotsky’s theory suggests that teachers need to do more
than just arrange the environment so that children can play
and discover on their own. They should guide and assist
• Language in the Preschool Years: Amazing Developments children in their learning within their zone of proximal
In general, cultures develop words for the concepts that are development. The zone of proximal development is the
important to them. Languages change over time to indicate area where the child cannot solve a problem alone, but
changing cultural needs and values. About half the children can be successful through assisted learning, or guided par-
in the world live in environments where two or more lan- ticipation. Teachers and parents can provide support and
guages are spoken. If adequate input is available and con- scaffolding—giving information, prompts, reminders, and
tinues over time in both the first and second languages, encouragement at the right time and in the right amounts,
children can become balanced bilinguals—equally fluent in and then gradually allowing the children to do more and
both languages. Higher degrees of bilingualism are corre- more on their own.
lated with increased cognitive abilities, creativity, theory of
mind development, cognitive flexibility, and metalinguistic • Information Processing: Knowing and Remembering
awareness. Information processing theories suggest that one of the most
Children in social environments with more adult- important elements in cognitive development is that person’s
produced, child-directed speech—particularly speech that knowledge, particularly domain-specific knowledge. For ex-
uses rich vocabulary and complex structure—acquire language ample, between the ages of 2 and 6, children seem to grasp
more rapidly. In learning language, humans may have built-in how-to-count principles. Some researchers have suggested
biases, rules, and constraints about language that restrict that a sense of number may be part of our evolutionary equip-
the number of possibilities considered. Areas of language ment, but others disagree and make the case that a full un-
development in the early years are sounds, pronunciation, and derstanding of number requires learning. Many activities with
vocabulary. Fast-mapping can add as many as 10 words a day. numbers and counting can be valuable experiences for young
At this time, young children learn grammar and syntax, often children.
by overregularizing grammar rules. Young children also begin In order to regulate attention, a critical skill, children
to master pragmatics—knowing how to use language appro- need to focus on relevant information, ignore irrelevant in-
priately in social situations. formation, sustain attention over time, and control impulsive
Emergent literacy is made up of the skills, knowledge, responses to distractions. There are three basic aspects of
and attitudes that develop along the way as children learn to memory: memory span, or the amount of information that
read and write, as well as the environments and contexts that can be held in short-term/working memory; memory pro-
support these developments. Two broad categories of skills cessing efficiency; and speed of processing. These three ba-
that are important for later reading are: (1) skills related to un- sic capacities act together and influence each other. As
derstanding sounds and codes, such as knowing that letters children grow older, they develop more effective strategies
have names, that sounds are associated with letters, and that for remembering information. During the preschool years,
words are made up of sounds in a sequence (phonemic aware- children develop an autobiographical or personal memory
ness), and (2) oral language skills, such as expressive and re- for the events in their own lives that improves with age and
ceptive vocabulary, knowledge of syntax, and the ability to may be affected by cultural differences. One kind of per-
understand and tell stories. In homes that promote literacy, sonal memory, called scripts, involves repeated events in
parents and other adults value reading as a source of plea- our lives, such as getting ready for bed. Young children also
sure, and there are books and other printed materials every- can report accurate eyewitness memories if they do not
where. Parents read to their children, take them to bookstores have to wait too long to report and are not asked leading
and libraries, limit the amount of television everyone watches, questions.
and encourage literacy-related play. Parent involvement and Children can learn to apply more effective strategies to
quality preschools support emergent literacy in both English solve problems, either through instruction or by discovery.
and Spanish. Even if they have been taught or have discovered more effec-
tive strategies, young children may not use them unless cued.
• Piaget and Vygotsky Effective strategies may develop in waves, as more effective
Piaget called children’s self-directed talk “egocentric strategies gradually replace less effective ones. One kind of
speech,” but Vygotsky believed children’s self-directed knowledge to develop in the early years is a theory of mind,
talk—private speech—played an important role in guiding an understanding of the nature of thinking and mental states.
and monitoring thinking and problem solving, in addition to One current explanation for autism spectrum disorders is that

110
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

children with these disorders have an underdeveloped theory children from low-income homes for school. Children who
of mind. participate in Head Start are less likely to repeat a grade or
Between 60% and 70% of children under the age of 7 be placed in special education and are more likely to fin-
have played with imaginary companions. These pretend cre- ish high school. The longer a child participates in a high-
ations can help children deal with fears and practice conflict quality program, the better the outcomes—both social and
resolution. Compared with children who do not have imaginary cognitive.
friends, children with imaginary companions perform better Children score higher on cognitive outcomes if they at-
on theory of mind tests, so they are actually better at distin- tend childcare facilities where the ratio of adults to children is
guishing reality from fantasy. high; adults have a college degree with more early childhood
training; adults like the children and are responsive to their
• Contexts for Cognitive Development: needs; language fills the rooms; parents are involved; and the
Family and Home space, materials, toys, activities, and equipment support
The quality of the home environment and interactions with learning. Children who have expressive and particularly re-
mothers assessed by the HOME scale are related to ceptive language difficulties right before starting school have
children’s cognitive development from infancy through ado- lower performance on many kindergarten academic and
lescence. The two scales that were most predictive of cogni- social outcomes. In addition to language, the ability to focus
tive ability are Learning Stimulation and Access to Reading. attention, self-regulate, and especially control negative
The NICHD Early Child Care Research Network researchers emotions is a better indicator of readiness than paper-and-
concluded that most of the variations among individual chil- pencil testing.
dren in their attention and memory abilities in first grade
could be traced to the differences in the quality of the child’s
family environment. • Young Children in a Digital World
In terms of cognitive outcomes, viewing more hours of televi-
• Early Childhood Education sion tends to have negative effects on young children’s cre-
Today, many young children around the world are in early ativity, language development, and achievement in school.
childhood education programs of various kinds. Italy has But television also has been used to improve emergent liter-
given us the Montessori Method and the Reggio Emilia acy skills of young children. Similarly, computers can be used
model; both support and encourage cognitive development appropriately. Developmentally appropriate software for chil-
through creative play. Many early childhood educators dren should include simple spoken directions. The computer
emphasize the value of developmentally appropriate prac- activities should be open-ended and encourage discovery, ex-
tices (DAP) that avoid pressures to master academic sub- ploration, problem solving, and understanding of cause and
jects, but today there is increasing pressure to focus on effect. Children should be able to remain in control of the ac-
academics and readiness for school, even in programs for tivities through a variety of responses. Finally, the content
young children. should be appropriate for and respectful of diverse cultures,
The goal of Head Start, an initiative begun in 1965, ages, and abilities. Multimedia elements should focus on
was to provide educational experiences to better prepare meaning, not just provide attractive “bells and whistles.”

䉲 KEY TERMS
assisted learning/guided emergent literacy production deficiency
participation expressive vocabulary readiness testing
autism spectrum disorders fast-mapping receptive vocabulary
automaticity inside-out skills reversible thinking
balanced bilingualism long-term memory script
bilingualism mutual exclusivity self-regulation
childcare/day care operations semiotic function
collective monologue outside-in skills short-term memory
conservation overlapping wave theory source monitoring
cultural tools overregularize strategy
decentering phonemic awareness syntax
developmentally appropriate practices phonology theory of mind
(DAP) pragmatics working memory
domain-specific knowledge preoperational zone of proximal development
egocentric private speech (ZPD)

111
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

䉲 THE CASEBOOK
ONLY CHILDREN AND IMAGINARY FRIENDS
Kayla has set her table again to make “tea” for Sassy. When her mommy!” But at other times, Kayla complains that Sassy has
mother walks in and starts to sit down, Kayla protests, “No! been mean to her and has spilled ice cream on her shirt. Her
that’s Sassy’s chair. You have to go, she is coming.” Kayla’s parents were not concerned at first about the invisible Sassy,
mother sighs, says, “OK, I’ll leave,” and returns to her desk to but then they found out Kayla believes that Sassy is a giraffe
check her e-mail. In a few minutes she hears Kayla talking with who wears jeans and can make herself tiny to fit in Kayla’s
Sassy, or at least she hears Kayla’s side of the conversation. pocket when she goes to school. Her parents worry, what will
Sassy is not a real child but an imaginary friend that Kayla talks the preschool teacher think? What will the other children think?
about and with often—she has for the past few years. When Should we talk to someone about Kayla? Is it because she
she is upset or has been scolded, Kayla threatens, “I’m is lonely as an only child? Will Sassy keep Kayla from making
going to run away and live with Sassy in China—she has a nice real friends?

WHAT WOULD THEY DO?

Here is how some professionals in several fields responded: knowing she will always have someone there for her, just like
having a brother or sister around. She probably pretends to
KATHERINE A. YOUNG—K–8 School Counselor
fight and argue with her because that is what she has observed
Montgomery County Intermediate Unit, Non-Public School Services
from other children or people around her.
Division, Norristown, Pennsylvania
I would ask the parents if Kayla has ever had a play date
Imaginary friends can hold a special role in a child’s life. Having with someone her age or if she has neighbors or family mem-
an imaginary friend can help a child build the skills to make bers that she has played with. Does she always play by herself?
friends and work out problems. When meeting with Kayla’s When other children approach her, does she try to play or re-
parents, I would share with them some of the information that main alone? As a teacher, I would not be concerned because
I’ve learned about imaginary friends. It is typically not some- an imaginary friend is common for children to have. However,
thing parents need to be concerned about, and parents should if the imaginary friend is making the child withdrawn from in-
hold a neutral attitude, neither encouraging nor discouraging teractions with other children, I would want to look into the sit-
the child’s interaction with the imaginary friend. Parents should uation more closely.
not interact with the imaginary friend, if possible. The imagi-
nary friend may be helping Kayla to build confidence in social SARAH DAVLIN—Elementary School Counselor (K–5)
situations or work on feelings of insecurity. I would be inter- Wyandot Run Elementary School, Olentangy Local Schools, Powell, Ohio
ested in finding out if there have been or will be any changes Although the presence of an imaginary friend may be discon-
in the family. If a new baby is on the way or another major certing to parents, as professionals, we can alleviate stress on
change has left Kayla with less attention from her parents, she the home front by reminding parents that fantasy friends are
could be using “Sassy” as a way to seek attention. Once well within the “normal” range of child development. Old
Kayla starts preschool, her parents and teachers should school thinking tells us imaginary friends are usually invented
monitor her play. If she seems to prefer playing with her imag- by only children as a means to compensate for a lack of com-
inary friend instead of real children, she may need some help panionship or socialization, but our new understanding indi-
with social skills. If she is able to develop friendships with the cates many children have make-believe friends at some point
other children in her class, her parents have no reason to be during their younger years. We can comfort families by help-
concerned. ing them recognize the active, healthy imagination within
their child.
KATIE BURGER—Kindergarten Teacher Although imaginary friends are well within the parame-
Washington Park Elementary, Laurinburg, North Carolina ters of “typical development,” we can still help parents con-
It is likely that Kayla has found a playmate because she did not nect with their child on a deeper level by exploring the
have one. This is very common for only-children or children “function” of the behavior. By tuning into common themes
who do not have anyone else to play with. She finds comfort among imaginary playmates, we can speculate the meaning of

112
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

the fantasy friend in the child’s life. Is the purpose of the friend show disapproval, take cues from your child to determine how
to explore new things or bring entertainment? It is possible the to interact with the make-believe friend, and calmly inform
friend is a means to satisfy loneliness, cope with change, or your child there is “guilt by association” if there is an attempt
express frustration? If one of latter is the case, we can work to blame misbehaviors on the imaginary friend.
with parents to develop a plan to further address the specific
To hear a podcast by Australian researcher Dr. Evan Kidd on
child’s needs.
children’s imaginary friends, click: http://www.latrobe.edu.au/
Finally we can provide parents a few quick tips for deal-
marketing/assets/podcasts/2009/jun1909-evan-kidd.mp3
ing with imaginary friends, such as: stay positive and try not to

Now go to MyEducationLab at www.myeducationlab.com,

where you can:
• Find the instructional objectives for this chapter in the Study
Plan.
• Take a quiz as a part of the Study Plan to self-assess your
mastery of chapter content. The program generates an indi-
vidualized Study Plan based upon your answers to the quiz.
• Complete Activities and Applications to assist you in deep-
ening your understanding of important chapter concepts.
• Apply what you have learned through Building Teaching
Skills, exercises that guide you in trying out skills and strate-
gies you will use in professional practice.

113
114
 Social Emotional
Development IN
Early Childhood

From Chapter 7 of Child and Adolescent Development, 1/e. Anita Woolfolk. Nancy E. Perry.
Copyright © 2012 by Pearson Education. All rights reserved.
115
 Social Emotional
Development IN
Early Childhood
䉴 THE CA SEBOOK

WHAT WOULD YOU DO?

WHY NOT SAY WHAT YOU REALLY MEAN?
It crosses Tara’s mind that the party has gone very well . . . so far. Daughter Katie
is having her first birthday party. She turns three today and so she and five
“friends” have gathered at her home, with parents in tow, to celebrate. The
weather is good, which allowed for games in the back yard and a barbeque. The
piñata was a great success and the children have had their fill of cake. Now it’s
time to open the gifts. Katie is the center of attention. As parents and children
gather around to watch, hoping their gifts are met with approval, Tara is mortified
by the words that come out of Katie’s mouth. “I don’t want this. It’s dumb,” she
says about one gift. “I already have one of these,” she says about another. Tara
exchanges looks with her husband, David, recognizing his sense of helplessness.
As she scans the faces of Katie’s guests, she sees hurt and disappointment on the
faces of the children who gave the gifts. Some parents are silent, others laugh
awkwardly. One child chimes in, “I don’t have one. I want it.” Tara wonders:
“What should I say? Should I intervene? How? Is there any way to salvage what
remains of the party and future friendships for Katie?”

CRITICAL THINKING
• How would you explain Katie’s behavior to her mom and, perhaps, to the other
parents?
• What characteristics of preschool children do you observe in this scenario and
how would you expect this behavior to change over time?
• How could Katie’s mom intervene in this situation to address Katie’s behavior
and the feelings of her guests?

116
Claudia Uno, Age 8––Andorra

䉴 OVERVIEW AND OBJECTIVES

This chapter tracks the development of preschool children from egocentric toddlers with limited
understandings of self and others into school-age children who have more self-awareness and self-
control, along with greater compassion for the needs and concerns of others. During this period,
children gradually relinquish their self-centered view of the world and come to realize that many
events happen in the world that don’t have a direct reference to them: “You mean it’s not all about
me?!” In this chapter, we will chronicle children’s growing awareness of self and understanding of
others. We will see how they develop skills for empathizing, perspective-taking, negotiating, and
cooperating through interactions with peers and first friendships. We will examine the central role
of play in preschool children’s lives. Through play, young children develop both cognitive and social
skills, explore alternative realities, and face fears. Also, we will study the nature and significance
of children’s attachments to parents and examine different parenting styles and approaches to
discipline. Finally, we will look at the cumulative and transactional effect of various risk and
protective factors on children’s adjustment and resiliency. By the time you finish this chapter you
should be able to:

Objective 7.1 Explain how self-concept, self-esteem, and self-regulation are related to children’s
social and emotional functioning.
Objective 7.2 Distinguish three forms of aggression and describe differences in the way they are
manifested depending on children’s age and sex.
Objective 7.3 Synthesize theory and research about how children develop gendered beliefs and
behaviors.
Objective 7.4 Characterize children’s first friendships and explain how advances in peer sociability
and cultural differences affect these relationships.

117
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

Objective 7.5 Describe dimensions of play and explain how they contribute to children’s cognitive
and social development.
Objective 7.6 Compare and contrast different styles of parenting in terms of their positive and
negative consequences for children’s development.
Objective 7.7 Explain the role of inductive discipline in children’s development of effective emotion
control and prosocial behavior.
Objective 7.8 Define child maltreatment and describe its short- and long-term consequences.

TESTING THE LIMITS

According to Erikson (1950), once children have attained a certain level of autonomy (i.e.,
control over basic bodily and psychosocial functions), they become eager to try new tasks
and activities, interact with peers, and see what they can do on their own as well as with
the help of an adult. Parents become familiar with the phrase, “I can do it,” or “Let me do it
myself.” Preschool children are continually increasing their abilities to carry out complex ac-
tions on their own, and their actions and activities are characterized by a sense of purpose
and planning that is not as evident in the behavior of toddlers.
The conflict for preschool children is their emerging recognition that not all of the
things they want to do will meet with the approval of the significant people in their lives.
Children are developing a conscience. Erikson referred to this conflict as one of initiative
vs. guilt. Initiative is important for children’s movement away from dependency on care-
givers and toward the ability to satisfy their own personal needs (Salkind, 2004). Guilt can
be instrumental in children’s decisions about how to behave, but relying too much on guilt
to promote moral behavior can lead to high levels of self-blame, which then interfere with
the internalization of moral behavior (we discuss this further in the section on moral de-
velopment). In general, when children are supported and encouraged for their efforts, they
are gratified and develop a strong sense of initiative. They need opportunities to test and
explore the limits of their capabilities. Caregivers must strike a delicate balance during this
time. They need to be protective, but not overprotective. They need to provide guidance
and supervision without interfering.
When children resolve the conflict of initiative vs. guilt in Erikson’s third stage, they
emerge with a positive self-image, increased control of emotions, new social skills, and pos-
itive peer relations. We look next at children’s developing sense of self in
OUTLINE 䉲 the preschool years.
The Casebook—Why Not Say What
You Really Mean? What Would You Do? WHO AM I, AND HOW
Overview and Objectives AM I DIFFERENT FROM OTHERS?
Testing the Limits As adults, it is difficult to conceive of life without a sense of “self.” How-
ever, this integrated and multifaceted perception of “me” at the center of
Who Am I, and How Am I Different
from Others? all of life’s experiences emerges gradually over the course of our lifetimes
(Thompson & Goodvin, 2005). During the preschool years, children de-
Developing Morality velop multiple ways of understanding and representing themselves, both
Gender Development to others and to themselves.
Peer Relationships
Multiple Selves
Play Our most basic sense of self is our subjective self-awareness, or our sense
Parent-Child Relationships in Early of self as an individual apart from other individuals (Thompson & Goodvin,
Childhood 2005). It involves understanding that, as an individual, I have my own
Challenges for Children: Child Abuse
unique thoughts, emotions, and experiences. Moreover, it includes the
knowledge that my actions and emotions can affect others around me. This
Summary and Key Terms understanding is associated with children’s developing sense of personal
The Casebook—Why Not Say What You agency, which is associated with self-efficacy and self-regulation (described
Really Mean: What Would They Do? below). William James (1890) referred to this subjective and uniquely

118
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

personal perception as the “I-self” and distinguished it from the

“me-self”—the recognition that I have characteristics that others
can objectively know about me (e.g., “My hair is curly.”“My eyes
are blue.”). Most experts agree infants are born without a sense
that they are individuals, separate from other people. However,
children emerge from toddlerhood with a clear sense of their
I-self, and preschool children, with their increased facility for
representing and talking about phenomena, are better able to
reflect on several aspects of self, including their me-self—how
others might see them.
Before they are 2, children recognize themselves when
they look in a mirror, and by age 3, they can offer simple de-
scriptions of themselves (e.g., “I am a girl.”“I have brown eyes.”),
and their emotions (“I am mad.” “I feel sad”). Physical and psy-
chological forms of self-representation lead to children’s gaining
perceptions of similarities and differences between self and
others, applying social schemas (such as gender schemas) to the
self, understanding the causes or motives for one’s behavior, and
creating a self-concept (Thompson & Goodvin, 2005, p. 411).
Children’s self-representations expand and become more differ-
entiated as they develop and their self-awareness increases. By
the age of 4, children remark about differences related to skin
color and identify themselves as members of particular ethnic
groups (Davies, 2004).
Before they are 2, children recognize themselves when
What is your first memory of an event involving yourself?
they look in a mirror. Physical and psychological forms
How old were you when the event took place? One of your of self-representation lead to perceptions of similarities
author Nancy’s “oldest”memories is falling down a staircase just and differences between self and others. © Ellen B.
after her family moved to a new home. She was 3 at the time. Senisi/The Image Works
This is typical. Children’s autobiographical memories start to
emerge at about age 3 and begin to form the autobiographical personal narrative, their
stories (Nelson & Fivush, 2004). Autobiographical memories are different from general
event recall in that a person’s sense of self gives meaning to and organizes the events that
are remembered. Parents and other adults play an important role in children’s development
of a personal narrative, as they talk with children about their experiences and provide elab-
oration. So for example, Nancy may remember details about falling down the stairs because
her mom talked with her about the fall later.
Self-evaluations guide perceptions that certain personal characteristics (or our whole
person) are good or bad, as well as perceptions about strengths or weaknesses and benefits
or liabilities (Cole et al., 2001; Harter, 1999; Thompson & Goodvin, 2005). In part, we de-
rive our self-evaluations from the evaluations of others, but they also arise from our general
sense of self-regard and self-understanding (Stipek, 1995). Self- and others’ evaluations are
central to the formation of self-esteem, as we will see in another section of this chapter.
Finally, the social self refers to the ways in which we orient to and are regarded in
social contexts (Thompson & Goodvin, 2005). At about age 2, children begin to be con-
cerned with how others (primarily parents and other caregivers) perceive their behavior,
but in the years that follow, feedback from social interactions and social comparisons be-
come important facets of self-evaluation (Frey & Ruble, 1990). Children and adolescents
grow concerned with managing their self-presentation, and adolescents realize they need
to present themselves differently depending on the demands and expectations of various
social situations. Social situations also prompt distinctions between “possible” and “real”
selves (Markus & Nurius, 1986)—the distinction between our actual self and the self we
could become for better or for worse.
These facets of self are not independent; rather, they are mutually influential
throughout development. Moreover, the development of self is an extremely complex and
extended process. Our sense of self is qualitatively different when we are infants and
young children than when we are adolescents, young adults, and older adults. Changes in

119
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

self-representation, autobiographical personal

narrative, self-evaluations, and social selves
occur over time. Finally, aspects of self de-
velop in the context of social and cultural ex-
periences. Although all children distinguish
themselves from others and use similar cate-
gories to describe themselves, the specific
characteristics and qualities they reference
and, often, what they value or don’t value
about themselves depends on the cultural
context in which they live.
One dimension of the self that varies
across cultures is individualism versus collec-
tivism (Triandis, 1989), or independence ver-
sus interdependence (Markus & Kitayama,
1991). In cultures characterized as interde-
pendent, it is more important to connect with
Cultural views of self are socialized and develop early. © Frédéric Soltan/ others than to distinguish yourself; the
CORBIS All Rights Reserved salience of one’s own thoughts and feelings is
less important than being able to perceive the
thoughts and feelings of others; and there is less emphasis on a core self that is stable across
settings and situations than on understanding the self in relation to others in specific situa-
tions. These cultural views of self are socialized and develop early (Thompson & Goodvin,
2005). For example, in the United States, mothers emphasize their preschool children’s
autonomy much more than mothers in Japan (Dennis, Cole, Zahn-Waxler, & Mizuta, 2002;
Wiley, Rose, Burger, & Miller, 1998), and these socialization influences are evident in the
self-representations and autobiographical narratives of children from independent and
interdependent cultures (Wang, 2004). However, some research indicates that emphasis on
independence and interdependence may differ within ethnic groups as a consequence of
sociodemographic variables. For example, Suizzo and colleagues (2008) studied parents’
socialization practices across African American, Asian, European American, and Latino
groups within the United States. They found that parents’ level of education (often a proxy
for SES), in addition to ethnicity, predicted their value of conformity. In their study, moth-
ers with higher education valued conformity less.
Our integrated view of the attributes, abilities, and attitudes that make us who we are
is our self-concept. This is the mental picture we have of ourselves. Let’s examine the
emergence of self-concept in preschool children.

Self-Concept
Very young children tend to describe themselves in concrete terms, relying on features that
are readily observable (e.g., “I have blue eyes.” “My hair is short.”). Often their descriptions
are tied to specific behaviors (e.g., “I can run fast.”), or to preferences (e.g., “I like choco-
late ice cream.”) and possessions (“I have a puppy and a blue bike.”). However, by age 3-1/2,
children also can use psychological terms, such as happy, sad, good, and bad, to describe
themselves and how they are feeling (Eder, 1989; Harter, 1999; 2006). Even though these
descriptions lack the depth of meaning older children and adults attach to them and they
do not generalize to higher order categories of self-concept, such as being generally opti-
mistic or depressed, they suggest a budding understanding of one’s physical characteristics
and psychological states.
Because young children’s self-descriptions focus on particular attributes, emotions,
and behaviors, their self-concepts can appear disjointed. In fact, young children find it very
difficult to integrate their compartmentalized representations of self (Harter, 2006). They
also find it hard to reconcile attributes and emotions that are opposites. They have trouble
believing and therefore acknowledging that people can be both good and bad or feel both
happy and sad, especially at the same time. This has been referred to as all-or-none thinking

120
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

and reflects beliefs on the part of young children that they are “always good” and “always
happy” (Harter, 2006; Ruble & Dweck, 1995). Finally, young children’s descriptions of self
are characterized by instability. In contrast to older children and adults, whose descriptions
include higher order characteristics that remain stable over time, young children’s descrip-
tions reference characteristics and behaviors that change over time, depending on the con-
texts in which they find themselves and their present focus (Harter, 1999).
Young children’s self-concepts tend to include inflated, perhaps unrealistic, percep-
tions of strengths and abilities. They believe they are capable of many things and can eas-
ily overcome failures, and they hold optimistic views for the future. What accounts for
these sunny dispositions? Young children have difficulty distinguishing between their de-
sired level of competence and their actual performance; they have yet to formulate a con-
cept of their ideal self that is separate from their real self (Harter, 2006). Also, they rarely
engage in social comparisons to evaluate their performance. They don’t compare them-
selves to peers; rather, they compare their current skill level to what they could do at a pre-
vious point in time (Frey & Ruble, 1990). These cognitive limitations may actually serve a
protective function. Maintaining a positive self-view may be what drives young children’s
initiative. It may motivate children to persist on challenging tasks, while instilling confi-
dence and repelling perceptions of inadequacy and the potential for failure. According to
Harter (2006, p. 518), “such liabilities may represent critical strengths at this developmen-
tal level.”
For this reason, it is important for parents, teachers, and other caregivers to recognize
that such optimistic distortions in self-concept are normative in young children, more likely
reflecting their desire for increased competence than a conscious effort to deceive listen-
ers (Davies, 2004; Harter, 2006). Also, by about age 4-1/2, young children are able to use
comparative information to evaluate themselves when that information is made salient
(Butler, 1998; Thompson & Goodvin, 2005). At this time, young children are becoming
vulnerable to factors that lead to negative self-evaluations and lower self-esteem, the topic
we turn to now.

Self-Esteem
Whereas self-concept refers to the mental picture we have of ourselves, self-esteem refers
to the value we attach to that picture. Self-esteem is the self-evaluative part of the self-
concept—the judgment children make about their overall self-worth. Often these judg-
ments derive from the internalization of feedback from others, but they also arise from
children’s developing capacities for self-understanding (Thompson & Goodvin, 2005).
Both self-esteem and self-concept can vary by domain/activity. Moreover, self-esteem also
can differ from self-concept in a given domain. For example, a child may realistically assess
she is not good at sports (perhaps she is small for her age and uncoordinated) without
experiencing low self-esteem about it. Alternatively, a child with low self-esteem may
make unrealistically low judgments about her skills and abilities, demonstrating an inac-
curate self-concept. Judgments about self-esteem are associated with the value placed on
particular characteristics, skills, and activities. If, for example, a child perceives he is not
athletic, but does not particularly value athletic prowess, he may not suffer low self-
esteem associated with his lack of skill in this area. Also, if he has talents in other areas
(e.g., he is artistic or does well academically), these may compensate for the difficulties
he has playing sports.
Young children typically have high self-esteem. Their positive self-regard is likely the
result of the cognitive liabilities we mentioned earlier and the encouragement and support
they receive from caregivers and on-lookers as they accomplish new tasks. However, chil-
dren’s perceptions of self are strongly influenced by the way they perceive the significant
people in their lives regard them. Exposure to inappropriate expectations, belittling com-
ments, and impatience can result in negative self-regard, shame, and avoidance even before
children have mastered the linguistic capabilities to express self-regard (Harter, 2006; Kelley &
Brownell, 2000; Thompson & Goodvin, 2005). Harter’s research (1990, 1999) indicates
that parents and teachers should look for children’s expressions of self-esteem in their

121
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

TABLE 7.1 • Teachers Recognize Behaviors Associated with High and Low Self-Esteem in Preschool Children

INDICES OF HIGH SELF-ESTEEM INDICES OF LOW SELF-ESTEEM

Displays confidence, curiosity, initiative, and independence Does not display confidence, curiosity, initiative, or independence

Approaches challenging tasks and activities Doesn’t approach challenge

Sets goals independently Doesn’t trust his or her own ideas

Explores, asks questions, and is eager to try new things Doesn’t explore, hangs back, watches only
May withdraw and sit apart

Describes self in positive terms Describes self in negative terms

Shows pride in work Doesn’t show pride in work

Is able to adjust to changes Has difficulty adjusting to change or stress

Is comfortable with transitions Gives up easily when frustrated

Tolerates stress and frustration Reacts inappropriately or immaturely to stress or accidents

Is persistent

Handles criticism and teasing well

Source: Harter, S. (1990; 2006)

behavior. Table 7.1 shows how experienced nursery school and kindergarten teachers dis-
tinguished behaviors that characterize children with high and low self-esteem. Of particu-
lar interest to Harter was the fact that teachers did not associate displays of competence
with self-esteem. At this age, it appears confidence is not associated with skill level, which
may, in part, account for young children’s resilience in the face of challenging tasks.
Confidence and competence become more tightly linked during the elementary school
years.
What can parents and other caregivers do to foster a healthy self-image early in chil-
dren’s lives? The Connecting with Children guidelines offer some ideas.

Self-Regulation
Self-regulation refers to our ability to voluntarily control our thoughts and actions to achieve
personal goals and respond to environmental contingencies (Zimmerman, 2008). Individu-
als who are effectively self-regulating can inhibit automatic or more favored responses that
won’t serve them well in particular situations. They can resist distractions and persist when
tasks are difficult but seen as necessary or worthwhile, and they can delay immediate grat-
ification in favor of meeting a more important long-term goal. Sticking with a diet and quit-
ting smoking are adult examples of tasks that require self-regulation, as are controlling your
temper when you are frustrated and studying for an exam when you’d rather be watching
TV (for many ages).
According to Eisenberg and colleagues (2004, p. 279), “optimally regulated” individu-
als are not overly controlled or under-controlled. They respond appropriately and flexibly
to the demands of a wide range of contexts. Children who are well regulated are flexible in
their use of regulatory behaviors, not overly inhibited or impulsive. These children are char-
acterized as being well adjusted, socially competent, and resilient (Eisenberg et al., 2007;
Spinrad et al., 2006).
Researchers have studied self-regulation across the lifespan and in relation to a wide
range of behaviors, including those associated with health and nutrition, athleticism,
writing and other intellectual/academic pursuits, and social interactions. In general, self-
regulation is associated with numerous positive outcomes. For example, children who

122
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

CONNECTING WITH CHILDREN

Guidelines for Families, Teachers, and Other Professionals:
Fostering a Healthy Self-Image Early in Children’s Lives
Be unconditional. 2. If children make mistakes, encourage them
Examples to think about what they would do differently
1. Let children know you accept them for who they are, next time.
regardless of their strengths, difficulties, temperament, 3. Teach children that failure is an opportunity
or abilities. to learn.
2. When correcting children, make it clear that it’s their 4. Acknowledge and recover from your own mistakes.
behavior and not them that is unacceptable. 5. Keep criticism constructive and celebrate the
3. Avoid comparisons. positive.

Help children to believe that they are capable, valued, Encourage healthy risks.
and worthwhile. Examples
Examples 1. Help children to explore new experiences and let them
1. Pay attention, listen well, and make eye contact with safely experiment.
them when they need to talk to you. 2. Resist the urge to intervene (even if children are showing
2. Build their self-pride and self-respect by letting them mild frustration).
know their thoughts, feelings, desires, and opinions are 3. Balance your need to protect them with their need to
valuable and they can express them. tackle new tasks.
3. Take some time daily to emphasize the positive things 4. Encourage them to be as independent as their skill level
you observe about them. permits.
4. Encourage children by acknowledging their progress
and not just rewarding achievement.
Source: Adapted from Kaltman, G. S. (2005). More help! for teachers
Mistakes are valuable lessons; let them happen. of young children: 99 tips to promote intellectual development and
creativity. California: Corwin Press.
Examples
http://hindumommy.wordpress.com/2006/07/07/10-ways-to-
1. Let children know we all have strengths and weaknesses, increase-your-preschoolers-self-esteem/
and that they don’t have to be perfect to feel good http://life.familyeducation.com/self-esteem
about themselves.

effectively regulate their emotions and behavior receive high ratings on social skills inven-
tories and are more popular with peers (Bronson, 2000; Fabes et al., 1999; Gilliom, Shaw,
Beck, Schonberg, & Lukon, 2002). Also, self-regulated learning is associated with success in
school (Linnenbrink & Pintrich, 2003; Perry, VandeKamp, Mercer, & Nordby, 2002). In con-
trast, poor self-regulation is associated with maladaptive behavior, such as noncompliance
and negative emotionality (Eisenberg et al., 2004; Stifter, Spinrad, and Braungart-Rieker,
1999; Tice, Baumeister, & Zhang, 2004).

WHEN DOES SELF-REGULATION FIRST APPEAR? Aspects of self-regulation appear very

early in life, and emotional and behavioral self-regulation, as we shall see, are pivotal
achievements in early social and emotional development (Eisenberg et al., 2004;
Thompson, 1994). Emotional self-regulation involves effortful, voluntary control of emo-
tions, attention, and behavior (Eisenberg & Spinrad, 2004; Spinrad, Eisenberg, & Gaertner,
2007). Developing strategies for regulating emotions enhances our ability to feel and think
better in stressful situations, act courageously, seek support, and support others by show-
ing sympathy or empathy (Thompson & Goodvin, 2005). Children with poor emotion con-
trol tend to get irritable or angry in stressful situations; they are more likely to respond
aggressively when they become frustrated; and they have difficulty adjusting to new rou-
tines (Denham, Blair, Schmidt, & DeMulder, 2002; Shields et al., 2001).
There is general agreement that newborn infants do not consciously regulate their
emotions and behavior. However, within the first few months of life, babies will avoid or

123
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

control exposure to loud sounds or scary images by turning their heads in another direc-
tion. Such re-orienting and self-distracting behaviors are interpreted as early efforts to reg-
ulate or reduce negative affect (Calkins & Johnson, 1998; Eisenberg et al., 2004). Toddlers
engage in more self-distracting/coping behaviors than infants and can voluntarily initiate,
maintain, and stop behavior, especially when they are interacting with a caregiver who
models or provides guidance about self-regulatory strategies (Calkins & Johnson, 1998).
During the preschool years, children’s control over their emotions and behavior in-
creases significantly. This is due to general increases in self-awareness and to the develop-
ment of key cognitive capacities for attending to environmental demands, anticipating
consequences for actions, inhibiting inappropriate responses, and initiating appropriate
tactics and strategies to achieve goals (Bronson, 2000). Moreover, children’s vocabulary and
working memory are expanding, which enables them to talk about and reflect on their emo-
tions. Beyond experiencing the basic emotions—happiness, anger, sadness, and fear—
children at this age begin to experience self-conscious emotions, such as pride, envy, guilt,
and shame, that are linked to evaluation by others and self-evaluation. These higher order
feelings depend on not only self-awareness but also an appreciation of standards—often
referred to as display rules—for conduct and the appropriate expression of emotions
(Thompson & Goodvin, 2005; Thompson, Meyer, & McGinley, 2006, pp. 267–297). Display
rules dictate when and how to mask true emotions with more appropriate emotions to
protect one’s own self-esteem or preserve relationships with others. Katie, in our casebook
example, has not mastered a display rule that directs people to look pleased when they
receive a disappointing gift. Carolyn Saarni (1984) conducted a now classic study concern-
ing this display rule that indicates children may not adjust their
behavior in this way until they are 6 years of age or older. In her
study, first, third, and fifth graders were led to anticipate an
appealing gift, but instead they received a toy that was for chil-
dren much younger then they were—“a baby toy.” The youngest
children (especially boys) were more likely to demonstrate
negative emotionality in this situation, but the older children
were able to maintain their composure and respond positively
to the gift.

HOW DOES SELF-REGULATION DEVELOP? Self-regulation is in-

fluenced by characteristics that are internal to children, such as
their cognitive capacities and temperament, but it also develops
along a continuum from other-regulation to self-regulation. At
first, parents and caregivers regulate the emotions of their new-
born infants by soothing them when they cry and reassuring
them when they are afraid. Later, parents and caregivers model
appropriate emotional responses and guide their young chil-
dren’s affect and behavior in particular circumstances. Oppor-
tunities to prompt children’s emotional understanding and
self-regulation often occur in everyday conversations. For exam-
ple, it would be appropriate for Katie’s parents to take her aside
at her party and explain how what she said could hurt the
feelings of another child. They also could ask her to apologize.
In such conversations, parents can enhance children’s emotional
knowledge, convey expectations for appropriate behavior, and
explain potential consequences of inappropriate emotional
displays (Thompson & Goodvin, 2005; Thompson, Laible, &
Opportunities to prompt children’s emotional under-
Ontai, 2003).
standing and self-regulation often occur in everyday
Dale Schunk and Barry Zimmerman (1997) proposed a
conversations. In such conversations, adults can en-
hance children’s emotional knowledge, convey expec-
four-phase model to describe how self-regulation develops
tations for appropriate behavior, and explain potential through observation, imitation, self-control, and self-regulation.
consequences of inappropriate emotional displays. Consistent with this model, young children observe how others
© Rolf Bruderer/CORBIS All Rights Reserved (e.g., parents, older siblings, teachers) regulate their emotions

124
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

and behavior. Then they begin to imitate them and gradually increase self-control of their
emotions and behavior. One way young children cope with challenging problems is to en-
gage in self-talk. Often, they talk their way through a new or difficult process (e.g., they may
verbalize the steps involved in tying their shoes). Finally, when they have full control of their
emotions and behavior, they internalize both speech and strategies and can modify and
adapt their actions and reactions to suit a variety of situations. For example, in any preschool
room you might hear 4- or 5-year-olds saying, “No, it won’t fit. Try it here. Turn. Turn.
Maybe this one!” while they do puzzles. As these children mature, their self-talk goes un-
derground, changing from spoken to whispered speech and then to silent lip movements.
Finally, the children just “think” the guiding words.
The importance of adult mediation for developing self-regulation is highlighted in
Vygotsky’s sociocultural theory of development (1978). Of course, children’s development
of effective emotional and behavior control strategies depends on having good modeling,
guidance, and feedback from the adults in their lives. For example, studies indicate that in-
fants and toddlers whose parents are supportive without being controlling or overprotec-
tive during periods of distress or frustration use constructive coping strategies (e.g., shifting
attention), and are able to regulate emotional arousal in social contexts (Calkins & Johnson,
1998; Eisenberg et al., 2004; Gilliom, Shaw, Beck, Schonberg, & Lukon, 2002). Later, sup-
portive parenting is associated with high ratings of social competence and the ability to get
along with peers. In contrast, children whose parents are overly protective and intervene
to solve problems for them, rather than allowing them to first try on their own, tend to be
less skilled socially and emotionally. Therefore, adults should model and guide children’s
use of effective problem-solving strategies, model positive forms of emotion expression
(i.e., show children how and when to express emotions, so they can do so appropriately),
and talk with children about emotions and emotion control. All of these actions are as-
sociated with high ratings of emotional awareness, social competence, social status, and
self-esteem (Eisenberg et al., 2004).

INDIVIDUAL DIFFERENCES IN SELF-REGULATION. Some children are impulsive or easily

frustrated and have difficulty inhibiting inappropriate behavior. Other children are fearful
or overly inhibited. They are anxious and have difficulty adjusting to new situations.
Adults may struggle to be supportive under these circumstances and this can result in in-
effective caregiving (Chang, Schwartz, Dodge, & McBride, 2003). In fact, parents’ self-
reports of nonsupportive practices often are associated with perceptions that their children
are emotionally intense or vulnerable and prone to negative emotionality (Eisenberg et al.,
2004; Jones, Eisenberg, Fabes, & MacKinnon, 2002). Parents may find themselves snap-
ping at children who are whiny or emotionally demanding (e.g., “Stop whining!”) instead
of prompting a more appropriate tone or behavior. Finally, children with specific disabili-
ties, such as learning disabilities, ADHD, developmental disabilities, or conduct disorders,
have deficits in self-regulation (Lewis & Sullivan, 1996; Siegel, 1999). Often these children
need very explicit and intensive interventions to master skills for regulating emotions and
behavior.
Positive behavior support (PBS) is one such strategy that has proved effective for
helping children to control their emotions and behavior (Lucyshyn et al., 2007; Turnbull,
Taylor, Erwin, & Soodak, 2005). An example of a PBS plan is shown in Table 7.2 on the
next page. This plan was developed to support Katherine, a child with autism and severe
problem behaviors, including screaming and screeching, physical resistance to parental
assistance, throwing objects, kicking walls and doors, and physical aggression toward
others (hitting, kicking, biting). The strategies in Katherine’s PBS plan were designed to
remedy these problem behaviors and increase her participation in family routines, such as
mealtime and preparing for bed. Following the implementation of this plan, Katherine’s
problem behaviors decreased to near-zero levels and her appropriate participation in
family routines increased proportionately. Moreover, these changes were maintained
across seven years of follow-up interventions and were associated with improvements in

125
 TABLE 7.2 • Katherine’s Positive Behavior Support Plan

SETTING EVENT ANTECEDENT TEACHING CONSEQUENCES

STRATEGIES STRATEGIES STRATEGIES STRATEGIES

1. Make sure tasks 1. Give Katherine information 1. Teach Katherine to use 1. Simultaneously praise
and activities are about tasks, changes, language (i.e., verbal or adequate behaviors,
meaningful and transitions, and being through pictures) to including use of language,
rewarding. alone to reduce her anxiety. communicate her wants and progress toward
needs: (a) assess her wants independence, calmly
and needs, (b) prompt or waiting, and acceptance of
model language, (c) support changes in routine.
attempts to communicate.

2. Help her predict 2. Use natural rewarding 2. Teach Katherine to 2. Deliver what she wants or
daily activities and events to motivate (a) participate in group needs at the same time she
transitions with cooperation. activities, (b) wait or accept uses language, but not
visuals (e.g., a delay, and (c) comply with a problem behavior.
picture schedules, with “stop” and “come
board). here” cues.

3. Enhance 3. Use preferred objects, 3. Minimize support of escape-

friendships with activities, or interactions to motivated behavior: (a) actively
non-disabled mediate a delay or wait. ignore low-intensity problem
peers. behaviors, stop it once, and
prompt language or use of
safety signal; (b) actively ignore
moderate and high-intensity
behaviors, stop it twice or three
times, and prompt language or
use safety signal.

4. When Katherine 4. Enhance task success by 4. Minimize support for get-

is ill, decrease giving Katherine instruction item and activity-motivated
demands and that matches her learning behavior: (a) actively ignore
increase style. For example: low-intensity behavior, assess
rewarding events. Physically assist her with want, prompt language use,
new tasks and gradually and honor, use safety signal,
fade assistance, give her or provide information or
enough time to answer reassurance as appropriate
when prompted verbally. for the situation; (b) for
moderate to high-intensity
behavior, say, “When you’re
calm, we’ll talk,” do not deliver
what she wants, redirect her
to a less preferred alternative
or a familiar or easy task.

5. When Katherine appears 5. Minimize support for attention-

tired or agitated during a motivated behavior: (a) actively
task, use a “safety signal” ignore low-intensity behaviors,
that predicts a break. prompt language use, and
honor or use safety signal;
(b) for screaming, throwing, or
pounding, say, “ When you’re calm,
we’ll talk,” prompt language use,
honor or use safety signal; (c) for
running away, command, “stop,
come here”; if she returns,
redirect to task; if she doesn’t,
block forward motion, redirect
for 10–15 seconds; remind to
use language.

Source: Adapted from Lucyshyn, J. M., Albin, R. W., Horner, R. H., Mann, J. C., Mann, J. A., & Wadsworth, G. (2007). Family implementation of positive
behavior support for a child with autism: Longitudinal, single-case, experimental, and descriptive replication and extension. Journal of Positive Behavior
Interventions, 9, p. 138. Reprinted by permission of SAGE publications.

126
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

both Katherine’s and her family’s quality of life. Positive behavior support also is being
applied in classrooms and schools to address problem behavior in typically as well as atypically
developing learners. The principles are the same whether the plan is for an individual, a
class, or a whole school: Understand why children are misbehaving, teach them alternative
behaviors to meet a desired goal, and reward them for engaging in those behaviors (Osher,
Bear, Sprague, & Doyle, 2010).
In general, children are more compliant and more likely to initiate positive, self-regulated
behaviors when they understand how or why a behavior will be beneficial. Kochanska, Coy,
and Murray (2001) found this to be the case in their study of young children’s compliance
with their mothers’ requests to either stop playing with toys (inhibit a pleasant behavior:
“You need to put that toy away now.”) or keep working on a puzzle (persist at a behavior
that may be perceived as unpleasant: “You’ve almost got it. Give it one more try.”). Helping
children to understand when and why certain behaviors are more appropriate than others
requires more time and effort in the short term, but is more likely to promote internaliza-
tion and self-regulation of such behaviors over the long term.

CULTURAL DIFFERENCES IN EMOTION EXPRESSION AND CONTROL. Children’s under-

standing and expression of emotions are influenced by their cultural experiences, too. Cul-
tural groups differ in terms of the significance placed on particular kinds of emotional
events and the expectations for how to respond to them. Some cultures encourage children
to express negative emotions, such as anger, whereas others believe it is important to mask
such emotions to preserve harmony in one’s family or social group. Pamela Cole and her
colleagues (Cole, Brushchi, & Tamang, 2002; Cole & Tamang, 1998; Cole, Tamang, &
Shrestha, 2006) have studied Nepalese children’s responses to emotionally charged situa-
tions. What is interesting about this research is that it reveals differences among subcultures
in Nepal as well as between children in Nepal and children in the United States. In Nepal,
the Tamang culture emphasizes equality among people and values tolerance and harmony.
Consistent with their Buddhist religious principles, the Tamang avoid the expression of
strong emotions, especially anger, because such expressions cause others to suffer. In con-
trast, the Chhetri-Brahmin culture, influenced by Hinduism, is organized around a hierar-
chical social order with strict expectations concerning conduct according to place in the
hierarchy. Chhetri-Brahmin children also are expected to exercise self-control concerning
the expression of emotions, but the caste system in which they live appears to promote
greater awareness of self, differences between self and others, and self-regulatory strategies
than the social order of the Tamang people.
In their studies, Cole and colleagues found that Chhetri-Brahmin children were more
likely to acknowledge experiencing negative emotions and to describe ways of masking
them than the Tamang children, who interpreted events such that they didn’t experience
strong emotions. Like the Chhetri-Brahmin children, American children acknowledged
their negative emotions, but were more likely to describe how they would act on those
emotions, rather than masking them. Age was related to Nepalese and American children’s
reports of emotion regulation and decisions about whether and how to communicate emo-
tions to others. To summarize, it appears children’s emotion awareness and control develop
with age, but also from their experiences in a wide range of social groups: familial, cultural,
and religious.

Understanding Intentions
In addition to a growing awareness of their own thinking and feeling, preschool children
are increasingly able to assess and respond to what they perceive are the thoughts and
feelings of others. Around this time, they are developing a theory of mind—an under-
standing that other people are distinct from them and may have thoughts and feelings that
are different from their own (Astington & Dack, 2008; Flavell, 2004; Flavell, Miller, &
Miller, 2002). Children need a theory of mind to interpret other people’s actions and in-
tentions. For example, children who can distinguish intentions from actions understand
that a child who bumps into them during a game of musical chairs may have done so ac-
cidentally. Children who get along well with their peers are able to distinguish intentional

127
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

from unintentional behavior and to respond appropriately. They are more likely to
overlook a bump during a game or accept an apology, if one is forthcoming. Children
who have difficulty making such distinctions are likely to interpret such actions as threat-
ening or hostile and to respond aggressively (Crick, Grotpeter, & Bigbee, 2002; Dodge &
Pettit, 2003).
Children have a clear sense of their own intentions around the age of 2. If they
are scolded for bumping into a playmate, they might defend themselves by explaining,
“I didn’t do it on purpose,” or “It was an accident.” Around the age of 3, this understanding
of intentions extends to others and becomes more sophisticated in older children. Children
come to understand that other people have different feelings and experiences and, as a
result, they may also have different points of view or perspectives. Perspective-taking
ability, or the ability to imagine what other people are thinking or feeling, continues to
develop throughout childhood and adolescence, and even early adulthood, and is associ-
ated with overall positive, prosocial behavior (Gehlbach, 2004; Woolfolk, 2010).

Empathy and Sympathy

One form of perspective-taking that is beginning to develop in the preschool years is
empathy, which involves the ability to understand what another person is feeling and, as a
consequence, experience the same or similar emotions. Empathy often leads to sympathy,
which involves feeling sorry or concerned for another person because he or she is experi-
encing negative emotions. Empathy and sympathy have been linked to prosocial behavior
in studies in the United States and around the world—in countries such as Germany, Japan,
and Brazil (Eisenberg, Fabes, & Spinrad, 1998; Eisenberg, Zhou, & Koller, 2001).
There is evidence that infants perceive and respond to others’ emotions (e.g., infants
may cry when they hear another infant crying), but it is doubtful these reactions are truly
empathic because babies cannot comprehend the circumstances that provoked the emo-
tion (Eisenberg, Fabes, & Spinrad, 2006; Thompson & Goodvin, 2005). However, scholars
agree the rapid growth in emotional understanding that takes place in early childhood leads
to true demonstrations of empathy by age 2 or 3. Toddlers respond with concerned atten-
tion to signs their mother is distressed and express more joy when their mother is perceived
to be happy (Eisenberg et al., 2006; Zahn-Waxler, 2000). Three-
year-old children are likely to respond to Mom’s distress with
prosocial or helping behavior. At this age, children’s attempts at
helping may be egocentric—they understand the distress and
want to help, but often help in the way they would like to be
helped (e.g., offering to share their favorite toy with Mom).
They may not understand that other people experience the
same emotions they do, but have different needs for coping.
Later, when children can take the perspective of another per-
son, they are able to assess the needs of that person and respond
appropriately.
Young children’s empathic responding is limited to fa-
miliar people and situations (Szagun, 1992), whereas older
children experience empathy for a broader range of situations
and people they don’t know personally (e.g., homeless chil-
dren in their communities or people in war-torn or poverty-
stricken countries) (Hart & Damon, 1988; Hoffman, 2000).
How does empathy develop? Temperament plays a role in
whether empathy leads to sympathy and helping behaviors or
to personal distress. Children who are sociable, assertive, and
Three-year old children—they understand the distress
have good emotion control are more likely to show sympathy
and want to help, but often help in the way they would
like to be helped. They may not understand that other
and helping behaviors for someone in distress than children
people experience the same emotions they do, but who are poor emotion regulators (Eisenberg et al., 1996,
have different ways of coping. © Corbis Super RF/Alamy 2006). For example, children who are aggressive or impulsive
tend to have a reduced capacity for taking other people’s

128
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

perspective, so they are less likely to respond with empathy and sympathy. In fact, ag-
gressive children tend to show a decline, rather than the typical increase, in empathy and
sympathy over time. Children who are shy often feel anxious themselves when others are
distressed, which inhibits empathic and sympathetic responding.
Parenting also influences children’s empathy and sympathy. Parents who are warm,
talk with their children about emotions, and model concern for others are likely to have chil-
dren who respond empathically to other people (Denham & Kochanoff, 2002; Eisenberg &
McNally, 1993; Strayer & Roberts, 2004). Parents can intervene to correct children’s
inappropriate responding and to prompt consideration of other people’s feelings (e.g.,
“Why is he angry?” “What is making her sad?” “What could you do to help?”). Research in-
dicates that when parents intervene in disputes among children, especially sibling disputes,
children become more sensitive to the feelings of siblings and friends and more skilled at
avoiding or resolving conflict (Eisenberg, 2003; Perlman & Ross, 1997). In general, children
who have knowledge about emotions and who show empathy and sympathy have better re-
lationships with peers.
We discuss first friendships later in this chapter. Right now, we turn to a discussion
of children’s emerging morality, which also extends from children’s understanding of self
and other.

DEVELOPING MORALITY
Morality refers to standards that guide people’s judgments about what is right and wrong,
and about justice (Damon, 1988). It involves cognition, affect, and behavior, and it is fun-
damental and important in our relationships with others. Children’s understanding of and
concern for moral issues emerge early, as you will see in the following section.

Young Children’s Capacity for Moral Reasoning

As early as age 2, children have a sense of right and wrong and label their own and other
children’s actions as being “good” or “bad.” At age 3, they begin to be concerned with mat-
ters of justice or fairness (e.g., claiming, “It’s my turn,”or “Sally got more than me”) and can
experience guilt and shame when their words or actions cause hurt feelings or physical
harm for someone else. All theories of moral development agree that preschool children are
developing a conscience. However, as was the case for developing self-regulation, children’s
morality appears at first to be externally controlled. Typically, parents and other adults com-
municate standards of behavior for their group and/or society to children, who gradually in-
ternalize these norms and make them the standards for their own behavior. At first,
children’s compliance with group standards or rules may be self-serving—to get what they
want or to avoid the negative consequences associated with behaving badly. In time, most
children engage in moral behavior because they agree with a principle or out of a sense of
genuine concern for others.
Children who are 3 and 4 years old understand there are degrees of good and bad, and
they make moral judgments based on what they perceive is fair. For example, preschool chil-
dren judge that knocking a playmate off a swing intentionally is worse than doing so acciden-
tally (Yuill & Perner, 1988). Also, they distinguish between moral imperatives that are intended
to protect people’s rights and welfare and social conventions that reflect generally understood
rules about how one should act. Social conventions are more likely to reflect cultural norms
(e.g., don’t talk with your mouth full, or cover your mouth when you cough), whereas moral
imperatives (don’t steal or intentionally harm someone) tend to be universally accepted and
apply to behavior even when authority figures aren’t present to punish misbehavior and laws
don’t exist to prohibit it (Nucci, 2001; Turiel, 1998, 2002). By age 3, children judge moral
transgressions more harshly than violations of social conventions. Finally, children at this age
understand that some decisions about behavior are a matter of personal choice, which is evi-
dent when a young child announces, “I’m wearing the red shirt!” As children get older and
more independent, matters of personal choice that do not offend or violate the rights of other
people become topics of negotiation between parents/adults and children/youth.

129
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

Despite their ability to make these distinctions, young children still reason fairly rigidly
about moral issues. Often they perceive that rules are unchangeable and should be adhered
to strictly. They believe, for example, that there is only one set of rules for every game and
that lying and stealing are wrong no matter what the circumstances or how morally sound
a person’s reasons are for engaging in such behavior. Piaget (1932, 1965) referred to this
kind of moral reasoning as heteronomous, and it corresponds to Kohlberg’s (1963) precon-
ventional level of moral development. In this chapter we focus on social learning theory,
which describes how young children internalize standards for moral reasoning and moral
behavior.

Social-Contextual Influences on Moral Development

Social learning theorists believe children’s moral development occurs as a consequence of
observing others (Bandura, 1986, 2006). Adults, older siblings, and even peers serve as
models of moral behavior. Often, when children adopt moral behaviors, adults praise them
(e.g., “That was a nice thing to do.”). This reinforces the good behavior and increases the
likelihood children will behave similarly in the future (Mills & Grusec, 1989). In addition,
siblings and peers respond more favorably to moral versus immoral actions, thus making
moral behavior more rewarding.
Studies have shown that certain characteristics of models are attractive and therefore
encourage imitation. For example, children are more likely to imitate models they perceive
are warm and responsive than those they believe are cold and distant (Yarrow, Scott, &
Waxler, 1973). Also, children admire models they perceive are competent and powerful
(Bandura, 1977). This may be the reason they are particularly inclined to copy adults and
older siblings or peers. Finally, children are more inclined to do what you do, versus what
you say to do, so consistency between moral assertions and actions is important (Mischel &
Leibert, 1966).

The Role of Discipline

Discipline can be an effective tool for teaching moral lessons. In particular, inductive dis-
cipline supports moral development because it involves correction plus explanation. Par-
ents and teachers who engage in inductive discipline not only intervene to stop
misbehavior, they also help children to understand why their actions are hurtful or unfair.
In our casebook example, Katie’s mother might explain, “You hurt people’s feelings when
you say you don’t want their presents. How would you feel if your friend said he didn’t
like your present?” Children who experience inductive discipline are more likely to feel
empathy and sympathy for victims of misdeeds, and more likely to experience guilt when
they are the source of someone else’s distress (Krevans & Gibbs, 1996). Guilt that is in-
duced through empathy is associated with stopping the harmful behavior, making
amends, and engaging in prosocial behavior in the future (Baumeister, 1998; Kerr, Lopez,
Olson, & Sameroff, 2004).
Guilt can be a powerful motivator for moral behavior, but relying on guilt to promote
moral behavior can also backfire. For example, guilt can lead to high levels of self-blame,
which interfere with the internalization of moral behavior. Moreover, if parents or teachers
emphasize disappointment or withhold love when children misbehave without explaining
why they disapprove or what children can do to rectify the situation, children may avoid
feelings of guilt and shame by denying both these feelings and their immoral behavior. Al-
ternatively, they may try to justify their actions with explanations such as “He hit me first,”
or “She didn’t ask me to share.”Punishment, too, has a limited effect on moral development.
Although it may be justified when immediate compliance is needed (e.g., when a child is
behaving in a way that puts himself or others in danger), most caregivers and teachers rec-
ognize that punishment in the form of scolding, threats, or harsh physical control does not
produce lasting changes in children’s thinking and behavior. In fact, over the long term, pun-
ishment without induction can lead to weak internalization of moral values and increased
antisocial and aggressive behavior (Gershoff, 2002; Kochanska, Aksan, & Nichols, 2003).

130
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

Discipline is discussed in more detail later in this chapter, in the section on parenting.
Regarding moral development, parents and caregivers are well advised to focus on inductive
approaches to discipline and to limit their use of guilt-inducing and punishing tactics, which
may actually model aggression.

The Role of Personal and Biological Factors

Clearly, many social and contextual factors influence young children’s emerging morality.
However, children are individuals with unique characteristics that affect their interactions
with the world around them and contribute to their moral development.

TEMPERAMENT. The majority of young children are eager to please parents and caregivers
and respond well to inductive forms of discipline most of the time. For children who are
anxious and fearful, especially, patience and mild forms of correction (e.g., explanations and
suggestions) are enough to cause a guilt reaction and gain compliance (Kochanska, Gross,
Lin, & Nichols (2002). For children who are fearless and impulsive, however, inductive
forms of discipline may have little, or perhaps no effect on their behavior. Unfortunately,
these children may not respond to punishment either. According to Fowles and Kochanska
(2000), parents and other adults should build a positive relationship with such children—a
secure attachment that makes them want to comply—and then combine firm, consistent
correction with inductive discipline to foster their moral development.

BRAIN BIOLOGY. There is evidence that moral behaviors have a biological basis and may
not be unique to humans. For example, Russell Church’s research (1959) offered evidence
of rats interrupting their lever pressing behavior, for which they were rewarded, when they
became aware that rats in the cages beside them were in distress (these rats were receiv-
ing shocks from the electrified floor of their cages). Were the rats expressing concern for
the other rats, or were they simply afraid something similar was about to happen to them?
This early research did not provide definitive evidence to answer that question. However,
more recent studies indicate that mice witnessing other mice in pain are more sensitive to
pain themselves and show more apparent empathy for mates who are familiar to them (de
Waal, 2007/08).
In humans, research involving brain scanners reveals interesting patterns of brain ac-
tivity when people witness others in pain or distress (de Waal, 2007/08). In particular,
there is evidence that the ventromedial area of the cerebral cortex—located just behind the
bridge of the nose—is implicated in our empathic and sympathetic responding and in our
guilt reactions to our own misdeeds (Barrash, Tranel, & Anderson, 2000). Compared to the
general population, adults with damage to this part of the brain respond less negatively
when they witness other people being harmed and are less concerned about adhering to
social norms. In children, damage to this area of the brain is associated with disruptions in
social learning resulting in extreme antisocial behavior (Anderson, Bechara, Damasio,
Tranel, & Damasio, 1999).

GENDER. Some research indicates girls are more likely than boys to experience emotions
associated with moral reasoning and behavior, including guilt, shame, and empathy
(Alessandri & Lewis, 1993; Zahn-Waxler & Robinson, 1995). Also, they are more likely than
boys to take responsibility for their misdeeds. However, the preponderance of the research
on gender and morality indicates the extent of the differences is small and may be more an
artifact of the way gender and morality have been studied (Eisenberg, Martin, & Fabes, 1996;
Jaffee & Hyde, 2000).
Now we turn to the opposite of moral behavior, the emergence of aggressive behavior.

Aggression in Young Children

According to Eleanor Maccoby (1980), before children’s behavior can be considered
aggressive, they must first understand that other people can feel distress and pain and

131
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

then intentionally engage in behaviors to cause such discomfort. From this point of view,
infants are not aggressive, since they lack such understanding. However, by age 2, chil-
dren are capable of acting aggressively. In fact, aggression among preschool children
(e.g., hitting, kicking, throwing or breaking toys) is quite common, but it should not be
ignored.
Typically, preschool children act aggressively to gain or regain objects of desire (e.g.,
grabbing a favorite toy from another child) or to usurp popular spaces (e.g., pushing a
peer out of the way to take the place next to a parent or teacher). In these instances, the
aggression is inadvertent—more likely the result of having a specific goal and poor self-
control than having malicious intent—and may not target a particular person. Anyone un-
lucky enough to be in the way could be on the receiving end of these behaviors. This type
of aggression is referred to as instrumental aggression and, in most children, it declines
over the preschool years as children learn to control their emotions and behaviors; ac-
quire language to express their wants and needs; and develop empathy, care, and concern
for those around them (Anderson et al., 2003; Eisenberg & Zhou, 2000; Philippot &
Feldman, 2004).
Hostile aggression involves behaviors intended to harm another person. It can in-
clude physical or verbal assaults and it can be direct (e.g., hitting a person or calling
them names in a face-to-face confrontation) or indirect (e.g., destroying someone’s prop-
erty or saying mean things about them to other children). Relational aggression has as its
goal damaging a peer’s social status and/or relationships. Insults, gossip, and exclusion-
ary tactics are all examples of relational aggression. Hostile and relational aggression are
more common in interactions among older children and youth, but researchers also have
found evidence of hostile and relational aggression in interactions among 3-year-olds
(Dodge, Coie, Lynam, 2006). The early emergence of hostile and relational aggression
should be particularly troubling to adult caregivers, because young children rated high
on indices of physical or relational aggression tend to remain so over time (Tremblay,
2000; Vaillancourt, Hymel, & McDougall, 2003), and early onset of aggression is associ-
ated with adjustment problems and antisocial behavior in late childhood and adoles-
cence (Dodge et al., 2006).

GENDER DIFFERENCES IN YOUNG CHILDREN’S AGGRESSION. In general, research finds

that boys are more physically aggressive than girls, and this finding is consistent across age
groups and cultures (Dodge et al., 2006). From infancy, boys are more likely to grab objects
and, once they can talk, less likely to use language to solve problems (Coie & Dodge, 1998).
Also, “play aggression”(Eisenberg, Martin, & Fabes, 1996) is more typical in boys than girls.
Boys engage in more rough-and-tumble play and more frequently engage in play fighting and
dominance-related behaviors that can turn into aggression under certain circumstances. In
most boys, however, these forms of play aggression are not directly associated with hostile
aggression (Meaney, Stewart, & Beatty, 1985). Girls are more likely to engage in social and
relational aggression than physical aggression (Dodge et al., 2006).
In preschool, girls tend to engage in direct forms of relational aggression (e.g., face-to-
face insults or name-calling), whereas older girls use more subtle and sophisticated forms
of relational aggression (e.g., spreading rumors or finding ways to exclude someone from
social groups). Research about whether girls engage in more relational aggression than boys
has produced mixed results. Some research indicates this is the case (Crick & Zahn-Waxler,
2003), but other studies indicate boys and girls engage in similar rates of relational aggres-
sion (Underwood, 2003). Girls may appear more relationally aggressive because they rely
on relational tactics almost exclusively. Boys, on the other hand, use a variety of tactics, both
physical and relational.
The origins of sex differences in aggression are likely biological and environmental.
There is some evidence that male sex hormones, or androgens, are associated with ag-
gression in animals (Dodge et al., 2006; Eisenberg et al., 1996), but this link is less clear
in humans. However, it is possible that differences in strength, reactivity to pain, and

132
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

temperamental characteristics, such as activity level, account for some observed sex
differences in aggression. Environmental variables are believed to play an important role,
too. For example, boys have access to more physical aggression in their peer groups than
girls, and adults may communicate tacit approval for boys’ aggressive or dominant
behavior by not intervening or by encouraging boys to be “competitive” in sports or to
play with toys that provoke aggressive role-playing (e.g., toy guns, some action figures,
and video games). In contrast, adults’ emphasis on “ladylike” behavior may counteract
physical aggression in girls. Whatever the reason, research indicates that as soon as
children realize boys and girls are expected to behave differently (by age 2 or 3), there
is a sharp decline in physical aggression among girls (Eisenberg et al., 1996; Fagot &
Leinbach, 1989).
It is important to put these differences into perspective. Overall, the difference in
the amount of aggression observed between boys and girls is small (Eisenberg et al.,
1996; Underwood, Galen, & Paquette, 2001; Willoughby, Kupersmidt, & Bryant, 2001),
especially when relational aggression is taken into account. As indicated above, girls
may be just as aggressive as boys, but they rely almost exclusively on relational tactics,
and adults may overlook or underemphasize the harm these approaches can do.

OTHER SOURCES OF AGGRESSIVE BEHAVIOR. Research studies involving large cross-

national samples and samples of twins and adoptees offer strong evidence that aggression
is heritable (Arseneault et al., 2003; Dodge et al., 2006; Moffitt, 2005; Rhee & Waldman,
2002). No single gene has been identified to predict aggressive or antisocial behavior, but
there is clear evidence that person-specific characteristics are reliably associated with it.
For example, parents and teachers more often rate children with difficult temperaments
(e.g., children who are fearless and children who are easily frustrated or upset) and chil-
dren with low self-control (e.g., difficulties sustaining attention and inhibiting inappro-
priate responses to provocation) as aggressive compared with children characterized as
easy-going and well-regulated (Dodge et al., 2006; Eisenberg et al., 2001; Rothbart, Ahadi, &
Evans, 2000; Shaw, Gilliom, Ingoldsby, & Nagin, 2003). Prenatal and perinatal complica-
tions, such as exposure to toxins, also are associated with higher rates of aggression
(Dodge et al., 2006), as are deficits in verbal ability. However, these person-specific char-
acteristics don’t tell the whole story. Social experiences also can contribute to children’s
development of aggression.
According to social learning theories, children can learn to be aggressive through di-
rect reinforcement or modeling. For example, children who are not disciplined when they
push peers out of the way to ensure their seat next to the teacher are being reinforced to
believe they can get what they want by overpowering others, and they are likely to continue
to act aggressively in the future. Similarly, children can learn to be aggressive by witnessing
the aggressive acts of others (e.g., among family members or on TV). In a now seminal study
of preschool children, Albert Bandura and his colleagues (Bandura, Ross, & Ross, 1963)
arranged for one group of children to watch a film in which an adult interacted aggressively
with a Bobo doll—an inflatable doll that the adult used as a punching bag—while another
group of children (the control group) watched an adult playing appropriately with a set of
Tinkertoys. After they watched the film, children in both groups were allowed to play with
toys, including the Bobo doll and the Tinkertoys, but first they were denied the opportunity
to play with their favorite toy. Researchers observed that the preschool children who had
observed the aggressive adult model interacted with the Bobo doll more aggressively than
their peers who had observed the adult playing more appropriately. Photos from the study
are shown in Figure 7.1 on the next page. This and subsequent studies support the con-
tention of social learning theorists that children learn to behave aggressively based on what
they see and experience in their environment.
Finally, cognitive developmental theories stress the importance of understanding
how children interpret and respond to other children’s behavior and the social context
in which the behavior occurs. Figure 7.2 presents a model of six cognitive

133
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

FIGURE 7.1

THE BOBO DOLL STUDY

Source: Bandura, A. Ross, D., & Ross, S. A. (1963). Imitation of film-mediated aggressive models. Journal of Abnormal and Social
Psychology, 66, 3-11. Albert Bandura, Stanford University

processes believed to influence children’s aggressive or nonaggressive response to social

events (Arsenio & Lemerise, 2004). According to the model, children first (a) encode
and then (b) interpret the social cues that are present in an event—they attempt to
understand what happened and why. Arsenio and Lemerise (p. 989) use the example of
one child tripping over another’s feet. First, he thinks about what happened (“I tripped
on his feet.”). Then, he considers why it happened (“He tripped me,” or “It was an
accident.”). Next, the child (c) clarifies a set of goals for the situation (“I’m going to
show that kid he can’t do that to me,” or “I’m going to ignore it and go about my busi-
ness.”). Based on his goals, the child will (d) generate and (e) evaluate a set of possible
responses to the situation. A good evaluation will take into account the likely success
and consequences of a response. Finally, the child will (f) enact a response. Arsenio and
Lemerise admit that in a heightened state of arousal, children may move fairly directly
from the first two steps in their model to the last.
There is research showing that some children are particularly prone to interpret the
actions of others as intentional and hostile (Arsenio & Lemerise, 2004; Dodge et al., 2006;
Dodge & Pettit, 2003). According to Dodge and colleagues (2006), aggressive children are
less able than nonaggressive children to recall relevant social cues, they are more likely to
focus on aggressive social cues, and they have difficulty diverting attention away from
aggressive social cues. Moreover, these children are more likely to generate aggressive re-
sponses to events and have difficulty inhibiting aggressive responses. It appears they are
programmed to respond aggressively.
How can adults help? See some suggestions in the Connecting with Children
guidelines.

134
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

FIGURE 7.2

SIX COGNITIVE PROCESSES THAT INFLUENCE CHILDREN’S AGGRESSIVE

OR NON-AGGRESSIVE RESPONSE TO SOCIAL EVENTS

I'm not angry.

I understand the kick
was an accident.

f) Enactment of
response

e) Evaluation of Social Event a) Encoding of

the set of
social cues
responses

d) Generation of
b) Interpretation
possible
of social cues
responses

c) Clarification
of goals

Source: Adapted from Arsenio, W. E. & Lemerise, E. A. (2004). Aggressive and moral development:
Integrating social information processing and moral domain models. Child Development, 75, 987–1002.

GENDER DEVELOPMENT
An important part of children’s development involves their knowing that they are a boy or
a girl and understanding what it means to be a boy or girl.

The Emergence of Gender Identity

By the age of 2, most toddlers can tell you if they are a boy or a girl, and they can label other
people—children and adults—as male or female (Campbell, Shirley, & Caygill, 2002; Ruble
et al., 2006). Gender labeling is the first indication of gender identity—the sense of self as
male or female as well as the beliefs one has about gender roles and attributes (e.g., boys
play rough and boys don’t mind getting dirty when they play). Gender identity is an im-
portant part of children’s self-concept and a powerful source of self-esteem (Powlishta,
2004). Once children are aware of their gender, they tend to identify with and imitate the
behavior of their same-sex parents and siblings; develop expectations about the kinds of

135
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

CONNECTING WITH CHILDREN

Guidelines for Families, Teachers, and Other Professionals:
Addressing Young Children’s Aggressive Behavior
Don’t ignore aggression! 5. Encourage children to come to you when they are upset.
Examples 6. Teach the child “cooling-down” methods such as walking
1. Intervene quickly and calmly remove the child from the away or taking full and vigorous breaths when angry.
aggressive situation.
2. Communicate (using facial expressions, or body or Provide positive, cooperative coping models.
verbal language) to children that their behavior was Examples
inappropriate. 1. Teach the child how to handle and express anger
3. Time-outs can be helpful when they are used properly without becoming destructive or hurtful by modeling
and sparingly. this behavior.
4. Use logical consequences (if a ball was thrown at a 2. Try to respond rather than react. Show children that you
friend’s face, the child won’t be able to play with it for accept their feelings (anger, frustration, etc.), while
a while because it was used inappropriately). suggesting other ways to express them.
3. Clearly communicate what you expect of them;
Help children to understand their emotions. punishing for their aggressive behaviors is not the way
Examples to communicate to children what we expect of them.
1. Use words to refer to the child’s emotions (e.g., “I can 4. Limit the amount of media violence that your child
see you are feeling really angry. When you feel more views, or explain to them the difference between the
calm we’ll see how else we can do this.”) media and real life.
2. Encourage children to think and talk about their feelings 5. Discuss social behavior rules after a reasonable period
with other people. of calm.
3. Learn what triggers the child’s aggressive behavior
(e.g., tiredness, hunger, a disruption in their routine) Help children to generate alternative, more accurate
and help them to recognize triggers and cope with them interpretations of behaviors.
appropriately. Examples
1. Encourage children to think and talk about others’
Help them to develop strategies to control emotions thoughts and feelings before acting (empathy).
and behaviors. 2. Help children to distinguish intentions from actions.
Examples 3. Teach children to play games that encourage cooperation.
1. Be a good example. Make sure that you are reacting
appropriately when you are upset. Source: Adapted from: http://www.webmd.com/hw-popup/promote-
2. Show the child the right way to behave socially and self-control-in-preschoolers
praise positive behaviors such as sharing and using http://www.babycenter.com/404_how-can-i-teach-my-preschooler-
words instead of actions to express anger. to-stop-hitting-his-playmates_70222.bc
3. Give the child clear, firm, and consistent limits to help http://fatherhood.about.com/od/discipliningfordads/a/
childaggression.htm
him/her learn to manage out-of-control emotions.
http://parenting.families.com/blog/10-ways-to-prevent-aggression-
4. Give the child different opportunities to release energy in-toddlers
(e.g., running, pounding play dough, or hammering on http://www.mindpub.com/art455.htm
the workbench). http://www.consistent-parenting-advice.com/toddler-behavior.html

objects and activities that are typically associated with and appropriate for boys and girls;
and begin to express preferences for playing with same-sex peers and gender stereotypic
toys (Davies, 2004; Martin & Ruble, 2004).
One study of 18-month-olds found they looked longer at a doll than a toy truck after
being presented with a series of female faces and longer at the toy truck than the doll after
being habituated to a series of male faces (Serbin, Poulin-Dubois, Colburne, Sen, & Eichstedt,
2001). Similarly, in preschool classrooms boys are more often observed playing with blocks
and toy vehicles, whereas girls more often choose to play dress-up and house (Maccoby,
1998). Observations in preschools indicate boys and girls do play together and the roles they
take sometimes blend stereotypically masculine and feminine characteristics (e.g., girls may

136
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

pretend they have superpowers and boys sometimes care for babies), but the majority of pre-
school children’s playtime (approximately two-thirds) involves interactions among same-sex
peers (Davies, 2004) and this preference for same-sex playmates and gender segregation
increases from preschool to elementary school.
As children internalize gender roles and stereotypes, they become less tolerant of chil-
dren whose appearance and/or behavior does not conform to what they have come to ex-
pect of boys or girls. In general, boys are more insistent than girls about maintaining
gender-stereotyped play themes and avoiding toys that are associated with girls, and girls
and adults are less forgiving of boys who engage in cross-gendered behavior than they are
of girls who violate gender-role norms (Davies, 2004; Knafo, Iervolino, & Plomin, 2005;
Ruble et al., 2006).
These biases are remarkably consistent across cultures (Aydt & Corsaro, 2003; Ruble
et al., 2006; Whiting & Edwards, 1988). Figure 7.3 shows the results of a study of children
in four non-Western societies (Munroe & Romney, 2006) that indicates preference for en-
gaging in activities with same-sex peers increased from preschool (ages 3 to 5) to the early
school years (ages 7 to 9) in all four societies, and this preference was stronger in males than
in females. Look at the photos in Figure 7.4 from a study of children’s preferences for play
spaces in a Slovakian preschool (Gmitrova, Podhajecká, & Gmitrov, 2007). The Slovakian
children’s preferences reflected gender stereotypes much like their North American peers.
The girls chose to play in the “flower shop” more than boys, who preferred building with
Legos™. There was one space that attracted both boys and girls, however—the medical
center.
Gender constancy—understanding the biologically based permanence of gender—
combines understandings of three core concepts: gender labeling, gender stability, and gen-
der consistency (Ruble et al., 2006). Kohlberg (1966) proposed a three-stage developmental

FIGURE 7.3

PREFERENCE FOR SAME-SEX PLAY AMONG YOUNGER AND OLDER

CHILDREN ACROSS FOUR CULTURES
1
Younger females
Younger males
Older females
0.8 Older males
Preference for same-sex play

0.6

0.4

0.2

0
Belize Kenya Nepal Samoa
Culture

–0.2

Source: From Munroe, R. L. & Romney, A. K. (2006). Gender and age differeces in same-sex aggregation
and social behavior. A four-culture study. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 37, p. 11. Reprinted by
permission of Sage publications.

137
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

FIGURE 7.4

CHILDREN’S PREFERENCES FOR PLAY SPACES IN A SLOVAKIAN PRESCHOOL

In a Slovakian preschool the girls (left) preferred to play “Flower

Shop” and the boys preferred Legos, but both played in the
“Medical Center.”

Source: Gmitrova, V., Podhajecká, M., & Gmitrov, J. (2007). Children’s play preferences: implications for the preschool education. Early child
Development and Care, 1–14.

model to explain how children acquire these understandings. As described above, gender
labeling emerges very early, often before children are 2 years old. Between 3 and 5 years of
age, most children understand gender stability—little girls remain little girls over time and
grow up to be women, not men. Finally, between the ages of 5 and 7, children come to un-
derstand gender consistency—gender cannot be altered with superficial transformations in
appearance or behavior. Many studies, including cross-cultural studies, have confirmed that
gender consistency follows this sequence (De Lisi & Gallagher, 1991), but the timeline for
progressing through the various stages may vary across countries (Trautner, Ruble, Cyphers,
Kirsten, Behrendt, & Hartmann, 2005). Research also indicates gender consistency is linked
to children’s cognitive development, specifically their attainment of conservation and their
ability to distinguish appearance and reality (Ruble et al., 2006). For example, to demon-
strate gender consistency, children must distinguish what a person looks like (e.g., has long
hair and carries a purse) from the sex they are (a man may have long hair and carry a bag
that looks like a purse) (Trautner, Gervai, & Nemeth, 2003).
Not all children develop gender identity easily. Some children have specific genetic
disorders and are born with ambiguous genitalia. Until recently, it was believed that these
children would develop a gender identity consistent with their rearing, as long as gender
assignment was done early (from 18–30 months), was unambiguous, and included
surgical and hormonal support consistent with the assigned gender (Money & Ehrhardt,
1972). However, evidence indicating gender identity is not solely determined by genet-
ics or rearing and can continue to develop and change into adulthood has led researchers
to question this position in the past decade (Colapinto, 2000; Reiner & Gearhart, 2004;
Ruble et al., 2006).
There also are children whose biological sex is not in doubt but who wish they were
the other sex and/or engage in cross-gendered behavior, such as wearing clothes and play-
ing with toys typically associated with the other sex. Some variation in gender role behav-
ior is normal and often encouraged in modern homes and communities. However, children
whose preferences and behaviors are viewed as atypical or extreme are still at risk for ex-
periencing a variety of negative social and psychological outcomes. Parents, peers, and even
teachers continue to reward gender-typical behavior and to criticize or punish cross-gender

138
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

behavior, especially in boys (Knafo et al., 2005), and children’s perceived gender typicality
is associated with their global self-worth, perceptions of social competence, and
parent–child relationship quality (Carver, Yunger, & Perry, 2003). Also, recalled childhood
gender nonconformity is associated with adult body dissatisfaction in both homosexual and
heterosexual men (Strong, Singh, & Randall, 2000), and loneliness, depression, and suicidal
ideation, especially in men (Harry, 1983; Knafo et al., 2005). Findings such as these point to
the significance of children’s gender development.
In the social sciences, we typically use the term sex to refer to the biological differ-
ences between boys and girls and men and women, and the term gender to refer to the so-
cial and psychological dimensions of being male or female. However, as is true for most
nature-nurture distinctions, there is a great deal of interaction between our biological and
psychosocial selves. Let’s examine some theories of and influences on gender development.

Influences on Gender Development

What factors are responsible for children’s gender development? Some evidence points to bi-
ological differences between males and females, including differences in hormones and brain
structures. Other evidence points to social experiential factors, and still more evidence
highlights the role of cognitive development in gender development. It is likely that gender
development depends on complex interactions among biological, social, and cognitive
factors.

BIOLOGICAL INFLUENCES. Some researchers who emphasize the role of biology in ob-
served differences between males and females point to the adaptive function these differ-
ences play in both human and nonhuman evolution. For example, males show some
advantage over females in spatial reasoning and rapid responding. These abilities benefit
males of a species who often are responsible for hunting prey, perhaps over long distances
(Geary, 2005). Also, males’ propensity to behave aggressively is believed to afford some ad-
vantage in competing for resources and attracting mates (Geary, 2005). In contrast, females
of a species often are more nurturing and self-sacrificing than males. This is an advantage
in their role as caregivers to offspring and increases the likelihood of the offspring’s survival
(Geary, 1998; Miller, Putcha-Bhagavatula, & Pederson, 2002). Sex differences such as these
are observed in 97% of mammalian species (de Waal & Johanowicz, 1993), and are evident
in the play behavior of human boys and girls as well as primates (Geary, 2005). Earlier in
this chapter we described how boys engage in more rough-and-tumble play and demon-
strate higher levels of physical aggression than girls. Boys also spend more time jockeying
for position and playing games of one-upmanship in their interactions with one another
(Davies, 2004; Geary, 2005). Most girls want to form more intimate bonds with their friends
and avoid conflict in these relationships. They also engage in more pretend parenting than
boys do. According to Geary (1999, 2005), these differences in play behaviors may reflect
an evolutionary tendency to practice competencies associated with historical male and
female roles.
Hormones are another sex-related biological characteristic found to affect gender-based
behavior. In particular, research has shown the effects of androgens (male hormones) on
boys’ and girls’ developing bodies (Ruble et al., 2006). In boys, these hormones are associ-
ated with rough-and-tumble play and physical aggression. When girls’ adrenal systems se-
crete abnormally high levels of androgens, a disorder known as congenital adrenal
hyperplasia (CAH), they can be born with external genitalia, masculinized to varying de-
grees, and often are behaviorally more masculine and less feminine than girls without CAH.
Most girls with CAH are diagnosed at birth; they are treated with cortisol to reduce the se-
cretion of excess androgens and have surgery to feminize their genitalia—these girls have
ovaries and a uterus and are fertile. Behaviorally, girls with CAH often are characterized as
“tomboys.” They have higher activity levels than most other girls and male gender stereotypic
preferences; for example, they prefer playing with toy vehicles and blocks than with dolls,
choose male over female playmates, and are more interested in male-oriented careers, such
as driving trucks or serving in the military (Hines, Brook, & Conway, 2004; Ruble et al., 2006).

139
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

There is increasing evidence that male and female brains have structural differences
(Cahill, 2005). For example, on average, male brains are larger than female brains, a differ-
ence consistent with males’ typically larger body mass. Also, there is evidence that male
brains have a higher proportion of cortical gray matter, whereas female brains have more
white matter. Whether or how these differences affect cognitive abilities is not clear (Gur
et al., 1999); however, other variations in brain structure have been associated with differ-
ences in cognitive processing. The corpus callosum, which is the bundle of nerves that con-
nects the two hemispheres of the brain, tends to be larger and to include more dense nerve
bundles in female than male brains. Differences in hemispheric specialization have been at-
tributed to this difference. For example, when engaging in cognitive tasks, male brain acti-
vation tends to be limited to one hemisphere or the other, whereas female brain activation
often is spread across both hemispheres (Shaywitz et al., 1995). This difference doesn’t ap-
pear to provide a performance advantage, but other differences do. Females have more
dense nerve connections in areas associated with linguistic processing and, in fact, research
indicates girls have a slight advantage over males on tasks requiring skill with language
(Witelson, Glezer, & Kigar, 1995). We have already indicated that boys are typically better
at spatial reasoning tasks, and research has found that the area in the brain associated with
spatial reasoning is larger in males than in females.
Some research indicates observed differences in brain structure may be the result of
hormonal influence (Cahill, 2005; Gron, Wunderlich, Spitzer, Tomczak, & Riepe, 2000). For
example, the area of the brain associated with spatial processing has high numbers of sex-
hormone receptors. It is possible that higher levels of male sex hormones in this area are
linked to males’ greater proficiency with spatial reasoning. Alternatively, male–female dif-
ferences in brain structure may reflect evolutionary transformations. In prehistoric times,
women stayed home together and, as a consequence, engaged in more social interaction,
while men went out alone to hunt. The result may be that female brains evolved for greater
language proficiency (Gleason & Ely, 2002).
Although the evidence for biological influences on gender development is convincing,
it does not tell the whole story. It’s also important to consider social influences.

SOCIAL INFLUENCES. There is an extensive body of research showing how social and con-
textual factors influence children’s gender development. According to social learning the-
ories, children gather information about gender and what is considered appropriate
behavior for their own sex by observing and interacting with others, including parents,
siblings, peers, and cultural models in advertising, toys, TV, and films.
In Western cultures, boys’ and girls’ experiences in their home environments are dif-
ferent from infancy. Many parents decorate their children’s bedrooms with gender-related
colors and themes, and dress their boys and girls in gender-typical clothing (Kane, 2006;
Sutfin, Fulcher, Bowles, & Patterson, 2008). Also, parents tend to encourage and reward
what they consider to be “gender-appropriate” behavior and provide their children with
gender-typed toys (Leaper 1994, 2002). Consistent with these beliefs, boys often are pre-
sented with toys that stress action and competition, such as tools, weaponry, and sports
equipment, whereas girls receive toys that emphasize caregiving, cooperation, and physi-
cal appearance, such as dolls, kitchen sets, and jewelry. Furthermore, parents tend to feel
more protective of their daughters and often place greater restrictions on their activities and
where they can go (Brody, 1999; Morrow, 2006), which may narrow their range of activities
and independence.
Even though the gendered roles in modern families are more blurred than they used to
be (with many mothers working outside the home and some fathers working from home
and taking more responsibility for childcare and cooking), it is still the case that most par-
ents’ tolerance for children’s gender nonconformity is limited (Gleason, 2005; Kane, 2006;
Ruble et al., 2006). In Kane’s study, 42 parents with children ages 3 to 5 were interviewed
about their children’s current toys, activities, and clothes; how they felt about their chil-
dren’s interests and behaviors in relation to gendered expectations; and the desirability and
feasibility of gender neutrality in childhood. In general, mothers and fathers in the study sup-
ported some cross-gender activity. Especially for girls, parents expressed pleasure at seeing

140
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

their daughters engaged in activities more strongly associated with boys (e.g., playing soc-
cer or building things) and reported encouraging them to consider traditionally male occu-
pations. Similarly, parents said they wanted their sons to develop domestic skills and
nurturing, nonviolent, and empathic behaviors. Also, they reported encouraging their sons
to play with dolls and other toys traditionally associated with girls. However, parents did
temper their support for gender neutrality with a concern that it not go too far in the op-
posite direction. This concern appeared greater for boys than girls and was more often ex-
pressed by fathers than mothers. For example, one father commented, “I wouldn’t want her
to be too boyish, because she’s a girl,” and another father expressed relief that his son was
more interested in the Ken doll than Barbie. Other fathers indicated they would be con-
cerned if their sons played with dolls and other “icons of femininity” much beyond the pre-
school years. These findings are consistent with previous research indicating parents are
much more tolerant of gender nonconformity in girls than in boys (Ruble et al., 2006;
Sandnabba & Ahlberg, 1999).
In general, children are influenced by the extent of gender stereotyping they experi-
ence, and parents differ in the extent to which they model and promote gender-stereotypic
beliefs and behaviors. For example, African American parents, especially mothers, often re-
ject traditional gender divisions (Kane, 2000), whereas Latin cultures have more strongly
marked gender-role divisions (Raffaelli & Ontai, 2004). Also, studies indicate children raised
by single parents and lesbian parents show less gender stereotypic preferences than chil-
dren raised by two-parent and heterosexual couples (Ruble et al., 2006; Sutfin et al., 2008).
Sutfin and colleagues compared lesbian parents and their children (ages 3 to 6) with het-
erosexual parents and their children in terms of their attitudes toward gender roles. In ad-
dition, they compared children’s bedrooms across the two types of family to determine the
extent to which these environments were “gendered.” In general, lesbian parents’ attitudes
about gender roles were more liberal than those of their heterosexual peers. Similarly, chil-
dren of lesbian couples reported more liberal attitudes toward gender roles and their bed-
rooms were more gender neutral than those of children with heterosexual parents. Across
both groups, however, mothers were more liberal than fathers, girls were more liberal than
boys, and boys’ bedrooms tended to be more stereotypical than those of girls.
What about siblings? How do they influence gender development? Research indicates
the sibling relationship is complex in this regard and depends on birth order, age, how
many, and whether siblings are the same or different sexes (McHale, Crouter, & Whiteman,
2003). It appears that younger siblings have little influence over older siblings’ gender typ-
ing, but older siblings serve as powerful models of gendered behavior for younger siblings.
Also, some research indicates children with same-sex siblings are more stereotyped than
only children and children with no siblings are more gender typed than children with older
other-sex siblings (Rust et al., & the ALSPAC Study Team, 2000). However, other research
contradicts these findings, indicating that children with same-sex siblings are less stereo-
typed than children with other-sex siblings (Grotevant, 1978). There is some evidence that
siblings strive to differentiate themselves from one another. This may lead one sister to
develop artistic talents whereas the other follows a more athletic path. Also, children in
all-girl or all-boy families may be called upon for more cross-gendered chores. These oppor-
tunities enable them to try out a greater variety of roles. In general, it appears there are some
sibling effects, which likely are mediated by features of the family context.
We have already described how gender segregation among same-age peers begins very
early, peaks in the early school years, and then declines as children move toward adoles-
cence. The finding that by the age of 3 or 4, children prefer to play with same-sex peers has
been replicated in many societies around the world (Gmitrova et al., 2007; Munroe & Rom-
ney, 2006). This may reflect children’s natural inclination to seek play partners who have
interests in common with them, but it also exposes children to more same-sex than other-
sex behaviors and interaction styles (Ruble et al., 2006). A preponderance of practice with
gender-typed toys and activities may facilitate interactions with same-sex peers, but it nar-
rows children’s behavioral repertoire and limits interactions with the opposite sex. That is
what Martin and Fabes (2001) found when they studied preschool children across a school
year. Children who played more with same-sex peers early in the year demonstrated higher

141
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

CONNECTING WITH CHILDREN

Guidelines for Families, Teachers, and Other Professionals:
Encouraging More Gender-Neutral Beliefs and Behaviors
Encourage children to engage in a broad range 2. Use non-gendered language; avoid generalizations such
of activities without associating them with gender. as “Boys don’t cry and girls don’t fight.”
Examples 3. Support behaviors that defy gender stereotypes (e.g.,
1. Model gender-neutral beliefs and behaviors through a allow boys to play girls and vice versa in skits, support
non-gendered distribution of house chores (both boys children who prefer wearing gender-atypical clothing or
and girls can do yard work, shovel snow, take out the colors, respect children’s preferences for gender-variant
garbage, clean the house, wash dishes, cook, and interests).
babysit). Children will learn more from your attitude and 4. Promote mixed-sex groups and avoid putting the boys
actions than from anything else. against the girls when forming teams for classroom
2. Encourage children to play games, use toys, and engage contests and projects.
in activities regardless of gender roles. Both girls and
boys should be encouraged to invent, explore, compete, Let children be themselves and express their emotions.
and problem-solve as well as be creative, assertive, Examples
nurturing, active/passive, and emotionally expressive. 1. Allow children to fully express their emotions, hopes,
3. Develop children’s interest in performing activities desires, needs, and interests, regardless of their gender.
commonly assigned to the opposite sex if they like and 2. Learn about the person that your child already is—not
enjoy them. who you want him/her to become.
4. Create a learning environment that is free of sex 3. Examine your own gendered behavior. What messages
stereotyping in instructional organization, interactions, are you sending your children about masculinity and
materials, and activities. femininity?
5. Expose children to gender-equitable literature and
media. Source: Adapted from http://www.associatedcontent.com/article/
225115/helping_children_understand_gender.html?cat⫽47
Avoid gender bias in your interactions with children. http://www.associatedcontent.com/article/10340/a_lesson_in_
Examples gender_equality_for_parents.html?cat⫽25
1. Make it clear that conventions belong to particular http://edchange.org/multicultural/papers/genderbias.html
times/places to show children that gender roles are not http://www.blnz.com/news/2008/04/23/Gender_Bias_Classroom_
fixed. Use sentences such as: “In our culture, we . . .” Current_Controversies_2969.html
“Today it is the custom to . . .” “Years ago people
thought . . . but now we think. . . .”

levels of gender-typed behaviors later in the school year than children who played in mixed
or other-sex groups. Boys who played together increased their rough-and-tumble play, ag-
gression, and gender-typed play, and played farther away from teachers. In contrast, girls
who played together decreased their level of activity and aggression and increased gender-
typed behavior and proximity to teachers.
It also appears children “police”one another’s gendered behavior. Children praise one
another for gender-appropriate play and tease or criticize peers who engage in gender-
inconsistent behavior (Davies, 2004; Ruble et al., 2006). Boys are more insistent than girls
about following gender-consistent play themes and avoiding toys that are “for girls.” Also,
like adults, children are particularly intolerant of boys who cross gender lines, and boys who
do this regularly may find they are ignored and excluded by their peers, even if they also en-
gage in “masculine” activities.
Preschool teachers and adults who supervise organized activities (e.g., in childcare set-
tings, sports, and clubs) reinforce children’s gendered beliefs and behaviors when they group
children by sex (“I’d like all the girls to line up here.”) or compare the behavior of one sex to
that of the other (“Look how quietly the girls are sitting waiting for the story.”). Comments
such as these communicate that girls are quiet and obedient, but it also can reinforce con-
formity and a lack of assertiveness in groups. Another powerful influence on children’s gender

142
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

development is the media. Toys are marketed specifically to boys or girls, and characters in
books, television shows, and computer environments often are strongly gender typed (Mor-
row, 2006; Ruble et al., 2006). Socializing gender roles through popular culture and the media
begins very early and continues—in fact it becomes more potent—throughout childhood and
adolescence. The Connecting with Children guidelines offer some ideas for encouraging
more flexibility in children’s gendered beliefs and behaviors.

COGNITIVE INFLUENCES. Earlier in this section on gender development, we described

Kohlberg’s (1966) three-stage theory of how children come to understand gender con-
stancy. This is a cognitive theory because it emphasizes how children’s thinking about what
it means to be male or female or masculine or feminine develops, and how their thinking
shapes their preferences and behavior. Cognitive theorists also refer to schema theory to ex-
plain how children construct mental representations of gender based on their experiences
with males and females, as well as the gender-related messages they receive either directly
from parents and peers or indirectly through the media.
Gender schema theory is based on the assumption that as children interact with the
world, they form organized cognitive structures, or schemas that include gender-related in-
formation and these schemas influence how they think and behave (Martin & Halverson,
1981; Martin & Ruble, 2004). Martin and Halverson proposed that two types of gender
schemas guide behavior. The first is a general in-group/out-group schema that includes in-
formation children need to categorize objects, behavior, traits, and roles as being for males
or females. The second, referred to as an own-sex schema, includes more detailed and spe-
cific information about objects, behaviors, traits, and roles that characterize their own sex.
Figure 7.5 shows how a young girl might use this information to think about the appropri-
ateness of playing with a doll or a truck. In this example, the girl’s gender schema places
toy trucks in a category for boys. Given that she is not a boy, she may decide this toy is not
for her and choose not to play with it. Dolls, on the other hand, are in a category for girls,
so she is likely to decide this is an appropriate toy for her.
In general, children’s early learning of gender categories and associated attributes re-
sults in schemas that are very rigid (e.g., that only boys or only girls can do or be some-
thing). However, as children mature and acquire more gender-related information, their
gender-related schemas become more flexible and realistic (e.g., that either boys or girls
can do most anything) (Martin & Ruble, 2004, p. 68). One longitudinal study that ques-
tioned children yearly about their gender concepts found gender rigidity peaked around
age 5 or 6 and then showed a marked increase in flexibility by age 7 or 8 (Trautner et al.,

FIGURE 7.5

SCHEMATIC-PROCESSING MODEL OF SEX ROLE STEREOTYPING

For boys
Not for Avoid
Truck me Forget

I am a
Who for?
girl

Doll For me Approach

Remember
For girls

Source: Adapted from Martin, C. L., & Halverson, C. F. Jr. (1981). A schematic -processing model of sex
typing and stereotyping in children. Child Development, 52. 1119–1134.

143
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

FIGURE 7.6

EXAMPLE OF THE GENDER SCHEME THEORY

Gender-Schema
Filter
Gender-Schematic Should No
Child boys play
I am a boy with dolls? Ignore doll
Yes
No
Do I think Yes
about
gender?
No
Gender Gender-Aschematic Do I like Yes
Doll
Salience Child this toy? Play with doll
Filter I am Tony

Source: Adapted from Liben, L. S., & Bigler, R. S. (2002). The developmental course of gender
differentiation: Conceptualizing, measuring, and evaluating constructs and pathways. Monographs of the
Society for Research in Child Development, 67(2), 1–187.

2005). This finding is consistent with other cross-sectional research indicating that
children’s gender rigidity remains strong up to age 8 and then declines as children move
toward adolescence and become romantically interested in the other sex (Maccoby &
Jacklin, 1987; Ruble et al., 2007).
Cognitive theorists attribute the biases in children’s processing and remembering in-
formation to their typically rigid gender schemas. Recall that infants looked longer at toy
trucks after being habituated to a male face (Serbin et al., 2001). Similarly, children tend to
remember what they observe members of their own sex doing better than they recall what
they see members of the opposite sex doing (Signorella, Bigler, & Liben, 1997), and they
more accurately recall the actions of individuals who behave in gender-consistent ways
than the actions of those whose behavior would be considered gender atypical (Liben &
Signorella, 1993).
However, there are individual differences in children’s levels of gender rigidity (Golom-
bok et al., 2008; Martin & Ruble, 2004) and there is some evidence that gender schemas can
be modified through explicit instruction (Bigler & Liben, 2002; Liben & Bigler, 2002).
Figure 7.6 shows how children may differ in the extent to which they endorse gender-
specific schemas. Consider a young boy who is presented with a doll. If he strongly en-
dorses a gender schema, his gender salience filter will make gender-related information
highly relevant. He is likely to consider whether, being a boy, it would be appropriate for
him to play with a doll. If he decides it’s not, he is likely to ignore the doll. If, on the other
hand, he is less sensitive to gender-related information, he may focus more on whether the
toy interests him. If not, he likely will ignore the toy. If yes, he may play with the doll.

PEER RELATIONSHIPS
Relationships with parents and siblings are central to preschool children’s social and emo-
tional development, but these children also are beginning to focus on relationships with
peers. In fact, some research indicates even infants 0–6 months of age are aroused by the
presence of peers and may smile, vocalize, and reach toward them (Hay, Pederson, & Nash,
1982; Rubin, Coplan, Chen, Buskirk, & Wojslawowicz, 2005). As they gain in their ability
to move and speak, toddlers’ social interactions become much more coordinated and com-
plex, involving simple games (e.g., imitating one another) and turn taking. Between 2 and
4 years of age, children begin to share symbolic meanings with one another (e.g., they agree

144
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

to adopt imaginary roles in pretend play). Social interactions among older preschoolers are
lengthier and more complex than those of toddlers; they involve longer sequences, more
turn taking, and more complex coordination among partners of roles, rules, and themes
(Rubin et al., 2005). Also, in contrast to toddlers, who seek attention from adults more than
peers in social situations (e.g., in daycare, on play dates), children ages 3 to 5 seek out
friends to play with and share information of significance to them (“I have new shoes.”)
(Davies, 2004). This shift in focus likely reflects advances in both social and cognitive
development that enable the development of “first friendships.”

Advances in Peer Sociability

Preschool children are less egocentric and more prosocial (Davies, 2004; Rubin et al., 2005).
They are more aware of and interested in the needs of others—they want to be liked. Also,
they are more willing and able to consider other children’s ideas and opinions during play
and to avoid conflict. As a result, sharing, helping, comforting, and control over anger and
aggression increase. In addition, as children’s facility with language increases, so too does
their communicative competence (Rubin et al., 2005). They learn to direct speech to their
partner and to use more indirect interrogatives or inferred requests (e.g., “Could I play with
that truck now?”) versus direct imperatives (e.g., “Give me that truck now!”). This is not to
say preschool children’s interactions are free of conflict—quite the contrary. Observations
of typical preschool children reveal frequent disagreements, aggressive actions, falling-outs,
and disruptions in cooperative play (Davies, 2004). However, for typical preschool children,
disagreements and conflict create opportunities to develop skills in social problem solving.
In contrast, preschool children who are aggressive or impulsive show higher rates of
aggression during pretend play, are more often engaged in conflict with peers (e.g., teasing,
bullying, and physical aggression), and are more often rejected by peers than typical
preschoolers (Davies, 2004; Gleason, Gower, Hohmann, & Gleason, 2005; Ladd & Troop-
Gordon, 2003). These children show relatively low levels of empathy and self-control, and
they often misinterpret the actions of others, perceiving aggression when none was intended.
These characteristics put them at a significant social disadvantage. Often these children con-
tinue to be rejected and friendless through school and are at risk for developing maladjust-
ment problems, such as internalizing (self-blame or self-hate) and/or externalizing problems
(e.g., aggression toward others), because positive peer relationships become an important
source of perceived competence and self-esteem through middle childhood and adolescence.
Research indicates a number of links between the quality of children’s early relationships
with parents and their subsequent relationships with peers. For example, preschool children
who have secure and satisfying relationships with parents approach interactions with peers
more confidently and expect these interactions will be enjoyable (Davies, 2004; Hartup, 1992;
Rubin et al., 2005). This orientation results in opportunities for peer interaction and play,
which in turn creates opportunities to develop skills that are essential for establishing and
maintaining positive peer relationships. Alternatively, children who have experienced rela-
tionships with parents that are rejecting or neglectful are more likely than their securely at-
tached peers to respond to peers aggressively or to withdraw from interactions with peers
altogether. Either way, they lose the benefits of peer interactions for developing social skills.
Parents also can influence the quality of their children’s relationships with peers through
their own characteristics and behaviors. Parents who are warm and positive when commu-
nicating with their children (e.g., they praise, encourage, demonstrate affection and ap-
proval), yet consistent in their enforcement of rules and expectations, tend to have children
who are popular and socially competent (Rubin et al., 2005). In contrast, parents character-
ized as cold, punitive, or overly permissive tend to have children who are aggressive and/or
rejected by peers. Moreover, controlling and overprotective parenting behaviors are associ-
ated with children’s social withdrawal. According to Rubin and colleagues, parents can sup-
port their children’s development of positive peer relationships by (a) providing numerous
and varied opportunities for them to interact with peers, (b) monitoring these encounters as
necessary, (c) coaching them to interact positively with peers and solve social problems, and
(d) disciplining unacceptable or maladaptive peer-directed behaviors. We discuss positive

145
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

CONNECTING WITH CHILDREN

Guidelines for Families, Teachers, and Other Professionals:
Coaching Children’s Peer Relationships
Nurture your child’s social skills. Understand social developmental trends.
Examples Examples
1. Teach your child about emotions and feelings and how 1. Sharing is difficult for preschoolers. When you
to regulate them. The better children understand encourage it, try to make it as comfortable as possible
emotions and feelings, the more they are liked by peers and be patient (e.g., before friends visit, put favorite
and can engage in positive social interactions. or new toys away to avoid conflicts).
2. Develop a secure attachment with your child. Children 2. Preschoolers often make rude or hurtful comments;
whose parents are responsive to them have more empathy don’t take them personally, but don’t ignore them.
for others and adapt more easily to new social situations. Explain how words can hurt feelings.
3. Help children to develop prosocial behaviors such as 3. Gradually disengage from involvement in young
helping, sharing, and showing concern for others. children’s play with peers; intervene when necessary,
4. Practice inductive discipline (explaining the reasons for rules but allow them to solve conflicts on their own.
and the consequences of bad behavior) to help children
show more self-control and cooperation with peers. Provide children with opportunities to play.
Examples
Become familiar with your child’s social world. 1. Enrolling children in community center or neighborhood
Examples activities assures stable interactions with peers. Children
1. Discuss your child’s experiences with peers in a pleasant, benefit when they can develop long-lasting relationships.
conversational way. 2. Engage in pretend play with your child. Role-play tactics
2. Encourage children to have a positive and constructive and strategies for forming and maintaining friendships.
attitude toward social difficulties; let them know that 3. Promote your child’s developing ability to be well attuned
everybody gets rebuffed and rejected sometimes. to the social context (e.g., recognize other children’s
3. Suggest socially “generous” reasons for social rejection preferences, frame of reference, behavior, and interests).
such as “Maybe she’s just shy,” or “Maybe he just wants
to play on his own for a while.” Help children brainstorm Source: Adapted from http://www.parentingscience.com/preschool-
solutions and predict how different social strategies may social-skills.html
work. Mize, J., & Abell, E. (1996). Encouraging social skills in young
4. Watch for peer rejection and bullying and act wisely by children: Tips teachers can share with parents. Dimensions of Early
protecting and validating your child’s perceptions. Childhood, 24(3). Retrieved from http://www.humsci.auburn.edu/
Bringing the issue to the problematic setting, discuss your parent/socialskills.html
concerns with other adults and look for realistic solutions.

disciplinary tactics later, in the section on parenting. For ideas about how parents and other
caregivers can coach children’s peer relationships, see the Connecting with Children
guidelines.
Teachers also can make a difference. In a 5-year longitudinal study, Carollee Howes
(2000) examined the influence of the social emotional climate of preschool classrooms,
children’s early relationships with teachers, and behavior problems on children’s social
competence with peers in grade 2. In fact, the social emotional classroom climate (opera-
tionalized as the number of behavior problems, time spent with peers, and time spent in
pretend play) and children’s relationships with their preschool teacher did predict their so-
cial competence with peers in grade 2. In particular, time spent interacting with peers, low
levels of behavior problems, and high levels of child–teacher closeness were associated
with prosocial behavior ratings. Teacher–child conflict was negatively correlated with
prosocial behavior and positively correlated with aggressive and disruptive behavior. These
findings remind us that relationships are constructed in particular contexts and, as adults
and caregivers, we need to do our best to create supportive contexts for children’s devel-
opment of positive peer relationships.

146
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

First Friendships
Toddlers show preferences for playing with some peers and not others, but preschool chil-
dren begin to label peers as friends (Davies, 2004; Hartup, 1992). Very young children
describe friends as people to play with, but by age 4 or 5, children begin to express affec-
tion for friends, concern for their feelings, and a desire to win their approval. These “first
friendships” are good practice for having a “best friend,” which is common in middle child-
hood. In addition, these first friendships provide contexts for children to develop and prac-
tice prosocial behavior (Avgitidou, 2001; Davies, 2004). Specifically, making and
maintaining friends depends on children’s ability to demonstrate good social skills: Friend-
ships require cooperation, negotiation, compromise, and the desire and skill to resolve con-
flicts when they arise.
Researchers define friendships as close, mutual, and voluntary relationships (Gleason
& Hohmann, 2006; Rubin et al., 2005). Reciprocity and equality are key features of friend-
ships (Fujisawa, Kutsukake, & Hasagawa, 2008), as are empathy and perspective-taking
(Rubin et al., 2005). Best friendships are characterized by greater intimacy and exclusivity
than other friendships; preschool children typically don’t have best friends, and girls are
more likely than boys to have best friends (Sebanc, Kearns, Hernandez, & Galvin, 2007).
What attracts children to one another? From an early age, children are attracted to and
choose friends who look like them (e.g., children who are the same age and sex, who share
a similar racial and ethnic history), and friends with similar interests, behaviors, and activ-
ity levels (Gleason et al., 2005; Rubin et al., 2005). Unfortunately, this means that children
who engage in antisocial behavior are attracted to one another (Haselager, Cillissen,
Lieshout, Riksen-Walraven, & Hartup, 2002). Friends spend more time with one another
than with non-friends; they talk more to each other, are more cooperative, and engage in
more sophisticated forms of play (Rubin et al., 2005). Research indicates children, espe-
cially girls, as young as ages 3 to 5 recognize the benefits of friendship and distinguish be-
tween reciprocal and unilateral (one-sided) friendships based on the social provisions
(companionship, intimacy, affection, enhancement of self-worth) available in these rela-
tionships (Gleason & Hohmann, 2006).
Research also indicates friends have more conflicts than non-friends (Davies, 2004),
perhaps because they spend more time together. However, friends are more committed
than non-friends to resolving conflicts and, because they know one another’s interests and
preferences, they know what to do to restore harmony in their relationships. For young chil-
dren, friendships enhance excitement and amusement levels during play (Parker &
Gottman, 1989). In general, friendships provide children with emotional security, support
for self-esteem, intimacy and affection, instrumental assistance, and a context in which to
develop interpersonal sensitivity (Rubin et al., 2005). Children with friends cope better
with stressful events and situations (Davies, 2004), and children who enter kindergarten
with friends or make friends early in the school year adjust better to this transition, have
better attitudes toward school, and better academic outcomes than children who have dif-
ficulty forming friendships (Ladd, 1999). Moreover, research indicates early friendships are
instrumental to children’s developing representations of friendship, which influence their
subsequent friendships in school (Dunn, Cutting, & Fisher, 2002).

Culture and Peer Relationships

Most of the research about children’s peer relationships has been conducted in North Amer-
ica and Western Europe, so we know very little about the development and significance of
peer relationships and friendships in non-Western cultures (Rubin et al., 2005). Rubin and col-
leagues assert that children’s interactions with peers likely are culture bound because they are
directed by cultural conventions and values that are experienced in interactions with family
members, teachers, and other cultural role models. For example, cultures may differentially
endorse or constrain behaviors associated with cooperation, compliance, or emotional ex-
pressivity. This was certainly true for the Tamang and Chhetri-Brahmin cultures in Nepal
(Cole et al., 2002; Cole et al., 2006). Recall how Tamang children were raised in a culture that
stressed equality among people and valued tolerance and harmony, whereas children in

147
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

the Chhetri-Brahmin culture were encouraged to de-

velop awareness of self and differences between self and
others. Cultural differences such as these often are ob-
served between collectivist and individualist cultures.
Medina and colleagues (2001) compared children’inter-
actions during play in preschools in Andalusa, Spain,
and the Netherlands. In particular, they focused on chil-
dren’s interactions when conflicts arose. Consistent
with other research on collectivist cultures, their find-
ings indicate Andalusian children were more likely to
put aside personal objectives to maintain a positive in-
teraction than were Dutch children. Consistent with
cultures characterized as individualistic, Dutch children
were more interested in getting their point of view
across to others, even if it disrupted an activity.
First friendships are good practice for best friendships, which
Other research indicates cultural value systems
commonly develop in middle childhood. © Yan Liao/Alamy may influence standards for peer acceptance and
rejection. For example, in Western cultures, shy or
inhibited behavior is associated with social incompe-
tence or immaturity, whereas in traditional Chinese cultures, such behavior is highly valued
(Rubin et al., 2005). In Canada and the United States, shy and inhibited children are likely
to experience peer rejection and loneliness, whereas Chinese children who are shy are gen-
erally accepted by peers (Chen, Rubin, Li, & Li, 1999). In an observational study, DeSouza
and Chen (2002) found that when shy and inhibited children made overtures to peers, they
were encouraged and supported in China, but rejected in Canada. Moreover, Chinese peers
were more likely to initiate prosocial interactions, such as sharing and helping, with shy
children than with Canadian peers. These findings emphasize the important role of cultural
norms in children’s development of peer relationships.

PLAY
Play is both universal and adaptable. It is a common experience among children all over the
world; children invent games whether they live in small, sometimes primitive, villages or
large urban centers, whether they have few material resources or all the toys that money can
buy. The Relating to Every Child feature makes this point by describing children’s play in
India. Children are highly motivated to play and will sustain activities they consider play for
long periods of time without any extrinsic reward (Elkind, 2007). However, play is more than
fun and games. It contributes importantly to children’s physical, cognitive, and social devel-
opment. Play stimulates the senses and offers opportunities to develop hand-eye as well as
gross and fine motor coordination. Through play, preschool children increase their under-
standing of cause-and-effect relationships and enhance their language, problem-solving, and
perspective-taking skills (Davies, 2004; Singer, 1994; Singer & Singer, 1990). Also, because
play provides opportunities for children to practice skills they are acquiring (e.g., sorting and
counting blocks to build things, practicing emergent literacy skills while playing post office),
it is associated with success on academic tasks in school (Katz, 2001; Russ, 2006).
In particular, pretend play, which involves using objects and toys symbolically and inte-
grating them in imaginary scenarios, promotes abstract and creative thinking. Through pre-
tend play, children test roles and behaviors that are unfamiliar to them. Some research indicates
preschoolers with strong imaginations have a better grip on reality than peers with less active
fantasy lives (Dunn & Cutting, 1999). These children tend to be better at interpreting the emo-
tions, actions, and intentions of others and can take a more objective and comprehensive view
of their experiences, both positive and negative (Davies, 2004). It appears, therefore, that par-
ents, teachers, and other caregivers should provide ample time and space for children to play.
Researchers characterize children’s play in terms of its content (what children are do-
ing while they play; what purpose play serves) and social dimensions (whether children
play alone or with others). Children begin playing as infants, but play changes dramatically

148
Relating to E V E RY C H I L D
䉴 Play in India
OKE AND COLLEAGUES (Oke, Khattar, Pant, & Saraswathi, poor neighborhoods, however, children seldom had ac-
1999) studied children playing in the cities of Mumbai cess to materials designed specifically for children’s play,
and Vadodara in India. Specifically, they observed but their play was more imaginative. They made toys
451 episodes of children playing in both high and low from materials they found in their community (e.g., plas-
SES neighborhoods and then characterized the form tic bags, scraps of paper, empty tins and boxes). Often
and content of their play. The games children played in these children combined play with the work they did for
these communities had much in common with the their family. For example, Oke et al. described girls, with
games children play in the Western world. For example, siblings strapped to their hips, coming down a slide at a
they observed children playing a game like “tag” public park, and “rag pickers” chasing one another in the
(pakda-pakdi) in which one child was “it” and had to streets as they picked rags. Also, not all of the places
catch all the players. The last child to be caught was the where these children played were safe. Often children
winner. They also played “quick tag,” a modified ver- played in heavily trafficked streets, areas where they were
sion of tag in which the child who was it caught one exposed to garbage and sewage, or near construction
child who caught another and so the game continued sites containing materials that put them at risk for injury
and every child got to play all the time. For variations of or worse.
tag as well as games that involve jumping rope (skip- Organizations, such as the International Play-
ping) or using marbles and balls that children play in ground Association (2009) are making it their purpose to
countries all over the world, see http://www.topics-mag “protect, preserve, and promote the child’s right to
.com/edition11/games-section.htm. play.” They have active groups in close to 50 countries in
In India, Oke et al. (1999) observed that children in high the world, including India, and are working with govern-
SES communities had many of the same resources as chil- ments to initiate projects that are increasing children’s
dren in the developed world (e.g., they played on play- access to safe, fun, and appropriate play spaces and
ground equipment in parks designed for children). In equipment.

between the ages of 2 and 6. We will examine this developmental trajectory as we look at
the different types of play.

Cognitive Dimensions of Play

Infants and toddlers are interested in the properties and functions of objects (Davies, 2004).
Therefore, they are drawn to toys on the basis of how they look or what noises they make and
play with them to find out what they do and how they work. Piaget (1951) labeled this “ex-
perimentation” with toys sensorimotor play, but it is also referred to in the literature as
functional play, or practice play. Functional play involves simple repetitive actions with objects
or physical movements such as jumping or rolling. Continuously pressing a stuffed cow to hear
it “moo-oo-oo”or repeatedly stacking Mom’s pots and pans are examples of functional play.
Constructive play is more goal-oriented than functional play and emerges after children
figure out how things work and understand the effects of their actions (Davies, 2004). They
learn to manipulate objects to produce something. Stacking blocks to make a tower or
putting a puzzle together are examples of constructive play. This form of play is especially
common in children ages 3 to 6 (Rubin, Fein, & Vandenberg, 1983).
Finally, pretend play—also referred to as dramatic or imaginative play—is based on
make-believe, even fantastical, scenarios. In pretend play, children use objects symbolically
or make believe they are someone or something they are not. Often, pretend play has a
narrative quality and emerges about the same time as language is developing (between 2 and
3 years of age). However, language development often lags behind other forms of represen-
tation, so observing children at play can be a good way to gain insight into what they are
thinking and feeling that they may not be able to communicate with words (Davies, 2004).

149
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

Children’s engagement in pretend play increases during the preschool years, peaks
around 6 or 7, and then declines during the school years as children become more involved
in formal games with rules and procedures (Pellegrini & Smith, 1998). At first, children’s pre-
tend play is self-referenced and generally reflects a familiar routine (e.g., pretending to drink
from a cup or take a nap). As children become less egocentric, their pretend play has a more
social focus and the roles they assume are less familiar and more abstract (e.g., pretending to
have superhuman powers or imagining what it would be like to be a bear) (Cohen, 2006).

Social Dimensions of Play

In a now classic study, Mildred Parten (1932) studied 42 children (from less than 2 years old
to 4) in a nursery school at the University of Minnesota from October through June, 1926,
and observed six forms of play in relation to children’s level of involvement with peers. Her
categories and observations, summarized in Table 7.3, characterize play on a continuum

TABLE 7.3 • Parten’s Six Forms of Play

FORMS OF PLAY OPERATIONAL DEFINITION EXAMPLE

Unoccupied The child does not appear to be playing, just This can include observing others in the
observing anything that is of momentary interest. environment, climbing on the furniture, or sitting
in one spot glancing around the room.

Onlooker The child observes other children playing, but does As an onlooker, the child hovers at the periphery
not overtly enter into the play activity. The child may of a playgroup—typically near enough to hear
interact with the group of children he is observing. and speak with children in the group he is
observing. He may ask questions, or make
suggestions, but does not participate in the play.

Solitary The child plays alone, even if there are other children The child plays independently with dolls or trucks
independent play in the room. He is not interested in or distracted by or building blocks. Some card and computer
the activities of the other children. games are intended for solitary play.

Parallel group The child plays the same game in the same space as The child is part of a group in a sandbox. The
activity other children, but she plays beside rather than with children in the group have their own cups and fill
the other children. them with sand without considering what the
other children are doing. There is very little
conversation about the activity. Children come
and go all the time, but those remaining at the
sandbox pay no attention to the movements of
others; they are absorbed in their own activities.

Associative group The child plays with other children and the interaction In the sandbox example above, children begin
play concerns a common activity. They may share play to borrow one another’s cups. They engage in
material and may attempt to control who may or may conversation about the shared activity (they
not play in the group. All the members engage in communicate their needs and are aware of
similar if not identical activity, but there is no division other’s needs). They invite other children to the
of labor, and no organization of the activity of several sandbox, and ask those present to make room
individuals around any material goal or product. for her. The others may or may not move over,
Leadership has not been established; instead each depending upon their wishes.
child acts as she wishes.

Cooperative Children play with one another in a group that is While in the sandbox, one child suggests that
group play organized for the purpose of making some material they are all making supper. Then, the family roles
product, or of attaining a competitive goal, or of are assigned or adopted and the children speak
dramatizing situations of adult and group life, or of about their roles in preparing the meal.
playing formal games. There is a marked sense of Leadership or domination by one or more of the
belonging or of not belonging to the group. Elements children occurs, one child being informed that he
of division of labor, group censorship, leadership, and can’t cook because he’s the baby. They are not
the subordination of individual desire to that of the permitted to leave the sandbox unless it is known
group are observed. what they are going to do next.

Source: Parten, M. B. (1932). Social participation among preschool children. Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 29, pp. 243–269. Reprinted
with permission from the American Psychological Association.
150
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

from uninvolved or passive onlooker to increasingly interactive and cooperative. Some re-
searchers criticize Parten’s work because she sampled a relatively small number of children
in a unique environment (see, for example, Rubin et al., 2005). They advise researchers and
practitioners to use caution and not overgeneralize Parten’s findings to all children.
However, a close reading of Parten’s study reveals a careful methodology. She made many
observations of the same children over a long period of time and correlated her observa-
tions with their teachers’assessments. Regardless, her findings and social participation scale
continue to influence assessments of children’s social interactions.
It is important not to think about Parten’s six categories as developmental stages. Al-
though it’s true that children’s play becomes increasingly social and cooperative during
the preschool years, Parten observed some toddlers engaging in associative and coopera-
tive play, and older preschoolers engaging in solitary play and onlooker behaviors (see
Figure 7.7). Also, it’s important not to interpret older children’s solitary or onlooker be-
havior as a sign of immaturity or social problems, or to assume all children will enjoy sim-
ilar amounts of social interaction during play. Some children prefer to play alone—they
may be more focused on objects or tasks than people (Henderson, Marshall, Fox, & Rubin,
2004). Moreover, some research indicates that children who enjoy solitary play have
longer attention spans and more placid personalities (Coplan, Prakash, O’Neil, & Armer,
2004), and onlooker behaviors have been characterized as adaptive strategies for learning
about toys or becoming part of a group (Hughs, 1995; Lindsey & Colwell, 2003). How-
ever, solitary play in some children can indicate shyness, fearfulness, or social rejection
(Coplan et al., 2004; Henderson et al., 2004), so it is important for parents and teachers
to consider other indicators of maladjustment in children who often play alone. More
research is needed to distinguish between adaptive and maladaptive solitary play.

Gender and Play

Earlier in this chapter we described how play becomes more gender segregated through the
preschool years. Boys tend to be more physically active than girls and enjoy “rough-and-
tumble” play in large groups. Girls enjoy quieter, more cooperative forms of play with one
or a few play partners. And boys are more likely than girls to choose outside spaces to play,
and are more likely to roam or play away from adult supervision, a finding replicated in both
Western and non-Western countries (Morrow, 2006; Munroe & Romney, 2006). Holmes and
Procaccino (2008) observed preschool children’s preferences for outdoor play spaces.
Boys’ favorite spaces were the jungle gym, a wheeled vehicle area, and open spaces,
whereas girls preferred the sandboxes. In general, girls tend to choose more structured

FIGURE 7.7

FORMS OF PLAY IN CHILDREN 2–5 YEARS OF AGE

28
26
24 2–2.5 years 3–3.5 years
Mean number of times

22 2.5–3 years 3.5–4 years

20 4–4.5 years
18
16
14
12
10
8
6
4
2
0
Unoccupied Solitary play Onlooker Parallel play Asso group play Cooperative

Source: Parten, M. B. (1932). Social participation among preschool children. Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 29, p. 260. Reprinted
with permission from the American Psychological Association.
151
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

environments in proximity to adults, perhaps as a response to parents’ tendency to be more

protective of girls and more restrictive about where they play (Morrow, 2006).
Girls engage in more pretend play than boys, and the themes in children’s imaginary
scenarios appear to differ by gender (Gmitrova et al., 2007). Themes for boys tend to revolve
around competition and danger or discord (e.g., war games). In contrast, girls tend to focus
more on intimate and orderly relationships and themes (e.g., playing house or school). Also,
girls are more likely than boys to have imaginary friends, but boys are more likely than girls
to impersonate characters (Gleason, 2005). When boys and girls play together, masculine
themes tend to predominate (Fabes, Hanish, & Martin, 2003). These differences may reflect
children’s socialization—recall parents are more comfortable when girls cross gender bound-
aries than when boys try out roles or activities that are considered more typical for girls.
Although there is widespread agreement about the important role for play in children’s
social emotional development (Cheng & Johnson, 2010; Roskos & Christie, 2007), research
about play has been relatively sparse. Cheng and Johnson’s search for “play” in key early
childhood journals in the years 2005–2007 found only 57 of 1,000 articles with play in the
title, abstract, or list of keywords. More concerning is the trend toward standards-based
education and the emphasis on skill development in early childhood education programs,
which has reduced the attention and status given to play (Roskos & Christie, 2007).

PARENT–CHILD RELATIONSHIPS
IN EARLY CHILDHOOD
We discussed the importance of forming a secure attachment in infancy as a foundation for
healthy parent–child relationships and social emotional adjustment (Wittmer, 2009). From
infancy, children’s dependence on parents for basic childcare as well as emotion and be-
havior regulation declines progressively. As they become more independent and more in-
volved in relationships outside their families, children also recognize that the plans and
preferences their parents have for them can differ from their own. They may try to chal-
lenge parents to change their rules and plans. Research indicates parent–child attachment
histories and the way parents and caregivers respond to these challenges will influence the
extent to which children adopt parents’ values and adhere to the limits they set (Davies,
2004; Kochanska, 2002).

Dimensions of Parenting
Decades of research on parenting indicate two dimensions of parents’ interactions with
their children are particularly important for the development of both social and cognitive
competence: warmth and control (Baumrind, 1991; Maccoby & Martin, 1983; Parke &
Buriel, 2006). Parental warmth refers to how responsive parents are to the needs of their
children. How supportive, nurturing, compassionate, and caring are they? To what extent
do they put the needs of their children ahead of their own? Studies of parenting show that
parental warmth exists along a continuum, with parents at one end being very responsive
and child-centered and parents at the other end unresponsive, even rejecting of their chil-
dren. Children whose parents are warm and responsive develop better social and academic
skills and show more love and respect for their parents and other people than children
whose parents are cold and rejecting. Children who experience cold parenting often fail to
form secure attachments with caregivers, develop aggression, and have difficulty forming
positive peer relationships and adjusting to school (Davies, 2005; Grimes, Klein, & Putallaz,
2004; Maccoby & Martin, 1983; Parke & Buriel, 2006).
Parental control reflects the extent to which parents manage and monitor their chil-
dren’s actions and activities. Parents characterized as high on control set firm limits on their
children’s behavior and are consistent in enforcing their rules. They are highly involved in
their children’s lives—they know where they are and what they are doing at all times—and
they use discipline as a structure for encouraging appropriate behavior and discouraging
inappropriate behavior. In contrast, parents characterized as low in control tend to be

152
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

permissive and uninvolved in their children’s lives. Like warmth, parental control exists
along a continuum, with some parents being high and others being low. Researchers have
distinguished between appropriate forms of behavioral control and inappropriate forms of
psychological control, such as using guilt or withholding love to get children to comply
with rules. Whereas appropriate behavioral control is associated with positive outcomes,
psychological control is associated with a higher incidence of depression, drug use, and
delinquency when children become adolescents (Barber, 2002; Galambos, Barker, &
Almeida, 2003). Another recent distinction in types of parental control is between trying to
control the child’s behavior versus attempts to control the child’s thoughts and feelings.
Trying to control thoughts and feelings is more intrusive and is associated with behavior
problems for adolescents (Smetana et al., 2006).
Much of the research on parenting has examined the combined effects of the warmth
and control dimensions. We discuss this research next.

Parenting Styles
Diane Baumrind’s program of research, beginning in the mid-1960s, has had a strong influ-
ence on how we think about parenting today, especially in Western, European American
cultures. Her research, and the research of Maccoby and Martin (1983) that followed, iden-
tified four distinct styles of parenting that reflect different combinations of high and low
parental warmth and high and low parental control (see Figure 7.8).
According to Baumrind’s model (1966, 1971), authoritative parents are high in
warmth, but they also exert firm control. They monitor their children closely, set clear stan-
dards, and have high expectations for behavior. They are firm, but not harsh or unreason-
able. Authoritative parents are rational and supportive in their approach to discipline. They
allow for give and take in disciplinary matters. For example, in response to a child who is
resisting leaving the park or a play date, an authoritative parent would listen to the child’s
complaint and then explain why the child needs to come now (e.g., “We need to pick up
your brother from school.”), or engage in age-appropriate negotiation to come to a resolu-
tion about the reasonableness of staying longer at the park (“We can stay for 10 more min-
utes, but then we need to hurry to pick up your brother from school. He will be waiting for
us.”). Preschool children raised by authoritative parents tend to be friendly, cooperative,
socially competent, and independent (Mattanah, Pratt, Cowan, & Cowan, 2005). In later

FIGURE 7.8

PARENTING STYLES

Accepting Rejecting
Responsive Unresponsive
Child-centered Parent-centered

Demanding, Authoritative- Authoritarian

controlling reciprocal Power assertive
High in
bidirectional
communication

Undemanding, Indulgent Neglecting,

low in control ignoring,
attempts indifferent,
uninvolved

Source: Macoby, E. E. & Martin, J. A. (1983). Socialization in the context of family: Parent-child interaction
in E. M. Hetherington, Handbook of Child Psychology, Vol. 4, Socialization, Personality, and Social
Development, 4e. Reproduced with permission of John Wiley & Sons, Inc.

153
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

years, these children tend to be more successful in school, both socially and academically,
and to have better relationships with parents than children who experience the other styles
of parenting (Baumrind, 1971, 1991; Knafo & Schwartz, 2003; Parke & Buriel, 2006).
In contrast to authoritative parents, authoritarian parents tend to be high in control
and low in warmth and responsiveness. They set firm limits and expect children will follow
orders, because they say so, often without explanation or negotiation. Their approach to
discipline may be harsh and punitive; the reciprocity or verbal give and take that charac-
terizes authoritative approaches to parenting is not present in relationships between au-
thoritarian parents and their children. On average, children raised by authoritarian parents
perform less well in school, are more hostile and less popular with peers, and have lower
levels of self-control and independence than children raised in authoritative contexts
(Baumrind, 1971; Thompson, Hollis, & Richards, 2003). However, research has found dif-
ferent outcomes for children raised by authoritarian parents that relate to differences in SES,
culture, and religion. We discuss these differences in more detail below.
Permissive parents are characterized as being warm, but having little control. They fail
to set standards or enforce rules for their children and avoid conflict and confrontation.
Rather than actively trying to shape their children’s behavior, these parents view themselves
as resources for their children to use as they wish. Children raised by permissive parents
tend to be immature and demanding. Also, these children tend to be more impulsive, re-
bellious, and aggressive than children raised by authoritative parents, as well as less socially
competent and confident (Baumrind, 1971; Parke & Buriel, 2006).
Finally, Maccoby and Martin (1983) identified the fourth style of parenting. Uninvolved
parents are neither warm nor in control. They put little effort into parenting, and often are
more focused on their own needs than the needs of their children. At the extreme, uninvolved
parents may neglect or reject their children (e.g., failing to set schedules for sleeping and eat-
ing; reacting harshly to children’s advances or requests for attention). Often, these parents are
dealing with significant problems of their own that limit or inhibit their ability to place the
needs of their children ahead of their own. Instead of being child-centered, they are “self-
centered.” Parents who are depressed or who have drug or alcohol problems may neglect or
reject their children. Not surprisingly, children raised by uninvolved parents fare worst of all.
They tend to be insecure in their attachments to others, noncompliant, aggressive, and
withdrawn (Baumrind, 1991; Parke & Buriel, 2006). In adolescence, these children are more
likely to engage in risky and delinquent behavior, suffer disruptions in social and cognitive
development, and perform poorly in school (Hetherington & Clingempeel, 1992; Parke &
Buriel, 2006).
Why do children of authoritative parents fare best? Steinberg and Silk (2002) suggest
there are at least three reasons. First, authoritative parents appear to strike the right balance
between support for autonomy and control. They balance warmth and responsiveness with
appropriate restrictions, creating opportunities for children to develop self-reliance while
providing the limits and guidance they need. Second, the verbal give and take that character-
izes relationships between authoritative parents and their children promotes cognitive devel-
opment that is linked to social competence and good decision making (e.g., reasoning
abilities, role taking, moral judgment, and empathy). Finally, the high levels of nurturance and
involvement that characterize authoritative parenting styles are linked to close, positive rela-
tionships with children. The result is that children are more receptive to parents’ influence.

Critiques of the Research on Parenting Styles

The research on parenting styles is extensive and has intuitive appeal, particularly in North
American and Western European cultures. Most of us recognize aspects of one or more of
the styles from experiences with our own parents or as parents ourselves, and it makes
sense that parenting that is firm, but not harsh, and responsive to children’s needs promotes
healthy development. However, for several reasons described next, it is important not to
overinterpret or overgeneralize the research results.
First, most of the research on parenting styles is correlational. Therefore, we cannot
be sure that authoritative styles are causing positive outcomes for children. We know that

154
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

certain characteristics of children also influence how parents respond to them. For exam-
ple, when children are easy-going and responsive, parents may be more inclined to be flex-
ible and to give them choices, which are practices associated with authoritative parenting.
Alternatively, parents whose children have difficult temperaments may find that their first
attempts at explanation and negotiation are ineffective and, as a consequence, become
more rigid and restrictive, more authoritarian, in their parenting.
Second, the differences reported among styles of parenting, although statistically sig-
nificant, often are small. For example, one study (Lamborn, Mounts, Steinberg, & Dornbusch,
1991) assigned youth (ages 14 to 18) to one of four groups (authoritative, authoritarian,
indulgent, and neglectful) on the basis of their ratings of the parenting they received. Then,
they compared outcomes for these youth, including psychosocial development, school
achievement, internalized stress, and problem behavior. Overall, their findings support the
previous research on parenting styles. However, these researchers emphasized that although
many of the contrasts were statistically significant, the magnitude of the effects for some
contrasts was small. Specifically, the largest effects were observed between youth raised in
authoritative versus neglectful contexts, whereas the size of the effects associated with the
other comparisons was much smaller.
Third, many research findings concerning parenting styles are not universal. In par-
ticular, findings concerning outcomes for children raised by so-called authoritarian parents
vary across SES, cultural, and religious communities. Even Baumrind’s data (1972) revealed
differences in outcomes for African American children and European American children in
relation to parenting styles. By far, the majority of participants in Baumrind’s research were
white, European American, and middle class. However, for a small subsample of African
American families, authoritarian parenting practices appeared to have some benefits, espe-
cially for daughters. Specifically, Baumrind observed that African American girls raised by
authoritarian parents were more at ease and more independent than their white, European
American peers in preschool. In addition, she characterized these girls as being more so-
cially mature and adaptive in contexts that were unfamiliar to them. Baumrind emphasized,
however, that the restrictive disciplinary style of the African American parents was not ac-
companied by the dogmatic or intolerant attitudes and emotional coldness she observed in
the majority of [White] parents she characterized as authoritarian in her study. She inter-
preted that “the black parents were not so much rejecting the child as training her to take
care of herself from an early age” (Baumrind, 1972, p. 266). The notion of firm control as
“training” is consistent with Ruth Chao’s (2001, 2002) research on Asian parenting styles.
Since Baumrind’s original research, numerous studies involving minority families and
families living in low SES communities in the United States indicate parents can be authori-
tarian without being overly harsh and rejecting (Fagan, 2000; McWayne, Owsianik, Green, &
Fantuzzo, 2008; Varela, Vernberg, Sanchez-Sosa, Riveros, Mitchell, & Mashunkashey, 2004).
Similarly, studies involving Asian cultures in the United States and abroad find parents char-
acterized as authoritarian often are highly involved in their children’s lives and have relation-
ships characterized by physical and emotional closeness (Chao, 1994; 2001). In low SES
communities, authoritarian approaches to parenting may reflect caregivers’adaptation to con-
textual factors that threaten children’s safety and success (Furstenberg, Cook, Eccles, Elder, &
Sameroff, 1999). In such circumstances, research has linked the use of authoritarian strategies
to positive outcomes for children (Baldwin, Baldwin, & Cole, 1990; Parke & Buriel, 2006).
Finally, what happens when parents are inconsistent? How many parents are warm
and supportive all of the time? Even Baumrind found one-third of the parents in her stud-
ies did not conform to one pure style of parenting. And parents who are warm and sup-
portive most of the time may be rigid and restrictive on some issues (e.g., choosing peers,
having pets, or bedtimes). Also, parents may disagree with one another, or may give more
freedom to one child than another within the family. More research is needed on issues of
inconsistency and co-parenting, especially comparing parenting across intact and non-
intact families and in nontraditional families (e.g., in gay and lesbian families; in families
where grandparents have a large role in child-rearing). Not surprisingly, warm and consistent
co-parenting (presenting a united front) is associated with positive outcomes for children,

155
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

including prosocial behavior and positive peer relationships (McHale et al., 2002). Also not
surprisingly, research indicates young children who are exposed to hostile and competitive
co-parenting, largely inconsistent co-parenting, and problematic family alliances are at
higher risk for developing aggression, insecure attachment, anxiety, and other clinical
symptoms (McHale & Rasmussen, 1998; McHale, Lauretti, Talbot, & Pouquette, 2002; Parke &
Buriel, 2006).
Clearly, parenting is fraught with many complexities. One of the most challenging
tasks for parents is how to discipline their children appropriately. Ideally, parents anticipate
their children’s misbehavior and intervene to encourage a more positive or prosocial act.
However, children of even the wisest and most vigilant parents are bound to misbehave, so
sometimes discipline is necessary.

Approaches to Discipline
The term discipline often is associated with punishment, but in fact it means much more
than this. Discipline refers to any attempts parents make to change the behavior or attitudes
of their children to conform to what they and society deem appropriate. Before children
reach the age of 2, parents rarely discipline them. However, from ages 2 through 6, disci-
plinary encounters dominate parent–child interactions (Minton, Kagan, & Levine, 1971),
and parents increasingly expect children to comply with their rules. The goal of discipline
is to increase desirable behavior and decrease undesirable behavior. Over time, parents want
children to internalize the values promoted in their families and communities and to exer-
cise self-discipline—to self-regulate their actions so that parental discipline is not necessary.
Most approaches to disciplinary practices can be characterized in three categories. We
have already described inductive discipline, which emphasizes positive, prosocial behavior
and involves strategies such as reasoning, negotiating, explaining, and even eliciting input
from children. It also involves setting limits and demonstrating logical consequences. This
approach to discipline is consistent with authoritative approaches to parenting and is be-
lieved to be highly effective because it helps children to understand why their behavior was
wrong or offensive and fosters empathy for their victims and remorse for their actions.
Withdrawal of love occurs when parents attempt to gain compliance from children by
withholding affection or ignoring or rejecting them (e.g., isolating them or showing dislike).
In the short term, this approach to discipline may be effective, especially with young chil-
dren because they don’t want to lose their parents’ approval and affection. However, over
the long term, it is associated with fear of rejection and abandonment in children (Elliot &
Thrash, 2004; Magai, Hunziker, Mesias, & Culver, 2000). Therefore, parents need to be
judicious in their use of withdrawal of love.
Finally, power assertion refers to parents’ attempts to stop behavior by making de-
mands or threats, or by withdrawing privileges. It also includes physical forms of punish-
ment, such as spanking, slapping, and shaking. However, the use of physical, or corporal
punishment is very controversial. Read the Point/Counterpoint for a more detailed dis-
cussion of this debate. Some forms of power assertion may be necessary and appropriate
when children are at risk of injuring themselves or others, or when children engage in in-
tentional acts of defiance (e.g., stealing; destroying property). In these instances, however,
the punishment should be delivered immediately and consistently, it should be logically tied
to the offense, and it should be administered calmly—in private, if possible—and accom-
panied by an explanation.
Opinions about what behavior should be punished and approaches to discipline
vary by culture. For example, African American parents report using power assertive
techniques more than Caucasian American parents, but without the negative conse-
quences typically associated with such practices (Dodge, McLoyd, & Lansford, 2005). In
contrast, Japanese mothers use induction and expressions of disappointment more than
U.S. mothers to control children’s behavior (Rothbaum, Pott, Azuma, Miyake, & Weisz,
2000; Zahn-Waxler, Friedman, Cole, Mizuta, & Hiruma, 1996). These approaches are be-
lieved to be highly effective in cultures such as Japan where the mother–child bond is
particularly valued.

156
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

POINT/COUNTERPOINT: Using Corporal Punishment

to Promote Prosocial Behavior
Whether corporal, or physical, punishment can be justified

䉲
Larzelere (2000) and others (e.g., Baumrind, 2002) be-
as a means of promoting good and controlling bad behav-
lieve the scientific evidence does not warrant a total ban
ior in children is a controversial issue around the world

COUNTERPOINT
on physical punishment (typically they refer to spanking).
(Gershoff & Bitensky, 2007; Knox, 2010). Many countries
They argue there may be an appropriate but limited role
have an all out ban on parents’ use of all forms of corporal
for physical punishment in parent discipline. They point
punishment (including spanking) to discipline their children
to limitations in the research that has been done on cor-
(e.g., Sweden, Finland, Norway, Spain, Portugal, Chile,
poral punishment to date. First, most of the research is
Croatia, Bulgaria, Greece). In the academic community, the
correlational and cross-sectional, which precludes deter-
debate concerning corporal punishment reflects two views.
minations of cause and effect. Second, many studies
One view is that corporal punishment can be effective and
don’t distinguish between the effects of more and less
may at times be necessary to discipline children (e.g.,
severe forms of physical punishment. Also, the research
Larzelere, 2000). The opposing view is that research offers
relies predominantly on parents self-reporting using cor-
little evidence that corporal punishment is beneficial (at least
poral punishment and these are at odds with children’s
over and above other tactics) and may, in fact, harm children
reports of experiencing physical forms of punishment by
(e.g., Gershoff, 2002).
age 12 (Barkin, Scheindlin, Ip, Richardson, & Finch,
2007). Barkin et al. suggest this discrepancy may reflect
Those who argue against the use of corporal punish-
䉲

parents’ perception that reporting using physical pun-

ment cite research indicating it doesn’t accomplish
ishment is not a “desirable” response. Finally, those who
POINT

the disciplinary goals most parents have for their

see a place for physical punishment in parent discipline argue
children. For example, most parents enact discipli-
the need to consider children’s age and temperament, as well
nary strategies they believe promote good and dis-
as a wide range of cultural and contextual factors (e.g., fre-
courage, or extinguish, bad behaviors. Gershoff
quency and severity of the punishment, reasons for use, other
(2002) conducted a meta-analysis of research studies
strategies used, and overall discipline/parenting style).
to examine the efficacy of corporal punishment in
In general, the researchers we cite above agree other
this regard and concluded spanking and other forms
strategies, such as time-outs, inductive discipline, withhold-
of physical punishment may gain immediate compliance
ing privileges, and reinforcing prosocial behavior, can be as
from children, but seldom promote children’s long-term
or more effective than physical forms of punishment, and
compliance or their internalization of the reasons for
have less potential to harm children. Also, parents need sup-
behaving in a certain way. Moreover, she pointed to stud-
port to learn about these alternatives—in one survey, 94% of
ies linking corporal punishment to higher levels of ag-
parents perceived they had significant unmet needs for par-
gression and anti-social behavior in children, and
enting (Bethell, Reuland, Halfon & Schor, 2004). According
increases in anxiety, depression, alcohol and drug use,
to Baumrind (2002), all forms of punishment should be used
and general maladjustment. Each of these outcomes is
sparingly and only after other tactics have been tried. Also,
typically counter to parents’ goals. Finally, a big concern
parents should implement the mildest form of punishment
for opponents of corporal punishment is the risk for phys-
they believe will be effective and reserve firmer tactics for
ical punishment to escalate to child maltreatment. They
times when children are noncompliant about an issue that is
view physical punishment on a continuum that could re-
nonnegotiable. Finally, she emphasizes that parents should
sult in harm or abuse—the challenge in real life may be to
focus on the child’s needs and welfare—try to be instrumen-
draw a line between non-abusive physical punishment
tal, not impulsive.
and abuse.

Approaches to discipline also are linked to SES communities, although stress appears
to be a significant factor in these research findings (McLoyd, Aikens, & Burton, 2006; Parke
et al., 2004). Stress in any family, regardless of their financial situation, can undermine the
quality of parenting, but families living in low SES communities are known to face a num-
ber of significant stressors (e.g., finding adequate housing and employment, buying food
and other necessities, living in neighborhoods that are unsafe). Parenting children alone
(i.e., single parenting) is another known stress factor (Magnuson & Duncan, 2004). Such
stressors diminish parents’psychological well-being and are associated with higher levels of
physical and mental health problems. Adults suffering such difficulties understandably
struggle to parent patiently and supportively. However, it’s also important to note that many

157
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

CONNECTING WITH CHILDREN

Guidelines for Teachers and Families: Disciplining Preschool Children
Be aware of your emotions and behavior. 5. Encourage problem-solving by allowing your child
Examples to help find a solution to misbehavior.
1. Avoid losing your control by not reacting out of anger,
fatigue, or other emotions. Tailor your discipline practices to the child, his or her
characteristics, and the situation.
2. If you lose control, regain your composure, keep your
Examples
voice at a normal volume level; accept your
inappropriate behavior and comfort your child by 1. Make rules and expectations clear and reasonable (for
admitting your mistake, expressing your love, and by the child’s age, stage of development, personality, and
asking permission to hug him/her. needs). Rules should tell children what to do rather than
what not to do.
3. Be a good behavioral role model; respond positively
with approval and praise for good behavior. 2. Set up routines clearly (e.g., mealtime, bath, and
bedtime) and avoid discussion over them, but supervise
4. Know what to ignore.
children when they are following directions.
Promote self-discipline at home. 3. Prevent challenging behaviors (e.g., childproof your
Examples home, put temptation out of reach, reduce misbehavior
1. Make sure to tell children what is acceptable and what is triggers such as hunger or tiredness).
not and why, use explanation and reasoning. 4. Redirect their attention to activities other than the
2. Agree on logical consequences for when, not if, the problematic one.
rules are broken. Use clear consequences and consistent 5. Make activities and situations predictable so they know
enforcement that match the age of the child (e.g., if your what to expect (e.g., plan transitions from one activity
child throws food on the floor, make sure she helps you to the next; talk to your child about them).
clean up the mess; once the mess is cleaned up, the
consequence is over). Source: Adapted from http://www.drheller.com/tbppangr.html
3. When a child breaks a rule, give her a chance to do it http://www.lfcc.on.ca/HCT_SWASM_pages60-61.pdf
right before you apply a consequence, but be consistent. http://www.publichealthgreybruce.on.ca/Family/Preschool/
4. If punishment is needed, deliver it immediately and BehaviourAndDiscipline.htm
consistently, and accompany it with an explanation. http://www.caringforkids.cps.ca/behaviour&parenting/
Misbehaves.htm
When there is not a clear consequence, remove
privileges and use timeouts.

parents living in stressful circumstances are responsive to the needs of their children and
do an excellent job of protecting them from potentially negative outcomes (Epps & Huston,
2007; Raikes & Thompson, 2005).
Recently, researchers have expanded their assessments of people’s stress levels to in-
clude physiological measures, such as heart rate and changes in hormone levels. Martorell
and Bugental (2006) studied a group of mothers living in stressful circumstances and exam-
ined the extent to which strong physiological reactions to stress—demonstrated by elevated
cortisol (hormone) levels in their saliva—were associated with harsh parenting practices. In
their study, stronger physiological reactions to stress were associated with increased use of
harsh discipline practices. In addition, their findings linked elevations in mothers’ cortisol
levels to having children with difficult temperaments and feeling powerless as a caregiver.
These findings suggest it is important to consider not only that parents are under stress, but
also how they react to stress and how best to help. In a related study (Bugental et al., 2002),
a program of home visitations that focused on strategies to increase mothers’ perceived ef-
ficacy for parenting difficult children was successful in reducing instances of harsh or abu-
sive parenting.
In general, punishment that is overly harsh and exhibits lack of control on the parents’
part is not effective. It has been linked to higher levels of aggression and lower levels of

158
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

moral behavior and mental health among children (Gershoff, 2002). Also, it can instill fear
and anger in children, which can lead to passivity, helplessness, or avoidance, which
undermines parents’ ability to influence behavior. When do overly harsh disciplinary prac-
tices become abusive? For sure, physical punishment is abusive when it injures the child,
but what about verbal or psychological abuse, including yelling and swearing at children,
threatening to hit them or send them away, or accusing them of being stupid or lazy?
According to a nationally representative sample of parents in the United States (Straus &
Field, 2003), these forms of punishment are very common. In fact, 98% of the parents sur-
veyed indicated they had used some form of psychological punishment with their children
by the time they reached 5 years of age. Perhaps this finding signals how difficult it is to
parent—to keep your cool 100% of the time.
Losing control occasionally is nothing to be proud of, but it likely won’t cause lasting
and irreparable harm. Children interpret discipline in the context of their ongoing rela-
tionships with parents and patterns (styles) of parenting are more important than specific
and isolated practices (Parke & Buriel, 2006). The Connecting with Children guidelines
offer tips about how to control emotions or how to recover lost control when disciplining
children.

CHALLENGES FOR CHILDREN: CHILD ABUSE

Child abuse is a serious public health issue that results in significant short- and long-term
costs to both the individuals who are the victims of the abuse and society as a whole. It is
difficult to get accurate information about the number of abused children in North Amer-
ica. Experts agree that large numbers of cases go unreported. However, in 2006, an esti-
mated 905,000 children (0 to 17 years of age) in the United States were determined to be
victims of child maltreatment, a rate of 12.1 per 1,000 children in the general population
(Department of Health & Human Services, 2006). In Canada, the rate in 2003 was higher.
According to the Public Health Agency of Canada (2005), reports of maltreatment in chil-
dren (0 to 15 years of age) in 2003 were substantiated in 18.67 investigations out of 1,000.
The predominant categories of child abuse or maltreatment in both nations are shown in
Table 7.4 on the next page, along with their definitions and examples of abusive behaviors.
They include physical and sexual abuse, extreme neglect, emotional abuse, and exposure to
family violence. The most common forms of maltreatment are neglect and exposure to fam-
ily violence, accounting for well over half of the substantiated cases of child abuse in the
United States and Canada. Physical abuse is the next most common form of abuse, followed
by sexual abuse and emotional harm.
Who are the victims? Figure 7.9 shows the victimization rates by age group in the
United States, but the trends are similar in Canada. It is clear to see that infants and very
young children are most at risk for maltreatment. In general, girls tend to be the victims of
abuse more than boys, except between the ages of 8 and 11, when more boys than girls ex-
perience physical abuse. In the United States, victimization also varied by ethnicity, with the
highest rates found in the African American population (19.8 per 1,000 children) and the
lowest rates found in the Asian population (2.5 per 1,000 children). The rates for Caucasian
and Hispanic children were 10.7 and 10.8 per 1,000 children, respectively. In nearly 83% of
cases, children were abused or maltreated by a parent acting alone or with another person,
and approximately 40% of cases involved a mother acting alone. In cases of sexual abuse
(approximately 9% of all substantiated cases), a parent or relative was responsible for the
abuse more than 50% of the time. About half of all abusive parents could change their de-
structive behavior patterns if they received help and support. Without assistance, however,
only about 5% of abusing parents improve (Starr, 1979).
The consequences are devastating. Children who are physically or sexually abused ev-
idence serious adjustment problems, such as depression and, over the long term, symptoms
of post-traumatic stress disorder (Teicher, 2000). In adolescence, these children are more
likely to abuse alcohol and drugs and attempt suicide. In addition, individuals who experi-
ence abuse as children often get involved in unhealthy relationships as adults; they may have

159
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

TABLE 7.4 • Types of Child Maltreatment and Examples of Abusive Behaviors

CATEGORY DEFINITIONS EXAMPLE OF ABUSIVE BEHAVIOURS

1. Physical abuse The application of unreasonable force by an adult or Harsh physical discipline, forceful shaking,
(assault) youth to any part of a child’s body pushing, grabbing, throwing, hitting with a
hand, punching, kicking, biting, hitting with an
object, choking, strangling, stabbing, burning,
shooting, poisoning and the excessive use of
restraints

2. Sexual abuse Involvement of a child, by an adult or youth, in an act Penetration, attempted penetration, oral sex,
of sexual gratification, or exposure of a child to sexual fondling, sex talk, voyeurism and sexual
contact, activity or behaviour exploitation

3. Neglect Failure by a parent or caregiver to provide the physical Failure to supervise, leading to physical harm
or psychological necessities of life to a child or to sexual harm; permitting criminal
behaviour; physical neglect; medical neglect;
failure to provide psychological treatment;
abandonment; and educational neglect

4. Emotional Adult behaviour that harms a child psychologically, Hostile or unreasonable and abusive
harm emotionally or spiritually treatment, frequent or extreme verbal abuse
(that may include threatening and demeaning
or insulting behaviours), causing non-organic
failure to thrive*, emotional neglect, and
direct exposure to violence between adults
others than primary caregivers

5. Exposure to Circumstances that allow a child to be aware of Allowing a child to see, hear or otherwise be
family violence violence occurring between a caregiver and his/her exposed to signs of the violence (e.g., to see
partner or between other family members bruises or physical injuries on the caregiver or
to overhear violent episodes)

*“Non-organic failure to thrive” is a diagnostic term applied in cases of children less then age three years who have suffered a slowing or cessation of
growth for which no physical or physiological causes can be identified.
Source: Government of Canada. (2003). Child maltreatment in Canada. National Clearing House on Family Violence. This is a copy of an official work
that is published by the Government of Canada. Reproduction has not been produced in affiliation with, or with the endorsement of the Government
of Canada. Used with permission.

partners who abuse them and their children. Approximately one-third of these individuals
will go on to abuse or neglect their own children (National Clearinghouse on Child Abuse
and Neglect Information, 2005). In this way, the cycle of abuse continues.
Although parents are the most likely perpetrators of physical and sexual abuse against
children, they are not the only people guilty of these crimes. Siblings, other relatives, teach-
ers, and coaches have been responsible for physically and sexually abusing children. Today,
there is another way for adults who want to abuse children to reach them—the Internet.
Typically, abusers are people that children know and trust. We have all heard reports of
predators approaching children and youth through social networking on the Internet and
gaining their trust. Caregivers need to be vigilant about children’s interactions in this
medium.
If you work with children and suspect abuse, you must report it. In all 50 states, the
District of Columbia, and the U.S. territories, professionals, including teachers, principals,
school psychologists, social workers, medical professionals, and all other childcare work-
ers, are required by law to report suspected cases of child abuse. Moreover, many states
have broadened the legal definition of abuse to include neglect and failure to provide ade-
quate care and supervision. Make sure you understand the laws in your state concerning
this important issue, and consider your moral responsibility. Also, be aware of signs that can

160
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

FIGURE 7.9

RATES OF CHILD ABUSE BY AGE GROUP

AGE GROUP

Age < 1 24.4

Age 1–3 14.2

Age 4–7 13.5

Age 8–11 10.8

Age 12–15 10.2

Age 16–17 6.3

0.0 5.0 10.0 15.0 20.0 25.0 30.0

RATE PER 1,000 CHILDREN

Source: U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Administration on Children, Youth and Families.
Child Maltreatment 2006 (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 2008).

indicate abuse, such as childhood depression, low self-esteem, mistrust of adults, anger and
hostility, generalized fear, and developmentally advanced and inappropriate sexual knowl-
edge and behavior. Each year thousands of children die because of abuse or neglect, in many
cases because no one would “get involved”(Department of Health & Human Services, 2006;
Thompson & Wyatt, 1999).

䉲 SUMMARY AND KEY TERMS

• Testing the Limits high self-esteem. However, young
Throughout the early years, children are eager to try new tasks children can experience low self-
and activities on their own. At the same time, they recognize esteem if comparisons are made
that not everything they want to do will meet with the ap- salient by parents and other significant people in their lives.
proval of the significant people in their lives. Erikson referred Moreover, self-concept and self-esteem can vary by domain
to this conflict as one of initiative vs. guilt, and when children and within domains, so it is possible for children to accurately
resolve it, they develop a positive self-image, can control perceive they are not good in sports without experiencing low
emotions, and demonstrate social competence and positive self-esteem.
peer relations. Self-regulation is associated with a wide range of positive
outcomes, and emotion and behavior regulation are pivotal
achievements in early childhood. Children’s development of
• Who Am I, and How Am I Different from Others? self-regulation is influenced by internal characteristics, such as
Preschool children are able to reflect on several aspects of cognitive capacities and temperament, but typically develops
self, including objective characteristics, such as the length along a continuum from other regulation to self-regulation. In
of their hair and the color of their eyes, and subjective addition to a growing awareness of their own thinking and
characteristics that reflect values and comparisons with feeling, preschool children are increasingly able to assess and
standards (e.g., “I am good.” “I am bad.”). Objective respond to the thoughts and feelings of others. Perspective-
understandings about self are linked with self-concept, taking ability continues to develop throughout childhood and
whereas evaluative judgments about self are linked to self- is associated with positive, prosocial behaviors, such as empa-
esteem. Young children tend to have inflated self-concepts and thy and sympathy.

161
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

• Developing Morality children mature and acquire more gender-related informa-

As early as age 2, children have a sense of right and wrong and tion, their gender-related schemas become more flexible and
by ages 3 and 4 can distinguish degrees of good and bad. realistic.
Many factors influence children’s development of moral be-
• Peer Relationships
havior, including their observations of other people’s actions
and the discipline they receive. Personal and biological fac- Children begin to focus on relationships with peers in early
tors, such as temperament, brain physiology, and gender can childhood. Sharing, helping, comforting, and control over
influence moral behavior, too. Some research suggests girls anger and aggression increase, as does their communicative
are more likely to experience guilt, shame, and empathy than competence. Children who do not develop these competen-
boys, and more likely to take responsibility for their misdeeds. cies tend to be rejected by peers, which puts them at risk for
Young children’s aggression typically is instrumental in maladjustment in middle childhood and adolescence. Re-
nature—they use it to gain or regain objects of desire, not to search links positive, secure relationships with parents to social
harm another individual. This type of aggression declines dur- competence and successful peer relationships. Parents can
ing the early years as children learn to control their emotions support positive peer relationships by providing opportunities
and behaviors; acquire language to express their wants and for children to interact with peers and then monitoring these
needs; and develop empathy, care, and concern for those encounters, coaching social problem-solving, and disciplining
around them. Hostile and relational aggression are more com- unacceptable or maladaptive behaviors. Teachers can support
mon in older children and are cause for concern when ob- positive peer relationships by establishing close personal rela-
served in very young children. Boys are more physically tionships with the children in their classrooms and creating a
aggressive than girls, and girls engage in more relational than climate that fosters positive child-to-child interactions.
physical aggression. Sex differences in aggression are likely Preschool children begin to label peers as friends and
biological and environmental. Hormones, differences in express affection for them, concern for their feelings, and a
strength, reactivity to pain, and temperamental characteristics desire to win their approval. Friendships offer emotional se-
may account for some differences, but environmental factors curity, support for self-esteem, intimacy and affection, instru-
likely are implicated as well. Modeling and reinforcing ag- mental assistance, and a context in which to develop
gressive behavior increases the likelihood it will occur. Finally, interpersonal sensitivity. Young children with friends cope bet-
some children are more likely to interpret the actions of oth- ter with stressful events and situations, and adjust better to
ers as intentional and hostile. These children may not attend school. More research is needed about the significance of
to relevant social cues (e.g., cues indicating an action was children’s peer relationships and friendships in non-Western
actually an accident), which prompts aggressive responses. cultures. Likely, cultures differentially endorse behaviors asso-
ciated with cooperation, compliance, or emotional expressiv-
• Gender Development ity, which may influence standards for peer acceptance and
Gender identity is an important part of children’s self-concept rejection.
and a powerful source of self-esteem. Once children are
aware of their gender, they tend to identify with and imitate • Play
behavior of same-sex parents and siblings; develop expecta- Play contributes importantly to children’s physical, cognitive,
tions about objects and activities typically associated with and and social development. The content and function of play
appropriate for boys and girls; and express preferences for change across the early years. Infants and toddlers engage in
playing with same-sex peers and gender stereotypic toys. functional play—they are drawn to toys on the basis of how
Boys are generally more insistent than girls about maintaining they look and what they do. Play for them involves simple
gender stereotypes; girls and adults are less forgiving of boys repetitive actions with objects or physical movements such as
who engage in cross-gendered behavior; and these biases are jumping or rolling. For children 3 to 6 years old, play is more
remarkably consistent across cultures. However, not all chil- goal-oriented and constructive—they manipulate objects to
dren develop gender identity easily. produce something. Pretend play emerges about the time
Biological, social, and cognitive factors are believed to children are learning language (ages 2 to 3), increases across
influence gender development. Some differences between the early years (to ages 6 or 7), and then declines during the
males and females are believed to be to the result of evolu- school years. At first, children’s pretend play is self-
tionary adaptations (e.g., men’s greater physical strength referenced, but increases in its social focus as they become
helped them to hunt and travel over long distances), hormonal less egocentric. Pretend play, in particular, promotes abstract
secretions, and structural differences between male and fe- and creative thinking, and research indicates children with
male brains. active imaginations are better at interpreting the emotions,
Children also learn about gender and gender-appropriate actions, and intentions of others, and view of their experi-
behavior by observing and interacting with parents, siblings, ences more objectively and comprehensively.
peers, teachers, and cultural models. As children interact Girls and boys have different interests in play. Boys tend
with the world, they form organized cognitive structures, or to enjoy physical activities, outdoor spaces, and are more will-
schemas, that include gender-related information and these ing to play away from adult supervision. Girls engage in more
schemas influence how they think and behave. In general, pretend play than boys and are more likely to have an imagi-
children’s early learning of gender categories and associ- nary friend. When boys and girls play together, masculine
ated attributes results in schemas that are very rigid, but as themes predominate.

162
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

• Parent–Child Relationships in Early Childhood for injuring themselves or others, or engage in intentional
Parental warmth and control are important for children’s cog- acts of defiance, but it should be appropriate for the offense
nitive and social development. Four parenting styles reflect and administered calmly, in private, if possible, and include
different combinations of high and low warmth and high and an explanation. Opinions about what should be punished
low control. Authoritative parents are high on warmth and and approaches to discipline vary by culture. Stressors, such
control. They are responsive, but set firm limits on behavior as financial difficulties and parenting alone, also can be a
and enforce rules consistently. Authoritarian parents are high factor. Stress affects parents’ psychological well-being and
on control, but tend to be low on warmth. Their discipline adults suffering such difficulties understandably may strug-
practices may be harsh or undemocratic. Permissive parents gle to parent effectively.
are warm, but have little control, and uninvolved parents are
• Challenges for Children: Child Abuse
neither warm nor in control. On average, children raised by
authoritative parents have the most positive outcomes, but The most common forms of child abuse or maltreatment are
there are exceptions. Parents in some ethnic groups and low neglect and exposure to family violence. Physical abuse is
SES communities are sometimes authoritarian without being the next most common form of abuse, followed by sexual
overly harsh and rejecting. This combination has been shown abuse and emotional harm. Infants and young children are
to benefit children growing up in adverse, perhaps danger- most at risk for maltreatment. Girls are more likely to be
ous, conditions. Consistent co-parenting also is associated abused than boys and some ethnic groups are particularly
with positive outcomes for children. vulnerable. Often perpetrators are people children know
From ages 2 through 6, disciplinary encounters and trust. Parents are the most likely perpetrators, but sib-
dominate parent–child interactions. The goal is to increase lings, teachers, and other people in positions of trust also
desirable behavior and decrease undesirable behavior may abuse children. Today, caregivers need to be vigilant
so that, over time, children internalize the values promoted about children’s interactions on the Internet as predators can
in their families and communities and exercise self- use social networking software to approach children and
discipline. Inductive discipline is consistent with authorita- gain their trust. Children who are physically or sexually
tive parenting and appears most effective for meeting this abused evidence serious adjustment problems and, over the
goal. Withdrawing love and power assertion should be used long term, symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder. Laws
sparingly—they are not highly effective over the long term. in all 50 states are such that, if you suspect abuse, you must
Power assertion may be necessary when children are at risk report it.

䉲 KEY TERMS
authoritarian parents heteronomous self-concept
authoritative parents hostile aggression self-conscious emotions
constructive play inductive discipline self-esteem
discipline instrumental aggression self-regulation
display rules moral imperatives sex
emotional self-regulation parental control social conventions
empathy parental warmth sympathy
functional play permissive parents theory of mind
gender perspective-taking ability uninvolved parents
gender constancy power assertion withdrawal of love
gender identity pretend play
gender schema theory relational aggression

䉲 THE CASEBOOK
WHY NOT SAY WHAT YOU REALLY MEAN?
It crosses Tara’s mind that the party has gone very well . . . so It’s dumb,” she says about one gift. “I already have one of
far. Daughter Katie is having her first birthday party. She turns these,” she says about another. Tara exchanges looks with her
three today and so she and five “friends” have gathered at her husband, David, recognizing his sense of helplessness. As she
home, with parents in tow, to celebrate. The weather is good, scans the faces of Katie’s guests, she sees hurt and disap-
which allowed for games in the back yard and a barbeque. The pointment on the faces of the children who gave the gifts.
piñata was a great success and the children have had their fill Some parents are silent, others laugh awkwardly. One child
of cake. Now it’s time to open the gifts. Katie is the center of chimes in, “I don’t have one. I want it.” Tara wonders: “What
attention. As parents and children gather around to watch, should I say? Should I intervene? How? Is there any way to
hoping their gifts are met with approval, Tara is mortified by salvage what remains of the party and future friendships for
the words that come out of Katie’s mouth. “I don’t want this. Katie?”

163
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

WHAT WOULD THEY DO?

Here is how some professionals in several fields responded: to act in situations like this one gives them a framework of ap-
propriate behavior. It is also important to build empathy in
SARAH DAVLIN—Elementary School Counselor (K–5) young children. By asking questions like, “How would you feel
Wyandot Run Elementary School: Olentangy Local Schools, Powell, if you gave someone a present and she called it dumb?” par-
Ohio ents can help their children begin to develop empathy. I would
As educators, we have all been victim to the unbridled candor suggest that before a party or another social situation where
of children at one time or another. “What’s that red spot on good manners are expected, parents should review what to
your face?” “Is your hair supposed to look that way?” “This is say if something doesn’t go the way the child would have
boring.” How do we teach children to respect the feelings of liked. For the example above, before the next party, Katie’s
others without losing the precious gift of their honesty? The parents may give her examples of what to say when she gets a
unfortunate reality is that, in our quest to teach proper man- present that she wants as well as what to say if she gets a pres-
ners, we often inadvertently encourage children to avoid or ent that she doesn’t like. It is important for parents to give chil-
sugarcoat the truth and remain quiet when, perhaps, it is im- dren the words that they need to still be honest, but not
portant to speak up. hurtful. Parents may want to consider holding off on opening
Rather than focusing on what not to say or what not to do, gifts until after the party is over. Then, parents can help their
we can impart better manners in children through discussion children write polite thank-you notes to each gift giver.
and role-playing of basic social skills (i.e., what to do). For ex-
ample, practicing strategies such as “Feelings Talk” (I Feel KAREN E. DAVIES—Kindergarten Teacher
when; I want ) teaches children “tact” and a means to politely North Royalton Early Childhood Center, Broadview Heights, Ohio
communicate upset feelings. We can also encourage children I am sure that it would be difficult for a parent to share this story
to “filter” their words by reflecting on whether or not their with a teacher, but it would also indicate that the parent really
comments were necessary or helpful in a given situation. wanted suggestions about how to solve this problem. Children
Finally, when we implement character education initia- are always told to tell the truth, so this is not even an obvious
tives within our school community, we directly impact the way blunder to Katie. Adults must exhibit correct behavior to chil-
students communicate. For instance, as we discuss the mean- dren and explain why they are acting in a particular manner, as
ing of empathy with children and encourage them to “put children this age must learn behaviors. They do not automati-
themselves in someone else’s shoes” or “imagine how another cally know how to behave in new situations. Katie’s parents
person might feel,” children are significantly more likely to should discuss her friends’ feelings and how she would feel in
make their own attempts to filter their words and use tactful their place. I would suggest to the parents that Katie dictate
speech. thank you notes to each of her friends, explaining that she was
sorry for what she said. This might be a good opportunity to dis-
KATHERINE A. YOUNG—K–8 School Counselor cuss wants versus needs and people who are less fortunate,
Montgomery County Intermediate Unit, Non-Public School Services perhaps donating some of the gifts to a charity, if appropriate.
Division, Norristown, Pennsylvania I would encourage Katie’s parents to continue to model appro-
When explaining the behavior to Katie’s mom, I would de- priate behavior (especially right before an event of this type)
scribe it as a preschooler being brutally honest. Young chil- and then to compliment Katie’s appropriate behaviors. Katie’s
dren often say how they feel without thinking about how it may behavior should improve as she sees the rewards (friendship)
make another person feel. Teaching children in advance how and approval that come with her kind words.

164
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN EARLY CHILDHOOD

KATIE BURGER—Kindergarten Teacher at the party are around the same age as Katie, they probably
Washington Park Elementary, Laurinburg, North Carolina do not understand how rude she is acting.
Children at this age don’t understand what it means to be gra- In the future, Katie’s mom may want to pull her aside and
cious in opening gifts. When they don’t like something, they let her child know that it hurts people’s feelings when she says
will likely let you know. Honesty is the one of the most endear- out loud that she does not like a gift. Children will not under-
ing traits in children, most of the time. Katie’s parents are stand that they are doing anything wrong until it is explained
embarrassed by their child’s rude behavior, but if the children to them.

Now go to MyEducationLab at www.myeducationlab.com,

where you can:
• Find the instructional objectives for this chapter in the Study
Plan.
• Take a quiz as a part of the Study Plan to self-assess your
mastery of chapter content. The program generates an indi-
vidualized Study Plan based upon your answers to the quiz.
• Complete Activities and Applications to assist you in deep-
ening your understanding of important chapter concepts.
• Apply what you have learned through Building Teaching
Skills, exercises that guide you in trying out skills and strate-
gies you will use in professional practice.

165
166
 Physical
Development
IN Middle
Childhood

From Chapter 8 of Child and Adolescent Development, 1/e. Anita Woolfolk. Nancy E. Perry.
Copyright © 2012 by Pearson Education. All rights reserved.
167
 Physical
Development
IN Middle
Childhood
䉴 the Ca sebook

WHAT WOULD YOU DO?

MEETING THE CHALLENGE OF INCLUSION
As the director of Tall Trees Camp, David is preparing for the onslaught of
campers who will begin arriving on July 5th, just two weeks away. In particular,
he is mulling over ways to include one camper, 10-year-old Jason, who uses a
wheelchair. All of the cabins and communal buildings are wheelchair accessible,
but most of the grounds surrounding the camp are pretty uneven and the trails
are fairly inhospitable to all but those traveling on foot. David is determined,
however. The camp prides itself on being inclusive, and inclusion to David means
everyone. So . . . his job is to figure out how to include a child in a wheelchair in
the physical activities of the camp. Soccer and swimming aren’t so hard, actually.
But hiking and beachcombing, given the rocky shore, will present a bit of a
challenge. And what about the overnight hiking and camping trip?

CRITICAL THINKING
• Does inclusion mean everyone in every event?
• How would you handle this challenge?
• What factors should be considered when designing physical/recreational ac-
tivities (including field trips/excursions from school) to accommodate children
with a wide range of physical and/or sensorial differences and disabilities?

168
Trevor Yo Heng Ang, Age 9—Singapore

䉴 OVERVIEW AND OBJECTIVES

Physical development in middle childhood is characterized by slow and steady growth. Children’s
bodies continue to grow and develop, but not at the same rapid pace as in the early years. Some
experts refer to this period as the calm before the storm, referring to the growth spurt that
characterizes adolescents’ physical development. In this chapter, we describe body growth, brain
development, and motor development in the middle years. In particular, we will examine
children’s participation in more organized physical activities and how involvement in these
activities can lead to accidents and injuries, with a focus on prevention. Finally, we will consider
some special physical needs in children at this age; specifically, we will look at children who have
physical disabilities and sensory impairments. By the time you finish this chapter you should be
able to:

Objective 8.1 Provide examples of steps to be taken throughout childhood to ensure good bone
and oral health across the lifespan.
Objective 8.2 Describe advances in higher order cognitive processes during middle childhood and
explain how they impact children’s thinking and learning.
Objective 8.3 Summarize the reasons for and risks associated with declining levels of children’s
involvement in physical activity.
Objective 8.4 Identify several physical, cognitive, and social and emotional benefits of physical
activity for all children, including children with disabilities.
Objective 8.5 Summarize the leading causes of accidents and injuries during childhood and identify
actions that can minimize their negative consequences.
Objective 8.6 Describe special considerations for preventing injury and illness in child athletes.
169
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

Objective 8.7 Provide examples of how to accommodate and include children with physical
disabilities and/or sensory impairments in activities with their same-age, typically
developing peers.

BODY GROWTH
Typical growth and development in the middle years is characterized by slow and steady
gains in height and weight without dramatic alterations in basic body structures—
proportions change less in middle childhood than they do in infancy and early child-
hood. Table 8.1 shows the average height and weight of children ages 5 to 12. Girls ages
10 to 12 tend to be taller than boys their age. This results from girls’ tendency to

TABLE 8.1 • Average Height and Weight of Children Ages 5–12

AGE AVERAGE WEIGHT (IN POUNDS) AVERAGE HEIGHT (IN INCHES)

MALE FEMALE MALE FEMALE

5 46.9 45.3 44.5 44.3

6 51.7 49.2 46.9 46.1

7 59.8 56.9 49.7 49

8 72 70.1 52.2 51.5

9 79.2 78 54.4 53.9

10 84.9 87.9 55.7 56.4

11 96.2 105.4 58.5 59.6

12 110.9 114.3 60.9 61.4

Source: Ogden, C. L., Fryar, C. D., Carroll, M. D., Flegal, K. M., & Division of Health and Nutrition Examination
Surveys (October 27, 2004). Mean body weight, height, and body mass index, United States 1960 –2002. Retrieved
from http://www.cdc.gov/nchs/data/ad/ad347.pdf

mature faster and experience their adolescent growth spurt before

boys. Weight gains follow a similar pattern. However, the weight is
distributed differently. Before they reach the middle years, children lose
OUTLINE 䉲 their baby fat and their bodies become more muscular. It is important
The Casebook—Meeting the Challenge to remember, however, that averages can disguise individual differences,
of Inclusion: What Would You Do? which can be substantial at this age.
The slower rate of growth at this age enables gains in motor con-
Overview and Objectives
trol and coordination (Gallahue & Ozmun, 1995). These developments
Body Growth are evidenced in activities such as running, jumping, kicking, and throw-
Brain Development ing. At this age, children often become involved in organized sports. We
will return to this topic later in the chapter when we discuss motor
Motor Development development.
Health and Well-Being
Bone Health
Special Physical Needs
Building bone mass, or density, during childhood has important impli-
Summary and Key Terms cations for lifelong health, especially for preventing osteoporosis, a dis-
The Casebook—Meeting the Challenge ease that involves serious loss of bone density and leaves bones fragile
of Inclusion: What Would They Do? and at risk for breaking. Bone mass peaks during the mid-20s. Boys

170
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

typically have greater bone mass than girls and African American
girls have higher bone density than Caucasian girls. However,
bone mass also depends to a great extent on diet and exercise.
Calcium in the diet is especially important, as are weight-bearing
exercises such as running, walking, dancing, and jumping.
Weight training also prevents bone loss as we age. The more we
use our bones, the stronger they become. This is one reason
physical education is an important aspect of school curricula.
We examine this issue in the section on motor development.

Tooth Development and Oral Health

Between the ages of 5 and 7, most children’s baby teeth are
lost and replaced by a set of permanent teeth. Healthy teeth
and gums are extremely important. They help children chew
food, speak clearly, and they give shape to their faces. More-
over, tooth decay is associated with problems eating and
speaking, school absences, learning difficulties, and even se-
rious illness (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services,
2005). Children who live in poverty and whose families can-
not afford medical insurance are most at risk for experiencing
oral disease. Also, children with disabilities and some ethnic
minority populations have higher rates of tooth problems and
decay. The best way for children to prevent tooth decay is to
floss and brush their teeth regularly and avoid foods that are Children who live in poverty and whose families cannot
high in sugar content. Fruit juices and sugary sodas are par- afford medical insurance are most at risk for experienc-
ticularly problematic in this regard (American Academy of Pe- ing oral disease. Some ethnic minority populations
diatrics, 2003). Like bone health, oral health deserves have higher rates of tooth problems and decay.
© David Halbakken/Alamy
attention from the early years as it has implications for health
and well-being across the lifespan. The Connecting with Children guidelines on the
next page offer ideas about maintaining good oral hygiene.

BRAIN DEVELOPMENT
During the middle years, the brain continues to grow and change, but the changes are not as
dramatic as in infancy and the early years. The brain continues to add cells and connections,
at least in some areas such as the hippocampus, and functioning improves (Black, 1998). For
example, increased myelination of the nerve fibers and increased lateralization of the two
hemispheres result in information being processed more efficiently. In particular, the myeli-
nation that occurs in the prefrontal cortex during this period is believed to promote higher
cognitive functions such as planning, goal setting, and inhibiting inappropriate behavior.
Children become more able to integrate past and present experiences and information in or-
der to select an appropriate response from several alternatives. Whereas an infant or a tod-
dler reacts impulsively, the 9-year-old can now remember and reflect. Self-regulation is
enhanced through analysis, control, abstraction, memory space, speed of processing, and
the integration of information (Kagan & Herschkowitz, 2005). Moreover, neural connections
continue to be pruned, especially in areas of the brain that involve higher order thinking.
The brain becomes increasingly more organized, which may account for improvements in
problem-solving, memory, and language comprehension that occur in the middle years and
in adolescence (Blair, 2002; Case, 1992; Diamond, 2000).
Learning is affected by these changes. Clearly the child’s brain is involved whenever learn-
ing takes place. As Blakemore and Firth (2005) note in their book on lessons for education from
research in neuroscience: “We start with the idea that the brain has evolved to educate and be
educated, often instinctively and effortlessly” (p. 459). The brain shapes and is shaped by the
child’s cognitive processing activities. Because the brain continues to change, children with
learning disabilities such as dyslexia can be taught strategies to compensate using other areas

171
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

CONNECTING WITH CHILDREN

Guidelines for Families, Teachers, and Other Professionals:
Practicing Good Oral Hygiene
Begin flossing and brushing early, and make these each other. Perhaps the dentist will look in children’s
activities part of children’s regular routines. mouths informally and show them what will happen
Examples when they come for an appointment.
1. Have children begin brushing their teeth as soon as the 3. Schedule children’s dental visits often. Children typically
teeth break through their gums. need to see dentists more often than adults. Primary
2. Have children brush their teeth two times each day for teeth are smaller and have thinner enamel than
two minutes each time. Morning and bedtime are good permanent teeth, so decay can spread quickly.
times to brush teeth. 4. Get X-ray images so the dentist can check for
3. Assist and supervise teeth brushing until children are decay.
7 or 8 years of age. Teach them to brush using a gentle
circular motion. Teach children how to care for their teeth when
toothbrushes and toothpaste are not available.
4. Once all primary (baby) teeth have erupted through the
Examples
gums, have children begin flossing once each day.
1. Have them chew on a piece of sugar-free gum to help
Make sure children have the right equipment to care remove pieces of food and sugar substances on the
for teeth effectively. teeth.
Examples 2. Have them eat high fiber foods, which increase saliva in
1. Choose brushes according to children’s ages. the mouth; this has a rinsing effect for teeth.
2. Choose brushes with small heads for young children. 3. Limit sugary snacks and drinks. Encourage children to
For all children, choose brushes with soft bristles. drink water.
3. Replace toothbrushes every three months.
Children like to imitate adults, so model good oral
4. Use toothpaste that contains fluoride to strengthen tooth hygiene.
enamel and prevent decay, but use toothpaste sparingly, Examples
an amount about the size of a small pea is sufficient.
1. Floss and brush with young children.
Establish a positive relationship with a dentist and 2. Make dental appointments a family priority.
schedule regular dental appointments. 3. Model eating habits that are good for teeth.
Examples
1. Schedule children for their first dental appointment
Sources: Bupa. (2009). Caring for your child’s teeth. Retrieved from
around their first birthday per American Dental
http://hcd2.bupa.co.uk/fact_sheets/html/child_dental.html. Leeds,
Association recommendations. Grenville, & Lanark District Health Unit. Oral hygiene for children.
2. Take young children with you when you go to the Retrieved from http://www.healthunit.org/dental/children_oral/
dentist. This way, children and dentists can get to know hygienechild.htm.

of the brain (Blakemore & Firth, 2005). In children with hearing impairments, the areas of the
brain that ordinarily would process auditory stimulation change over time to process visual in-
formation and the opposite is true for children with visual impairments. The areas of the brain
that usually would process visual stimuli process auditory information (Neville, 2007). Even at
the level of synapse formation, 15 minutes after a child is unsuccessful at processing informa-
tion, new synapses are formed. As Siegler (2004) notes, “the key factor is the unsuccessful pro-
cessing activity in particular areas of the brain. Neural development does not just happen; it
reflects in large part the organism’s past processing activity”(p. 473).

MOTOR DEVELOPMENT
Children’s gross motor skills are typically well developed by the beginning of the school
years, but they continue to improve throughout middle childhood (Davies, 2004). One rea-
son for these improvements may be the slowing of body growth, which gives children time
to adjust to their bodies and learn to use them more effectively. Children’s fine motor skills
also develop during middle childhood. Hand-eye coordination is necessary for writing and
drawing and improves during the early school years such that by the time children reach

172
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

FIGURE 8.1

TIMELINES FOR DEVELOPMENT OF MOTOR SKILLS IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

PERFORMANCE STATUS

SKILL AGES 5 – 6 AGES 6 – 7 AGES 7 – 8 AGES 8 – 9 AGES 9 – 10 AGE 10 – 11

Catching

Kicking

Running

Jumping

Throwing

Dribbling

Leaping

Dodging

Punting

Striking (One-handed grip)

Swinging (Two-handed grip)

Source: Based on data from Department of Education. (2009). Fundamental motor skills: A manual for classroom teachers. Melbourne, Victoria,
Australia: Community Information Service.

the third and fourth grades, most can write rapidly and automatically (Davies, 2004). Fine
motor difficulties are associated with learning disabilities and problems in school during
the early elementary grades (Hooper, Schwartz, Wakely, DeKruif, & Montgomery, 2002).
Figure 8.1 shows developments in motor skills throughout the middle years.
School-age boys and girls have similar levels of motor skills, but there are some differ-
ences. Boys tend to have more upper body strength, which gives them an advantage for some
activities (e.g., throwing a ball farther and faster). Girls typically are more agile, which gives
them an advantage for activities involving flexibility (e.g., gymnastics and dance). Histori-
cally, boys’leisure activities have involved higher levels of physical activity, giving them more
time to practice physical skills, but girls in contemporary society may be closing this gap.
Individual differences in motor development are important to children during the
middle years. Physical and athletic abilities become a measure of competence in children dur-
ing the middle years, in both their own eyes and those of their peers (Davies, 2004). Children
put a great deal of effort into acquiring skills for individual and team sports and those children
with poor gross motor skills or physical disabilities may be teased and suffer social rejection.

Physical Activity
The evidence is overwhelming that regular physical activity is critical for overall health and
well-being during childhood and throughout our lives (AAP, 2006; Canadian Fitness and
Lifestyle Research Institute, 2008). Activity helps to control weight gain, blood pressure, and
cholesterol levels, and it reduces the risk of diabetes and some kinds of cancer. Exercise is
associated with psychosocial well-being, too. For example, physically active children report
higher levels of confidence and self-esteem than their inactive peers (Findlay & Coplan, 2008).
However, studies indicate more than 50% of American children are not getting the recom-
mended 60 minutes per day of moderate to vigorous exercise (Centers for Disease Control and
Prevention, 2003). In Canada, health authorities recommend 90 minutes of moderate to vigor-
ous physical activity each day for children, but the Canadian Fitness and Lifestyle Research
Institute (CFLRI) reports that only about 23% are reaching this benchmark (CFLRI, 2008).

173
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

The CFLRI followed a sample of over 10,000 children (ages 5–19) from 2005 through
2008 and used pedometers to count their daily steps. A goal was set for children to reach a
criterion of 16,500 steps each day, which they calculated would translate roughly to 90 min-
utes of physical activity over and above that required for incidental daily living. Figure 8.2
shows some of the results. Figure 8.2a indicates the proportion of children meeting the cri-
terion in each year of the study, ranging from 8–9% in Year 1 of the study to almost 14% in
Year 3. On average, boys took more steps than girls (about 1,200 each day in Year 3) and
were almost twice as likely to meet the criterion in each year of the study (see Figure 8.2b).

FIGURE 8.2A

PROPORTION OF CHILDREN MEETING A CRITERION

OF 16,500 STEPS EACH DAY IN EACH YEAR

18%

16%

14%

12%

10%

8%

6%

4%

2%

0%
2005–06 2006–07 2007–08

Source: 2005-2008 CANPLAY Study, CFLRI. Used with permission of Canadian Fitness and Lifestyle
Research Institute.

FIGURE 8.2B

PROPORTION OF CHILDREN MEETING THE CRITERION

IN EACH YEAR BY GENDER

13,000

12,000

11,000

10,000

9,000

8,000

7,000

6,000

5,000
2005–06 2006–07 2007–08 2005–06 2006–07 2007–08
Boys Girls

Source: 2005-2008 CANPLAY study, CFLRI. Used with permission of Canadian Fitness and Lifestyle
Research Institute.

174
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

The proportion of children meeting the criterion declined in older age groups, with almost
twice as many 5- to 10-year-olds meeting the criterion as 15- to 19-yearolds. The CFLRI study
also found differences across regions of the country, with amounts of physical activity in-
creasing from east to west, and differences among SES groups, with children in higher SES
communities engaging in more physical activity than children living in low SES communities.
Given the clear links between physical activity and people’s health and well-being
across the lifespan, these findings suggest that several challenges should be addressed. First,
the reasons modern children are leading such sedentary lives must be explored. Increases
in television viewing and time spent playing video games or surfing the Internet are often
blamed. Children should be encouraged to be more physically active. Unfortunately, many
children live in urban settings where adults perceive it is unsafe for them to play outdoors
unsupervised or where space for physical activities is limited. Second, it appears some
groups of children are particularly vulnerable (e.g., girls, adolescents, children with dis-
abilities, and children in low SES communities). These children need opportunities and en-
couragement to increase their levels of physical activity.
This issue of childhood inactivity is gaining attention around the world, so much so
that the World Health Organization (WHO) has adopted a “Global Strategy on Diet, Physi-
cal Activity, and Health” (2004) and is currently working with member states and a wide
range of national and international partners to develop and implement strategies that sup-
port health through physical activity. The Relating to Every Child feature on the next
page describes the WHO’s strategy and how it is being applied in developing countries.
Physical education and organized sports are two contexts in which modern-day chil-
dren can engage in physical activities. We examine the opportunities in these contexts next.

Participation in Physical Education

Physical Education (PE) became a firmly established part of the elementary school curricu-
lum during the twentieth century (Graber, Locke, Lambdin, & Solmon, 2008). The goals of
PE include teaching children basic motor skills, engaging them in regular vigorous physical
activity, and encouraging them to adopt and then maintain a physically active lifestyle. In
recent years, concerns about how high rates of inactivity and obesity lead to early onset of
chronic diseases such as diabetes have led to compelling arguments in favor of requiring at
least 150 minutes of PE in school each week (National Association for Sport and Physical
Education, [NASPE], 2006). Certainly, following these guidelines would go a long way toward
helping children to meet the goal of participating in 60 minutes of moderate to vigorous
physical activity every day (as indicated above). In addition, schools can promote physical
activity by encouraging children to get up and get active at recess; providing opportunities
for participation in a wide range of physical and sports-related activities commensurate
with children’s interests through extracurricular offerings; and promoting the use of “active
transportation,” such as walking or riding bikes to get to school (McKenzie & Kahan, 2008;
Shephard & Trudeau, 2008).
Positive experiences in PE are associated with a wide range of positive outcomes. For
example, research links children’s attitudes about PE to their physical activity outside of
school (Cox, Smith, & Williams, 2008). However, attitudes about PE are linked to many fac-
tors, including curriculum and pedagogy (how PE is taught), perceived ability, gender, race
and ethnicity, and SES (Graham, 2008; Solmon & Lee, 2008). According to Harrison and
Belcher (2006), children may resist participating in activities they perceive are inconsistent
with aspects of their identity. African American children, for example, have been shown to
seek out activities that, in their view, fit with their “Black” identity (e.g., football and bas-
ketball) and avoid activities they consider more consistent with a “White” identity (golf and
hockey). Teachers should be aware of these sensitivities and support students’ preferences,
but also be careful not to communicate implicit messages about student characteristics that
may undermine their confidence and limit their willingness to participate in activities
(Solmon & Lee, 2008).
Exercise has been shown to stimulate physiological development, enhance motor
abilities, and organize the brain for social, emotional, and academic learning (Coe, Pivarnik,
Womack, Reeves, & Malina, 2006; Graber et al., 2008; Stork & Sanders, 2008). In one study

175
 Relating to E V E RY C H I L D
䉴 Promoting Physical Activity
in Developing Countries
PHYSICAL INACTIVITY and other lifestyle factors (e.g., building, and full participation. Children (ages 5 to 16)
unhealthy diet, tobacco use, and alcohol consumption) received instruction about health and three physical edu-
are increasingly associated with health problems in cation sessions each week all year—two lessons on skill
developing countries, especially those experiencing development and one on sports—plus daily 15-minute
rapid economic and social development, urbanization, fitness sessions right before lunch.
and industrialization (Bauman, Schoeppe, & Lewicka, 2005). Teachers were involved in lesson planning and cur-
The prevalence of overweight and associated non- riculum development with the Ministry of Health and the
communicable diseases (NCDs) such as cardiovascular Ministry of Education. They were provided resources to
disease, diabetes, and cancer are on the rise in these purchase physical education and cooking equipment and
transitional countries (Bauman et al., 2005; Katzmarzyk et opportunities for professional development that also in-
al., 2008). The importance of physical activity as a means cluded teachers from other community schools. Special
of preventing and controlling NCDs is recognized, as is care was taken to tailor the program to the unique context
the need for programs, policies, and guidelines that are in which they were teaching (e.g., attending to religious be-
suited to the unique needs of communities. liefs and issues related to addressing obesity in the Cook Is-
In response, the World Health Organization (WHO, lands). Anecdotal evidence indicates physical activity levels
2004) has proposed a “Global Strategy on Diet, Physical increased in the school as a result of NEWSTART and these
Activity, and Health” with four main objectives: changes were sustained after the program was completed.
1. reducing NCD risk factors stemming from A more formal evaluation of the children’s overall health
unhealthy diets and physical inactivity; status, activity levels, diet, and attitudes to healthy choices
2. increasing overall awareness and understanding of is an ongoing collaboration between the school and the
(a) the influences of diet and physical activity on Ministries of Health and Education.
health and (b) the positive impact of preventative
interventions;
3. encouraging the development and implementation
of global, regional, national, and community
policies and action plans . . . that are
comprehensive, sustainable, engage all population
groups, and use multisectoral approaches; and
4. monitoring progress (p. 3–4).
While the main focus of this initiative is on interventions
supported by ministries of health, sport, and education
that are conducted on a large scale, implementation
depends on involvement at the local level (i.e., commu-
nity groups, schools, and the workplace). One example is
the NEWSTART program developed to address obesity
through physical activity in one school in the Cook Islands
(see Bauman et al. 2005 for a complete description). This
program was a collaboration between educators and Ministries of health, sport, and education in developing coun-
health professionals. Its goal was to develop long-term tries are collaborating to promote health and physical education.
plans for health and physical education. In addition to Their goals, in addition to skill building, are to foster enjoyment,
skill development, it focused on enjoyment, confidence confidence and full participation in physical activities. © Nik
Wheeler/CORBIS All Rights Reserved

(Chomitz et al., 2009), researchers found the more physical fitness tests children passed, the
better they did on academic tests. In another study (Barros, Silver, & Stein, 2009), re-
searchers examined the effects of having or not having recess on children’s behavior in
school. They compared children 8 to 9 years of age who did and did not receive recess on

176
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

African American children have been shown to seek out activities that, in their view, fit with their “black” identity (e.g., football
and basketball) and avoid activities they consider more consistent with a “white” identity (golf and hockey). © Jim West/Alamy (left);
© Dennis MacDonald/Alamy (right)

a daily basis and found that those who had more than 15 minutes of recess each day behaved
better in class, according to teacher ratings, and were more successful academically. Dr. Barros
is quoted in the New York Times (Parker-Pope, 2009) as saying, “We should understand that
kids need that break because the brain needs that break.”
However, even with evidence that physical activity is good for learning, growing con-
cerns about inactivity and obesity in children, and positive public and parent perceptions
of PE as part of the school curriculum (81% of adults surveyed agreed, “Daily physical edu-
cation should be mandatory in schools” [NASPE, 2000]), elementary and middle school
teachers are typically allocating less time to PE in their schedules. According to a NASPE sur-
vey (2006, cited in Graber et al., 2008), only 22% of states (11) require a minimum number
of minutes of PE in elementary schools each week, only 8% require daily PE, and only two
states require the recommended 30 minutes each day.
What accounts for the decline? Teachers and administrators feel pressured to increase
time spent on academic subjects to improve students’scores on standardized tests (Graham,
2008). Often, they perceive a need to take time away from physical activities, such as PE
and recess, to meet their academic goals. Moreover, budget cuts have resulted in fewer re-
sources to hire specialist teachers to provide instruction in this subject area. In elementary
schools in particular, classroom teachers typically teach PE, and most of these teachers are
not prepared to provide high quality, developmentally appropriate physical education.
Teacher preparation programs offer very little in the way of substantive training in PE—
perhaps one course (Graber et al., 2008; Locke & Graber, 2008). This leaves teachers and
administrators concerned about providing safe and appropriate programs for children with
increasingly complex health profiles.
In response to these concerns, the National Association for Sport and Physical Educa-
tion (NASPE) created a task force of experts and charged them with identifying a set of stan-
dards for physical education. The standards (NASPE, 2004) describe what children should
know and be able to do by the end of grades 2, 5, 8, and high school. Table 8.2 on the next
page shows the standards, along with examples of safe and developmentally appropriate ac-
tivities that will support children to meet them.
Outside of school, children can meet requirements for physical activity through par-
ticipation in organized sports.

Participation in Organized Sports

Theokas (2009) characterized organized youth sports as structured activities with cer-
tain rules for engagement. Events can be individual or team-oriented and require different
skills and abilities (e.g., strength, speed, agility). Generally, there is a coach—someone
skilled in the sport—who is “in charge”and takes responsibility for managing the game and

177
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

TABLE 8.2 • Participation in Physical Education

NASPE standards with examples of what children can do to meet them.

STANDARDS EXAMPLES

1. Demonstrates competency in motor skills and • Demonstrates ways to send, project, and receive an object
movement patterns needed to perform a variety with control, individually and with others, using a variety of
of physical activities. body parts and implements
• Aims and projects an object at a target with increasing
accuracy

2. Demonstrates understanding of movement concepts, • Selects and performs simple movement sequences using
principles, strategies, and tactics as they apply to the elements of body awareness, space awareness, qualities,
learning and performance of physical activities. and relationships
• Uses critical-thinking and problem-solving skills to create
competitive and co-operative games

3. Participates regularly in physical activity. • Engages in physical education at least 150 minutes per
week.
• Engages in extracurricular and informal physical activity
regularly.

4. Achieves and maintains a health-enhancing level of • Demonstrates and describes ways to achieve a personal
physical fitness. functional level of physical fitness
• Describes the importance of exercise and its effect on the
body

5. Exhibits responsible personal and social behavior that • Identifies and follows rules, routines, and procedures of
respects self and others in physical activity settings. safety in a variety of activities from all movement categories
• Identifies and demonstrates positive behaviors that show
respect for individuals’ potential, interests, and cultural
backgrounds

6. Values physical activity for health, enjoyment, challenge, • Identifies and describes positive benefits gained from
self-expression, and/or social interaction. physical activity in a natural setting
• Describes the importance of exercise and its effect on the
body

Source: NASPE. National Standards for Physical Education. Retrieved from http://www.aahperd.org/naspe/standards/nationalStandards/ PEstandards
.cfm. British Columbia Ministry of Education (1995). Physical education K to 7. Retrieved from http://www.bced.gov.bc.ca/irp/pek7/petoc.htm

teaching/training the players. Participants follow directions and execute skills as needed for
competition. Finally, participation in youth sports requires commitment because it is
voluntary. However, voluntary participation is associated with higher levels of motivation and
cognitive engagement (Csikszentmihalyi & Larson, 1984; Larson, Hansen & Moneta, 2006).
Involvement in organized sports is associated with numerous physical, psychological,
and social benefits. For example, children who are involved in sports generally are more
physically active than their uninvolved peers; they develop physical skills associated with
the sport they play; and they establish habits that sustain health and well-being across the
lifespan (CFLRI, 2008; Theokas, 2009). Moreover, sports have long been considered a
medium through which other life skills, such as persistence, teamwork, humility and self-
control, can be taught and learned (Baron, 2007; Theokas, 2009; Weiss, 2004). Participation
in sports has been linked to the development of social skills and social competence, popu-
larity with peers, and increased self-confidence and self-esteem associated with physical
appearance and physical ability (Coatsworth & Conroy, 2009; Findlay & Coplan, 2008).
Findlay and Coplan (2008) examined relationships between sports participation and
various indices of positive adjustment in children who are shy. Participants in their study
were 355 children in grades 4 and 5 (Mage  10.1 years). Their parents rated their social
skills and the children were asked to answer questions about their level of shyness, social
anxiety, aggressiveness, self-concept in the physical and social domains, general perceptions

178
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

of well-being, and participation in sports. The results indicated children who are shy were
less likely to participate in organized sports. However, those who did participate reported
higher levels of self-esteem and decreased levels of social anxiety over time. Findlay and
Coplan concluded that sport participation may play a protective role against some of the
negative outcomes associated with shyness. In their words, children who are shy should be
encouraged to “come out and play.”
Theokas (2009, p. 304) aptly cautions that “mere participation [in sports] does not
confer benefits; it is the quality and implementation of sport programs that are likely causal
mechanisms for enjoyment and development.” In recent years, youth sports have been crit-
icized for being excessively competitive. Some participants, including parents and coaches,
view winning at all costs as the sole goal of sports. Others perceive that youth sports have
become increasingly professionalized, emphasizing year-round training, early specialization
and ranking, and a focus on success—defined as winning—rather than the educational and
developmental goals we listed above (Gould & Carson, 2004; Theokas, 2009). Moreover,
violence in youth sports appears to be increasing and is too often ignored or treated as a
“side effect” of the game (e.g., “It’s a contact sport. . . . Emotions run high.”). When com-
petition and winning at all costs become the focus of sports, enjoyment of the game can be
diminished, especially for children who are not naturally athletic and cannot “win” on the
basis of their physical performance (Weber, 2009).
The pressure to perform in sports is especially strong for boys (Bowkers, Gabdois, &
Cornrock, 2003; Findlay & Coplan, 2008; Kanters & Casper, 2008). Although societal norms
are changing and girls’ participation in sports is more frequent and more highly valued,
there remains a bias that boys should be able to perform well in the physical domain. Boys
perceived as big, strong, and physically competent are more desirable than boys with slight
builds who are not athletic. In contrast, the standards for physical success for women are
less demanding; in fact, physical prowess is admired less in women than in men through-
out the lifespan, particularly in some events (e.g., body building, hockey). These norms may
influence children’s attitudes toward and participation in various sports.
Some groups of children are underrepresented in youth sports. For example, children
from ethnic minority groups and children from low SES communities are less likely to par-
ticipate in organized sports, as are children with disabilities and children who are over-
weight or obese (Deforche, Bourdeaudhuij, & Tanghe, 2006; Murphy, Carbone, & the
Council on Children with Disabilities, 2008; Solmon & Lee, 2008). Deforche and colleagues
investigated differences in rates of participation and attitudes toward physical activity in
normal weight, overweight, and obese youth (ages 13–15). They found higher rates of par-
ticipation among youth with normal weight compared with those who were either over-
weight or obese. The three groups did not differ in terms of their perceived benefits of
physical activity, but children in the overweight and obese groups perceived more barriers
to participating in sports and reported liking physical activity less than children in the nor-
mal weight group. Specifically, they reported physical complaints, such as feeling ex-
hausted, finding it difficult to breathe, and experiencing stitches or muscle pain, as well as
feeling insecure about their appearance and worrying about not being good at sports. Also,
they didn’t enjoy physical activity as much as their normal weight peers. Deforche and col-
leagues emphasized the need to increase participation in sports among children and youth
who are overweight by targeting activities that are fun and attractive to them.
Adults can influence children’s attitudes toward and enjoyment of sport participation.
Coatsworth and Conroy (2009) examined relationships between coaching behaviors and
developmental outcomes for children and youth. Participants in their study were 117 children
(77 girls, 40 boys), ages 10 to 17, who were participating in a community-directed summer
swim league. In their study, coaching behaviors characterized as supportive, nurturing,
encouraging, and non-hostile were associated with positive outcomes for the swimmers, in-
cluding positive self-evaluations of swimming, self-esteem, initiative, and identity reflection
and exploration (e.g., trying new things). Similarly, Gano-Overway and colleagues (2009)
found children’s perceptions of a caring context for sport participation were associated
with positive outcomes in their study of children and youth ages 9 to 16 who were attend-
ing a federally funded summer program, the National Youth Sports Program. The program
sought to increase opportunities for underserved youth to participate in sports and other

179
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

physical activities. Gano-Overway and colleagues’ sam-

ple was approximately 50% boys and primarily children
from ethnic minority groups (e.g., 61% African Ameri-
can, 26% Hispanic Americans). Their findings indicate
children’s perceptions of caring contexts were associ-
ated with prosocial behavior and higher levels of self-
efficacy.
Finally, Kanters and Casper (2008) studied how
parental attitudes and behavior influenced young
hockey players’ self-assessment of hockey ability and
enjoyment of the game. Participants in their study were
all boys 9 to 11 years old. Consistent with the other
studies, these researchers found that children who per-
ceive parental support as encouraging and facilitative
(i.e., paying registration fees, purchasing equipment,
The National Youth Sports Program sought to increase providing transportation, and attending games) had
opportunities for underserved youth to participate in sport
more positive attitudes toward participating and higher
and other physical activities, involving children primarily from
levels of perceived competence for the sport than chil-
ethnic minority groups. Bob Bird/AP Wide World Photos
dren who perceived parental involvement negatively
(e.g., perceived parental pressure).
In summary, youth sports can engage families and communities in activities that are
healthy, mutually entertaining, and fun. The focus of participation in sports and other phys-
ical activities should be on developing physical skills; maintaining health and fitness; and
developing positive self-perceptions and prosocial attitudes and behavior. The Connecting
with Children guidelines offer some tips on how adults can support children’s positive par-
ticipation in sports and physical activity.

CONNECTING WITH CHILDREN

Guidelines for Families, Teachers, and Other Professionals:
Encouraging Physical Activity
Increase physical activity by reducing sedentary activity. 2. Create opportunities for children to participate in a wide
Examples variety of activities—variety is the spice of life.
1. Limit children’s TV viewing, time on the computer, and 3. Give non-competitive choices for activities. Participating
talking on the phone. in non-competitive sports can be fun for children who
2. Encourage and facilitate outdoor play. aren’t particularly athletic or just don’t want the pressure
3. Go for a walk around the neighborhood instead of of competitive sports.
watching TV after dinner or before settling into
Exercise indoors when the weather is poor.
homework. Everyone will feel refreshed and energized.
Examples
Incorporate physical activity into daily routines. 1. Put on some music and groove.
Examples 2. Pop in an exercise video.
1. Walk or ride a bike to school. 3. Do some yoga.
2. Take the stairs instead of the elevator.
3. Build in “fitness breaks.” Teachers can do this to See http://kidshealth.org/parent/nutrition_fit/fitness/exercise.html
transition between lessons. Sing an action song or get for ideas about a wide range of aerobic, strength and endurance
up and stretch. promoting activities that are fun.
Sources: KidsHealth. (2009). Kids and exercise. Retrieved from
Make physical activity fun. http://kidshealth.org/parent/nutrition_fit/fitness/exercise.html#.
Examples Stewart, C. (2007). Physical activity in children: Tips to help parents
1. Give children choices about the activities in which they encourage exercise in kids. Retrieved from http://earlychildhood.
engage. suite101.com/article.cfm/your_childs_fitness

180
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

Including Children with Disabilities in Sports

and Physical Activities
Approximately 18% of children and adolescents in the United States have a chronic condi-
tion or disability with implications for participating in sports and other physical activities
(Murphy, Carbone, & the Council on Children with Disabilities, 2008). However, regular
physical activity for children with disabilities is associated with numerous benefits, includ-
ing controlling or slowing the progression of disease and disability, improving overall health
and function, and mediating the psychosocial impact of having a disability (for both
children and their families). For example, participation in sports provides opportunities for
children with disabilities to form friendships, express creativity, develop positive self-
concepts and self-esteem, and cultivate meaning and purpose in their lives (Dykens, Rosner,
& Butterbaugh, 1998; Murphy et al., 2008).
The Paralympics and Special Olympics are good examples of what is possible for indi-
viduals with disabilities in terms of physical activity and athletic ability. The Special
Olympics is the largest recreational program for children with intellectual disabilities, with
a presence in more than 200 countries. The Paralympic Games, for athletes with physical
and visual disabilities, are held every four years, following the Olympic Games; they are gov-
erned by the International Paralympic Committee (IPC). Many of the events parallel those
in the Olympic Games (e.g., archery, track and field, cycling, power lifting, swimming, vol-
leyball, and basketball). You can find out more about these organizations by visiting their
websites: specialolympics.org and paralympic.org.
Unfortunately, for many children with disabilities, there are many barriers to partici-
pation in sports, most of which have nothing to do with their physical ability. In addition
to functional limitations, frequently cited barriers to participation include high costs for
specialized programs and equipment, lack of nearby facilities and programs, and lack of
awareness about what is possible or available for children with disabilities. Their partici-
pation in sports and other physical activities requires a good deal of support from their
families, schools, and communities. In general, families
who are physically active tend to also promote physi-
cal activity in children with physical disabilities (Amer-
ican Academy of Pediatrics, Council on Sports
Medicine and Fitness, and Council on School Health,
2006; King et al., 2003, Murphy et al., 2008). Unfortu-
nately, inactive role models, competing demands and
time pressures, unsafe environments, lack of adequate
facilities, insufficient funds, and insufficient access to
high quality daily physical education are more com-
mon for children with special physical needs than for
other populations. Finally, many adults believe chil-
dren with disabilities are more susceptible to injury
from sport participation than other groups of children.
This is not the case.
Table 8.3 on the next page, prepared by the
American Academy of Orthopedic Surgeons, shows
the range of individual and team sports recommended
for individuals with disabilities. Notice that very few
activities in the table are marked with an X; that is,
there are very few activities not recommended for in-
dividuals with disabilities. Of course, many activities
need to be adapted or individualized in accordance
with particular physical needs. For example, “goalball”
is a team sport played by individuals who are blind or
who have visual impairments. Two teams, each with
Goalball is a team sport played by individuals who are blind or
three players, try to roll a 3-pound ball past the oppos- who have visual impairments. © Lin Yiguang/CORBIS All Rights Reserved
ing team players and into their goal. The court on

181
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

TABLE 8.3 • Including Children with Disabilities in Sport and Physical Activities
Individual and team sports recommended for individuals with disabilities by the American Academy of Orthopedic Surgeons

INDIVIDUAL SPORTS

SKIING: CROSS-COUNTRY
SKATING: ROLLER & ICE
CANOEING/KAYAKING

TENNIS: WHEELCHAIR

WHEELCHAIR POLING
TRACK: WHEELCHAIR
HORSEBACK RIDING

SKIING: DOWNHILL
RIFLE SHOOTING

WEIGHT LIFTING
FIELD EVENTS*

SCUBA DIVING

TABLE TENNIS
TRICYCLING

SWIMMING
BICYCLING

BOWLING
ARCHERY

FENCING

FISHING

SAILING

TENNIS
DIVING

TRACK
GOLF
CONDITIONS

Amputations
Upper extremity RA R R R RA R R R R RA R RA R R R R R R R R – R – R –

Lower extremity

Above knee R R R R R R I R R R R R R R I RA RA R R I R – R R R

Below knee R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R I R I R I

Cerebral palsy

Ambulatory R R R R R R I R R R R R R I R RA RA R R R – R – R –

Wheelchair R I I R R I I I R I I R R – – – – I R – R – R R R

Spinal cord disruption

Cervical RA – RA RA IA – – I R – X RA R – – IA IA R RA – IA – R – I

High thoracic: T1-T5 R – R R R – RA R R RA I R R R – IA IA R R – R – R R R

Low thoracolumbar: T6-L3 R – R R R – RA R R RA R R R R – RA RA R R – R – R R R

Lumbosacral: L4-sacral R R R R R R R R R R R R R I R R R R R R – R – R –

Neuromuscular disorders

Muscular dystrophy RA I R R I I – R R R I RA R I I I I R R I I I I – R

Spinal muscular atrophy RA I R R I I – R R R I RA R I I I I R R I I I I – R

Charcot-Marie-Tooth

syndrome R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R – R – R –

Ataxias R I I R I I – R R I I R R I I I R R R R R I R I R

Others

Osteogenesis imperfecta R I R R R I R R R I I R R I I I R R R R R R R I R

Arthrogryposis R I I R R I I R R I R R R I I I R R R R – R X I X

Juvenile rheumatoid arthritis RA I I RA R I I I R I I R R I I I I R R I I I I I I

Hemophilia RA R R R R R R R R R R R R R I I R R R I – R – I –

Skeletal dysplasias R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R RA R R R R – R – I –

R ⫽ recommended, X ⫽ not recommended, A ⫽ adapted, I ⫽ individualized, – ⫽ no information or not applicable.

*Clubthrow, discus, javelin, shot put.
Source: From Chang, F. M., The disabled athlete (pp. 48–76) published in Pediatric and Adolescent Sports Medicine, Vol. 3,
by Stanitski, C. L., DeLee, J. C., Drez, Jr., D. Copyright Elservier, 1994. Used with permission.

182
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

TABLE 8.3 • (Continued)

TEAM SPORTS

BASKETBALL: WHEELCHAIR

FOOTBALL: WHEELCHAIR

SOCCER: WHEELCHAIR
FOOTBALL: TACKLE

FOOTBALL: TOUCH

SLEDGE HOCKEY
BASKETBALL

VOLLEYBALL
ICE HOCKEY
BASEBALL

SOFTBALL

SOCCER
CONDITIONS

Amputations
Upper extremity R R R – R R – R – R – R

Lower extremity

Above knee RA RA – R I I R – R I R R

Below knee R R R I R R I I I R I R

Cerebral palsy

Ambulatory R R I – I I – I – R – R

Wheelchair I I – R – – R – I – R I

Spinal cord disruption

Cervical – – – I – – I – I – – IA

High thoracic: T1-T5 RA RA – R – – R – R – R RA

Low thoracolumbar: T6-L3 RA RA – R – – R – R – R RA

Lumbosacral: L4-Sacral R R R I I R I I – R – R

Neuromuscular disorders

Muscular dystrophy I I I I – – I I I I I I

Spinal muscular atrophy I I I I – – I I I I I I

Charcot-Marie-Tooth

syndrome R R R – R R – I – R – R

Ataxias I I I R – I I I I I R I

Others

Osteogenesis imperfecta I I I R X I I X X X R I

Arthrogryposis R R R – X R I I – I – R

Juvenile rheumatoid arthritis I I I I I I I I I I I I

Hemophilia I R R – X I – X – I – R

Skeletal dysplasias R R R – I R – R – R – R

183
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

which the game is played is approximately the same size as a volleyball court. You may
wonder how individuals who cannot see can guide a ball down the court, past their op-
ponents, and into a goal. Similarly, how does the opposing team stop goals from being
scored? The ball has bells in it. Players learn to judge the position and movement of the
ball in relation to the sound of the bell, often getting low on the floor to enhance their abil-
ity to follow the sounds. Goalball is played all over the world. It originated in Austria, but
if you Google “goalball,”you will find organizing bodies for the sport in many countries, in-
cluding the United States, Australia, and the United Kingdom. In fact, goalball has been a
Paralympic sport since 1976, when the games were held in Toronto, Canada.
Experts agree that children with physical disabilities can and should participate in
a variety of physical activities (Wind, Schwend, & Larson, 2004) with guidance and sup-
port from a multidisciplinary team, which could include, among others, physicians, ther-
apists, counselors, and special education teachers. The goal should be to include
children with disabilities in appropriate activities as long as they show interest and have
the ability to participate. “It is important that children are empowered with an ‘I can do’
attitude rather than discouraged by the message ‘you can’t do that’” (Murphy et al., 2008,
p. 1058).
Recommendations for including children with physical disabilities in sports and other
physical activities are provided in the Connecting with Children guidelines.

CONNECTING WITH CHILDREN

Guidelines for Families, Teachers, and Other Professionals: Including
Children with Disabilities in Sports and Other Physical Activities
Perform a pre-participation evaluation (PPE) in collaboration Recognize and reduce child, family, and societal barriers
with children and their families, pediatric specialists, to participation.
therapists, coaches, and other relevant professionals. Examples
Examples 1. Note that activities for children with disabilities, to a
1. Obtain a medical history that includes functional, large extent, continue to be socially segregated.
cardiorespiratory, and fitness assessments. Participating with other children in the community can
2. Consider children’s interests and talents. reduce societal stereotypes and barriers for children with
3. Direct children with disabilities into the most disabilities.
appropriate activities. Do not exclude them from 2. Don’t allow fear of injury to be a barrier to participation.
activities automatically. The actual rates of injury in children with disabilities are
4. Work with a multidisciplinary team to identify and similar to those of their typically developing peers.
address implications of children’s disability for
Increase awareness of the resources available locally.
participation.
Examples
Identify strategies to minimize the risk of illness and 1. Seek out people, facilities, and programs that can
injury related to participation. Make appropriate support children with disabilities to participate with
accommodations and take safety precautions. peers in their schools and communities.
Examples 2. See the National Center of Medical Home Initiatives
1. Plan programs that are longer in duration, greater in for Children with Special Needs for information and
frequency, but lower in intensity than those designed for resources: www.medicalhomeinfo.org/health/recreation
typically developing children. .html).
2. Attend to disability-specific needs for training,
hydration, clothing, and equipment. Sources: Murphy et al. (2008). Promoting the participation of
3. Attend to motor and mechanical characteristics that children with disabilities in sports, recreation, and physical activities.
predispose some children to injuries and overuse Pediatrics, 121, 1057–1061.
syndromes. Consult sports-specific and condition- Wind et al. (2004). Sports for the physically challenged child. Journal
specific guidelines for participation. of the American Academy of Orthopaedic Surgeons, 12, 126–137.

184
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

HEALTH AND WELL-BEING

Nutrition
Because children’s bodies and brains are continuing to grow and develop during middle
childhood, maintaining good eating habits and a balanced diet are important. Children this
age will need more calories than they did during the early years, but the absolute number
of calories to consume will depend on their level of physical activity and metabolism. Rec-
ommendations and guidelines concerning healthy eating that were introduced in Chapter 5
are relevant for children in their middle years, too.
Although what children eat remains the primary responsibility of parents during the mid-
dle years, it is more difficult to monitor (Langlois, 2006). Children begin to eat more meals out-
side of the home (e.g., at school, with friends) and have more opportunities to exercise
personal choice. Also, they are exposed to more diverse messages about food, not all of them
healthy, through television, peers, and school curriculum. As a result, children want to try new
foods and exert pressure within the family to modify food choices based on outside influences.
Schools can be instrumental in helping children to eat well and be healthy. Most public
elementary schools (94%) serve meals or have food and drinks available for purchase (Parsad
& Lewis, 2006). Increasingly, they are coming under fire to exclude unhealthy foods and
drinks (e.g., foods high in saturated or trans fats, soft drinks) in favor of more healthy options
(e.g., filling vending machines with milk, 100% fruit juice, and water). Some schools and dis-
tricts are taking this challenge to heart, developing programs and policies that promote good
eating habits and an active lifestyle. Foster and colleagues (2008) describe a multicomponent
initiative developed and implemented in 10 schools in a school district in Philadelphia. The
schools enrolled students in kindergarten through eighth grade in communities where more
than 50% of students were eligible for free or reduced price meals. The initiative included
five components: school self-assessment, nutrition education, nutrition policy, social mar-
keting, and family outreach. A brief description of each component is provided in Table 8.4.

TABLE 8.4 • A Multicomponent School Nutrition Policy Initiative

COMPONENT DESCRIPTION

School Self- Schools formed advisory groups that included administrators, teachers, nurses, coaches, and parents.
assessment Advisory groups conducted self-assessments of their schools in terms of healthy eating and physical
activities and set goals for change (e.g., limiting the use of foods as rewards, promoting active recess).

Nutrition Nutrition education was provided to teachers through 10 hours of professional development each year.
Education Teachers then provided 50 hours of nutrition development to students each year.
Instruction was designed to be integrative and interdisciplinary.
• Nutrition was integrated into various classroom subjects.
• The goal was to show how food choices and physical activity are tied to personal behavior, individual
health, and the environment.

Nutrition Policy Foods sold in the schools were changed to meet the following nutritional standards:
• Beverages were limited to 100% juice (6-ounce serving size), water, and milk (8-ounce serving size.
• Snacks contained ⱕ 7 g of total fat, 2 g of saturated fat, 360 mg of sodium, and 15 g of sugar per
serving.

Social Marketing Schools promoted the slogan, “Want strength? Eat healthy foods.”
Incentives were offered for participating in healthy meals and buying healthy snacks, or bringing healthy
snacks from home.

Family Outreach Nutrition education was provided to families at home-school association meetings, report card nights,
parent education meetings, and weekly nutrition workshops.
Parents and students were encouraged to purchase healthy snacks and be more active and reduce time
spent in sedentary activities.
Healthy foods were sold at parent fundraisers.
Parents were discouraged from sending sweets to teachers at holiday times.

Source: Foster, G. D., Sherman, S., Borradaile, K. E. et al. (2008). A policy-based school intervention to prevent overweight and obesity. Pediatrics,
128, 794–802.
185
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

Foster and colleagues (2008) studied the effects of the initiative on children in grades 4
through 6 over a two-year period. Specifically, the researchers measured children’s height
and weight annually and plotted their BMI scores and percentiles according to their age
and gender. Then children were classified as underweight, normal weight, overweight, and
obese according to the CDC growth charts. In addition, children completed self-report
questionnaires about their eating habits, including their consumption of fatty foods, fruits
and vegetables, and physical and sedentary activities, including time spent watching tele-
vision. After two years, there was a substantial (50%) and statistically significant reduction
in the incidence of overweight in schools participating in the initiative. The initiative was
particularly effective for reducing the incidence of overweight in African American chil-
dren. Children reported decreases in both overall food consumption and consumption of
fatty foods, as well as decreases in time spent in sedentary activities, but also decreases in
physical activity. The researchers emphasized that self-report data need to be interpreted
cautiously and that initiatives such as this one should target children before they get to
grade 4 and be studied over a longer period of time (i.e., school-wide and family-wide
changes, such as those strived for with this initiative, take time to achieve). Importantly,
there was no evidence to suggest children’s body images were more negative as a conse-
quence of participating in the initiative, nor was there any increase in underweight. There-
fore, the researchers concluded the multicomponent school-based initiative was effective
in curbing overweight in children and promoting the adoption of healthy lifestyles.

Accidents and Injuries

When children are physically active, they are bound to suffer accidents and injuries. Most of
the time these mishaps are minor, but accidents result in more serious harm, even death, for a
significant minority of children and youth. In the United States, approximately 12,000 children
(ages 1–19) die as a result of an unintentional injury each year (CDC, 2008). This number
accounts for 44% of all deaths in this age group. An additional 9.2 million nonfatal injuries are
treated in emergency rooms. This translates into an annual nonfatal injury rate of 11,272 per
100,000 children, or just over 10% of the population.

DEADLY INJURIES. Figure 8.3 shows the leading causes of death resulting from an unin-
tentional injury by age group. Motor vehicle and transportation-related (MVT-related)
accidents and injuries are by far the leading cause of death for all age groups except infants,
who are at greater risk of dying from suffocation. Adolescents ages 15 to 19 are particu-
larly at risk for dying in a car accident, and boys are more at risk in this regard than girls,
perhaps because of their inexperience and propensity for engaging in high-risk behavior.
Children ages 1 to 14 are at particular risk of being struck by cars. Lack of experience may
cause children to misjudge the distance between themselves and cars or to underestimate
the time it takes for cars to stop. Bicycle accidents also present a risk as children venture
onto busy streets. Drowning, injuries from fires and burns, poisoning, and falls are other
common causes of injury and death during childhood.
Males have higher rates of injury and death in all age groups and almost every category
of injury (see Figures 8.4 and 8.5), likely resulting from their higher activity levels and par-
ticipation in more risky activities (e.g., rough-and-tumble play in the early years, contact
sports in middle childhood). This sex difference maintains across ethnic groups within the
United States (see Figure 8.6) and in countries all over the world (WHO, 2008). Within the
United States, Native American and Alaska Native children are more likely to die from un-
intentional injuries than African American or Caucasian children, and boys in these groups
are particularly at risk. The burden of injury is unequal across SES communities, too. Chil-
dren in poorer countries and children from poorer families in better-off countries are more
vulnerable than children in high-income countries and communities, respectively. In fact,
more than 95% of all injury-related deaths in children worldwide occur in low- and middle-
income countries (WHO, 2008). Finally, children characterized as risk takers and children

186
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

FIGURE 8.3

ACCIDENTS AND INJURIES

Leading causes of death resulting from an unintentional injury by age group from 2000–2005

Age Group in Years

Less than 1 1 to 4 5 to 9 10 to 14 15 to 19
Rank
(n = 5,883) (n = 10,203) (n = 7,144) (n = 9,088) (n = 40,734)
Suffocation MVT-related MVT-related MVT-related MVT-related
1
66% 31% 53% 58% 76%
MVT-related Drowning Other Injuries Other Injuries Other Injuries
2
14% 27% 15% 18% 9%
Drowning Other Injuries Fires or Burns Drowning Poisoning
3
7% 15% 13% 10% 7%
Other Injuries Fires or Burns Drowning Fires or Burns Drowning
4
6% 14% 13% 6% 5%
Fires or Burns Suffocation Suffocation Suffocation Falls
5
4% 8% 4% 4% 1%
Poisoning Falls Falls Poisoning Fires or Burns
6
2% 2% 1% 2% 1%
Falls Poisoning Poisoning Falls Suffocation
7
2% 2% 1% 2% 1%

Source: Borse, N. N., Gilchrist, J., Dellinger, A. M., Rudd, R. A., Ballesteros, M. F., & Sleet, D. A. (2008). CDC
Childhood injury report: Patterns of unintentional injuries among 0–19 year olds in the United States, 2000–2006.
Atlanta, GA: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, National Center for Injury Prevention and Control.

FIGURE 8.4

INJURY DEATH RATES IN CHILDREN 0–19 YEARS, BY AGE AND SEX

50
45.1
45
Death Rate Per 100,000 Population

40
35
30 26.9
25 21.8
20.3
20
15 12.9
8.7 9.2
10 7.0
4.9 5.2
5

Less 1 to 4 5 to 9 10 to 14 15 to 19 Less 1 to 4 5 to 9 10 to 14 15 to 19
than 1 than 1

Female Male
Age Group in Years

Source: CDC/NCHS. National Vital Statistics System

187
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

FIGURE 8.5

INJURY DEATH RATES AMONG CHILDREN 0–19 YEARS BY SEX AND CAUSE

6.0 5.6

Death Rate Per 100,000 Population

5.5
Male
5.0
4.5 Female
4.0 3.6 3.7
3.5
3.0
2.4
2.5
2.0
2.0
1.5 1.4
1.5 1.3 1.2
1.1 0.9
1.0 0.8 0.8 0.6 0.8
0.3 0.4 0.4 0.4 0.3
0.5 0.1 0.1
0.0
ng

lls

ns

ng

er
an

ie

lis
fie

ria

tio
Fa

th
ur
ni

ni
yc
up

ju
ci

st

ca

O
rB
w

iso
lC
In
pe

de

n–
cc

o
ro

so

Po
da

ff
–O

er
ns

Pe

io
D

Su
re

th

Pe
–U

at
VT
Fi

rt
VT
M

po
M

a ns
Tr
Source: CDC/NCHS. National Vital Statistics System

FIGURE 8.6

INJURY DEATH RATES AMONG CHILDREN 0–19 YEARS BY RACE AND SEX

35
Death Rate Per 100,000 Population

29.8
30

25
19.7 19.2
20 18.1 Overall Rate
15.0 per 100,000
15
10.6 10.4 9.9
10
5.4
5

0
White White Black Black American American Asian or Asian or
Male Female Male Female Indian or Indian or Pacific Pacific
Alaska Alaska Islander Islander
Native Male Native Male Female
Female

Source: Borse, N. N., Gilchrist, J., Dellinger, A. M., Rudd, R. A., Ballesteros, M. F., & Sleet, D. A. (2008). CDC
Childhood injury report: Patterns of unintentional injuries among 0–19 year olds in the United States, 2000–2006.
Atlanta, GA: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, National Center for Injury Prevention and Control.

with behavior problems are at higher risk for accidents and injuries than their peers
(Brehaut, Miller, Raina, & McGrail, 2003; Hoffrage, Weber, Hertwig, & Chase, 2003).

INJURIES IN AND AROUND THE HOME. Most non–vehicle-related accidents occur in or

around children’s homes. We’ve all read tragic reports of young children drowning in

188
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

bathtubs and swimming pools, ingesting poisons, falling from bicycles and other play
equipment, or being burned in a fire in their own homes. Injuries also commonly occur on
playgrounds, especially in school-age children (Phelan, Khoury, Kalkwarf, & Lanphear,
2001). According to the National Program for Playground Safety (2006), injuries on play-
grounds often are the result of inadequate adult supervision, children playing on equipment
that is unsafe or not age appropriate, and lack of safe surfaces for falling (i.e., impact-
absorbing surfaces, such as pea gravel or sand). Accidents also tend to be more serious
when children do not wear protective clothing and safety equipment, such as helmets and
protective padding.

TRAMPOLINES: SPECIAL CONCERNS. Trampolines are a popular piece of play equipment

that has proven very dangerous. In 1996, more than 83,000 trampoline-related injuries were
reported in the United States (AAP, 1999). By 2004, this figure had jumped to 111,000
(Brayden, 2008). Most trampoline injuries are sustained at home, and two-thirds occur in
children under the age of 14, with the highest rate of injury in children under age 6. Seri-
ous injuries occur in all parts of the body, including arms, legs, face, neck, spine, and head.
Adult supervision is not a guarantee that children will be safe on trampolines. More than
half of trampoline accidents occur when adults are watching children. Having spotters
around the trampoline can reduce the risk somewhat, but spotters need to be large and
strong enough to protect the jumper if he or she gets too close to the edge. For all these rea-
sons, the American Academy of Pediatrics Committee on Injury and Poison Prevention and
Committee on Sports Medicine and Fitness recommends, “trampolines should never be
used in the home environment, in routine physical education classes, or in outdoor play-
grounds” (AAP, 1999, p. 1053). Furthermore, the AAP endorses a set of very specific design
and behavioral recommendations for limited use of trampolines in “supervised training pro-
grams.” These recommendations are summarized in Table 8.5.

SPORTS INJURIES. With approximately 35–40 million youth ages 6 to 18 participating in

some form of athletic activity, it is hardly surprising that sports-related injuries are on the
rise in children and youth. In fact, almost one-third of all childhood injuries occur while they
are participating in sports activities (Children’s Hospital Boston and Harvard Medical
Center, 2005–2007). Some sports are more dangerous than others. For example, injuries

TABLE 8.5 • Recommendations for the Safe Use of Trampolines

DESIGN RECOMMENDATIONS BEHAVIORAL RECOMMENDATIONS

Cover the trampoline frame with padding, and ensure the Allow only one child on the trampoline at a time.
surface surrounding the trampoline is covered with an impact-
absorbing safety material.

Make sure the trampoline is in good condition (e.g., no tears Ensure that adults who are trained in trampoline safety and
or equipment detachments). competent spotters are present whenever the trampoline
is in use.

Use safety harnesses and spotting belts for protection Ensure the child on the trampoline remains in the center of
when children are learning or practicing more the mat and is performing routines that are appropriate for
challenging skills. his/her capability or training.

Consider placing the trampoline away from other play Ensure the trampoline is secured and not accessible when
structures and immersing it in a pit so the mat is at it not in use.
ground level.

Prevent young children from accessing the trampoline, Even in supervised training programs, don’t allow children
especially when adults are not available to supervise. younger than 6 years of age to use full-size trampolines.
Don’t use ladders.

Source: Based on American Academy of Pediatrics: Committee on Injury and Poison Prevention and Committee on Sports Medicine and Fitness. (1999).
Trampolines at home, school, and recreational centers. Pediatrics, 103, 1053–1056. U. S. Consumer Product Safety Commission. Trampoline Safety Alert.
Retrieved from http://www.cpsc.gov/cpscpub/pubs/085.html.

189
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

occur more frequently in contact sports such as football than in non-contact sports such as
swimming. Weight-bearing exercises such as running also place participants at higher risk
for injury. However, it is possible to get injured from participating in all kinds of sports, and
injuries can result from a single traumatic event, as occurs when a sudden direct force is
applied to bones or joints (e.g., being tackled in football), or from repetitive stress to bones,
muscles, and tendons without allowing sufficient time to heal (Brenner & Council on Sports
Medicine and Fitness, 2007; Kerssmakers, Fotiadou, de Jonge, Karantanas, & Maas, 2009).
Injuries due to overuse are a growing phenomenon, at least in the United States.
According to Brenner and colleagues (2007), they account for half of all injuries treated at
pediatric sports medicine clinics. These injuries can be serious and, if not accurately diagnosed
and appropriately treated, they can lead to permanent disability. Experts agree that special con-
sideration needs to be given for injuries that occur in a child’s growing skeleton (Kerssemak-
ers et al., 2009): “The growing bones of the young athlete cannot handle as much stress as the
mature bones of adults”(Brenner et al., 2007, p. 1243). Overtraining is one way in which over-
use injuries occur, so training and competitive programs need to be adapted for pediatric and
adolescent populations (Kerssemakers et al., 2009). The AAP Committee on Sports Medicine
and Fitness (2000) recommends children limit participation in any single sporting event to five
days per week, with at least one day each week to rest from all organized physical activity.
Similarly, children and youth are more vulnerable to the risks associated with exercising
in extreme heat; they sweat less, create more body heat per body mass, and acclimatize more
slowly to hot weather and climates (AAP Committee on Sports Medicine and Fitness, 2000).
Finally, some evidence indicates child and youth athletes can experience “burnout,” or over-
training syndrome, as a result of physical and emotional stress, missed social and educational
opportunities, and disruptions to family life (AAP, 2000; Brenner et al., 2007). Indications of
burnout can include chronic muscle or joint pain, personality changes, decreased enthusi-
asm for practice and competition, and difficulty completing usual routines.
All of the sources cited here emphasize the importance of parents and trainers main-
taining realistic expectations and carefully monitoring children’s physical and psychosocial
responses to pressure. This presents a challenge for some parents whose ambitions for their
children can be one source of the problem. Mark Hyman (2009), writing on this topic in an
issue of Sports Illustrated, recounts a doctor’s story of a mother becoming enraged with
him when he recommended that her daughter take a six-month break from tennis because
she had a acquired a potentially serious injury that could affect the normal growth of her
shoulder. The mother accused him of being overly cautious and insisted the injury could be
treated equally well in physiotherapy. Hopefully, the attitudes of this parent reflect only a
small minority of those whose children are involved in sports.
As indicated previously in this chapter, the main goal of participating in sports should
be to promote lifelong physical activity that leads to overall health and well-being. Brenner
and colleagues (2007) suggest educating parents, athletes, and coaches that sports should
be part of a plan to promote fun, skill development, and success for each athlete. Moreover,
research indicates that, on average, children are more consistent performers, have fewer in-
juries, and persist in sports longer when they engage in a variety of sports during early child-
hood, specialize only after reaching the age of puberty, take time to rest and recover from
sports activities, and participate in other activities (AAP Committee on Sports Medicine and
Fitness, 2000; Brenner et al., 2007).

HEAD INJURIES. Head injuries are the most common and potentially serious injuries chil-
dren suffer (WHO, 2008). In the United States, approximately 475,000 children ages 0 to
14 sustain head injuries from playground falls, bicycle accidents, and other mishaps each
year (Langlois, Rutland-Brown, & Thomas, 2004). About 20% of head injuries are attributed
to sports participation. Depending on the location and severity of the injury, children can
experience temporary or lasting effects on physical functions and psychological processes.
Research indicates children who sustain moderate to severe brain injuries can experi-
ence persistent difficulties in emotional, behavioral, and adaptive domains as well as cognitive
deficits that interfere with learning (Conklin, Salorio, & Slomine, 2008; Fay et al., 2009).
Recent research also indicates that early trauma may increase particular vulnerabilities more
than was previously presumed, especially when injuries are diffuse, as is the case with

190
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

concussion (Conklin et al., 2008; Yee, 2007). Specifically, earlier age-at-injury has been
associated with greater deficits in overall cognitive functioning, attention, and executive
functioning, which may not reveal themselves until long after the injury was sustained (e.g.,
when children fail to meet increased age-related expectations). However, the early years
also are associated with brain plasticity, so there is evidence for recovery over time as well.
Concussion is the most common type of head injury, especially in child and adolescent
athletes. The American Academy of Neurology defines concussion as “a trauma-induced al-
teration in mental status that may or may not involve a loss of consciousness” (AAN Report
of the Quality Standards Subcommittee, 1997). In the majority of concussion cases (90%),
there is no documented loss of consciousness. More likely, people experience a transient
period of post-trauma amnesia or loss of mental alertness—they are unable to maintain a co-
gent stream of thought or carry out a sequence of tasks (Yee, 2007). Other common symp-
toms of concussion include headache, dizziness or balance problems, nausea and vomiting,
a foggy or dazed sensation, vision and hearing difficulties, emotional lability (strong emo-
tions with mood swings), and fatigue (Yee, 2007).
Table 8.6 outlines criteria used to characterize concussions as simple or complex, along
with “return-to-play” parameters—also referred to as the Prague guidelines—created by ex-
perts at the 2nd International Conference on Concussion in Sport (McCrory et al., 2005).
Children who suffer simple concussions can recover in a relatively short period of time, with
rest, and then return to their normal activities without a recurrence of any symptoms. In the
case of complex concussions, symptoms persist and more extensive intervention is needed
to address specific concerns. The key is allowing for full recovery before returning to sports,
and this can take time. One case study followed an 8-year-old girl who sustained a concus-
sion while playing soccer (Boutin, Lassonde, Robert, Vanassing, & Ellemberg, 2008). At the
time of injury, the child did not lose consciousness, but suffered a brief period (5 minutes)
of amnesia. Assessments were conducted at 24 hours and then 7, 22, 32, and 55 weeks
post-injury. Cognitive impairments, mainly relating to attention, were resolved by 22 weeks.
However, brain impairments remained up to one year post-injury, affecting vigilance, atten-
tion, and performance in school.
Of concern is the fact that young athletes may not be waiting for full recovery before re-
suming their sport and other physically demanding activities. Yard and Comstock (2009)
studied athletes in 100 nationally representative high schools in the United States. They
observed 15% of high school athletes returning to play prematurely according to the Prague
guidelines. In football, they observed 15.8% of players who sustained concussions resulting

TABLE 8.6 • Head Injuries

Simple and complex concussions and “return to play” parameters

CONCUSSIONS RETURN-TO-PLAY

SIMPLE

• Symptoms resolve within 7–10 days • No play on the same day and rest until symptoms resolve
• No further symptoms • Should not be left alone; monitoring for deterioration is
• No follow-up and further intervention required necessary
• Medical evaluation is required before return to play
• Player should train progressively and no resistance training

COMPLEX

• Symptoms are persistent • Rehabilitation will be more prolonged

• Loss of consciousness at time of injury over one minute • Complex cases should be managed by experienced
• Prolonged cognitive impairment doctors
• Player suffered multiple concussions or repetitive
concussions since original injury
• Symptom recurrence with activity
• Subspecialty consultation with more extensive testing

Source: Adapted from: Yard, E. D. & Comstock, R. D. (2009). Compliance with return to play guidelines following concussion in US high school athletes,
2005–2008. Brain Injury, 23, 888–898.

191
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

CONNECTING WITH CHILDREN

Guidelines for Families, Teachers, and Other Professionals:
Preventing Accidents and Injuries
Adult supervision is essential. 2. Use knee and elbow pads to protect limbs.
Examples 3. Make sure protective gear is sport-specific and fits
1. Ensure children use age-appropriate equipment and that properly.
children ages 2 to 5 and 5 to 12 can play separately.
Ensure children are prepared for the demands of playing
2. Enforce safety rules, such as no pushing, shoving, or
a sport.
crowding, or inappropriate use of playground equipment.
Examples
3. Ensure articles of clothing and accessories that are not
1. Administer a Pre-participation Exam (PPE) to all children
safe, such as hood and neck strings, necklaces, purses,
before enrolling them in any sport.
and scarves, are removed around playground equipment.
2. Provide children with the proper aerobic conditioning
Ensure play environments and equipment are safe. and skill building when they are learning a new
Examples sport.
1. Check to make sure equipment is well maintained and in 3. Ensure children drink adequate amounts of liquid before
good working order. and during physical activities.
2. Is equipment anchored safely to the ground? 4. Provide frequent rest periods, especially during hot
3. Is there a soft surface for falling? Recommended surface weather. Refer to the Safe Kids web site for excellent
materials include sand, pea gravel, wood chips, mulch, tips on keeping children safe and physically active:
shredded rubber, and rubber mats. www.safekids.org.

Ensure children wear sport-specific protective gear. Sources: National Program for Playground Safety. Safety tips.
Examples Retrieved from http://www.playgroundsafety.org April 26, 2010.
1. Make sure children wear helmets to protect against head Safe Kids. Preventing injuries at home, at play, and on the way.
injuries. Retrieved from http://www.safekids.org.

in lost of consciousness returning to play on the same day. Boys were more likely than girls
to return to play 1 to 2 days after sustaining a concussion. According to these researchers,
“Too many adolescent athletes are failing to comply with recommended return to play guide-
lines”(p. 888). They recommend sports medicine professionals, parents, coaches, and sports
administrators work together to ensure athletes fully recover before returning to play. Those
who return prematurely are at risk for the “second impact syndrome,” in which athletes sus-
tain a second concussion before the first is healed (Yee, 2007). Secondary injuries can lead to
permanent brain injury or fatal brain swelling, even after an apparently minor head trauma.
PREVENTION. Fortunately, many accidents and injuries can be prevented and the potential
for seriously negative outcomes diminished. The Connecting with Children guidelines of-
fer suggestions about ways to increase children’s safety and reduce their risk of sustaining
serious and permanent injuries, so they can enjoy the benefits of physical activity.

SPECIAL PHYSICAL NEEDS

Some children are born with or develop special physical needs. In this chapter we discuss
physical disabilities and sensory impairments. Although we introduce these disabilities
here, we recognize that these challenges can affect development and learning in the cog-
nitive and social emotional domains as well.

Physical Disabilities
Physical disabilities include orthopedic disorders, such as cerebral palsy and muscular dys-
trophy, as well as chronic ailments, such as congenital heart disease. Children with physical
disabilities have the same basic physical needs as other children (i.e., good nutrition, regu-
lar physical activity, and adequate rest). However, they may need special equipment and

192
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

adaptations to activities and the environment to participate meaningfully and safely with
other children.
Adaptations and accommodations should focus on providing necessary support that
enables successful participation. However, human development involves a progression
from dependence on others to self-care and self-determination, so the goal should be to
support children with disabilities toward independence (Robinson & Lieberman, 2004).
Parents and adults tend to overprotect children with disabilities, particularly when they
perceive participation in activities poses a risk to safety. However, limiting children’s
opportunities to participate in activities, such as physical education, sports, and recreation,
contribute to low societal expectations for individuals with disabilities and the social isola-
tion they often experience. According to Robinson and Lieberman, parents, teachers, and
other adults in supervisory roles should allow children to take [calculated] risks and
encourage independent choice-making, problem-solving, and goal-setting, which are asso-
ciated with the development of skills that are critical for leading successful, high-quality
lives (see also Deci, Vallerand, Pelletier, & Ryan, 1991).
Children with physical disabilities can have orthopedic impairments, which involve the
skeletal system (bones, joints, and associated muscles), or neuromotor impairments, which in-
volve the central nervous system. In this chapter we focus on orthopedic impairments, specif-
ically cerebral palsy, because these are the most common physical disabilities in children.
Cerebral palsy (CP) is a disorder that affects muscle tone, movement, and motor skills;
children with CP have difficulty moving in a coordinated way (KidsHealth, 2009). Other vi-
tal functions that also involve motor skills and muscles may be involved with and cause dif-
ficulty breathing, controlling bladder and bowel functioning, and eating. The most common
cause of CP is lack of oxygen causing brain damage at or before birth. However, CP also can
develop during the first 3 to 5 years of a child’s life if, for example, a child contracts menin-
gitis or viral encephalitis (American Academy of Family Physicians, 2009). CP can be mild
or severe. For example, a child with mild CP may have awkward movements but require
very little in the way of adaptations and accommodations. A child who has severe CP may
not be able to walk or may have trouble speaking. Some children with CP will require life-
long care and assistance. CP is not degenerative; that is, it does not get worse over time.
There are three types of cerebral palsy:
• Spastic CP, the most common type, causes muscles to stiffen and makes movement dif-
ficult. It can affect just one side of the body, both legs, or both arms and legs.
• Athetotic CP causes uncontrolled, slow body movements and affects the entire body.
• Ataxic CP is the least common form and affects balance and coordination.
Some children have what is referred to as a mixed form of CP. They show signs of more than
one type.
Often children with CP have additional disabilities, including vision or hearing im-
pairments, speech problems, or developmental or learning disabilities. In school and in
other settings, these secondary disabilities may be the greatest cause for concern. However,
specialized equipment, such as computers, speech and voice synthesizers, communication
boards, and page turners can help children do their work. Exercise and muscle training are
critical for these children. Physical and occupational therapy may be part of individualized
family or education plans for these children. Crutches, braces, splints, and wheelchairs can
help them to move independently. Doctors can prescribe medications to ease muscle stiff-
ness and, in some instances, surgery may be recommended to increase range of motion in
arms and legs when muscles or tendons are very stiff. A multidisciplinary team and a coor-
dinated plan can provide a wide range of resources leading to positive development and
learning in children with CP and other physical disabilities.

Sensory Impairments
Sensory impairments refer to disabilities involving hearing and vision.

VISUAL IMPAIRMENTS. Most serious vision problems are identified early, but some prob-
lems emerge gradually as children develop and experience physiological changes in their

193
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

eyes. Parents and teachers should attend to signals that children may be having problems
seeing. Children who have difficulty seeing often hold books and other objects either very
close to or very far from their eyes. They may squint, rub their eyes frequently, or complain
that their eyes burn or itch. Their eyes may actually appear swollen or irritated. Children
with vision problems may misread material at a distance, describe their vision as being
blurred, be very sensitive to light, or hold their heads at an odd angle. They may become ir-
ritable when they have to work at a desk or lose interest if they have to follow an activity
happening at some distance (Hunt & Marshall, 2002). Adults who notice any of these sig-
nals should make a referral to an appropriate professional so that vision can be assessed.
Mild vision problems can be overcome with corrective lenses. However, children with
more significant visual impairments probably require special materials and equipment to
function optimally. Most of these students have partial or low vision; that is, they have some
useful vision between 20/70 and 20/200 (on the Snellen scale, where 20/20 is considered
normal). For example, a person with 20/70 vision sees at 20 feet (6 meters) what individuals
with normal vision see at 70 feet (21.3 meters). An individual with 20/200 vision is consid-
ered legally and educationally blind. Approximately 1 in 1,000 children in North America are
classified as visually impaired (Hutchinson, 2009). About 1 in 3,000 are educationally blind.
In school, special materials and equipment can help students who are visually im-
paired to learn. For example, large-print books, software that converts printed material to
speech or to Braille, personal organizers that have talking appointment books, and variable-
speed tape recorders (which allow teachers to make time-compressed tape recordings that
can be sped up in a way that changes the rate of speech without changing the voice pitch) can
support reading, writing, and learning of content. Special calcu-
lators, the abacus, and special measuring devices provide sup-
port for carrying out mathematical tasks. The majority of
children who are visually impaired are print users. For these
children, the quality of the print is often more important than
the size, so materials that use distinctive fonts and sharp con-
trasts (e.g., black text on a white page, matte and not glossy pa-
per) are helpful. Children who are educationally blind may also
rely on other senses, such as hearing and touch, to compensate
for their disability (Friend & Bursuck, 2009).
The arrangement of the physical environment is also an is-
sue for these children. Children with low vision or blindness
need to know where things are, so consistency matters. Leave
plenty of space for moving around rooms, and make sure to
monitor possible obstacles and safety hazards, such as toys in
unexpected places and open cabinet doors. If you rearrange a
room, give children with visual impairments a chance to learn
the new layout and make sure they know what to do in case of
fire or other emergencies (Friend & Bursuck, 2009). In school,
children with visual impairments may receive instruction about
orientation and mobility from a trained teacher as part of their
expanded core curriculum, which is a body of knowledge and
skills that addresses these individuals’ unique disability-specific
needs (American Foundation for the Blind, 2010). The term
orientation refers to people’s ability to establish their position in
relation to their environment. Mobility refers to people’s ability
to move safely and efficiently in their environment. Children
with visual impairments may learn to use their residual vision to
move around, but other senses, such as touch and feeling, are
Special materials and equipment can help students
useful, too. Most likely, children will learn to use a human guide,
who have visual impairments to learn. Children with
and some move around with the assistance of a guide dog.
visual impairments may receive instruction about
orientation and mobility from a trained teacher as
part of their expanded core curriculum. Katelyn Metzger/ HEARING IMPAIRMENTS. You will hear the term hearing im-
Merrill paired used to describe students who have difficulties hearing.

194
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

The Deaf community and researchers prefer the terms deaf and hard of hearing. The in-
cidence of hearing impairment has been declining over the past three decades, but between
one and three of every 1,000 children in North America will be born with hearing loss (BC
Early Hearing Program, 2008; National Institute on Deafness and Communication Disorders,
2001). When the problem does occur, the consequences for language development and
learning can be serious (Hunt & Marshall, 2002). For this reason, many states have imple-
mented newborn screening programs—infants are screened before they even leave the hos-
pital so that hearing impairments can be detected early. Similarly, in British Columbia,
Canada, the Provincial Health Services Authority provides for universal hearing screening
of infants in their first month. Their goal is to detect problems in babies’ first three months
and provide amplification to infants who need it. Intervention to support hearing and lan-
guage development begins by six months. A recent report on the first three years of the
program’s implementation indicates this agenda is positively influencing the development
of children with hearing loss (BC Early Hearing Program, 2008).
Signs of hearing problems are turning one ear toward the speaker, favoring one ear in
conversation, or misunderstanding conversation when the speaker’s face cannot be seen.
Other indications include inability to follow directions, seeming distracted or confused at
times, frequently asking people to repeat what they have said, mispronouncing new words
or names, and being reluctant to participate in discussions. Take note particularly of chil-
dren who have frequent earaches, sinus infections, or allergies, as these are associated with
hearing loss.
Intervention approaches for children with hearing impairments fall into two categories.
Oral approaches involve speech reading (also called lip reading) and teaching students to use
whatever limited hearing they may have. Manual approaches involve teaching children to com-
municate using visual languages, such as sign language or signed English. Research indicates
that children who learn some manual method of communicating perform better in academic
subjects and are more socially mature than students who are exposed only to oral methods.
Today, the trend is to combine both approaches (Hallahan, Kauffman, & Pullen, 2008).
A third option available to children today is a surgically implanted electronic device
called a cochlear implant that provides them with a sense of sound. Children with severe to
profound sensorineural hearing loss and a functioning auditory nerve are ideal candidates
for implantation (Kim, Jeong, Lee, & Kim, 2009). However, implantation is a controversial
issue in the Deaf community, whose perspective on hearing impairment is that it is not an
impairment at all. From this perspective, people who are deaf are part of a different culture
with a different language and the goal should be to help deaf children become bilingual and
bicultural, to be able to function effectively in both cultures. You can read more about this
interesting debate in the Point/Counterpoint on the next page.
In the opening casebook for this chapter, we considered the challenges of including a
child who moves around in a wheelchair in hiking and other activities at a camp. This is a
common challenge for teachers as well as camp directors: How can children with physical
disabilities be included in field trips and other outdoor/off site activities? Table 8.7 provides
a list of organizations and resources to consult for help with planning such activities. Also,
review the Connecting with Children guidelines in the earlier section on including chil-
dren with disabilities in sports and other physical activities.

TABLE 8.7 • Organizations and Resources to Consult for Help with Planning
Activities with Children with Physical Disabilities

http://www.mysummercamps.com/camps/Special_Needs_Camps/Physical_Disabilities/index.html

http://www.familyvillage.wisc.edu/Leisure/camps.html

http://www.campresource.com/summer-camps/special-needs-camps.cfm/physical-disabilitites-camps

http://www.usatechguide.org/techguide.php?vmode⫽1&catid⫽405

195
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

POINT/COUNTERPOINT: The Controversy over Cochlear Implants

People with moderate to severe hearing loss have been re-

䉲
Proponents of cochlear implants point out that approx-
ceiving cochlear implants for approximately 30 years. During
imately 90% of children who are deaf have hearing par-
that time, the technology has improved such that those re-

COUNTERPOINT
ents who want their children to hear sounds and
ceiving them typically hear 70–90% of the words spoken to
communicate with them in words. In recent years, re-
them (Gantz & Tyler, 2010). For those in the hearing world,
search has shown good potential for these outcomes,
the controversy over cochlear implants is difficult to under-
but only when children receive cochlear implants at an
stand: How could a device that allows severe and profoundly
early age (ideally before age 2). Nicholas and Geers
deaf people to hear sounds be a bad thing? And why wouldn’t
(2006) studied the language development of 76 chil-
parents want to give their deaf children the opportunity to
dren who received cochlear implants between the ages
live and communicate easily in the hearing world?
of 12 and 38 months. They found a positive, statistically
significant relationship between early implantation and
From the perspective of the Deaf community, the focus
䉲

language proficiency at age 3.5 years—earlier implan-

on cochlear implants as a possible “cure” for deafness is
tation was associated with greater language profi-
POINT

part of a more pervasive problem of viewing deafness as

ciency. A similar study (Kim et al., 2010) found that
a deficit and something that needs to be fixed when, in
children who received cochlear implantation before
fact, many individuals who are deaf or hard of hearing
age 2 reached developmental milestones at ages
lead very successful and satisfying lives without the ben-
equivalent to hearing peers and had a higher chance of
efit of hearing aids or cochlear implants. In particular, the
being successful in inclusive educational settings. Likely,
Deaf community cautions parents, who typically make
these particularly positive outcomes for young children are
the choice about cochlear implantation for their children.
due to the plasticity that characterizes brain development at
Although they recognize cochlear implants as one technology
this age and the fact that early childhood is a particularly
that can assist hearing, they emphasize that cochlear implants
sensitive period for language development. Therefore, pro-
are not a cure for deafness. Cochlear implants won’t impart the
ponents of cochlear implants perceive a need to identify
ability to understand spoken language or guarantee typical
hearing problems and to intervene early with children who
speech development. In fact, in pre-lingual children, the con-
are deaf or hard of hearing.
cern is that language development will be delayed if children
who are deaf do not also have access to a visual language, Beyond Either/Or
such as American Sign Language (ASL). The Deaf community More and more, the two sides of this issue are finding middle
asks that parents of deaf children consider a wide range of ground. The Deaf community has softened its stance on
options, including supporting children’s identification with and cochlear implants. The science behind cochlear implants is
involvement in the Deaf community, and adopting ASL as a hard to ignore, but research also supports the value of a cul-
language of communication in their homes. tural connection and learning sign language as an additional
language. Today, children who are deaf have an opportunity
COCHLEAR IMPLANT to belong to both Deaf and hearing communities. Jesse,
Transmitting coil
who chose to have a cochlear implant at age 20, told KPBS
reporter, Maureen Cavanaugh, “I am very active in the Deaf
Microphone
Receiver/stimulator community but at the same time, in my [work], I’m very in-
volved in the hearing world, and I’m really thankful to my
Auditory nerve cochlear implant for that.”
Bone

Sources: Canadian Association of the Deaf. Position statement on

cochlear implants. Retrieved from http://www.cad.ca/en/issues/
cochlear_implants.asp.
Cavanaugh, M. & Walsh, N. (2009, November). How the Deaf
community is dealing with cochlear implants. Retrieved from
Electrodes http://www.kpbs.org/news/2009/nov/03/how-deaf-community-
Cochlea
dealing-cochlear-implants/.
National Association of the Deaf. Position statement on cochlear
Eustachian tube
Speech processor implants. Retrieved from http://www.nad.org/issues/technology/
assistive-listening/cochlear-implants.
Source: Heyward, Exceptional Children, Figure 9.5
“Internal and external components of the cochlear
implant” p. 247, © 2009 Pearson Education, Inc.
Reproduced by permission of Pearson Education, Inc.

196
䉲 SUMMARY AND KEY TERMS
• Body Growth increased self-confidence and self-
Children’s rate of growth slows during the middle years, and esteem. Unfortunately, youth sports
changes in body structures are less dramatic. This slower rate have become increasingly competi-
of growth enables gains in motor control and coordination. tive in recent years, emphasizing year-
Building bone density during childhood has important impli- round training, early specialization, and focusing on winning
cations for lifelong health, especially for preventing osteo- rather than education and development and having fun.
porosis. Bone mass is influenced by heredity, gender, and Children with disabilities are one group that is under-
ethnicity, but diet and exercise are important, too. Calcium is represented in organized sports and other physical activities,
particularly important, as are weight-bearing exercises such as and there continue to be barriers to their participation that
running, walking, dancing, and jumping. have little to do with their disabilities. Experts agree children
Baby teeth are lost and replaced by a permanent set with disabilities can and should participate in appropriate
during the middle years. Like bone health, good oral hygiene physical activities. Multidisciplinary teams can support teach-
deserves attention because it has implications for general ers and families to make accommodations to activities to
health across the lifespan. Children who live in poverty and make them safe and enjoyable for these children.
whose families cannot afford medical/dental insurance are
most at risk for experiencing oral diseases. The best way to • Health and Well-Being
prevent tooth decay is to floss and brush teeth regularly and
Good eating habits remain important during middle child-
to avoid foods that are high in sugar content.
hood because children’s bodies and brains are continuing to
• Brain Development grow. Although parents are primarily responsible for what
children eat, children’s diets become increasingly difficult to
The brain continues to grow and change during the middle monitor. Children have more opportunities to exercise per-
years, but the changes are less dramatic than they were dur- sonal choice as they begin to eat meals outside their homes
ing infancy and the early years. Particularly noteworthy are (e.g., with friends or at school), and they are exposed to more
changes in higher cognitive functions that lead to enhanced diverse messages about food, not all of them healthy (e.g.,
self-regulation, including planning, goal-setting, and behavior through the media). Schools can help children eat well and be
control. The brain becomes increasingly more organized, healthy by removing foods that are high in fat and sugar from
leading to improvements in problem-solving, memory, and their cafeterias and vending machines and replacing them
language comprehension. These changes affect learning. Be- with healthy choices. Also, they can implement programs and
cause the brain shapes and is shaped by cognitive processing policies that promote healthy eating and an active lifestyle.
activities, children with learning disabilities can learn strate- Accidents and injuries pose a significant threat to chil-
gies to help them to compensate for their core processing dren’s health and well-being. Overall, the most common
problems and children with hearing disabilities can learn to cause of death or serious injury during childhood is involve-
process visual information in areas of their brains that typically ment in motor vehicle accidents: as a passenger, pedestrian,
are responsible for processing auditory stimulation. or adolescent driver. Other common causes of injury and
death in children are drowning, injuries from fires and burns,
• Motor Development poisoning, and falls. Boys have higher rates of injury and
Children’s gross and fine motor skills continue to develop dur- death than girls, a finding that maintains across age groups
ing middle childhood. Boys’ upper body strength gives them and ethnicities, in North America and around the world. The
an advantage in activities that involve throwing or lifting, and burden of injury is unequal across SES, too, with children in
girls typically are more agile. Physical and athletic abilities be- poor countries and communities being the most vulnerable.
come a measure of competence during middle childhood, and Most non-vehicle accidents occur in or around children’s
are associated with positive self-esteem. Physical activity is homes (e.g., at local playgrounds). Often they result from in-
critical for good health during childhood and throughout the adequate adult supervision or equipment that is unsafe (e.g.,
lifespan. Unfortunately, many children are not active enough trampolines), not age appropriate, or surfaces are unsafe for
to realize these benefits. This is particularly true of girls, ado- falling.
lescents, children with disabilities, children living in urban en- Sports injuries are a growing phenomenon for children
vironments, and children living in low SES communities. and they can lead to serious and permanent disabilities.
Physical education (PE) is one context in which children Overuse and overtraining are two ways in which injuries occur.
engage in physical activities. Positive experiences in PE are as- Experts caution that growing skeletons cannot withstand as
sociated with increased physical activity outside of school and much stress as the mature bones of adults. Also, children are
favorable effects on learning and behavior in school. However, more vulnerable to the risks associated with exercising in ex-
budget cuts and increased pressures to focus on academics cessive heat because they sweat less, create more body heat,
have resulted in schools reducing PE schedules and hiring and acclimatize more slowly to hot weather and climates than
fewer specialist PE teachers. Another way to promote physi- adults do. Children engaged in overtraining may experience
cal activity is through organized sports. Participation in sports burnout as a result of physical and emotional stress, missed so-
can promote persistence, teamwork, humility, and self- cial opportunities, and disruptions to family life. For these rea-
control; it also has been linked to the development of social sons, parents and trainers should maintain realistic expectations
skills and social competence, popularity with peers, and and focus on enjoyment and long-term health as reasons for

197
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

participating in sports. Children should be encouraged to try Cerebral palsy (CP) affects muscle tone, movement, and
out a variety of sports in early and middle childhood, specialize motor skills. It can be mild or severe. Often children with CP
only after reaching puberty, and take time to rest and recover have additional disabilities, including sensory impairments
from activities. and developmental or learning disabilities, which can actually
Head injuries are the most common and potentially seri- be the primary source of their difficulties in school and other
ous injuries children suffer. About 20% of head injuries occur settings. Specialized equipment, such as computers and
during sports participation. Depending on the location and speech and voice synthesizers can help, and physical and oc-
severity of the injury, effects can be temporary or lasting and cupational therapy may be part of their individualized family
can impact emotional, behavioral, and cognitive processes as or education plans. Medication and surgery also are options.
well as physical functioning. Concussions are the most com- Ideally, a multidisciplinary team and coordinated plan provide
mon type of head injury, especially in child and adolescent a wide range of resources to support these children’s devel-
athletes. They can be simple or complex. The key is allowing opment and learning.
for full recovery before allowing children to return to sports Sensory impairments refer to disabilities involving hear-
and other physical activities. Those who return prematurely ing and vision. Most vision problems are identified early, but
are at risk for experiencing second impact syndrome, which problems can emerge as children develop and experience
can lead to permanent brain injury or fatal brain swelling. physiological changes in their eyes. Mild vision problems can
be overcome with corrective lenses, whereas more significant
• Special Physical Needs visual impairments probably will require special materials,
Children with physical disabilities may need special equip- equipment, and instruction to function optimally. Efforts are
ment or adaptations to activities or the environment to par- being made to identify children with hearing impairments
ticipate meaningfully and safely with other children. early. Once children are identified, early intervention is key to
Adaptations and accommodations should focus on providing supporting language development and learning. Cochlear im-
necessary supports to ensure successful participation while plants that can help with hearing sounds have been contro-
enabling children to progress from reliance on others to re- versial within the Deaf community. Their view is that people
liance on themselves. Children with disabilities should be en- who are deaf are part of a unique culture. Today, many indi-
couraged to take risks in supportive environments, so they viduals who are deaf or hard of hearing participate in both
develop skills that are critical for leading independent and Deaf and hearing communities using assistive technologies as
successful lives. desired and appropriate.

䉲 KEY TERMS
ataxic CP expanded core curriculum osteoporosis
athetotic CP low vision sign language and signed
cerebral palsy (CP) mobility English
cochlear implant neuromotor impairments spastic CP
concussion orientation speech reading
educationally blind orthopedic impairments

䉲 the Casebook
MEETING THE CHALLENGE OF INCLUSION
As the director of Tall Trees Camp, David is preparing for the traveling on foot. David is determined, however. The camp
onslaught of campers who will begin arriving on July 5th, just prides itself on being inclusive, and inclusion to David means
two weeks away. In particular, he is mulling over ways to include everyone. So . . . his job is to figure out how to include a child
one camper, 10-year-old Jason, who uses a wheelchair. All of in a wheelchair in the physical activities of the camp. Soccer
the cabins and communal buildings are wheelchair accessible, and swimming aren’t so hard, actually. But hiking and beach-
but most of the grounds surrounding the camp are pretty combing, given the rocky shore, will present a bit of a chal-
uneven and the trails are fairly inhospitable to all but those lenge. And what about the overnight hiking and camping trip?

198
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

WHAT WOULD THEY DO?

Here is how some professionals in several fields responded: variety in order to properly include Jason. If a wheelchair path
could not be built in time for Jason this year, then David could
TRACY MACDONALD—School Counselor
use technology to help create a simulated experience of the
Chesapeake Bay Middle School, Pasadena, Maryland
hiking trail. Campers could be involved in creating streaming
Collaborating with the family is important and will ensure that videos for these areas and explaining it to Jason as he views
Jason has a positive camp experience. The camp director them. When designing activities for recreational programs,
should prepare for this meeting by consulting with other camp one should look at how children with different types of
directors who have experience working with children in wheel- disabilities can participate and create a list of ideas on what
chairs so that he can make practical activity and accommoda- accommodations need to be made for these children.
tion suggestions to the family. There should be a discussion of
Jason and the family’s expectations and the kind of camp JUDY S. PIEPER—Language Arts, Art, and Religion;
experience they desire. It is important for the camp director to Grades 6–8
get to know the family and how they view Jason’s disability. Holy Trinity Junior High, Newport, Kentucky
Jason should be given an opportunity to express the kind of Parents of children with physical and sensorial differences and
camp activities he is looking forward to and what new skills he disabilities are aware of the limitations to their child regarding
would like to learn. access to and participation in planned activities. What inclusion
The number one concern for any camp director should offers is the willingness to identify ways and means to have a
be safety. The camp director should be focused on providing child with special needs successfully interact with the class,
the least restrictive environment for Jason while taking precau- teacher, or instructor and experience the lesson or event in a
tions to keep him safe. Jason should be placed into a camp positive way to the best of his or her capability. To assist with in-
group that includes children without disabilities so they can clusion, I always rely on the peer buddy system. For example, on
learn how to value human differences and have respect for di- a field trip that would include a creek walk or rocky shoreline, the
versity in a recreational setting. Jason’s assigned camp coun- student with the disability can go as far as safely feasible, and the
selor should be someone with a compassionate disposition buddy student can bring the activity back to him or her via pre-
who has experience working with children with disabilities. determined tools and supplies. The buddy may scoop up a sam-
ple of sand, rock or water in a pail and spend time poring over it
AMANDA BOSDECK—8th Grade Math and Science
with the other student. I have found a protectiveness and will-
West De Pere Middle School, De Pere, Wisconsin
ingness among students to help each other, and using peer pairs
Inclusion means everyone in every event. If the camp prides it- for inclusion is a natural extension of this altruistic characteristic.
self on being inclusive, then the first part is to begin renova- Another inclusion method useful in physically limiting sit-
tions on the area. Having wheelchair accessible buildings is not uations is the employment of digital video cameras linked to a
enough; a person like Jason must be able to maneuver in be- monitor with the child who has physical limitations. Technology
tween them to be part of the camp experience. For all of the enables the child to “be there” for the entire visual and audio
activities that a person cannot be a part of in the traditional experience with his or her buddy running the camera for them.
sense due to immobility, adaptations need to be created. For When one of his or her classmates or instructors slips and falls
instance, when beachcombing, place planks down that would with a huge splash, the entire class or group will surely be
allow Jason to be in the area and provide him with adjustable laughing and will remember that event with many retellings.
tools so he can participate. David should not take activities Not only will the child have experienced the fun, but the event
away from the other campers; rather he should add more will also be recorded for posterity on the video!

Now go to MyEducationLab at www.myeducationlab.com,

where you can:
• Find the instructional objectives for this chapter in the Study
Plan.
• Take a quiz as a part of the Study Plan to self-assess your mas-
tery of chapter content. The program generates an individu-
alized Study Plan based upon your answers to the quiz.
• Complete Activities and Applications to assist you in deep-
ening your understanding of important chapter concepts.
• Apply what you have learned through Building Teaching
Skills, exercises that guide you in trying out skills and strate-
gies you will use in professional practice.

199
200
 Cognitive
Development
IN Middle
Childhood

From Chapter 9 of Child and Adolescent Development, 1/e. Anita Woolfolk. Nancy E. Perry.
Copyright © 2012 by Pearson Education. All rights reserved.
201
 Cognitive
Development
IN Middle
Childhood
 the Ca sebook

WHAT WOULD YOU DO?

DECISIONS ABOUT INTELLIGENCE TESTING
This is not your favorite time of year. As the only counselor in the middle school,
you have come to almost dread the arrival of “the scores.” Last week, the school
sent out results of the placement test that determines who is eligible for the
highly regarded, but selective, gifted and talented program. All students in the
school had taken the standardized, paper-and-pencil, group-administered test to
determine if they met the selection criteria of an IQ score of 130 or higher. Again
this year, the calls, e-mails, and notes are flooding in. Some parents want to meet
with you to talk about their child’s scores, and especially, as one father put it,
“To tell you how smart Jason really is.” One mother is incensed because the
school cut back on the music program. She had read an article claiming that
music lessons raise IQ scores and now is sure that her daughter would have
scored better on the test (and been selected for the gifted program) if she had
continued in music class. Several other parents have found an online IQ test,
given it to their child, and now want the school to admit their children to the
gifted program based on the higher online test results. A few of the wealthier
parents have hired a psychologist to administer an individual test and want those
results used for the admission requirement. Also troubling is your meeting with a
girl who was selected for the program, but refuses to be a part of it because her
best friends were not selected, and she says, “I’m not really that smart.” And

202
Sisylia Octavia C., Age 12—Indonesia

today, another possible problem caught your eye. As you look down the list,
there are very few students of color and virtually no children of recent
immigrants. Maybe this whole process is flawed, but the gifted program is
admired all over the district. You look at phone messages and e-mails and
wonder where to start.

CRITICAL THINKING
• What does an IQ score of 130 mean? Is it a good guide for identifying students
for a gifted program? Should other factors besides IQ be considered?
• Does it matter that the test was a paper-and-pencil test administered to the
whole group at once, as opposed to an individually administered test?
• Are such tests appropriate for primary grade students? For students whose
home language is not the language of the test? For students who live in poverty?
• What is intelligence anyway? What factors influence its development?
• Why might a child ask to be left out of a gifted program?
• Are online tests a good measure of intelligence? Why or why not?

203
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

 OVERVIEW AND OBJECTIVES

By about age 7, most children can connect an experience in the past with something that is
happening to them now, anticipate the future, appreciate causality, use semantic categories, and
understand abstract relationships such as larger, smaller, shorter, and taller. Because of the continuing
development of the brain described in the previous chapter, particularly the maturing prefrontal
cortex, children become more able to integrate information in order to select an appropriate
response. An infant or a toddler reacts impulsively, but the 9-year-old can now remember and reflect.
In this chapter we continue the journey. We explore language development, the theories of Piaget,
Vygotsky, and the information processing perspective on cognitive development. Next, we look
critically at the important concept of intelligence: What is intelligence? How is it assessed? and What
influences intelligence? Most children in the middle childhood years are in school, so we consider
what is known about the effects of schooling on children’s cognitive development. Finally, we
examine the child in the digital age: What are the new opportunities and dangers of the Internet
world? We will begin with language. By the time you finish this chapter you should be able to:

Objective 9.1 Summarize changes in language development in the middle childhood years,
including the roles of social and cultural contexts and how second languages and
signed languages develop during this time.
Objective 9.2 Compare and contrast the implications of Piaget’s and Vygotsky’s theories for
cognitive development in the middle childhood years.
Objective 9.3 Examine changes in children’s attention, working memory, long-term memory, and
metacognition during the middle childhood years.
Objective 9.4 Explain intelligence, how it is measured, what shapes it, and how differences in
abilities can be handled productively in schools.
Objective 9.5 Evaluate factors that influence achievement in schools, including how ADHD, learning
disabilities, and cultural differences affect children in the middle years, and explore
what can to done to help all children achieve.
Objective 9.6 List some possible contributions of digital media to children’s cognitive development
in the middle years.

OUTLINE  CONTINUING LANGUAGE DEVELOPMENT

The Casebook—Decisions about Before we explore language development in middle childhood, let’s
Intelligence Testing: What Would You Do? remember what has developed so far. Of course, every child is unique, and
different languages vary in their patterns of development, but there are
Overview and Objectives
some universals.
Continuing Language Development
Piaget and Vygotsky Development So Far
Information Processing and Memory: In the relatively safe, predictable, and supportive environment of home,
Developing Cognitive Processes the young child usually interacted one-to-one, often with a more compe-
tent communicator. The language-learning context had lots of nonverbal
Intelligence and Intelligence Testing cues and the communication partners generally encouraged, corrected,
The Child in School and extended the child’s language development (Hulit, Howard, & Fahey,
2011). So, by about age 5 or 6, the majority of children have mastered the
Children in a Digital World
basics of their native language. In fact, by the end of kindergarten, healthy
Summary and Key Terms children without major language challenges will understand and use most
The Casebook—Decisions about of the essential words in their language, even if they are not accurate about
Intelligence Testing: What Would They Do? the meanings of some words. In addition, they can create complete

204
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

sentences and turn statements into questions or into the negative form. For example, they
can say:
“I’m going to play with Josh today.”
“Am I going to play with Josh today?”
“I’m not playing with Josh today.”
But the more complicated forms, such as the passive voice (“The girl was bitten by
mosquitoes”), take longer to master. Five-year-olds may still think the girl did the biting be-
cause “girl” came first in the sentence; they have not yet mastered the reversible thinking
needed to translate from passive to active voice (Piaget, 1970b, 1974).
Children beginning school can talk about the past and the future, as long as the events
are fairly recent and concrete, but they lack the cognitive capability to consider hypotheti-
cal futures (“What would it be like if you moved to a new town when you started high
school?”). If their caregivers have read to them, taught them songs and nursery rhymes, and
had conversations about books and pictures, then the children are ready for learning in
school. They will understand that speaking, writing, and drawing all are ways to commu-
nicate and that symbols on a page are related to sounds, and sounds make up words (Hulit,
Howard, & Fahey, 2011).
What remains for the child to accomplish? Well, when the child enters school, the
world changes. Not only are there more people but also there are new expectations and
opportunities to challenge and support the child’s developing cognitive capabilities. In fact,
language development is more rapid when children attend school (Hoff, 2006). Let’s see
what develops now.

Semantics, Vocabulary, Syntax, and Grammar

School-age children continue to learn words and phrases by fast mapping. So when they
hear “She text-messaged him the directions,” they can quickly figure out that this means
something like “She GAVE him directions using a text message” (Casenhiser & Goldberg,
2005). Another way that children’s language develops is through discovering new meanings
for words they already know, such as learning that a “party” can be an event (a birthday
party), a political group (the Green party), or a participant (a party in a legal action). The
average 6-year-old has an expressive vocabulary of about 2,600 words and a receptive vo-
cabulary of 20,000 words, counting the multiple meanings of words such as party. This
number grows to about 50,000 by age 11 (Brice & Brice, 2009). By some estimates, children
learn about 10 words a day between the ages of 1 and 18 (Bloom, 2002).
In the early elementary years, some children may have trouble with abstract words
such as justice or economy. They also may not understand the subjunctive case (“If you
were a butterfly”) because they lack the cognitive ability to reason about things that are
not true (“But I’m not a butterfly!”). They may interpret all statements literally and thus
misunderstand sarcasm or metaphor. For example, fables are understood concretely—
simply as stories instead of as moral lessons. Many children are in their preadolescent
years before they are able to distinguish being kidded from being taunted, or before
they know that a sarcastic remark is not meant to be taken literally (Anglin, 1993;
Bloom, 1998).

HOW DOES VOCABULARY GROW? By using context clues and word knowledge, children
figure out what new, unfamiliar words might mean. So, for example, when 9-year-old
Valencia encounters the word wholeheartedly, she might use her knowledge of the word
parts—heart is like spirit or enthusiasm (“put your heart into it”). Whole means all, so
wholehearted is like, “with all your enthusiasm or spirit.” And –ly makes the word an ad-
verb, so wholeheartedly is acting with your whole heart or whole spirit (Anglin, 1993; Hulit
et al., 2011). Obviously, the more words children know, the better they are at figuring out
new words. In addition, as children develop the cognitive abilities to think abstractly, they
can move beyond figuring out the meaning of a word in narrow terms based on a single
sentence (about age 5) to abstracting and synthesizing a broader meaning based on many
experiences, by about age 11 (Owens, 2008).

205
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

This shift from concrete and personal to abstract

and socially shared is apparent in children’s definitions
of words as well. Young children’s definitions often re-
flect their personal experiences, so 5-year-old Jasmine
might tell you that “A bus goes to the store!”Definitions
for most words are functional—they describe what the
word does: “A dog barks.” The definition is concrete and
tied to action. Around second grade, children begin to
give longer definitions that describe complex relation-
ships: “A bus is big and carries lots of people.” As
children mature, they give more dictionary-like
definitions that include the general category of the
word. So by about age 10, children can tell you, “A dog
is an animal.” By early adolescence, they can add spe-
cific characteristics to their definitions (“A dog is a four-
legged animal and is a pet”). Here, the child has linked
the concept of “dog” to another concept—“pet.” Chil-
dren can define base words like “dog” or “heart” before
they can define derived words like “dogged”or “whole-
heartedly” (Johnson & Anglin, 1995; Nippold, Hegel,
Sohlberg, & Schwarz, 1999).
Children learn new words in their homes, com-
munities, or churches, and from their peers or the
media—television, magazines, games, the Internet, and
films. Before a child enters school, the major influences
Reading is a pathway to learning the meanings of words, and on language development are talk, conversation, songs,
vocabulary development is a foundation for deeper understand- rhymes, and other forms of spoken language. With
ing and continued learning. The setting can invite enjoyable
school come powerful new influences—direct teach-
reading, as it seems to for these children. Robert Daemmrich/
ing of vocabulary and the written word. Children who
Getty Images Inc. – Stone Allstock
read often and are skillful readers have larger vocabu-
laries than children who are poorer readers. And children who have larger vocabularies are
better at reading comprehension, so reading and vocabulary development are closely tied.
The more words children know and the earlier they know them, the better they are at learn-
ing more words and learning from reading (Hirsh, Morrison, Gaset, & Carnicer, 2003).
At every age, children from lower SES families tend to hear fewer words at home and
they know fewer words than children of the same age from higher SES families—only half
as many words by some accounts (Hart & Risley, 1995; Hoff, 2006). So children in poverty
are disadvantaged both in learning to read and in learning from reading. Direct teaching
can make a difference. Isabel Beck and Margaret McKeown (2007) used extensive instruc-
tion and practice to teach sophisticated words to kindergarten and first grade students from
low-income families. By reading stories that included the words, using context, defining the
words, having students practice using the words, assessing, and reteaching, the teachers
helped these young students learn words like feast, exhausted, cautiously, menacing,
exquisite, and argumentative.

ORGANIZING ALL THOSE WORDS. With increased cognitive development, children not
only learn and remember more words but also apply their increasing abilities to organize
the words they know. They learn that words can be organized in sequences (one, two,
three) and in hierarchies (big, bigger, biggest), for example. Two main strategies help with
this organization: chunking and the syntagmatic-paradigmatic shift.
Children organize their words into categories or chunks. The process is cleverly
called chunking. For young children, these chunks can be large and undifferentiated, so
the food category might include fried chicken, pizza, ice cream, oatmeal, popcorn,
M&Ms, apples, and so on. As children develop cognitively, these large categories are di-
vided into subcategories: meats, desserts, fruits, breakfast foods, and so on. Chunking also
helps children make sense of words that sound alike such as not and knot. Knot gets

206
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

chunked with nouns and not is organized with other negating words such as none or
never (Hulit et al., 2011).
A second strategy involves organizing words based on associations or connections. If
you ask preschool children what comes to mind when you say “baby,” they might say “cries”
or “bottle”—words that come next in a sentence. So the association or connection is syn-
tactic (syntagmatic)—having to do with the order of words. Ask an older child what comes
to mind when you say “baby”and you are more likely to get connections based on semantics
or meanings such as “infant,”“child,”“adult,”or “family.” The shift to meaning-based categories
is a shift to paradigmatic (category) associations. Organizing words around meanings
reflects the developing child’s ability to think abstractly (Owens, 2008). This change from
organizing words by what might come next (syntagmatic associations) to organizing by
meaning (paradigmatic associations) is called the syntagmatic-paradigmatic shift.
As language develops and children expand their vocabularies, finding a word when
they need it becomes a more complex task. Organization helps here, too. If words are or-
ganized into chunks, these categories can be used to find the needed word, so if Shannon
is trying to remember the word for asparagus, searching the vegetables category may help.
Also, as they develop cognitively, children are more able to use strategies, such as auditory
or visual cues to retrieve words (Owens, 2008).

HAVING FUN WITH WORDS. The language of young children can be funny and seem play-
ful, as when one researcher’s 4-year-old daughter ran outside naked and proclaimed, “Look,
Daddy, my bottom is barefootin!” The girl was not trying to use creative, metaphorical
language; she was simply using the language she had to describe the situation (Hulit et al.,
2011, p. 249). But as language and knowledge of word meanings develop, children begin
to intentionally play with language. By kindergarten, about one-fourth of children’s lan-
guage involves playing with words (Ely & McCabe, 1994). Early playfulness often involves
the sounds of words, so you might hear a young child proclaim that okra is, “Icky, sticky,
yicky!” but by ages 6 or 7, children’s word play is more likely to involve word meanings,
puns, and double meanings. Children in the middle years enjoy language games and jokes
that play on words. With an appreciation of double meanings, especially the multiple mean-
ings of words that sound alike, children can laugh at riddles:
What is black and white and red (read) all over? A newspaper.
What house has the least weight? A lighthouse.
Why is a river so rich? Because it has two banks.
How many bees are there in a hive? None, the letter “b” is not in the word “hive.”
During the middle years, another kind of playful language usage develops: Children
learn to use figurative language such as similes (“he’s as strong as a horse”), metaphors
(“he’s a horse”), and idioms (“I’m so hungry, I could eat a horse”). As with many aspects of
language, children can understand the meaning of the metaphor or the idiom before they
will use these language forms, and children who are better readers will learn idioms faster
(Nippold, Moran, & Schwartz, 2001). Understanding idioms is one of the things that makes
learning a second language more difficult. For example, consider what you would think
about these idioms if you were just learning the English language:
Does the cat have your tongue? Eat your heart out!
I cross my heart and hope to die. You are really a bookworm.

Here are some Spanish idioms and the English idioms that are similar:
Tener más lana que un borrego. Translation: To have more wool than a lamb. English
idiom: To have money to burn.
Por un pelito de rana. Translation: By a little hair of the frog. English idiom: It was a
close shave.

GRAMMAR AND SYNTAX. Early on, children master the basics of syntax (word order) in
their native language. But some syntactical structures take time to learn. For example, Carol

207
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

Chomsky (1969) found that most preschool children think these two sentences mean
the same thing: “Jose promised Alfonzo to clean the house” and “Jose told Alfonzo to
clean the house.” Younger children think Alfonzo is the one doing the cleaning in both
cases—the name closer to the verb is assumed to do the action. As children develop
cognitively, by about age 8, they can hold the entire sentence in memory and focus on
meaning, not just the order of the words, so they understand who is actually doing the
cleaning in these sentences. Other accomplishments during elementary school include first
understanding and then using complex grammatical structures such as extra clauses, quali-
fiers, and conjunctions (Owens, 2008).

Pragmatics and Metalinguistic Development

Pragmatics involves the appropriate use of language to communicate. During the middle
years, children show dramatic changes in their pragmatic skills, having conversations, telling
stories, and generally fitting their language to each situation. These accomplishments require
adjusting word choice or sentence complexity to match the listener’s abilities (speaking in
short, simple statements to a young child, for example), repairing breakdowns in communi-
cations, and comprehending subtle nonverbal or intonational cues to “hear”what someone is
trying to say. One capability that supports these accomplishments is the child’s developing so-
cial perspective-taking ability. Children who can view things through another person’s per-
spective are better at having conversations and telling stories.

CONVERSATIONS. To use language appropriately, children must learn the rules of turn tak-
ing in conversation. In later elementary school, children’s communications start to sound
like conversations. Contributions are usually relevant and on the same topic. Children lis-
ten to each other, so arguments become possible. As they mature, older children are more
able to judge if their communications are clear to their audience. They learn how to diag-
nose why there was a breakdown and they have more ways to repair the conversation. The
topics of conversations can be more abstract as children’s cognitive capabilities develop, so
they can discuss fairness and justice, obligations, or preferences.
By age 6 or so, children understand and use now, so, and then (called conjunctives
because they are usually followed by information that is consistent with the overall message),
but they are about 12 before they can use however, therefore, although, or anyway. These
are disjunctives—they prepare the listener for information that is inconsistent or out of keep-
ing with previous statements. Disjunctives are a more complex form than conjunctives. Also,
by middle childhood, students understand that an observation also can be a hint or a com-
mand, as in “I see you have not eaten your broccoli yet.”By later childhood, they become very
adept at varying their language style to fit the situation. So they can talk to their peers in a form
of slang that makes little sense to adults, but that marks the children as members of a group.
Yet these same students can speak politely to adults (especially when making requests) and
write persuasively about a topic in history. Interactions with adults, and especially with peers
who challenge unclear messages, help develop these skills (Hulit et al., 2011).

NARRATIVES. Narratives are stories, often about personal experiences from the past.
Whereas 2-year-olds may tell a story as a single statement or as a set of unrelated sentences
called heaps (piles of words and clauses), a 4-year-old’s story is longer, but it often jumps
from one topic to another, so it is called a leapfrog narrative (Peterson & McCabe, 1983).
These narratives tend to focus on the child’s immediate situation—so the language is
contextualized—supported by the people, places, and events in the child’s life. To tell
more mature stories about other people or places requires decontextualized language—
talk about people, events, concepts, and other things that are not part of the person’s im-
mediate context (Snow, 1991). Generally, the people listening to the story were not
participants in the events of the story, so the child must take the listeners’ knowledge and
perspective into account. In addition, these more mature stories require organization.
Rather than the heaps or leaps of preschoolers’ statements, the narratives of middle child-
hood have main characters, settings, and plots. As children mature cognitively, plots
become more defined, the problems presented are clearer, and the details given are not

208
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

superfluous, but are important for the resolution of the problem. Stories begin to include
characters’ thoughts, feelings, and motivations, as well as depictions of psychological and
physical causes for the events and outcomes described. All of these changes in narratives
require increased cognitive development and social perspective-taking skills (Owens, 2008).
Narratives, particularly personal chronicles about the life experiences of children, are
dependent on culture. For example, Japanese children tell haiku-like stories, connected by
a theme and not necessarily in time order. The stories of some African American children
are similar in that they connect several different events around a common theme.
Latino/Latina children’s stories often center on social relationships, particularly about their
families (Ely, 1997; McCabe, 1996; Minami, 2001). Caregivers and teachers need to be aware
of these cultural differences in narrative style. For example, a study done years ago found
that the home conversation style of Hawaiian children is to chime in with contributions to
a story. In school, however, this overlapping style was viewed as “interrupting.” When the
teachers in one school learned about these differences and made reading groups more like
the students’ home conversation groups, the young Hawaiian children improved in reading
(Au, 1980; Tharp, 1989).

METALINGUISTIC AWARENESS. Around the age of 5, children begin to develop metalinguistic

awareness. This means their understanding about language and how it works becomes ex-
plicit: They can use language to describe language because they have knowledge about lan-
guage itself. As young children, they used language to communicate; their focus was on the
content or meaning of language, not on the process of language. As they mature cognitively,
children are able to consider two things at once, both the meaning they are trying to con-
vey and the correctness of the language form. Is the verb tense right? Should the subject of
the sentence be plural or singular (Purcell-Gates, 2001)? Now the children are ready to study
and extend the rules that have been implicit—understood but not consciously expressed.
For children in countries with public educational systems, metalinguistic awareness
increases because language is a subject of study in schools.

Children and adults in every culture tell stories about personal life
events, but the structure of the stories and even the way the listen-
ers engage varies. In some cultures such as the native Hawaiian,
listeners chime in to add to the story and elaborate. © Spencer
Grant/PhotoEdit (left); Kyle Rothenborg/PacificStock.com( right)

209
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

Difference and Diversity in Language Development

Language develops in social and cultural contexts, so there are many individual and group dif-
ferences (Hoff, 2006). Here, we will examine variety in spoken language in the form of dialects
and genderlects, as well as in speaking different languages—bilingualism and signed languages.

DIALECTS. When you ask for a carbonated beverage, do you request a soft drink, soda,
coke, or pop? When your textbook author, Anita, moved from New Jersey to Ohio, a col-
league who had grown up in Columbus, Ohio said, “You are going to have to learn to speak
Midwestern and ask for a “bottlapop.” Different regions have different ways of speaking—
both in their accents and in their word usage.
Eugene Garcia (2002) defines a dialect as “a regional variation of language characterized
by distinct grammar, vocabulary, and pronunciation” (p. 218). The dialect is part of the
group’s collective identity. Actually, every person reading this book speaks at least one dialect,
maybe more. The English language has several dialects, for example Australian, Canadian,
British, and American. Within each of these dialects are variations. A few examples for Amer-
ican English are Southern, Bostonian, Cajun, and African American English (Garcia, 2002).
Dialects differ in their rules about pronunciation, grammar, and vocabulary, but it is
important to remember that these differences are not errors. Each dialect is logical, com-
plex, and rule-governed. An example of this is the use of the double negative (Brice & Brice,
2009). In many versions of American English, the double negative construction, such as “I
don’t have no more,” is incorrect. But in many dialects such as some varieties of African
American English and in other languages (for instance, Russian, French, Spanish, and Hun-
garian), the double negative is part of the grammatical rules. To say “I don’t want anything”
in Spanish, you must literally say, “I don’t want nothing,”or “No quiero nada.”Table 9.1 gives
some other examples of dialect differences.

DIALECTS AND CARING FOR CHILDREN. What does all of this mean for adults working
with children? How can they cope with dialect differences? First, they can be sensitive to
their own possible negative stereotypes about children who speak a different dialect; re-
member, dialects are differences, not deficits. Second, adults can ensure comprehension by
repeating instructions using different words. Teachers can ask other students to paraphrase
instructions or give examples. The best teaching approach seems to be to focus on under-
standing the children and accepting their language as a valid and correct system, but to
teach the formal form of the language that is used in work settings and writing so that the
students will have access to a range of opportunities. Lisa Delpit (1995) describes Martha
Demientieff, a Native Alaskan teacher of Athabaskan children in a small village. The
teacher’s goal is for her students to become fluent in both their dialect, which she calls “Her-
itage English,” and the “Formal English” of employers and others outside the village. She
explains to her students that people outside the village will judge them by the way they talk
and write. She goes on to say:
We’re going to learn two ways to say things. One will be our Heritage way. The
other will be Formal English. Then when we go to get jobs, we’ll be able to talk
like those people who only know and can only listen to one way. Maybe after we
get the jobs we can help them to learn how it feels to have another language, like
ours, that feels so good. (p. 41)
Moving between two speech forms is called code-switching—something we all have
learned to do. Sometimes the code is formal speech for professional communication. Or the
code is informal for talk among friends and family. At other times, the codes are different
dialects. Even young children recognize variations in codes. Lisa Delpit (1995) describes the
reaction of one of her first grade students to her very first reading lesson. After she carefully
recited the memorized introduction from the teacher’s manual, a student raised his hand
and asked, “Teacher, how come you talkin’ like a white person? You talkin’ just like my
momma talk when she get on the phone.”
Learning the alternative version of a language is easy for most children, as long as they
have good models, clear instruction, and opportunities for authentic practice.

210
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

TABLE 9.1 • A Few Examples of Dialect Differences in African American English and Spanish
Influenced English

AREA OF LANGUAGE STANDARD ENGLISH AFRICAN AMERICAN ENGLISH

Sounds: Final consonants dropped hand, picked han, pick

Noun plurals Two puppies Two puppy

Noun possessives Mama’s house Mama house

Past tense John came. John come.

Use of being verb John is sick. John sick.

Use of bin for remote past She has been running for a long time. She bin running.

Multiple negation I don’t ever have any problems. I don’t never have no problems.

AREA OF LANGUAGE STANDARD ENGLISH SPANISH INFLUENCED ENGLISH

Sounds: Alternate ch and sh sounds Chair, show Share, chow

Sounds: Final consonants dropped Start, least Star, leas

Reflexive pronouns Himself, themselves Hisself, theirselves

Borrow for lend Lend me a pencil. Borrow me a pencil.

Barely for recently They recently graduated from high They barely graduated from high
school. school.

Multiple negation I don’t have any pain. I don’t have no pain.

Using words from Spanish 15-year-old girl’s coming out party quinceñera

Source: Adapted from Brice, A. E., & Brice, R. G. (2009). Language development: Monolingual and bilingual acquisitions, pp. 317–319. Reproduced by
permission of Pearson Education, Inc.

GENDERLECTS. If you had to guess what genderlects are, based on what you know about
dialects, you probably would figure out that genderlects are different ways of talking for
males and females. There are some small differences between boys and girls—girls tend to
be slightly more talkative and affiliative in their speech (affiliative speech is talk intended
to establish and maintain relationships). But much of the research has been conducted with
white, middle-class children and results do not necessarily hold for other groups and cul-
tures (Leaper & Smith, 2004). For example, some research reports that girls are more likely
to cooperate and to talk about caring, whereas boys are more competitive and talk about
rights and justice. But Leaper & Smith (2004) found that African American girls were just
as likely as African American boys to compete and talk about their rights in conversations.
As with most aspects of language, there are cultural differences in genderlects. Inter-
rupting is a good example. In America, boys interrupt more often than girls, but in Africa,
the Caribbean, South America, and Eastern Europe, females interrupt males much more of-
ten than they do in America. And in Thailand, Hawaii, Japan, and Antigua, the style of
speaking for boys and girls is overlapping—these are not interruptions but cooperative turn
taking (Owens, 2008).

BILINGUALISM IN THE MIDDLE YEARS. You may remember from previous chapters that in
some states almost one-fourth of all students speak a first language other than English—
usually Spanish (Gersten, 1996). Ironically, by the time many of these children have mastered
a new language and let their home language deteriorate, they reach secondary school and

211
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

are encouraged to “learn a second language.” Perhaps the goals of the educational system
should be the development of all students as balanced bilinguals. The United States is “one
of the few countries in the world that takes pride in the fact that we speak only one lan-
guage” (Noguera, 2005, p. 13). There are a number of misconceptions about becoming
bilingual. Table 9.2 summarizes a few of these taken from Brice (2002).
Proficiency in a second language has two separate aspects: face-to-face communica-
tion (known as basic or contextualized language) and academic uses of language such as
reading texts and doing grammar exercises (known as academic language) (Filmore &
Snow, 2000; Garcia, 2002). It takes children about two to three years in a good-quality pro-
gram for English Language Learners (ELLs) to be able to communicate face to face in a sec-
ond language, but mastering academic language skills such as reading texts in the new
language takes five to seven years. So children who seem to “know” a second language in
conversations may still have great difficulty with complex schoolwork in that language
(Bialystok, 2001).
Even though the advantages of bilingualism seem clear (increased cognitive abilities in
concept formation, creativity, theory of mind, cognitive flexibility, and metalinguistic
awareness), many children and adults are losing their heritage language: They experience
subtractive bilingualism. In a large survey of eighth and ninth grade first- and second-gen-
eration immigrant students in Miami and San Diego, Portes and Hao (1998) found that only
16% had retained the ability to speak their heritage language well. And 72% said they pre-
ferred to speak English. The languages of Native Americans are disappearing as well. Only
about one-third still exist, and 9 out of 10 of those are no longer spoken by the children
(Krauss, 1992).

TABLE 9.2 • Myths and Misconceptions about Being Bilingual

In the following table, L1 means the original language and L2 means the second language.

MYTH TRUTH

Learning a second language (L2) takes little time and effort. Learning English as a second language takes 2–3 years for oral
and 5–7 years for academic language use.

All language skills (listening, speaking, reading, writing) Reading is the skill that transfers most readily.
transfer from L1 to L2.

Code-switching is an indication of a language disorder. Code-switching indicates high-level language skills in both
L1 and L2.

All bilinguals easily maintain both languages. It takes great effort and attention to maintain high-level skills
in both languages.

Children do not lose their first language. Loss of L1 and underdevelopment of L2 are problems for
second language learners (semilingual in L1 and L2).

Exposure to English is sufficient for L2 learning. To learn L2, students need to have a reason to communicate,
access to English speakers, interaction, support, feedback,
and time.

To learn English, students’ parents need to speak only English Children need to use both languages in many contexts.
at home.

Reading in L1 is detrimental to learning English. Literacy-rich environments in either L1 or L2 support

development of necessary prereading skills.

Language disorders must be identified by tests in English. Children must be tested in both L1 and L2 to determine
language disorders.

Source: Brice, The Hispanic Child, Table 4.3 “Myths About Bilingual Students” pp. 45–46, 2002. Reproduced by permission of Pearson Education, Inc.

212
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

SECOND LANGUAGE LEARNING. What if you didn’t learn two languages as you were grow-
ing up? When and how should you learn a second language? It is a misconception that
young children learn a second language faster than adolescents or adults. In fact, older chil-
dren go through the stages of language learning faster than young children. Adults have
more learning strategies and greater knowledge of language in general to bring to bear in
mastering a second language (Brice & Brice, 2009; Diaz-Rico & Weed, 2002). Age is a fac-
tor in learning language, but “not because of any critical period that limits the possibility of
language learning by adults” (Marinova-Todd, Marshall, & Snow, 2000, p. 28).
There appears, however, to be a critical period for learning accurate language
pronunciation. The earlier people learn a second language, the more their pronunciation
is near-native. After adolescence it is difficult to learn a new language without speaking with
an accent (Brice & Brice, 2009). Even overhearing a language as a child, without actually
learning the language, can improve later learning. After studying college students who were
learning Spanish, Terry Au and colleagues concluded that “Although waiting until adult-
hood to learn a language almost guarantees a bad accent, having overheard the target lan-
guage during childhood seems to lessen this predicament substantially”(Au, Knightly, Jun, &
Oh, 2002, p. 242). So the best time to teach a second language probably is during early or
middle childhood, but the best time to acquire two languages on your own through expo-
sure (and to learn native pronunciation for both languages) is early childhood.

SIGNED LANGUAGES. There are a number of parallels between spoken languages and the
many signed languages used around the world, such as American Sign Language (ASL),
Signed English (USA, Ireland, New Zealand, Australia, Great Britain), Lingua de Signos
Nicaraguense (Nicaraguan Sign Language), Warlpiri Sign Language (Australia Aboriginal),
and Langue des Signes Quebecoise (LSQ) or Quebec Sign Language. Each of these languages
is distinct and not simply a derived version of a spoken language. For example, people us-
ing Quebec Sign Language and French Sign Language cannot understand each other, even
though the French spoken language is common to both countries.
Both spoken and signed languages have large vocabularies and complex grammars.
Laura Ann Petitto and Iugio Kovelman (2003) suggest that the same mechanisms for
language acquisition are used for both spoken and signed languages. In addition, the
milestones for signed language are the same as
for spoken language. For example, children “say”
their first words at about the same time, around
12 months, with both spoken and signed languages
(Bloom, 2002). In fact, research with children learn-
ing a signed and a spoken language from infancy
demonstrates that “being exposed to two languages
from birth—and, in particular, being exposed to a
signed and a spoken language from birth—does not
cause a child to be language delayed or confused”(Pe-
tittto & Kovelman, 2003, p. 16). As with two spoken
languages, children can become balanced bilinguals
in a spoken and a signed language.
In the 1970s, language researchers were able to
study the birth of a new socially shared signed language
when Nicaragua established its first school for the deaf.
The students came using their own unique invented
sign languages. Over the years, a new language emerged
that was based on the students’ own sign languages. As
the children developed the new Lingua de Signos
Nicaraguense (Nicaraguan Sign Language), it became
more systematic. The vocabulary expanded and the In the 1970s when Nicaragua established its first school for
the deaf, the students invented their own sign language to
grammar grew more complex. New students learned
communicate. Today that language has developed to become
the developing Nicaraguan Sign Language as their native
Lingua de Signos Nicaraguense (Nicaraguan Sign Language).
language (Hoff, 2006; Senghaus & Coppola, 2001). © Oswaldo Rivas/CORBIS All Rights Reserved

213
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

Language development in the school years reflects and supports the cognitive changes
that are taking place. We turn to those changes now.

PIAGET AND VYGOTSKY

During the middle years, children add to their conceptual tool kit. They are more able to
think logically and connect present to past and future. Piaget and Vygotsky explain these
developments.

Piaget’s Concrete Operational Stage

You may remember 5-year-old Amaya, who thought that when water was poured from a
short, fat glass into a tall, thin glass the quantity of water was greater in the tall glass because
it reached a higher level. She was fooled by appearances and had difficulty taking several
variables into account at the same time. Children like Amaya (roughly ages 2 to 6 or 7) are
considered preoperational because they lack cognitive operations—actions that are car-
ried out and reversed mentally. But as Amaya is able to integrate the past with the present,
over time, all the assimilations and accommodations she has made in thinking in specific sit-
uations will be generalized into a shift that emphasizes deeper, more enduring qualities over
surface appearances, and she will master concrete operations (Kagan & Herschkowitz,
2005; Siegler & Alibali, 2005).
The basic characteristics of this stage are the recognition of the logical stability of the
physical world, the realization that elements can be changed or transformed and still con-
serve many of their original characteristics, and the understanding that these changes can
be reversed. We will examine several accomplishments of this period, including conserva-
tion, classification, and seriation.

CONSERVATION. Look at Figure 9.1 to see examples of the different tasks given to children
to assess conservation and the approximate age ranges at which most children can solve
these problems. Conservation is the understanding that quantities such as number, weight,
volume, or area stay the same even when their appearances change. According to Piaget,
the ability to solve conservation problems depends on an understanding of three basic as-
pects of reasoning: identity, compensation, and reversibility. With a complete mastery of
identity, the child knows that if nothing is added or taken away, the material remains the
same. With an understanding of compensation, the child knows that an apparent change in
one direction can be compensated for by a change in another direction. That is, if the glass
is narrower, the liquid will rise higher in the glass. And with an understanding of
reversibility, the child can mentally cancel out the change that has been made. With the abil-
ity to conserve, the child is able to mentally represent and reverse transformations. The pre-
operational child could mentally represent static states, but not changing states. By the way,
Amaya apparently knew it was the same water, so she demonstrated identity, but she lacked
compensation and reversibility, thus at age 5 she was moving toward, but not yet grasping,
conservation.
Another important operation mastered at this stage is classification. Classification de-
pends on a child’s abilities to focus on a single characteristic of objects in a set (for exam-
ple, color) and group the objects according to that characteristic. More advanced
classification at this stage involves recognizing that one class fits into another. A city can be
in a particular state or province and also in a particular country. As children apply this ad-
vanced classification to locations, they often become fascinated with “complete”addresses,
similar to the line from the Thornton Wilder play, Our Town: “Jane Crofut; The Crofut
Farm; Grover’s Corners; Sutton County; New Hampshire; United States of America; Conti-
nent of North America; Western Hemisphere; the Earth; the Solar System; the Universe; the
Mind of God.”
Classification is also related to reversibility. The ability to reverse a process mentally
allows the concrete operational child to see that there is more than one way to classify a
group of objects. The child understands, for example, that coins can be classified by date,
then reclassified by value, or by the country of origin; or buttons can be sorted into the

214
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

FIGURE 9.1

DIFFERENT TASKS USED TO ASSESS CONSERVATION IN CHILDREN

Suppose you Then you change The question you

start with this the situation to this would ask a child is

(a) Roll out

A Which is bigger,
conservation clay
A or B?
of mass A ball B
B
B

(b) Roll out

A B Which will weigh more,
conservation clay
B A or B?
of weight ball B A

Take
clay ball
When I put the clay back
(c) out of
into the water beakers,
conservation water
in which beaker will
of volume and
the water be higher?
roll out
A B clay ball B B
A

Pour
(d)
water
conservation Which beaker has more liquid,
in beaker
of continuous B or C?
A into
quantity
beaker C
A B C A B C

A Break A
(e)
candy bar Which is more candy?
conservation
B into A or B
of number B pieces B

round red ones, round white ones, and square white ones—using two characteristics at
once to classify. With classification and reversibility, children can organize and reorganize
their collections of coins, insects, trading cards, fossils, music, or comic books.
Seriation is the process of making an orderly arrangement from large to small or vice
versa. Preoperational thinking might seriate through trial and error, but concrete opera-
tional thinking can mentally plan the series. This understanding of sequential relation-
ships permits a student to construct a logical series in which A ⬍ B ⬍ C (A is less than B is
less than C) and so on. Around age 7, as long as they are handling concrete objects such
as sticks or blocks, children understand the principle of transitivity—if stick A is shorter
than stick B and B is shorter than C, then A must be shorter than C too. With an under-
standing of transitivity, a child can grasp the notion that B can be longer than A, but still
shorter than C. Preoperational children cannot detect and explain these relationships and
patterns: How can stick B be longer and shorter at the same time? But ask a hypothetical
question, “If Juan is shorter than Jacob, and Jacob is shorter than Luis, who is the short-
est?” and concrete thinkers might have trouble—especially if they know a tall person
named Juan.

215
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

CONNECTING WITH CHILDREN

Guidelines for Teachers: Fostering Concrete Operational Thinking
Use concrete props and visual aids, especially when 2. Have students make candles by dipping wicks in wax,
dealing with sophisticated material. weave cloth on a simple loom, bake bread, set type by
Examples hand, or do other craft work that illustrates the daily
1. Use time lines in history and three-dimensional models occupations of people in the colonial period.
in science. 3. Give students slips of paper with individual sentences
2. Use diagrams to illustrate hierarchical relationships such written on each paper and ask the students to group the
as branches of government and the agencies under sentences into paragraphs.
each branch.
Use familiar examples to explain more complex ideas.
Continue to give students a chance to manipulate and Examples
test objects. 1. Compare children’s lives with those of characters in a
Examples story. After reading Island of the Blue Dolphins (the true
1. Set up simple scientific experiments such as the story of a girl who grew up alone on a deserted island),
following involving the relationship between fire and ask “Have you ever had to stay alone for a long time?
oxygen. What happens to a flame when you blow on How did you feel?”
it from a distance? (If you don’t blow it out, the flame 2. Explain the concept of area by having children measure
gets larger briefly, because it has more oxygen to two rooms in the house that are different sizes.
burn.) What happens when you cover the flame with 3. Compare the systems of the human body to other kinds
a jar? of systems: the brain to a computer, the heart to a pump.

With the abilities to handle operations such as conservation, classification, seriation,

and transitivity, the child at the concrete operational stage has finally developed a complete
and very logical system of thinking—one that can represent changes and transformations.
This system of thinking, however, is still tied to experiences and physical reality. The logic
is based on concrete situations that can be organized, classified, or manipulated. Thus, chil-
dren at this stage can imagine several different arrangements for the furniture in their rooms
before they act. They do not have to solve the problem strictly through trial and error by
actually moving the furniture.
In caring for children, knowledge of concrete operational thinking will be helpful (see
the Connecting with Children guidelines for teachers).

LIMITATIONS OF CONCRETE OPERATIONAL THINKING. Even though it is logical, concrete

operational thinking is not very good for reasoning about hypothetical problems that in-
volve the coordination of many factors at once, such as how many different combinations
are possible in a set or how variables might interact in a scientific experiment. Children who
think at the concrete operational level also have difficulties with hypothetical and counter-
to-reality thinking, such as “How would your life be different if there were only 2 hours of
dark at night?” Thinking about hypotheticals and multiple variables is difficult for children
at the concrete operational stage.

LIMITATIONS OF PIAGET’S THEORIES. Some researchers believe Piaget’s theory under-

estimates children’s abilities. The theory does not explain how children in the middle
years can perform at an advanced level in certain areas in which they have highly de-
veloped knowledge and expertise. An expert 9-year-old chess player may think hypo-
thetically about chess moves, whereas a novice 20-year-old player may have to resort to
more concrete strategies to plan and remember moves (Siegler, 1998). Children have
the ability to think abstractly in areas in which they have extensive knowledge.
In addition, Piaget’s theory overlooks the influence of the task itself and the cultural con-
text in which the task is accomplished (Meadows, 2006). For example, children who seem

216
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

to lack the concrete operational thinking necessary to conserve liquids when asked in the
usual Piagetian way demonstrate they can conserve when the task is explicit and fits their
cultural experience. Working with children in Brazil, Roazzi and Bryant (1997) found that
many 5-, 6-, 7-, and 8-year-olds could answer conservation of liquid questions correctly if the
tasks were in the context of selling lemonade and measuring out equal amounts. Children in
the study could “sell” 4 ladles full of lemonade to the experimenter and to a friend and know
that the amounts and the costs should be the same, regardless of the size or shape of the glasses.
Roazzi and Bryant suggest that children may answer the usual conservation questions wrong
because they assume that the experimenters expect a different answer—why else would the
experimenter pour the liquid into a different glass and ask, “Are the amounts the same now?”
But when the experimenter is explicit about getting the quantities the same, and has children
measure out, then the children know the amount is the same in the different shaped glasses.
When a culture or context emphasizes a cognitive ability, children growing up in that
culture tend to acquire the ability sooner. In another example that compared Chinese first,
third, and fifth grade students with American students in the same grades, the Chinese stu-
dents mastered a Piagetian task that involved distance, time, and speed relationships about
two years ahead of American students. The Chinese education system puts more emphasis
on math and science in the early grades (Zhou, Peverly, Beohm, & Chongde, 2001).
As we have seen in previous chapters, Vygotsky’s theory places the developing child
in cultural and historic contexts.

Vygotsky: Contexts for Learning and Development

You may remember that Vygotsky believed cognitive development occurs through the
child’s conversations and interactions with more capable members of the culture—adults
or more able peers. Children need to grapple with problems in their zone of proximal de-
velopment, the area between their current development level—where the child can solve
problems independently—and the level of development that the child could achieve with
support from others. As they grapple with problems, children need the scaffolding pro-
vided by interaction with adults such as teachers or more capable peers. Here is a good def-
inition of scaffolding in teaching that emphasizes the knowledge that both teacher and child
bring—both are experts on something: “Scaffolding is a powerful conception of teaching
and learning in which teachers and students create meaningful connections between teach-
ers’ cultural knowledge and the everyday experience and knowledge of the student” (Mc-
Caslin & Hickey, 2001, p. 137). In Western cultures, this guidance tends to use language,
but in some cultures, observing a skilled performance with little talk guides the child’s learn-
ing (Rogoff, 1990).
There are several applications of Vygotsky’s theory with children in the middle years.
We will look at assisted learning, instructional conversations, and building on the child’s
funds of cultural knowledge.

ASSISTED LEARNING. Assisted learning, or guided participation, requires the scaffolding

described above—giving information, prompts, reminders, and encouragement at the right
time and in the right amounts, and then gradually allowing the children to do more and
more on their own. In schools, teachers can assist learning by adapting materials or prob-
lems to students’current levels; demonstrating skills or thought processes; walking students
through the steps of a complicated problem; doing part of the problem (for example, in
algebra, the students set up the equation and the teacher does the calculations or vice versa);
giving detailed feedback and allowing revisions; or asking questions that refocus students’
attention (Rosenshine & Meister, 1992). Look at Table 9.3 on the next page for examples of
strategies that can be used in any class.

INSTRUCTIONAL CONVERSATIONS. Here is a segment of an instructional conversation from

a literature group in a bilingual third grade classroom (Moll & Whitmore, 1993). The exam-
ple is instructional because it is designed to promote learning, but it is a conversation, not
a lecture or traditional discussion. The conversation shows how the participants mediate
each other’s learning through dialogue about a shared experience.

217
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

TABLE 9.3 • Assisted Learning: Strategies to Scaffold Complex Learning

• Procedural facilitators. These provide a “scaffold” to help students learn implicit skills. For example, a teacher might encourage
students to use “signal words” such as who, what, where, when, why, and how to generate questions after reading a passage.

• Modeling use of facilitators. The teacher in the above example might model the generation of questions about the reading.

• Thinking out loud. This models the teacher’s expert thought processes, showing students the revisions and choices the
learner makes in using procedural facilitators to work on problems.

• Anticipating difficult areas. During the modeling and presentations phase of instructions, for example, the teacher
anticipates and discusses potential student errors.

• Providing prompt or cue cards. Procedural facilitators are written on “prompt cards” that students keep for reference as
they work. As students practice, the cards gradually become unnecessary. Think of these like the “quick reference cards”
that came with your computer or fax machine.

• Regulating the difficulty. Tasks involving implicit skills are introduced by beginning with simpler problems, providing for
student practice after each stage, and gradually increasing the complexity of the task.

• Providing half-done examples. Giving students half-done examples of problems and having them work out the conclusions
can be an effective way to teach students how to ultimately solve problems on their own.

• Reciprocal teaching. Having the teacher and students rotate the role of teacher. The teacher provides support to students
as they learn to lead discussions and ask their own questions.

• Providing checklists. Students can be taught self-checking procedures to help them regulate the quality of their responses.

Source: “Effective Teaching Redux,” by John O’Neil. In the 1990 issue of ASCD Update, 32(6), p. 5. © 1990 by ASCD. Used with permission. Learn more
about ASCD at www.ascd.org.

T: Sylvester and the Magic Pebble. What did you think about this story?
Rita: I think they cared a lot for him.
T: What do you mean? You mean his parents?
Rita: Yes.
T: What made you think that when you read the story?
Rita: Because they really worried about him.
T: Who else wants to share something? I’d like to hear everybody’s ideas. Then we
can decide what we want to talk about. Sarah?
Sarah: I think he got the idea of it when he was little, or maybe one of his friends got
lost or something?
T: What do you mean, he got the idea?
Sarah: He got the idea for his parents to think that Sylvester got lost.
T: You’re talking about where William Steig might have gotten his ideas.
Sarah: Yes.
T: That maybe something like this happened to him or someone he knew. A lot of
times authors get their ideas from real life things, don’t they? Jon, what did you
think about this story?
Jon: It was like a moral story. It’s like you can’t wish for everything. But, in a sense,
everything happened to him when he was panicking.
T: When did you think he panicked?
Jon: Well, when he saw the lion, he started to panic.
Richard: And he turned himself into a rock.
Jon: Yeah. He said, “I wish I were a rock.”
T: Right. And it happened, didn’t it?
Richard: It was stupid of him.
T: So maybe he wasn’t thinking far enough ahead? What would you have wished for
instead of a rock? (pp. 24–25)

218
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

The conversation continues as the students contribute different levels of interpreta-

tion of the story. The teacher notes these interpretations in her summary: “Look at all the
different kinds of things you had to say. Rita talked about the characters in the story and
what they must be feeling. Sarah took the author’s point of view. And you saw it as a par-
ticular kind of story, Jon, a moral story.”
In instructional conversations, the goal is to keep everyone cognitively engaged
in a substantive discussion. In the preceding conversation, the teacher takes almost
every other turn. As the students become more familiar with this learning approach,
we would expect them to talk more among themselves with less teacher talk. These
conversations do not have to be long and they can occur anywhere. For example, a trip
to the grocery store with a parent provides aisle after aisle of instructional conversa-
tion opportunities. Table 9.4 summarizes the elements of productive instructional
conversations.

TABLE 9.4 • Productive Instructional Conversations

Good instructional conversations must have elements of both instruction and conversation.

INSTRUCTION CONVERSATION

• Thematic focus. Teacher selects a theme on which to focus • Fewer “known-answer” questions. Much of the
the discussion and has a general plan for how the theme discussion centers on questions for which there might
will unfold, including how to “chunk” the text to permit op- be more than one correct answer.
timal exploration of the theme. • Responsiveness to student contributions. While having
• Activation and use of background knowledge. Teacher an initial plan and maintaining the focus and coherence
either “hooks into” or provides students with pertinent of the discussion, teacher is also responsive to students’
background knowledge necessary for understanding a statements and the opportunities they provide.
text, weaving the information into the discussion. • Connected discourse. The discussion is characterized
• Direct teaching. When necessary, teacher provides direct by multiple, interactive, connected turns; succeeding
teaching of a skill or concept. utterances build on and extend previous ones.
• Promotion of more complex language and expression. • Challenging, but non-threatening, atmosphere. Teacher
Teacher elicits more extended student contributions by creates a challenging atmosphere that is balanced by a
using a variety of elicitation techniques: invitation to positive affective climate. Teacher is more collaborator
expand, questions, restatements, and pauses. than evaluator and students are challenged to negotiate
• Promotion of bases for statements or positions. Teacher and construct the meaning of the text.
promotes students’ use of text, pictures, and reasoning • General participation, including self-selected turns.
to support an argument or position, by gently probing: Teacher does not hold exclusive right to determine
“What makes you think that?” or “Show us where who talks; students are encouraged to volunteer or
it says______.” otherwise influence the selection of speaking turns.

Source: From Elements of the instructional conversation by Claude Goldenberg in The Reading Teacher. Copyright 1993 by International
Reading Association. Reproduced with permission of International Reading Association in the formats textbook and other book via Copyright
Clearance Center.

USING THE TOOLS OF THE CULTURE. Luis Moll and his colleagues wanted a better
way to teach the children of working-class Mexican American families in the barrio
schools of Tucson, Arizona (Moll et al., 1992). Rather than adopt a model of remedi-
ation, Moll decided to identify and build on strengths—the cultural tools and funds of
knowledge of these families. Funds of knowledge are the understandings and skills de-
veloped over generations that families need to function. By interviewing the families,
the researchers identified extensive knowledge about ranching, farming, soils and ir-
rigation systems, hunting, renting and selling, loans, consumer knowledge, appliance
and car repairs, construction, carpentry, first aid, modern and folk medicines,
cooking, and bible studies, to name only a few. When teachers based their assign-
ments on this fund of knowledge, students were more engaged and they learned. See

219
 Relating to E V E RY C H I L D
 Cultural Perspectives on Funds
of Knowledge
MARY MCCASLIN AND DANIEL HICKEY (2001) English or Spanish explaining their research, ideas, and
defined scaffolding as “a powerful conception of teach- conclusions.
ing and learning in which teachers and students create Hilda invited parents and other community mem-
meaningful connections between teachers’ cultural bers who worked in construction to share their expertise
with the children. Some parents talked about their tools
knowledge and the everyday experience and knowledge
and explained how they used numbers and measure-
of the student” (p. 137). Luis Moll’s research has inspired ments in their work. Others spoke about their work meth-
teachers to discover and connect with the funds of knowl- ods and told how they solved problems.
edge of working-class Mexican American families in the Eventually, the students took the models that they
barrio schools of Tucson, Arizona (Moll et al., 1992). had built and used them as the basis for constructing a
Hilda Angiulo is an example of one teacher who model community with streets, parks, and other struc-
worked with Moll to achieve dramatic results with her tures. The follow-up project required additional research,
sixth grade bilingual class. Hilda’s approach of using which the students undertook enthusiastically.
basal readers supplemented with novels, newspapers, Students continued to write up their research and
and magazines was not working, so she researched her give oral reports to the class. Peer editing groups helped
with the process of English and Spanish writing. By the
students’ funds of cultural knowledge. Using the results,
end of the semester, 20 parents and community people
she developed an instructional unit around a topic of in- had visited Hilda’s class and shared their knowledge with
terest to them: building and construction, something she her students. By then, the students had successfully com-
knew nothing about—but many of her students and their pleted extensive reading and writing activities. (Gonzales,
families were experts. Greenberg, & Velez, 1994)
First, Hilda asked students to do library research on build-
ing, using books and magazines. She also brought into Students learned a great deal, and Hilda did, too—
the classroom a series of books on the subject. Then she she learned about the valuable cognitive resources in the
directed the students to build model buildings for their community and her respect for her students’ and their
homework project. They also wrote short essays in either families’ knowledge increased.

the Relating to Every Child feature for an example of a teacher using funds of
knowledge to connect with her students.
Knowledge also is central in the next topic we consider—information processing.

INFORMATION PROCESSING AND MEMORY:

DEVELOPING COGNITIVE PROCESSES
Information processing theories assume that human thinking is processing information.
Now we are ready to look at how the main components of the information processing sys-
tem—attention, memory, processing speed, control processes, and strategies—develop
during the middle years. Changes in these processes allow children to become better prob-
lem solvers and to add greatly to their knowledge of the world.

Attention
During the middle years, children continue to develop in their abilities to focus attention se-
lectively on relevant information, ignore irrelevant information, and use strategies to plan
the best use of attention (Barrouillet, Bernardin, & Camos, 2004; Engle, Tuholski, Laughlin,
& Conway, 1999). In one study, Miller and Seier (1994) presented children between the ages
of 3 and 8 with a challenge: to remember where pictures of different animals were hidden
behind doors in two rows of boxes, as shown in Figure 9.2. Some of the boxes (those with

220
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

FIGURE 9.2

A STUDY ON FOCUSING ATTENTION

The boxes with a picture of a cage on the front have drawings of different animals behind the doors. If
you were asked to memorize the location of every animal and given a limited time to do it, you would
know to focus your attention on the doors with a cage drawing and not bother to look behind the
doors with a house drawing. Older children use this strategy, but younger ones might open every door,
or open some house doors, as they try to memorize the locations of the animals.

Source: Sigler & Alibali, Children’s Thinking, “A Study on Focusing Attention” from p. 249, © 2005 by
Prentice-Hall Inc. Reproduced by permission of Pearson Education, Inc.

a drawing of a house on the cover) had pictures of household objects behind the doors. The
animal pictures were behind the doors with cage drawings. Children were told to memorize
where each animal picture was and were given time to open any of the doors. The most ef-
ficient strategy would be to open only the cage doors to study the location of the animals.
The youngest children opened all the doors; many older preschool children looked behind
the cage doors more often, but sometimes they looked behind the house doors, too. Older
children looked only behind the cage doors; they used better strategies to plan and focus
their attention and remembered the locations of more animals.
It is usually in elementary school, around age 8, when attention disorders are identi-
fied (Sonuga-Barke, Auerbach, Campbell, Daley, & Thompson, 2005). Often these children
are called hyperactive. The notion is a modern one; there were no “hyperactive”children 50 to
60 years ago. Such children, like Mark Twain’s Huckleberry Finn, were seen as rebellious,
lazy, or “fidgety”(Nylund, 2000). Actually, hyperactivity is not one particular condition, but
two kinds of problems that may or may not occur together—attention disorders and
impulsive-hyperactivity disorders, usually called ADHD. The most common estimate is that
3–7% of the elementary school population in the United States, Japan, China, and New
Zealand has attention deficit or hyperactive disorders, with over half of these students hav-
ing the combined attention and hyperactivity conditions. The number identified is actually
larger in some countries—up to 18% in Germany and 20% in Ukraine (Smith & Tyler, 2010).
About 3 to 4 times more boys than girls are identified as hyperactive, but the gap ap-
pears to be narrowing (Hallahan, Lloyd, Kauffman, Weiss, & Martinez, 2005). Just a few
years ago, most psychologists thought that ADHD diminished as children entered adoles-
cence, but now there are some researchers who believe that the problems can persist into
adulthood (Barkley, 2006). Even if the primary symptoms of difficulty focusing attention or
hyperactivity diminish in older children, academic problems persist (Bailey, Lorch, Milich, &
Charnigo, 2009). We will look at treatments for ADHD later in this chapter.

Memory
The development of memory is a major change in childhood. Working memory is the workspace
of the memory system where new information is combined with existing knowledge. Working

221
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

memory involves the ability to hold and work with information over a brief time period
(Best, Miller, & Jones, 2009). Long-term memory is where well-learned knowledge is stored
more permanently. There are two distinct memory systems—explicit and implicit. To re-
trieve explicit memories we have to search intentionally, as in when you try to remember
an acquaintance’s name while she walks up to you. Explicit memories can be about mean-
ing and knowledge (semantic) or about specific events (episodic). Other memories are out
of awareness or implicit; we just use them without trying to remember, such as most of the
words we use every day, the names of close friends and family, or how to ride a bicycle. We
don’t have to intentionally search for these memories as long as we use them often. All of
these kinds of memories develop during childhood, but research suggests that the implicit
memory system is fully developed earlier in childhood than the explicit memory system
(Schneider, 2004).

WORKING MEMORY. To form explicit memories, you must pay attention to information,
form representations, and make connections—so working memory processes are key. If in-
formation never gets “worked with,” it is not likely to be remembered (Siegler, 2004). Work-
ing memory is made up of a phonological loop for verbal/sound information, a visual
sketchpad for visual/spatial information, and a central executive “worker” that oversees
processing. These different aspects of working memory are assessed with tasks such as
recalling words and numbers (phonological), remembering block designs and mazes
(visual/spatial), and counting backwards (central executive). All of the components of
working memory are in place by about age 4. Performance on working memory tasks im-
proves steadily over the elementary and secondary school years, but visual/spatial memory
appears to develop earlier (Alloway, Gathercole, & Pickering, 2006; Schneider, 2004).
So how does working memory improve? Some researchers have suggested working
memory improves with age because processing speed increases—processing speed is the
time it takes to accomplish a mental act such as recognizing a face or a word. As they get
older, children can process many different kinds of information—verbal, visual, mathemat-
ical, etc.—faster, so increased speed of processing seems to be a general factor. In addition,
the increase in speed with age is the same for American and Korean children, so increasing
processing speed with age may be universal (Kail, 2000; Kail & Park, 1994).
But speed is not the whole story. With age comes an increase in storage capacity, too.
These increases may be due to brain development or to more efficient use of strategies, or
both. Remember that as children become more automatic in using strategies, more memory
space is freed up to handle new information (Case, 1985; Johnson, 2003). So, through changes
in the brain, faster processing of information, the development and automating of strategies,
increased storage, and added knowledge, working memory improves from ages 4 through ado-
lescence (Gathercole, Pickering, Ambridge, & Wearing, 2004). Moreover, these changes are
very important for higher-level thinking (Bayliss, Jarrold, Baddeley, Gunn, & Leigh, 2005).
Quite a bit of research on children’s memories has focused on working memory, partly
because working memory capacity is a good predictor of a range of cognitive skills includ-
ing language understanding, reading and mathematics abilities, and fluid intelligence—
discussed in the next section (Bayliss et al., 2005). In addition, research indicates that
children who have learning disabilities in reading and mathematics problem solving have
considerable difficulties with working memory (Siegel, 2003; Swanson & Saez, 2003).
Specifically, some research shows that children with learning disabilities have problems in
using the phonological loop of working memory—the system that holds verbal and audi-
tory information while you work with it. Because children with learning disabilities have
trouble holding on to words and sounds, it is difficult for them to comprehend the mean-
ing of a sentence or figure out what a math story problem is really asking.
An even more serious problem may be difficulties retrieving needed information from
long–term memory (described below), so it is hard for children with learning disabilities to si-
multaneously hold on to information (such as the amount carried or borrowed in an arith-
metic problem) while they have to transform new incoming information, such as the next
number to add. Important bits of information keep getting lost. Finally, children with learning
disabilities in arithmetic and problem solving seem to have problems holding visual–spatial

222
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

information such as number lines or quantity comparisons in working memory, so creating

mental representations of “less than” and “greater than” problems is challenging (D’Amico &
Guarnera, 2005).
LONG-TERM MEMORY. Earlier work (1970s–1990s) on the long-term memory of school-
age children often focused on memory strategies that were relevant for school (Bjorklund,
2004). These strategies were based on focusing attention, rehearsing (repeating), elaborat-
ing (making connections with existing knowledge), organizing, and using imagery (Derry,
1989; Pressley & Hilden, 2006). These processes move information from working memory
into long-term memory.
There are several developmental differences in the way students use organization,
elaboration, and knowledge to process information. Around age 6, most children discover
the value of using organizational strategies, and by 9 or 10, they use these strategies spon-
taneously. So, given the following words to learn:
couch, orange, rat, lamp, pear, sheep, banana, rug, pineapple, horse, table, dog
an older child might organize the words into three short lists of furniture, fruit, and animals.
Younger children can be taught to use organization to improve memory, but they probably
won’t apply the strategy unless they are reminded. Children become more able to use elabo-
ration strategies (connecting to existing knowledge) as they mature, but these strategies, along
with creating images or stories to remember ideas, are developed late in childhood. In general,
older children benefit more from strategy training than younger children, but there also are
individual differences—some young children benefit more from coaching and strategy training
than others, regardless of age (Schwenck, Bjorklund, & Schneider, 2009; Siegler, 1998).
MEMORY STRATEGIES. Mnemonics are systematic procedures for improving memory
(Atkinson et al., 1999; Levin, 1994; Rummel, Levin, & Woodward, 2003). When informa-
tion has little inherent meaning, mnemonic strategies build in meaning by connecting what
you are trying to remember with established words or images. An acronym is a word
formed from the first letter of each word in a phrase; for example, use HOMES to remem-
ber the Great Lakes (Huron, Ontario, Michigan, Erie, Superior). Chain mnemonics connect
the first item to be memorized with the second, the second item with the third, and so on.
In one type of chain method, all the items to be memorized are incorporated into a jingle
such as “i before e except after c.”
The keyword method is the most well researched mnemonic strategy. Joel Levin and
his colleagues used a mnemonic (the 3 Rs) to teach the keyword mnemonic method:
recode the to-be-learned vocabulary item as a more familiar, concrete word—this is the
keyword;
relate the keyword clue to the vocabulary item’s definition through a sentence;
retrieve the desired definition.
For example, to remember that the English word carlin means old woman, you might
recode carlin as the more familiar keyword car. Then, make up a sentence such as The old
woman was driving a car. When you are asked for the meaning of the word carlin, you think
of the keyword car, which triggers the sentence about the car and the old woman, the mean-
ing (Jones, Levin, Levin, & Beitzel, 2000). The keyword method has been used extensively in
foreign language learning. Figure 9.3 on the next page is an example of using mnemonic
pictures as aids in learning complicated science concepts (Carney & Levin, 2002).
One problem is that vocabulary learned with keywords may be easily forgotten if stu-
dents are given keywords and images instead of being asked to supply their own. When
someone else provides the memory links, these associations may not fit the child’s existing
knowledge and may be forgotten or confused later, so remembering suffers (Wang &
Thomas, 1995; Wang, Thomas, & Ouelette, 1992).
What was learned in the decades of research on memory strategies? First, like pre-
school children, children in the middle years can learn and apply strategies when coached,
but they might not use the strategies spontaneously; this is called a production deficiency.
All children, but particularly children with learning disabilities, need instruction and prac-
tice in the what, when, and why of using memory strategies. They need to learn to do the

223
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

FIGURE 9.3

USING MNEMONICS OF PROMOTE LEARNING

COMPLEX CONCEPTS
The illustration tells a story that provides a frame for remembering and pegs for hanging the
concept names in the biological subdivision of angiospersms.

To remember that the subdivision angiosperms

includes the class dicotyledons, which in turn
includes the three orders rubales, sapindales,
and rosales, study the picture of the angel with
the pet dinosaur that is walking up the Rubik’s
cubes so that he can lick the sweet sap that
drips down from the rose tree.

Source: American Educational Research Journal by Levin, M. E. & Levin, J. R.. Copyright 1990 by Sage
Publications Inc. Journals. Reproduced with permission of Sage Publications Inc. Journals in the format
Textbook via Copyright Clearance Center.

strategy (what), recognize situations that require the strategy (when), and be motivated to
apply the strategy to improve learning and remembering (why). Based on over 40 years of
research on strategy instruction, Michael Pressley, who did much of this work himself,
concluded:

[T]he most effective strategies instruction includes direct explanation and mod-
eling, provision of metacognitive information, opportunities to discover strate-
gies during practice, efforts to motivate strategy use by assuring students
experience benefits for strategy use, and emphasis on the mixture of strategy use
and prior knowledge in solving problems, reading, and writing. (Pressley &
Hilden, 2006, p. 545)

There are cultural differences in strategic memory. In cultures where parents and
teachers emphasize strategies, children are better at using them. For example, compared to
Americans, German children tend to perform better on strategic memory tasks, probably
because German teachers and parents teach strategies directly and monitor strategy use in
homework. Parents even buy games for their children that require strategic thinking, so the
effective elements of direct teaching, modeling, practice, and monitoring of strategies de-
scribed by Pressley are more common in homes and schools in Germany—children learn
what they live (Carr, Kurtz, Schneider, Turner, & Borkowski, 1989; Kurz, Schneider, Carr,
Borkowski, & Rellinger, 1990).

MEMORY FOR ACTUAL EVENTS. As with younger children, much of the recent research on
the development of long-term memory in older children has focused on memory for actual
events. This research has implications for children in many cultures and contexts because
children in every culture spontaneously develop memories for events, whereas development
of memory strategies depends mostly on formal schooling. Remembering events essentially
is storytelling, and parents in every culture teach their children to tell stories to recount the
experiences in their lives. Event memory through stories and narratives is an example of
Vygotsky’s social constructivist theory—stories of events are socially constructed with
family and friends and then remembered (Roebers, Bjorklund, & Schneider, 2002).

224
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

Recent research on event memory with

older children has focused on eyewitness testi-
mony and children’s suggestibility (Bjorklund,
Brown, & Bjorklund, 2002). Like young chil-
dren, children in the middle years tend to be
more accurate when they are interviewed in
unbiased ways without suggestive questions.
In addition, older children are better than
younger children at identifying the source of a
memory, so they can separate what happened
in a specific situation, such as a particular
birthday party, from what generally happens in
similar situations (Odegard, Cooper, Lampinen,
Reyna, & Brainerd, 2009).
There are cultural differences in eyewit-
ness memories, too. Roebers and her col-
leagues (2002) showed German and American
kindergartners, second graders, fourth Children can be accurate in giving eyewitness testimony if they are not
graders, and college adults a brief video that in- asked suggestive or leading questions. Interviewers should be well trained
volved a theft. She interviewed them a week to be unbiased. © Jeff Greenberg/PhotoEdit
later using free recall questions, and then ei-
ther a misleading question or unbiased ques-
tions, and finally recognition questions. Compared to Americans, German children and
adults had more accurate memories using free recall and misleading question formats.
American adults and fourth graders were more accurate than their German counterparts
when questions were unbiased.

Metacognition
Metacognition is knowing about how your own cognitive processes work and using that
knowledge to reach your goals. Using memory strategies, such as mnemonics (described
earlier), is a metacognitive skill. There are many metacognitive processes, including judg-
ing if you have the right knowledge to solve a problem, deciding where to focus attention,
determining if you understood what you just read, devising a plan, revising the plan as you
proceed, determining if you have studied enough to pass a test, evaluating a problem solu-
tion, deciding to get help, and generally orchestrating your cognitive powers to reach a goal
(Meadows, 2006; Schneider, 2004).

KINDS OF METACOGNITION. Psychologists make two (and sometimes three) distinctions

between different kinds of metacognition. Declarative metacognition is explicit, con-
scious, and factual knowledge about your cognitive abilities and the skills, strategies, and re-
sources needed to perform a task—knowing what to do. Procedural metacognition is
knowing how—how to use the strategies, focus attention, and generally enact the plans you
make. This procedural metacognitive knowledge often is implicit and unconscious—you
just do it when you need to. For example, better readers slow down and reread as they come
to more difficult passages, without consciously “deciding” to slow down (Siegler & Alibali,
2005). Some psychologists add a third category, conditional metacognition—knowing
when and why to apply the procedures and strategies (Paris & Cunningham, 1996).
Metacognition is the strategic orchestration of declarative, procedural, and conditional
(sometimes called conceptual or self-regulatory) knowledge to accomplish goals and solve
problems (Schneider, 1998; Schneider & Lockl, 2002; Schunk, 2004).
Many researchers trace some of the problems of children with learning disabilities to
procedural deficits in metacognitive knowledge. Even if they learn new procedures and
strategies, these children often lack conditional metacognition—knowing when and why to
focus on the relevant information, get organized, apply learning strategies and study skills,
change strategies when one isn’t working, or evaluate their learning in order to apply the

225
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

learning procedures and strategies (Paris & Cunningham, 1996). They tend to be passive
learners, in part because they don’t know how to learn. Working independently is espe-
cially trying, so homework and seatwork are often left incomplete (Hallahan & Kauffman,
2006; Hallahan, Kauffman, & Pullen, 2009). We will look at strategies for teaching children
with learning disabilities later in the chapter.

DEVELOPING METACOGNITION. Of course, we don’t have to be metacognitive all the

time. Some actions become routine. Metacognition is most useful when tasks are challeng-
ing, but not too difficult. As we develop procedural and conditional metacognitive knowl-
edge, we may use these skills automatically without being aware of our efforts (Perner,
2000). Experts in a field—even child experts—may plan, monitor, and evaluate as second
nature; however, they may have difficulty describing their metacognitive knowledge and
skills (Bargh & Chartrand, 1999; Reder, 1996).
Every cognitive process has its own metaprocess, so knowing how your attention
works is called metaattention, knowing how your memory works is metamemory, knowing
about strategies is metastrategic knowledge, and knowing how you comprehend is meta-
comprehension (Bjorklund, 2005; Schneider & Lockl, 2002). Metacognition in all these
areas improves during the childhood years, as you can see in Table 9.5.

TABLE 9.5 • The Development of Metacognition in the Middle Childhood Years

PROCESS CHANGES EXAMPLE STUDY

Metaattention Beginning around ages 6–7, children understand Flavell, Green, & Flavell (1995)
that they must focus attention selectively to 6- and 8-year-old children but not 4-year-olds
understand and remember. understood that a woman selecting a gift
would be paying attention to the gift options.

Metamemory Compared to preschool children, by age 9 or Kreutzer, Leonard, & Flavell (1975)
10, children better understand the connection Compared to kindergarten and first grade
between using learning strategies and children, older children knew that they might
performance. forget a phone number if they did not call
Children understand that related and meaningful right away after looking it up and that it
items are easier to remember than unrelated would be harder to memorize unrelated word
items and that it is easier to summarize the pairs than opposites.
meaning of a passage than remember it word
for word.
Children are better predictors of how well they
will perform a memory task and better judges
of how well they actually performed after
the task.

Metastrategies By about age 9 or 10, children use rehearsal and Coyle & Bjorklund (1997)
organizing strategies more often and more Third and fourth grade children used more
effectively to remember. strategies than second graders to remember
word lists; children who used more strategies
remembered more, but even young children
used several strategies some of the time.

Metacomprehension Older children are better able to determine Lovett & Flavell (1990)
if they have understood what they read. 6- to 7-year-olds showed no understanding of
the comprehension-memory distinction;
they were not able to distinguish between
strategies/variables that were relevant to
comprehension and strategies/variables
that were relevant to memorization; 8- to
9-year-olds were beginning to distinguish
between these kinds of strategies, and
undergraduates knew the difference.

226
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

INDIVIDUAL DIFFERENCES IN METACOGNITION. Some differences in metacognitive abili-

ties are the result of development, as you saw in Table 9.5. Younger children, for example,
may not be aware of the purpose of a lesson—they may think the point is simply to finish.
They also may not be good at gauging the difficulty of a task—they may think that reading
for fun and reading a science book are the same (Gredler, 2005). Metacognitive abilities be-
gin to develop around ages 5 to 7 and improve throughout school (Flavell, Green, & Flavell,
1995; Garner, 1990). In her work with first and second graders, Nancy, one of your textbook
authors, found that asking children two questions helped them become more metacognitive
in school. The questions were “What did you learn about yourself as a reader/writer today?”
and “What did you learn that you can do again and again and again?” When teachers asked
these questions regularly during class, even young children demonstrated fairly sophisticated
levels of metacognitive understanding and action (Perry, Phillips, & Dowler, 2004).
Not all differences in metacognitive abilities have to do with age or maturation. There
are strong relationships between the development of language abilities and metamemory,
for example (Lockl & Schneider, 2007). There is great variability even among students of
the same developmental level, but these differences do not appear to be related to intel-
lectual abilities. In fact, superior metacognitive skills can compensate for lower levels of
ability, so these metacognitive skills can be especially important for students who often have
trouble in school (Schunk, 2004). And some individual differences in metacognitive abili-
ties are probably caused by biological differences or by variations in learning experiences.
For example, children can vary greatly in their ability to control and direct their attention.

METACOGNITION AND PERFORMANCE. One question that has prompted quite a bit of re-
search is a kind of “chicken and egg”question: Does developing metacognition improve cogni-
tive performance or do we develop metacognitive knowledge as we learn from our
improvements in performances? As usual, it probably works both ways. Metamemory has been
the focus of quite a bit of research on this question. Schneider, Schlagmüller, and Visé (1998)
used sophisticated statistical techniques to examine the relationships among verbal intelligence,
memory span, metamemory, and performance on memory tasks for third and fourth grade chil-
dren. Verbal IQ and memory span had moderate effects on metamemory, but metamemory had
a stronger impact on memory strategy use. In addition, metamemory had a strong influence on
recall, mostly because children with better metamemory knowledge and skills used more and
better memory strategies. So, a large portion of the differences among children on memory
recall probably is explained by differences in their metamemories (Schneider, 2004).

METACOGNITION AND THEORY OF MIND. There is less research today on children’s

metacognition, partly because the issues and questions from this line of work have been
folded into the research on children’s theory of mind, discussed later. Some psychologists
believe theory of mind is a more general area than metacognition because theory of mind
researchers are interested in children’s knowledge about mental life, emotions, beliefs, and
intentions, so metacognition (knowledge of your own cognitive processes) can be viewed
a one aspect of children’s theory of mind (Schneider, 2004). Other psychologists suggest
that metacognition is the larger category that includes theory of mind (Flavell, 2004).
Even though they may be part of the same family of study, there are some contrasts be-
tween work on metacognition and research on theory of mind. Research on metacognition
has focused mostly on school-age children’s knowledge about their own mental processes in-
volved in accomplishing tasks, especially school tasks. Theory of mind researchers have fo-
cused on infants’ and younger children’s beginning knowledge about other people’s
thoughts, desires, beliefs, and intentions (Lockl & Schneider, 2007; Schneider & Lockl, 2002).
The research on metacognition helped to identify another important influence on
thinking and memory: content knowledge. We turn to that now.

Conceptual Development and Domains of Knowledge

One of the major cognitive developments during the school years is the growth of knowledge
about the world. As we have said before (and will probably say again), knowledge—what
we already know—is the foundation and frame for constructing all future learning: Knowledge

227
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

determines to a great extent what we will pay attention to, perceive, learn, remember, and
forget (Alexander, 1996; Bransford, Brown, & Cocking, 2000). Older children remember
more than younger children, in part because they know more about the world, and this
knowledge scaffolds remembering. In fact, children with extensive knowledge outperform
adults with limited knowledge on many tasks ranging from memory for pieces on a chess-
board to recalling titles of children’s television programs (Schneider & Bjorklund, 1998,
2003). So, children’s advantages in content knowledge can trump adults’ advantages in
memory abilities (if you have content knowledge of bridge and other card games, you know
that trump means “outweighs” or “overtakes”—nothing to do with “the Donald”).
An extensive base of knowledge even compensates for lower overall intelligence, as
long as the task is in the area of the child’s expertise (Schneider, 2004). Schneider, Korkel,
and Weinert (1989) tested German children’s memory for a story about a young soccer
player and his big game. The children varied in knowledge of soccer and in IQ. Compared
to children with less soccer knowledge, the children who knew more about soccer, no mat-
ter what their IQ, remembered more about the story, noticed more mistakes, and made
more accurate inferences.
A great deal of research on children’s knowledge development has focused on mathe-
matics and science.

MATHEMATICS. By the time they enter school, most children have developed a sense of
numbers, order, and quantity—6 is more than 5 and 6 is always the same number. They can
use number words to count and know what counting means, and they can solve simple ad-
dition and subtraction problems using concrete objects. Geary (2006) calls these
biologically primary mathematical abilities because he believes they were selected dur-
ing the evolutionary process as our early ancestors solved problems of survival. But there is
much more to develop in mathematical understanding, and most of these abilities emerge
in cultural contexts such as schools and families. Geary calls these biologically secondary
abilities. Table 9.6 describes development of conceptual knowledge, arithmetic operations,
and problem solving during the school years.
There has been quite a bit or research on what children know in mathematics and
when they know it, but less on what helps the knowledge to develop. Some recent research
has identified a few principles in learning arithmetic operations (Prather & Alibali, 2009).
• Density of relevant experiences: When children have many experiences close to-
gether with the same type of problem, they show greater learning than if they deal
with several problem types at once.
• Problem sequencing: Problem sequencing can help children learn. For example, in-
stead of presenting 3 ⫹ 6 followed by 9 ⫹ 4, 7 ⫹ 2, . . . then finally 3 ⫹ 6, present
3 ⫹ 6 followed immediately by 6 ⫹ 3. This sequence helps children “discover”
commutativity—order doesn’t not matter in adding numbers.
• Exposure to principle violations: Show children equations that are consistent with
principles they are learning and also equations that violate the principles—examples
and nonexamples.
Let’s look at the last development in Table 9.6, problem solving. You see that at least
two abilities are necessary for word problem solving: understanding the meaning of the
words and sentences and then understanding the whole problem (Mayer, 1992). Sometimes
children have been taught to search for key words (more, less, greater, etc.), pick a strategy
or formula based on the key words (more means “add,” less means “subtract”), and apply
the formula. But this actually gets in the way of forming a conceptual understanding of the
whole problem. To be successful, children need to understand what the problem is really
asking (Fuchs et al., 2006; Jonassen, 2003). For example, consider this problem:
Question: Joan has 15 bonus points and Louise has 24. How many more does Louise have?
Child’s answer: More means add, so 15 ⫹ 24 ⫽ 39.
This child saw two numbers and the word more, so he applied the add to get more
procedure. When children use the wrong schema, they overlook necessary information, use
irrelevant information, and may even misread or misremember critical information so that

228
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

TABLE 9.6 • The Development of Mathematical Understandings in the Middle Childhood Years

Conceptual Properties of By about second grade, most children have an implicit understanding that the order in
Knowledge Arithmetic which 2 numbers are added or multiplied doesn’t change the result.
3⫹5⫽5⫹3 3⫻5⫽5⫻3
It takes longer to understand that order doesn’t matter with more numbers.
(5 ⫹ 3) ⫹ 4 ⫽ 5 ⫹ (3 ⫹ 4) (5 ⫻ 3) ⫻ 4 ⫽ 5 ⫻ (3 ⫻ 4)

Base-10 Many elementary school age children do not fully understand place value in the base-
10 system; i.e., 23 is 2 tens and 3 ones, but 2 can also mean ones, as in 22. East Asian
children understand place value earlier, perhaps because their language is consistent
and transparent with base-10. For example, the number 23 is said “two ten three.”

Fractions Children’s conceptual understanding of part/whole relations (fractions) and the

procedures to add, subtract, multiply, and divide fractions emerge slowly during
elementary school and may not be complete for some children until late adolescence.

Estimation The ability to estimate mathematical calculations is difficult for children and some
adults. Formal schooling is key. Children can estimate in a zone of problems just a bit
more advanced than their current computational skills.

Arithmetic Addition and To add and subtract, children begin with simple counting strategies, counting all
Operations Subtraction the elements or starting with one number and then counting up for addition
(9 ⫹ 4 ⫽ 9, . . . 10, 11, 12, 13) or down for subtraction (23 ⫺ 4 ⫽ 22, 21, 20, 19). Older
children and adults simply retrieve the solutions from memory. For more complicated
problems, many strategies including regrouping (23 ⫹ 45 ⫽ 20 ⫹ 40 ⫹ 3 ⫹ 5), and
carrying are taught in school. The load on working memory grows with more
complicated problems.

Multiplication Some early strategies include repeated adding for multiplication and solving division
and Division problems based on knowledge of multiplication or addition facts. These are expanded
by strategies taught in school.

Problem Solving Problem Schema Children develop increasingly complex ways to represent word problems (schemas),
from simple schemas such as change (Alicia has 2 pens. Carey gave her 3 more. How
many does Alicia have now?); combine (Alicia has 2 pens. Carey has 3 pens. How
many do they have altogether?); compare (Alicia has two pens. She has 3 less than
Carey. How many pens does Carey have?); equalize (Alicia has 4 pens and Carey has 1.
How many does Carey need to have as many pens as Alicia?). By the time they reach
middle school and take algebra, many more schemas are needed to make sense of
word problems.

Problem Solving As problems grow more complex, children must not only understand the meaning of
Processes the words in the problem, they also must understand the whole problem and not be
fooled by words such as more in a subtraction problem, or by information that is
irrelevant to the problem solution.

Source: Adapted from Geary, D. C. (2006). Development of mathematical understanding. In D. Kuhn & R. S. Siegler (Eds.), Handbook of child
psychology (Vol. 2, Cognition, perception, and language, pp. 777-810). New York: Wiley.

it fits the schema. But when children use the proper schema to represent a problem, they
are less likely to be confused by irrelevant information or tricky wording, such as more in a
problem that really requires subtraction (Kalyuga, Chandler, Tuovinen, & Sweller, 2001).

SCIENCE. During the school years, children develop their understanding of scientific con-
cepts. Physics provides good examples (Wilkening & Huber, 2004). Many children approach
physics with a great deal of misinformation, partly because a number of their intuitive ideas
about the physical world are wrong. For example, most elementary school children believe
that light helps us see by brightening the area around objects. They do not realize that we
see an object because the light is reflected by the object to our eyes. This concept does not
fit with the everyday experience of turning on a light and “brightening” the dark area.

229
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

CONNECTING WITH CHILDREN

Guidelines for Teachers: Encouraging Conceptual Change
Encourage students to make their ideas explicit. what is a more general concept underlying the
Examples responses.
1. Ask children to make predictions that might contradict 2. Ask children at the end of lessons: “What did you
their naïve conceptions. learn?” “What do you understand?” “What do you
2. Ask children to state their ideas in their own words, believe about the lesson?” “How have your ideas
including the attractions and limitations of the ideas for changed?”
them.
Explore the status of ideas. Status is an indication of
3. Have children explain their ideas using physical models
how much students know and accept ideas and find
or illustrations.
them useful.
Help students see the differences among ideas. Examples
Examples 1. Ask direct questions about how intelligible, plausible,
1. Have children summarize or paraphrase each other’s and fruitful an idea is. That is, do you know what the
ideas. idea means, do you believe it, and can you achieve
some valuable outcome using the idea?
2. Encourage comparing ideas by presenting and
comparing evidence. 2. Teach children to use terms such as logical, consistent,
inconsistent, and coherent in giving justifications.
Encourage metacognition. 3. Ask children to share and analyze each other’s
Examples justifications.
1. Give a pretest before starting a unit; then have children
discuss their own responses to the pretest. Group similar For more information see, http://www.physics.ohio-state
pretest responses together and ask children to discover .edu/~jossem/ICPE/C5.html

One key to understanding in science is for children to directly examine their own the-
ories and confront the shortcomings they find (Hewson, Beeth, & Thorley, 1998). For this
conceptual change to take place, children must go through six stages: initial discomfort
with their own ideas and beliefs, attempts to explain away inconsistencies between their
theories and evidence presented to them, attempts to adjust measurements or observations
to fit personal theories, doubt, vacillation, and finally conceptual change (Carey, 1999;
Nissani & Hoefler-Nissani, 1992). You can see Piaget’s notions of assimilation, disequilibrium,
and accommodation operating here. Children try to make new information fit existing ideas
(assimilation), but when the fit simply won’t work and disequilibrium occurs, then accom-
modation or changes in cognitive structures follow. The Connecting with Children
guidelines for teachers, adapted from Hewson, Beeth, and Thorley (1998), give some ideas
for teaching for conceptual change.

Theory of Mind and Conceptions of Intelligence

Theory of mind, you may recall, is an understanding of our own and other people’s mental
life—beliefs, desires, emotions, intentions, thoughts, plans, and so on. Much of the research
on theory of mind focuses on infants and children, but conceptions of mental life such as
the following emerge from ages 6 to 8 and beyond (Wellman, 2004).
• People do not always feel the way they look—they can be unhappy without showing
it, for example.
• People’s interpretation of an event can be influenced by biases and previous
experiences.
• You did not always know what you know now.
• You need information to make a judgment and sometimes you don’t have enough; for
example, you can’t tell what an object is if you see only a small part.
• People can be actively thinking, even when they are sitting quietly, not moving.

230
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

In later elementary school, particularly in postindustrial societies, children begin to un-

derstand the mind as an active constructor of knowledge. Older children see that they can be
agents in their own learning and actively use their metacognitive knowledge and skills. They are
more accurate in judging what they know and what they don’t know and can tell you where
they learned what they know (called source monitoring). Older children also come to under-
stand that different people may have different interpretations of the same event (Wellman, 2004).
One belief about mental processes has important implications for children’s cognitive
development and motivation—their implicit theories of intelligence. In fact, some of the
most powerful beliefs affecting motivation are beliefs about ability. Before we examine this
topic, rate the following statements taken from Dweck (2000) on a scale from 1 (Strongly
Agree) to 6 (Strongly Disagree).
You have a certain amount of intelligence and you really can’t do much to
change it.
You can learn new things, but you can’t really change your basic intelligence.
No matter who you are, you can change your intelligence a lot.
No matter how much intelligence you have, you can always change it quite a bit.
Adults use two basic concepts of ability (Dweck, 1999, 2002). An entity view of ability
assumes that ability is an uncontrollable trait—a characteristic of the individual that cannot
be changed. Some people have more ability than others, but the amount each person has is
set. An incremental view of ability, on the other hand, suggests that ability is controllable
and potentially always expanding. By hard work, study, or practice, knowledge can be in-
creased and thus ability can be improved. What is your view of ability? Look back at your
answers to the questions above to see.
Young children tend to hold an exclusively incremental view of ability. Through the
early elementary grades, most students believe that effort is the same as intelligence. Smart
people try hard, and trying hard makes you smart. If you fail, you aren’t smart and you didn’t
try hard (Dweck, 2000; Stipek, 2002). Children are age 11 or 12 before they can differenti-
ate among effort, ability, and performance. About this time, they come to believe that some-
one who succeeds without working at all must be really smart. This is when beliefs about
ability begin to influence motivation (Anderman & Maehr, 1994).
Children who hold an entity (unchangeable) view of intelligence tend to want to avoid
looking bad in the eyes of others. They seek situations where they can look smart and
protect their self-esteem, so they generally keep doing what they can do well without ex-
pending too much effort or risking failure, because either one—working hard or failing—
indicates (to them) low ability. To work hard but still fail would be devastating. Children
with learning disabilities are more likely to hold an entity view. Teachers who hold entity
views are quicker to form judgments about students and slower to modify their opinions
when confronted with contradictory evidence (Stipek, 2002).
Incremental theorists, in contrast, tend to set goals and seek situations in which they
can improve their skills, because improvement means getting smarter. Failure is not
devastating; it simply indicates more work is needed. Ability is not threatened. Incremental
theorists tend to set moderately difficult goals, the kinds that are the most motivating.
This discussion of beliefs about intelligence brings us to a critical aspect of cognitive
development in the middle years—the development of intelligence and intelligence testing—
issues very much involved in our opening case about the guidance counselor and the gifted
program.

INTELLIGENCE AND INTELLIGENCE TESTING

The idea that people vary in what we call intelligence has been with us for a long time.
Plato discussed similar variations over 2,000 years ago. Most early theories about the nature
of intelligence involved one or more of the following three themes: (1) the capacity to
learn; (2) the total knowledge a person has acquired; and (3) the ability to adapt success-
fully to new situations and to the environment in general. What does current research tell
us about intelligence?

231
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

What Does Intelligence Mean?

In 2006, a discussion on intelligence appeared in the journal Behavioral and Brain
Sciences (vol. 29). In that discussion, 37 psychologists, neurobiologists, and sociologists de-
bated the roles in intelligence of working memory, executive control processes, the ability
to sustain and shift attention, emotional regulation, stress, inhibitory control, aging, and un-
derlying brain structures and neurological processes. Many of these researchers agreed that
one concept, fluid cognition, is an important element in intelligence, no matter what you
think intelligence is. Fluid cognition is defined as all-purpose cognitive processing that in-
volves holding and working with verbal and visual information in working memory in order
to plan and move toward goals. In spite of this agreement, the authors of the special issue
did not agree whether intelligence is one ability or many separate abilities (Blair, 2006).

INTELLIGENCE: ONE ABILITY OR MANY? Some theorists believe intelligence is a basic

ability that affects performance on all cognitively oriented tasks, from understanding
vocabulary words to doing algebra or solving sudoku puzzles. Evidence for this position
comes from study after study finding moderate to high positive correlations among all the
different tests that are supposed to measure separate intellectual abilities (Tucker-Drob,
2009; van der Mass et al., 2006). What could explain these results? Charles Spearman (1927)
suggested mental energy, which he called g or general intelligence, was used to perform any
mental test, but each test also requires some specific abilities in addition to g. Today, psy-
chologists generally agree that g exists as a mathematically derived concept, but it isn’t much
help in understanding human abilities; the notion of g does not have much explanatory
power (Blair, 2006).
Raymond Cattell and John Horn proposed a theory of fluid and crystallized intelli-
gence that is more helpful in providing explanations (Cattell, 1963, 1998; Horn, 1998).
Sometimes people assume that fluid intelligence is process—the ability to learn—and crys-
tallized intelligence is content—what you have learned. But, of course, it isn’t quite that sim-
ple. Fluid intelligence is mental efficiency and reasoning ability. The neurophysiological
underpinnings of fluid intelligence may be related to changes in brain volume, myeliniza-
tion (coating of neural fibers that makes processing faster), the density of dopamine recep-
tors, or processing abilities in the prefrontal lobe of the brain such as selective attention and
working memory. This aspect of intelligence increases until late adolescence (about age 22)
because it is grounded in brain development, and then declines gradually with age. Fluid
intelligence is sensitive to injuries and diseases.
In contrast, crystallized intelligence is the ability to apply the problem-solving methods
appropriate in your cultural context, so processes are involved here too. Crystallized intel-
ligence can increase throughout the lifespan because it includes the learned skills and
knowledge such as reading, facts, and how to hail a cab, make a quilt, locate a good place
to fish, or study in college. By investing fluid intelligence in solving problems, we develop
our crystallized intelligence, but many tasks in life such as mathematical reasoning draw on
both fluid and crystallized intelligence (Ferrer & McArdle, 2004; Finkel, Reynolds, McArdle,
Gatz, & Peterson, 2003; Hunt, 2000).

THE MANY FACETS OF INTELLIGENCE. A widely accepted view is that intelligence has
many facets and is a hierarchy of abilities, with general ability at the top and more specific
abilities at lower levels of the hierarchy (Carroll, 1997; Tucker-Drob, 2009). Earl Hunt
(2000) summarized the current thinking about the structure of intelligence this way:
After almost a century of such research, that structure is pretty well-established.
There is considerable agreement for the bottom two levels of a three-tiered lat-
tice model of intelligence. At the bottom are elementary information-processing
actions, and immediately above them are eight or so secondary abilities. These
are more broadly defined capabilities, such as holding and accessing information
in short- and long-term memory and, most importantly, the trio of ‘intellectual’
abilities: crystallized intelligence, fluid intelligence, and visual-spatial reasoning
ability [which] may be just the most visible of several abilities to manipulate
information coded in a particular sensory modality. (p. 123)

232
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

FIGURE 9.4

A HIERARCHICAL MODEL OF INTELLIGENCE

The specific abilities at the third level are just some of the possibilities. Carroll identified over 70 specific abilities.

General Intelligence
(g)

Processing
General Broad Broad Broad Broad
Fluid Crystallized Speed
Memory and Visual Auditory Retrieval Cognitive
Intelligence Intelligence (Decision
Learning Perception Perception Capacity Speediness
Speed)

Level Factors Level Factors Level Factor Level Factor Level Factors Level Factor Speed Factors Speed Factors
nGeneral nLanguage n Memory n Visualization n Hearing and n Originality/ nRate of test nSimple
reasoning development span speech creativity taking reaction time
Speed Factors threshold
n Piagetian n Comprehen- Rate Factors n Numerical n Mental
n Spatial factors Speed Factors
reasoning sion facility comparison
n Associative relations nWord
n Musical speed
Speed Factors Speed Factors memory fluency
n Perceptual discrimination
n Speed of n Oral Visual Figural
n speed n
reasoning fluency memory fluency
n Writing
ability

Source: Contemporary intellectual assessment: Theories, tests, and issues by Carroll, J. B., Copyright 1996 by Guilford Publications, Inc.
Reproduced with permission of Guilford Publications, Inc in the formats Textbook and Other Book via Copyright Clearance Center.

A current version of this hierarchical view of intelligence often is called the

Catttell/Horn/Carroll or CHC model, shown in Figure 9.4 above.
Research on intelligence has produced thousands of volumes, but we still do not know
much about the forms of intelligence that are harder to measure, such as creativity, wisdom,
social and emotional skills, practical knowledge, and so on (Neisser et al., 1996). Other
approaches look at multiple forms of intelligence.

Multiple Intelligences
In spite of the correlations among the various tests of different abilities, some psychologists
insist that there are several separate mental abilities (Gardner, 1983; Guilford, 1988). Ac-
cording to Gardner’s (1983, 2003) theory of multiple intelligences, there are at least eight
separate intelligences: linguistic (verbal), musical, spatial, logical-mathematical, bodily-
kinesthetic (movement), interpersonal (understanding others), intrapersonal (understand-
ing self), and naturalist (observing and understanding natural and human-made patterns and
systems) (see Table 9.7 on the next page). Gardner stresses that there may be more kinds of
intelligence—eight is not a magic number. He has speculated that there may be a ninth
existential intelligence or the ability to contemplate big questions about the meaning of life
(Gardner, 2009). Gardner bases his notion of separate abilities on evidence that brain
damage (from a stroke, for example) often interferes with functioning in one area, such as
language, but does not affect functioning in other areas. Also, individuals may excel in one
of these eight areas but have no remarkable abilities in the other seven.
Gardner (2009) contends that an intelligence is “a biopsychological potential to process
information in certain ways in order to solve problems or create products that are valued in
at least one culture or community”(p. 5). Various cultures and eras in history place different
values on the different intelligences. A naturalist intelligence is critical in farming cultures,
whereas verbal and mathematical intelligences are important in technological cultures.

233
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

TABLE 9.7 • Gardner’s Multiple Intelligences

Howard Gardner’s theory of multiple intelligences suggests that there are eight kinds of human abilities.
An individual might have strengths or weaknesses in one or several areas.

INTELLIGENCE END STATES CORE COMPONENTS

Logical-mathematical Scientist Sensitivity to, and capacity to discern, logical or numerical patterns;
Mathematician ability to handle long chains of reasoning.

Linguistic Poet Sensitivity to the sounds, rhythms, and meanings of words; sensitivity
Journalist to the different functions of language.

Musical Composer Abilities to produce and appreciate rhythm, pitch, and timbre;
Violinist appreciation of the forms of musical expressiveness.

Spatial Navigator Capacities to perceive the visual-spatial world accurately and to

Sculptor perform transformations on one’s initial perceptions.

Bodily-kinesthetic Dancer Abilities to control one’s body movements and to handle objects
Athlete skillfully.

Interpersonal Therapist Capacities to discern and respond appropriately to the moods,

Salesman temperaments, motivations, and desires of other people.

Intrapersonal Person with detailed, Access to one’s own feelings and the ability to discriminate among
accurate self-knowledge them and draw on them to guide behavior; knowledge of one’s own
strengths, weaknesses. desires, and intelligence.

Naturalist Botanist Abilities to recognize plants and animals, to make distinctions in the
Farmer natural world, to understand systems and define categories (perhaps
Hunter even categories of intelligence).

Source: Educational Research: Official Newsletter of the American Educational Research Association by H. Gardner & T. Hatch. Copyright 1989 by Sage
Publications Inc. Journals. Reproduced with permission of Sage Publications Inc. Journals in the formats Textbook and Other Book via Copyright
Clearance Center.

Gardner’s multiple intelligences theory has not received wide acceptance in the sci-
entific community, even though it has been embraced by many educators. Some critics
suggest that several of the intelligences are really talents (bodily-kinesthetic skill, musical
ability) or personality traits (interpersonal ability). Other “intelligences” are not new at
all. Many researchers have identified verbal and spatial abilities as elements of intelli-
gence. In addition, the eight intelligences are not independent; there are correlations
among the abilities (Sattler, 2008). So, these “separate abilities” may not be so separate af-
ter all. Evidence linking musical and spatial abilities has prompted Gardner to consider
that there may be connections among the intelligences (Gardner, 1998). Stay tuned for
more developments.
Gardner (2003, 2009) has responded to critics by identifying a number of myths and
misconceptions about multiple intelligences theory and schooling. One is that intelligences
are the same as learning styles. Gardner doesn’t believe that people actually have consistent
learning styles. Another misconception is that multiple intelligences theory disproves the
idea of g. Gardner does not deny the existence of a general ability, but does question how
useful g is as an explanation for human achievements.

Intelligence as Information Processing

As you can see, the theories of Spearman, Cattell and Horn, and Gardner tend to describe
how individuals differ in the structure of intelligence—different abilities and factors. Work
in cognitive psychology has emphasized instead the information processing that is common
to all people. How do humans gather and use information to solve problems and behave
intelligently? New views of intelligence are growing out of this work. For example, the

234
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

debates in the 2006 issue of Behavioral and Brain Sciences emphasized working memory
capacity, executive control processes such as the abilities to focus attention and inhibit
impulses, and emotional self-regulation as aspects of fluid cognitive abilities.
Robert Sternberg’s (2004) triarchic theory of successful intelligence is a cognitive
process approach to understanding intelligence. Successful intelligence includes “the skills
and knowledge needed for success in life, according to one’s own definition of success,
within one’s own sociocultural context” (p. 326). As you might guess from the name, this
triarchic theory has three parts—analytic, creative, and practical.
Analytical intelligence results when we apply our information processing abilities to
abstract, but familiar problems such as reading about a subject we know. Creative intelli-
gence involves applying the abilities to new experiences using (1) insight, or dealing effec-
tively with novel situations, and (2) automaticity—becoming efficient and automatic in
thinking and problem solving. Thus creative intelligence involves solving new problems,
and then quickly turning these new solutions into routine processes that can be applied
without much cognitive effort. Practical intelligence results when we select, shape, and
adapt to everyday situations in our lives. Here, culture is a major factor in defining success-
ful choice, adaptation, and shaping. For example, abilities that make a person successful in
a rural farm community may be useless in the inner city or at a country club in the suburbs.
People who are successful often seek situations in which their abilities will be valuable;
thus, intelligence in this third sense involves practical matters such as career choice.
In some ways, these three kinds of intelligence are like the three themes described at
the beginning of this section: (1) the capacity to learn—analytic intelligence; (2) the total
knowledge a person has acquired—practical intelligence; and (3) the ability to adapt suc-
cessfully to new situations and to the environment in general—creative intelligence.
An emerging challenge to all the theories of intelligence comes from dynamic theories
of development. One model, called mutualism, suggests that in the beginning of cognitive
development, humans have many unrelated cognitive processes such as short-term mem-
ory or reaction time. Over time, these processes work together to the mutual benefit of each
other and enhance the problem-solving capabilities of the developing individual. For ex-
ample, in the beginning, simple reaction time and reasoning as measured by a test might
not be related, but speed of reaction helps reasoning develop, so the two processes become
related. As all the processes work together to process information and solve problems, ele-
mentary processes that are uncorrelated initially become correlated during development
(van der Maas et al., 2006). Stay tuned to research on cognitive development to see if dy-
namic theories take over as the main explanations of intelligence.

How Is Intelligence Measured?

Even though psychologists do not agree about what intelligence is, they do agree that in-
telligence, as measured by standard tests, is related to learning in school. In fact, some psy-
chologists believe that the most common intelligence tests are best at assessing academic
intelligence. Why is this so? It has to do in part with the way intelligence tests were first
developed.

BINET’S DILEMMA. Alfred Binet was a political activist, concerned with the rights of chil-
dren. He believed that having an objective measure of learning ability, not just achievement,
could protect students who came from poor families from being forced to leave school be-
cause teachers assumed they were slow learners. After trying many different tests and elim-
inating items that did not predict achievement in school, Binet and his collaborator
Theodore Simon finally identified 58 tests, several for each age group from 3 to 13, that al-
lowed the examiner to determine the child’s mental age. A child who succeeded on the
items passed by most 6-year-olds, for example, was considered to have a mental age of 6,
whether the child was actually 4, 6, or 8 years old.
The concept of intelligence quotient, or IQ, was added after Binet’s test was brought
to the United States and revised at Stanford University to give us the Stanford-Binet test. The
formula was
Intelligence Quotient ⫽ Mental Age/Chronological Age ⫹ 100

235
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

The practice of computing a mental age proved to be problematic because IQ scores

calculated on the basis of mental age do not have the same meaning as children get older.
So the formula on the previous page was replaced with a deviation IQ score—a number that
tells exactly how much above or below the average a person scored on the test, compared
to others in the same age group. Notice—this is not an absolute score such as weight or
height; IQ simply ranks people in relation to each other (Lichten, 2004).
The early Stanford-Binet test has been revised five times, most recently in 2003 (Roid,
2003, Roid, Shaughnessy, & Greathouse, 2005). This version of the Stanford-Binet is con-
sistent with the CHC hierarchical model of intelligence, with a general factor on the top and
five cognitive factors below: fluid reasoning, knowledge (crystallized ability), quantitative
reasoning, visual-spatial ability, and working memory. But psychologists are encouraged to
pay more attention to a child’s performance on the separate cognitive abilities than to the
total general score.
The Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children IV (WISC-IV) is another commonly used
individual intelligence test for children. Scores from different kinds of questions about con-
cepts, vocabulary, puzzles, number sequences, general knowledge, arithmetic, symbol se-
quences, and pictures are used to assess the child in four areas: Verbal Comprehension,
Perceptual Reasoning, Working Memory, and Processing Speed. You can compute a total
score too, but the test developers believe that the child’s performance in the four specific
areas is more useful and revealing. (See the WISC-IV Report Form on the next page.) The
latest version of the WISC was designed to be consistent with the multi-faceted
Catttell/Horn/ Carroll or CHC model in Figure 9.4. So even though the Stanford-Binet and
the WISC-IV were not originally designed with the CHC model in mind, both tests have
been revised lately to better match that model.

KAUFFMAN ASSESSMENT BATTERY FOR CHILDREN II. The Kauffman Assessment

Battery for Children II (KABC-II) actually was designed based on the CHC model of intel-
ligence and on information processing research (Kaufman & Kaufman, 2003). Areas as-
sessed include visual processing, short-term memory, fluid reasoning, long-term storage and
retrieval, and crystallized ability. One advantage of the KABC-II is that it was developed us-
ing a sample of children from many different backgrounds and with a range of learning chal-
lenges. The children in the sample were closely matched to the 2001 United States census
data in terms of race, ethnicity, geography, gender, and socioeconomic status. The authors
attempted to limit the cultural content of the items, so there are smaller score differences
among children from various ethnic backgrounds. One feature of the KABC-II allows the ex-
aminer to teach children how to do a test if they fail early because they are unfamiliar with
the format or type of item; examiners can provide scaffolding. The idea is to assess the un-
derlying ability, not just test familiarity.

GROUP VERSUS INDIVIDUAL IQ TESTS. The WISC IV, the Stanford-Binet, and the Kauffman
Assessment Battery for Children II are individual intelligence tests. They have to be admin-
istered to one child at a time by a trained psychologist, and they take about one to two hours.
Most of the questions are asked orally and do not require reading or writing. A child usually
pays closer attention and is more motivated to do well when working directly with an adult.
Psychologists also have developed group tests that can be given to whole groups,
classes, or schools, like the one probably used in the opening case of this chapter. Com-
pared to an individual test, a group test is much less likely to yield an accurate picture of
any one person’s abilities. When students take tests in a group, they may do poorly because
they do not understand the instructions, because they have trouble reading, because their
pencils break or they lose their place on the answer sheet, because other students distract
them, or because the answer format confuses them (Sattler, 2008). As a parent or teacher,
you should be very wary of IQ scores based on group tests.

WHAT DOES AN IQ SCORE MEAN? Most intelligence tests are designed so that they have
certain statistical characteristics. For example, the average score is 100; 50% of the people
from the general population who take the tests will score 100 or above, and 50% will score
below 100. About 68% of the general population will earn IQ scores between 85 and 115.

236
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

Record Form
Subtest Scaled Score Profile

Child’s Name __________________________________________________________________________________________ Verbal Perceptual Working Processing

Comprehension Reasoning Memory Speed
Examiner’s Name ______________________________________________________ SI VC CO (IN) (WR) BD PCn MR (PCm) DS LN (AR) CD SS (CA)

Calculation of Child’s Age

Year Month Day 19 • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
Date of Testing 18 • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
Date of Birth
17 • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
16 • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
Age at Testing 15 • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
14 • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
13 • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
Total Raw Score to Scaled Score Conversions 12 • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
Raw 11 • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
Subtest Score Scaled Scores
10 • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
Block Design 9 • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
Similarities 8 • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
Digit Span
7 • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
6 • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
Picture Concepts 5 • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
Coding 4 • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
Vocabulary 3 • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
Letter–Number Seq.
2 • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
1 • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
Matrix Reasoning
Comprehension Composite Score Profile
Symbol Search
VCI PRI WMI PSI FSIQ
(Picture Completion) ( ) ( )
(Cancellation) ( )( ) 160
(Information) ( ) ( )
(Arithmetic) ( ) ( ) 150
(Word Reasoning) ( ) ( )
140
Sums of Scaled Scores
Verbal Perc. Work. Proc. Full 130
Comp. Rsng. Mem. Speed Scale

120
Sum of Scaled Scores to Composite Score Conversions
Sum of ____% 110
Composite Percentile
Scale Scaled Confidence
Score Rank
Scores Interval 100
Verbal Comprehension VCI
90
Perceptual Reasoning PRI

Working Memory WMI

80
Processing Speed PSI

Full Scale FSIQ 70

60

50
To reorder WISC–IV Copyright © 2003 by Harcourt Assessment, Inc.
Record Forms, call All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. 40
1-800-211-8378 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 A B C D E

The WISC-IV (the 4th revision of the Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children first published in 1949)
includes a record form like this one for reporting scores on 15 subtests (Block Design, Similarities,
Digit span, etc.) and converts those scores into four subscales (Verbal Comprehension, Perceptual
Reasoning, Working Memory, and Processing Speed). Teachers and parents may not see this form
but might get a written report based on this information.

Source: Simulated items similar to those found in the Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children, Fourth Edition
(WISC-IV). Copyright © 2003 NCS Pearson, Inc. Reproduced with permission. All rights reserved. “Weschler
Intelligence Scale for Children” and “WISC” are trademarks, in the US and/or other countries, of Pearson
Education, Inc. or its affiliates.

Only about 16% will receive scores below 85, and only 16% will score above 115. Only
about 2% score 130 or above and only 2% score 70 or below. Note, however, that these fig-
ures hold true for White, native-born Americans whose first language is Standard English.
Whether IQ tests should even be used with ethnic minority-group students is hotly debated.

237
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

BIAS IN IQ TESTING. Assessment biases are aspects of the test such as content, language,
or examples that might distort the performance of a group—either for better or for worse.
For example, if a reading test used passages that described farming scenarios, we might ex-
pect rural students on average to do better than city kids. Two forms of assessment bias are
unfair penalization and offensiveness. The reading assessment with heavy farming content
is an example of unfair penalization: Urban students may be penalized for their lack of
farming knowledge. Offensiveness occurs when a particular group might be insulted by the
content of the assessment. Offended, angry students do not perform at their best.
Are tests such as the individual measures of intelligence fair assessments for minority-
group students? This is a complex question. Research on test bias shows that most stan-
dardized tests predict school achievement equally well across all groups of students. Items
that might on the surface appear to be biased against minority-group students are not nec-
essarily more difficult for them to answer correctly (Sattler, 2008). But even though stan-
dardized aptitude and achievement tests are not biased in predicting school performance,
many people believe that the tests still can be unfair to some groups. Tests may not have
procedural fairness; that is, some groups may not have an equal opportunity to show what
they know on the test. Here are a few examples:
1. The language of the test and the tester is often different from the languages of the
students.
2. Answers that support middle-class values are often rewarded with more points.
3. On individually administered intelligence tests, being very verbal and talking a lot is re-
warded. This favors students who feel comfortable in that particular situation.
Also, tests may not be fair because different groups have had different opportunities
to learn the material tested. The questions asked tend to center on experiences and facts
more familiar to the dominant culture than to minority-group students. Consider this test
item for fourth graders described by Popham (2005, p. 336):
My uncle’s field is computer programming.
Look at the sentences below. In which sentence does the word field mean the same as
in the boxed sentence above?
A. The softball pitcher knew how to field her position.
B. They prepared the field by spraying and plowing it.
C. I know the field I plan to enter when I finish college.
D. The doctor used a wall chart to examine my field of vision.
Items like this are found on most standardized tests. But not all families describe their
work as a field of employment. If your parents work in professions such as computers, med-
icine, law, or education, the item would make sense, but what if your parents worked at a
grocery store or a car repair shop? Are these fields? Life outside class has prepared some stu-
dents, but not others for this item.
Concern about cultural bias in testing has led some psychologists to try to develop
culture-fair or culture-free tests. These efforts have not been very successful. When you
think about it, how can you separate culture from cognition? Every student’s learning is em-
bedded in his or her culture and every test question stems from some kind of cultural knowl-
edge (Sattler, 2008). The Connecting with Children guidelines will help you interpret IQ
scores realistically.

Influences on Intelligence
What influences intelligence? What does intelligence influence? As you can imagine, with
such a complex concept, there are many possible answers. We will look critically at several
possible influences on intelligence: heredity, race, family, schooling, culture, and time period.

INTELLIGENCE: HEREDITY OR ENVIRONMENT? Nowhere has the nature-versus-nurture

debate raged so hard as in the area of intelligence. Should intelligence be viewed as a po-
tential, limited by our genetic makeup? Or does intelligence simply refer to an individual’s

238
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

CONNECTING WITH CHILDREN

Guidelines for Teachers and Families: Interpreting IQ Scores
Check to see if the score is based on an individual 3. Be aware that a total score is usually an average of
or a group test. Be wary of group test scores. scores on several kinds of questions. A score in the
Examples middle or average range may mean that the child
1. Individual tests include the Wechsler Scales performed at the average on every kind of question or
(WPPSI, WISC-IV, WAIS-III, WAIS Abbreviated), the that the child did quite well in some areas (for example,
Stanford-Binet 5th ed., the McCarthy Scales of Children’s on verbal tasks) and rather poorly in other areas
Abilities, the Woodcock-Johnson III, the Kaufman (for example, on quantitative tasks).
Assessment Battery for Children II (KABC-II), the
Kaufman Adolescent and Adult Intelligence Test Remember that IQ scores reflect a child’s past
(KAIT), and the Das-Naglieri Cognitive Assessment experiences and learning.
System (CAS). Examples
2. Group tests include the Cognitive Abilities Test 1. Consider these scores to be predictors of school
(CogAT—formerly the Lorge-Thorndike Intelligence abilities, not measures of innate intellectual abilities.
Tests), the Analysis of Learning Potential, the Kuhlman- 2. If a child is doing well in school and at home, do not
Anderson Intelligence Tests, the Otis-Lennon School change your opinion or lower your expectations just
Ability Test (OLSAT), (formerly the Otis-Lennon because one score seems low.
Intelligence Test), and the School and College Ability 3. Be wary of IQ scores for children of color, children in
Tests (SCAT). poverty, and for children whose first language is not
English. Even scores on “culture-free” tests are lower
Remember that IQ tests are only estimates of general for children placed at risk.
aptitude for learning. 4. Remember that both adaptive skills and scores on
Examples IQ tests are used to determine intellectual abilities and
1. Ignore small differences in scores among children. disabilities.
2. Bear in mind that even an individual child’s scores may
change over time for many reasons, including For more about interpreting IQ scores, see: http://www.wilderdom
measurement error. .com/personality/L2-1UnderstandingIQ.html

current level of intellectual functioning, as influenced by experience and education? In fact,

it is almost impossible to separate nature and nurture in intelligence. “As a result, few con-
temporary scientists seriously engage in nature versus nurture debates or dispute the over-
whelming finding that cognitive ability involves both genetic and environmental influences”
(Petrill et al., 2004, p. 805) with genetic influences accounting for about 20% of the varia-
tion among children to about 80% among adults. So, the impact of genetic differences
appears to increase with age, and research has not determined why (Petrill et al., 2004). It
may be that people make choices that are consistent with their genetic makeup—for
example, people with higher IQ scores may choose to stay in school longer—so the genetic
influences are magnified by life choices.
But no matter what the cause, it is clear that genes do not determine intelligence.
David Bjorklund (2004) sums up a fundamental change in thinking in the developmental
sciences:
Social and biological influences are no longer viewed as competing world views of
development, as seen in the false nature versus nurture dichotomy of earlier eras,
but are conceived as bidirectionally and fundamentally interactive at all levels of or-
ganization; cognitive development is embedded within both the child’s emerging
biological system and the social environment in which he or she lives. (p. 344)

RACE AND INTELLIGENCE. In 1969, Arthur Jensen published an article claiming that there
were significant differences in intelligence by race and that those differences were due
mostly to genetics. A firestorm of controversy ensued. Twenty-five years later, a book called
The Bell Curve (Herrnstein & Murray, 1994) set off another round of debate by making

239
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

similar claims. In response, the Board of Scientific Affairs of the American Psychological
Association established a task force of respected researchers, headed by Uric Neisser, to
examine the issues. The conclusion of the task force was that there is a difference between
African American and White average IQ scores of about 15 points, but the gap has been
decreasing lately. There is no evidence, however, that this difference is due to genetics and
“at present, no one knows what causes this differential” (Neisser et al., 1996, p. 97).
One reason that claims about race and IQ cannot be supported is that race is not
biologically based; rather, it is a social construct. Race is mostly a label we give to others or
to ourselves. For example, the label, “Hispanic” has been used for diverse populations in
Cuba, Puerto Rico, Costa Rica, Spain, Mexico, Argentina, and many other countries. But the
ancestry of people in these countries varies from entirely African, entirely Native American,
or entirely European to mixtures of all these (Sternberg, Grigorenko, & Kidd, 2005). As the
study of genetics advances, the findings reveal many more similarities than differences
among the “races.” All humans are 99.9% alike; there is a very minute amount of genetic dif-
ferences among the races—about .01% (Smedley & Smedley, 2005). In fact, Smedley and
Smedley assert, “From its inception, race was a folk idea, a culturally invented conception
about human differences. It became an important mechanism for limiting and restricting
access to privilege, power, and wealth” (p. 22).
Another reason that it is difficult to link genetic differences to intelligence is that
genetic differences are expressed in environments and shaped by them. For example, when
nutrition and health are good, differences in adult height are associated with genetic dif-
ferences. But when children are constantly sick and starving growing up, they will be short
and genes will have little to do with their adult height (Moore, 2001). All genetic effects on
observable human traits can be modified by influences from the environment. Further, all
environmental effects involve genes or structures influenced by genes—and round and
round it goes (Neisser et al., 1996). So, we can look to the environment to understand ap-
parent racial differences in IQ scores. Test bias, poverty, poorer schools and teachers, track-
ing, and other causes have been suggested as influences that may play a role.
FAMILIES AND NEIGHBORHOODS. It is clear that severe deprivation, neglect, and abuse
have negative effects on intellectual development, but what about more typical variations
in families? Studies of twins who grew up in the same home compared to twins separated
and growing up in different homes, as well as studies of biological and adopted siblings in
the same household indicate that family environment is a powerful influence during early
childhood, but its effects decrease as children grow older. Neisser and colleagues (1996)
concluded that although the lifestyles of families are important for many aspects of chil-
dren’s lives, they “make little long term difference for the skills measured by intelligence
tests” (p. 88). There is one problem with these findings, however. Most of the participants
in the studies were middle-class White families, so we do not have good information about
the connection between family environment and measured IQ for other groups.
There are toxins and other biological agents that can affect measured intelligence. Pro-
longed exposure to lead, which is present in many older homes and buildings in inner cities,
is associated with lower scores on IQ tests (Baghurst et al., 1992). Very poor nutrition
during childhood can lead to lower IQ scores, and there is some evidence that improved
nutrition for undernourished children can raise scores over time. But it is not clear that more
typical variations in nutrition will influence measured intelligence (Neisser et al., 1996).
SCHOOLS AND INTERVENTIONS. It is difficult to separate the effects of schools on intelli-
gence from the effects of intelligence on school achievement. Intelligence test scores pre-
dict achievement in schools quite well, at least for large groups. For example, intelligence
scores correlate about .5 with school grades. Correlations between intelligence test scores
and standardized achievement test scores are higher. This isn’t surprising because, remem-
ber, Binet threw out test items that did not predict achievement. Intelligence also correlates
about .55 with number of years of school completed (Neisser et al., 1996). And staying in
school actually elevates IQ scores, so schooling and IQ are interrelated—people with higher
IQs tend to stay in school longer and the longer you stay in school, the more your intelli-
gence is elevated (or at least maintained) (Ceci & Williams, 1997).

240
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

Even though staying in school longer appears to increase IQ scores (or at least prevent
declines), it has been difficult to identify educational interventions that permanently in-
crease IQ for children who are at risk of failing. Often an early gain in IQ for preschool chil-
dren seems to vanish by elementary school (Ceci & Williams, 1997). But there are
exceptions. Intensive and continuing programs that work in the home with parents and also
provide good daycare and other support services have the best results. One example is the
Carolina Abecedarian program in North Carolina (Campbell et al., 2001; Reynolds, Temple,
Robertson, & Mann, 2001). Children in the Abecedarian project already scored higher than
a control group by age 2, and were still 5 points higher on IQ measure and ahead in aca-
demic achievement by age 12, which was seven years after the program ended. In order to
be effective, early intervention programs need to be high quality and continue into ele-
mentary school. It is not surprising that the children who benefit the most are from fami-
lies with little money or education (Brooks-Gunn, 2003).

CULTURAL DIFFERENCES. The discussion so far has been very “Western,” focusing on
intelligence as it is conceived in North American and European cultures. Studies of Americans’
implicit notions of intelligence show the “person on the street’s” idea of intelligence in-
cludes (a) practical problem solving, (b) verbal ability, and (c) social competence—much
broader than the psychometric view of fluid and crystallized abilities (Sternberg, 2004).
How do these conceptions compare with views of intelligence in other cultures? As Robert
Sternberg said in his presidential address to the American Psychological Association in
2004, “Behavior that in one cultural context is smart may be, in another cultural context,
stupid” (p. 325). Sternberg went on to describe cultural differences in conceptions about
intelligence. Some of these differences are shown in Table 9.8.
Cultural differences in intelligence are evident in another way. The tests and items that
are appropriate for one culture are unlikely to be appropriate for another. For example,
when Serpell (1997) asked English and Zambian children to do tasks that required percep-
tual abilities, the English children performed better on a drawing task, whereas the Zambian
children were superior on a wire-shaping task. Members of each group could best apply
their perceptual abilities to familiar materials for their culture. In a similar example,
Moroccans are better than North Americans at remembering patterns in rugs, but worse at
remembering pictures of everyday objects (Nunes & Roazzi, 1999; Saxe, 1999). When your
text author, Anita gave intelligence tests to children in Texas, she found that a question
about “coal”often brought blank stares. But the same question about charcoal almost always
got a right answer. There were more barbeque pits than coal furnaces in Austin.

TIME AND THE FLYNN EFFECT: ARE WE GETTING SMARTER? Ever since IQ tests were
introduced in the early 1900s, scores in 20 different industrialized countries and some
more traditional cultures have been rising (Daley, Whaley, Sigman, Espinosa, & Neumann,

TABLE 9.8 • Cultural Differences in Conceptions of Intelligence

These are some aspects of intelligence emphasized by adults in their everyday notions of intelligence.

CULTURAL GROUP VIEWS OF INTELLIGENCE

Taiwanese General intelligence (g), inter- and intrapersonal intelligence, social competence, confidence with
Chinese humility about intellectual matters

Zambia Cooperation, being social, responsible in family and community

Zimbabwe Prudence and caution in social relationships

Kenya Knowledge and skill, respect, handling real-world problems, initiative

Latino American Social competence

United States Verbal ability, practical problem solving, social competence

241
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

2003). In fact, in a generation, the average score goes up about 18 points on standard-
ized IQ tests—maybe you really are smarter than your parents! This is called the Flynn
effect after James Flynn, a political scientist who documented the phenomenon, be-
ginning in the 1980s (Flynn, 1984). Some explanations include better nutrition and
medical care for children and parents, increasing complexity in the environment that
stimulates thinking, smaller families who give more attention to their children, in-
creased literacy of parents, more and better schooling, and better preparation for tak-
ing tests. One result of the Flynn effect is the standards used to determine scores have
to be continually revised. In other words, to keep a score of 100 as the average, the test
questions have to be made more difficult. This increasing difficulty has implications for
any program that uses IQ scores as part of its entrance requirements. For example, stu-
dents who were not identified as having intellectual disabilities a generation ago might
be identified as disabled now because the test questions are harder (Kanaya, Scullin, &
Ceci, 2003).
For adults caring for children—parents, teachers, counselors, medical workers—it is
especially important to realize that cognitive skills, like any other skills, are always improv-
able. Intelligence is a current state of affairs, affected by past experiences and open to
future changes, as the Flynn effect demonstrates. Even if intelligence is a limited potential,
the potential is still quite large.

Extreme Differences in Measured IQ

As you saw earlier, only about 2% of the population will score below 70 or above 130 on an
individual IQ test. Let’s look at these two extremes.

CHILDREN WITH INTELLECTUAL DISABILITIES. Intellectual disability is a more current

name for what was once called mental retardation. As defined by the American Associa-
tion on Intellectual and Developmental Disabilities (AAIDD, 2010), “Intellectual disability is
a disability characterized by significant limitations both in intellectual functioning and in
adaptive behavior, which covers many everyday social and practical skills. This disability
originates before the age of 18.”
Intellectual function is usually measured by IQ tests, with a cutoff score of 70 as one
indicator of intellectual disability. But an IQ score below the 70 range is not enough to
diagnose a child as having intellectual disabilities. There must also be problems with
adaptive behavior, day-to-day independent living, and social functioning. This caution is
especially important when interpreting the scores of students from different cultures.
Defining intellectual disabilities based on test scores alone can falsely label students who
are perceived as disabled only for the part of the day they attend school, but function
well in their homes and neighborhoods. Only about 1% of the population fits the
AAIDD’s definition of having disabilities in both intellectual functioning and adaptive
behavior.
For many students with intellectual disabilities who are between the ages of 9 and 13,
learning goals include basic reading, writing, arithmetic, learning about the local environ-
ment, social behavior, and personal interests. In middle and high school, the emphasis is on
vocational and domestic skills, literacy for living (using money; reading signs, labels, and
newspaper ads; completing a job application), job-related behaviors such as punctuality or
taking messages and notes; health self-care; and citizenship skills. Today there is a growing
emphasis on transition and functional skills—preparing the student to live and work in the
community (Smith & Tyler, 2010).

CHILDREN WHO ARE GIFTED AND TALENTED. Consider this situation, a true story:

Latoya was already an advanced reader when she entered first grade in a large ur-
ban school district. Her teacher noticed the challenging chapter books Latoya
brought to school and read with little effort. After administering a reading as-
sessment, the school’s reading consultant confirmed that Latoya was reading at

242
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

the fifth-grade level. Latoya’s parents reported with pride that she had started to
read independently when she was three years old and “had read every book she
could get her hands on.” (Reis et al., 2002)
In her struggling urban school, Latoya received no particular accommodations, and by
fifth grade she was still reading at just above the fifth-grade level. Her teacher had no idea
that Latoya had ever been an advanced reader. Latoya is not alone. A national survey found
that more than one-half of all gifted children do not achieve in school at a level equal to their
ability (Tomlinson-Keasey, 1990).
Who is gifted and talented? There are many definitions of gifted because individuals
can have many different gifts. Remember that Gardner (2009) identified eight separate “in-
telligences” and Sternberg (1997) suggests a triarchic model. Renzulli and Reis (2003) have
a different three-part conception of giftedness: above-average general ability, a high level
of creativity, and a high level of task commitment or motivation to achieve. Truly gifted
children are not the ones who learn quickly with little effort. The work of gifted children
is original, extremely advanced for their age, and potentially of lasting importance. They
may play a musical instrument like a skillful adult, turn a visit to the grocery store into a
mathematical puzzle, and become fascinated with algebra when their friends are having
trouble carrying in addition (Winner, 2000). Recent conceptions widen the view of gift-
edness to include attention to the children’s culture, language, and exceptionalities
(NAGC, 2010). Some students with intellectual gifts and talents also have learning prob-
lems such as difficulties hearing, learning disabilities, or attention deficit disorders, so their
talents will be missed without careful assessment. And like the girl mentioned in the chap-
ter opening case, older students may actually try to hide their abilities from their friends
and teachers.
The best single predictor of academic giftedness is the individual IQ test; often a cut-
off score of 130 is used (two standard deviations above the mean or the upper 2%). But these
tests are costly and time-consuming, and far from perfect. Group achievement and intelli-
gence tests tend to underestimate the IQs of very bright children. Group tests may be ap-
propriate for screening, but they are not appropriate for making placement decisions. One
answer is a case study approach: gathering many kinds of information, test scores, grades,
examples of work, projects and portfolios, letters or ratings from teachers, self-ratings, and
so on (Renzulli & Reis, 2003). Especially for recognizing artistic talent, experts in the field
can be called in to judge the merits of a child’s creations. Creativity tests may identify some
children not picked up by other measures, particularly minority students who may be at a
disadvantage on the other types of tests.

TEACHING GIFTED CHILDREN. Teaching methods for gifted students should encourage
abstract thinking, creativity, and independence, not just the learning of greater quantities
of facts. In working with gifted and talented students, adults must be imaginative, flexible,
and unthreatened by their capabilities. What does this child need most? What is she or he
ready to learn? Who can help me to help this child? Answers might come from faculty
members at nearby colleges, retired professionals, books, museums, or older peers. Strate-
gies might be as simple as letting the child do math with the next grade. Increasingly, more
flexible programs are being devised for gifted children: summer institutes; courses at
nearby colleges; classes with local artists, musicians, or dancers; independent research
projects; selected classes in high school for younger students; honors classes; and special-
interest clubs.
As the guidance counselor realized in the opening case, there are three groups of
students who are underrepresented in gifted education programs: women, students with
learning disabilities, and students living in poverty, often children of color (Stormont, Steb-
bins, & Holliday, 2001). The Connecting with Children guidelines on the next page
provide suggestions.
Because school is such an important context for development, at least in cultures
where children attend school, let’s look at this world more closely.

243
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

CONNECTING WITH CHILDREN

Guidelines for Teachers: Teaching Underrepresented Gifted Students
GIRLS 3. Identify these children by looking longitudinally at
“As they grow older, girls may hide their abilities or even de- achievement: Who was a high achiever in elementary
liberately score lower on standardized tests and take fewer school, but began having trouble as more and more
challenging courses” (Stormont et al., 2001). reading was required in later grades?

Notice when girls’ test scores seem to decline or when Address both learning problems and gifts.
they are hiding good grade reports. Examples
Examples 1. Remediate skill deficits but also identify and develop
1. Look back at test scores from previous years, especially if talents and strengths.
students seem very capable in class, but average on tests. 2. Help children learn to compensate directly for their
2. Notice when able girls select easy tasks or books and learning problems and help them “tune in” to their own
ask why. strengths and difficulties.
Encourage assertiveness, achievement, high goals, and GIFTED CHILDREN WHO LIVE IN POVERTY
demanding work from all students. Health problems, lack of resources, homelessness, fears about
Examples safety and survival, frequent moves, responsibilities for the
1. Provide models of achievement through speakers, care of other family members—all make achievement in
internships, or readings. school more difficult.
2. Look for and support gifts in arenas other than academic
achievement. Identify students with gifts who live in poverty or who
are ethnic minority students.
GIFTED STUDENTS WITH LEARNING DISABILITIES: Examples
TWICE-EXCEPTIONAL 1. Use alternative assessment, teacher nomination, or
Learning problems may be subtle and the child is fine through el- creativity tests.
ementary school, but begins to have problems as academic work 2. Look for children who are expressive, good storytellers,
gets harder in the later grades, or the child’s gifts may be used to or able to improvise when they have limited materials.
compensate for learning disabilities, so the student seems just av- Try dynamic assessments that give students clues
erage to teachers (McCoach, Kehle, Bray, & Siegle, 2001). and observe how they solve problems using the
clues.
Understand that these children may be more angry
and frustrated than others by the problems that they Be sensitive to cultural differences in values about
encounter. cooperative or solitary achievement (Ford, 2000).
Examples Examples
1. See the emotions as possible diagnostics—why is the 1. Focus on development of racial identities and be aware
child angry and frustrated? of your own racial or ethnic identity.
2. Provide emotional support—important for all children, 2. Explore culturally relevant pedagogy. Use multicultural
but especially for this group. strategies to encourage achievement.

THE CHILD IN SCHOOL

In postindustrial societies, children between the ages of 6 and 11 years are in school, so
teachers, peers, curriculum materials, assessments, and school policies provide a context
for cognitive development.

International Comparisons and Their Effects

Different countries have different kinds of schooling, with different effects on learning and
probably on cognitive development,

CULTURAL DIFFERENCES IN SCHOOL ACHIEVEMENT. The Trends in International

Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS) and the Program for International Student
Assessment (PISA) are two international assessment programs. The TIMSS is the source

244
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

used in the United States for international comparisons of student achievement in mathe-
matics and science at the fourth and eighth grades. The PISA is the U.S. and Canadian source
for comparisons of students’ mathematical and scientific literacy at age 15, at or near the
end of compulsory schooling for most of the countries assessed. Four TIMSS studies have
been conducted, 1995, 1999, 2003, and 2007. Another is planned for 2011. In the fourth
grade, a total of 37 countries participated in the 2007 administration of the TIMSS tests,
with 27 testing at both the fourth and eighth grade levels. The results of the mathematics
tests are in Table 9.9.
The math superiority of the Asian countries of Hong Kong, Singapore, Korea, Chinese
Taipei, and Japan is clear in Table 9.9. In addition, many students in these Asian countries
reached the Advanced International Benchmark for mathematics that indicates ability to deal
with the most complex topics and superior reasoning skills (Mullis, Martin, & Foy, 2009). Why
are Asian children superior in mathematics? Is it nature or nurture? By now, we know better
than to ask such either/or questions, but in this case nurture appears to play a large role. This
superiority in math probably is related to differences in the way mathematics is taught and
studied and to the self-motivation skills of many Asian students (Baron, 1998; Stevenson &
Stigler, 1992). Also, students who spoke the same language at home and in school, more com-
mon in many Asian countries, scored higher on the tests (Mullis et al., 2009).
In terms of gender differences, at the fourth grade, there were no differences in math-
ematics achievement on average across the TIMSS 2007 countries. In approximately half the
countries, the difference in average achievement between boys and girls was close to zero.

TABLE 9.9 • Mathematics Achievement Results of the 2003 Trends in International Mathematics and
Science Study (TIMSS) for Countries That Took Both the Fourth and Eighth Grade Tests
(Average score is 500)

FOURTH GRADE RANK EIGHTH GRADE

COUNTRY AVERAGE SCALED SCORE COUNTRY AVERAGE SCALED SCORE

Hong Kong 607 1 Chinese Taipei 598

Singapore 599 2 Korea 597

Chinese Taipei 576 3 Singapore 593

Japan 568 4 Hong Kong 572

Kazakhstan 549 5 Japan 570

Russian Federation 544 6 Hungary 517

England 541 7 England 513

Latvia 537 8 Russian Federation 512

Netherlands 535 9 United States 508

Lithuania 530 10 Lithuania 506

United States 529 11 Czech Republic 504

Germany 525 12 Slovenia 501

Denmark 523 13 Armenia 499

Australia 516 14 Australia 496

Hungary 510 15 Sweden 491

245
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

Girls had higher mathematics achievement

than boys in 8 countries and boys had higher
achievement than girls in 12 countries. At the
eighth grade, on average, girls had higher
achievement than boys.
Let’s examine responses to international
comparisons around the world, in Canada, and
in the United States.

EFFECTS AROUND THE WORLD. The interna-

tional comparisons of student achievement ap-
pear to be useful in many countries, particularly
those without a history of gathering this type of
information. Because they are highly visible,
the findings of these comparisons are valued by
policymakers in the participating countries.
The results help educators in the countries bet-
In 2007, the Pan-Canadian Assessment Program (PCAP) began testing. Factors ter understand how the teaching methods and
that were associated with higher scores included having more books at home, curriculum materials used contribute to stu-
mothers reading to their children, parents and teachers helping children with dent achievement. In addition, these increased
reading, teachers assigning reading outside class, students reading for mean- understandings motivate reforms in educa-
ing and reading outside class, having reading routines, and enjoying reading.
tional programs and promote more research on
Petrenko Andriy/Shutterstock
student learning (Gilmore, 2005).

CANADA: PROVINCIAL TESTING. Partly in response to international comparisons like the

TIMSS and PISA, in 2003, a new assessment approach, the Pan-Canadian Assessment Pro-
gram (PCAP) was approved and administered for the first time in spring, 2007. The PCAP
also measures student achievement (at ages 13 and 15) in mathematics, reading and writ-
ing, and science, with the option to add more subjects later. The intent of the PCAP was to
provide information on achievement levels, so a random sample of 13- and 15-year-olds is
tested in English and French. Results so far for reading indicate that factors such as being fe-
male, having more books at home, mothers reading to their children, parents and teachers
helping children with reading, teachers assigning reading outside class, students reading for
meaning and reading outside class, having reading routines, and enjoying reading are asso-
ciated with higher achievement, whereas reading by decoding, being absent from school,
and being male are associated with lower achievement on the PCAP (CMCE, 2009).

THE UNITED STATES: ACCOUNTABILITY. One of the outcomes of the TIMSS and earlier in-
ternational comparisons has been federally mandated accountability in the United States. On
January 8, 2002, then President George W. Bush signed into law the No Child Left Behind
(NCLB) Act. In a nutshell, the NCLB Act requires that all students in grades 3 through 8 take
standardized achievement tests in reading and mathematics every year; in addition, one more
exam is required in high school. In 2007, a science test was added—one test a year in each
of three grade spans (3–5, 6–9, 10–12). Based on these test scores, schools are judged to de-
termine if their students are making Adequate Yearly Progress (AYP) toward becoming pro-
ficient in the subjects tested. Regardless of how states define AYP standards, the NCLB Act
requires that all students in the schools reach proficiency by the end of the 2013–2014
school year. In addition, schools must develop AYP goals and report scores separately for sev-
eral groups, including racial and ethnic minority students, students with disabilities, students
whose first language is not English, and students from low-income homes.
As we write this page, there is heated discussion about the upcoming reauthorization
of NCLB. The greatest concern focuses on improving the way AYP is determined. One sug-
gestion is to focus on growth, not just target scores and to allow greater flexibility for stu-
dents with disabilities and English language learners. Other recommendations emphasize
alternative assessments or strengthening standards to reflect a broader curriculum that con-
nects with the demands of college and work (ECS, 2010).
In response to international and local achievement test results, everyone has a favorite an-
swer to improving schools—back to basics, more accountability, smaller classes, charter schools,

246
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

better teachers, parent involvement . . . the list goes on. But as a parent, teacher, or voting citi-
zen, or person concerned about children’s development, you must ask, “What does the research
tell us about the influences on children’s achievement in school?” We turn to that question now.

Influences on School Achievement

In this section we take an approach consistent with Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological theory
of development; that is, we begin with the child and move outward to the many other con-
texts that influence cognitive development in school.

CHILDREN’S COMPETENCIES AND RESILIENCE. We saw in the section on intelligence that

IQ, as assessed by standardized tests (particularly individually administered tests), predicts
achievement in school. No surprises there—Binet’s goal was to do just that when he devel-
oped the first tests of intelligence. What other individual abilities or characteristics are as-
sociated with school achievement? Children’s achievement patterns that develop in the first
few years of school are remarkably stable across their years of education (Alexander &
Entwisle, 1998). In a study of children in Head Start programs, McWayne, Fantuzzo, and
McDermott (2004) identified teachable competencies and skills that uniquely contribute to
early academic success and resilience: literacy and number skills, motor and social skills,
persistence, attention, motivation, positive responses to instruction, and cooperative inter-
actions with peers. Children who developed these competencies were in a position to re-
spond with resilience to the challenges of school. So it makes sense to focus on these
competencies in the early years of schooling.

PARENTING. It makes sense that parental behaviors supporting the development of chil-
dren’s social skills and emotional self-regulation would prepare the children for success in
school. Parents who are reassuring and supportive but also encourage the child’s autonomy
will help their children handle the frustrations, delays, and tensions that are bound to come
with schooling (Grossman et al., 2002).
A longitudinal study of children’s adjustment to school by the National Institute of Child
Health and Human Development Early Child Care Research Network found support for these
ideas. The researchers concluded that “the most competent and least problematic children from
the teachers’perspectives are those whose fathers are sensitive and supportive of their children’s
autonomy, whose mothers’ parenting beliefs support self-directed child behavior, and whose
parents maintain an emotionally intimate relationship” (NICHD, 2004b, p. 628). In addition,
other research has found that when parents have more education themselves and higher ex-
pectations for their children’s education, they structure the home environment and their own
interactions with their children to support the child’s achievement in school (Davis-Kean, 2005).

FAMILY AND NEIGHBORHOOD INFLUENCES. Children from higher socioeconomic (SES)

families show higher average levels of achievement on test scores and stay in school longer
than children from lower SES families (Boyle, Georgiades, Mustard, & Racine, 2007; Gutman,
Sameroff, & Cole, 2003), but the relationship between SES and school achievement appears
to be weaker for minority-group students (Sirin, 2005). Poor children are at least twice as likely
as non-poor children to be kept back in school. The longer the child is in poverty, the stronger
the impact on achievement. For example, even when we take into account parents’education,
the chance that children will be retained in grades or placed in special education increases by
2–3% for every year the children live in poverty (Ackerman & Brown, 2006; Bronfenbrenner,
McClelland, Wethington, Moen, & Ceci, 1996; Sherman, 1994). About 1 in 6 American chil-
dren lives in poverty and 1 in 14 lives in extreme poverty, defined in 2009 by the United States
Department of Health and Human Services as an income of $22,050 for a family of four
($27,570 in Alaska and $25,360 in Hawaii). The numbers are very similar for Canada.
What are the effects of poverty that might explain the lower school achievement of these
students? Research suggests that it is not low income itself, but the material hardships that
come with poverty that lead to greater parental stress and fewer resources for children’s achieve-
ment (Gershoff, Aber, Raver, & Lennon, 2007). Material hardships include poor health care for
the family; dangerous, unhealthy, or unstable housing; insecurity about getting enough food;

247
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

and general financial trouble—too many bills and not enough money. Other factors that follow
are family stress and instability, interruptions in schooling, overcrowding, homelessness, dis-
crimination, tracking in school, lower quality school resources—all of which can lead to school
failures. Poor children have less access to books, computers, high-quality day care, libraries,
trips, and museums (Evans, 2004). Home and neighborhood resources seem to have the great-
est impact on children’s achievement when school is not in session—during the summer or be-
fore children enter school. For example, Entwisle, Alexander, and Olson (1997) found that
low-SES and high-SES students made comparable gains in reading and math when schools were
open, but the low-SES students lost ground during the summer while the high-SES students con-
tinued to improve academically, probably because the high-SES children had access to such en-
richments as camps, clubs, books, special tutoring, and travel.
Of course, not all low-income families lack resources. Many of these families provide
rich learning environments for their children. In fact, “most disadvantaged children grow
up in relatively stable and secure environments”(Ackerman & Brown, 2006, p. 92), the kind
of environments we have seen teach children how to handle school. Relationships with
teachers also contribute to a stable environment.

TEACHERS. Do teachers make a difference? In one large study, researchers examined how stu-
dents are affected by having several effective or ineffective teachers in a row (Sanders & Rivers,
1996). They looked at fifth graders in two large metropolitan school systems in Tennessee.
Students who had highly effective teachers for third, fourth, and fifth grades scored an average
of 83rd percentile on a standardized mathematics achievement test in one district and
96th percentile in the other (99th percentile is the highest possible score). In contrast,
students who had the least effective teachers three years in a row averaged 29th percentile
in math achievement in one district and 44th percentile in the other—a difference of over
50 percentile points in both cases! Students with average teachers or with a mixture of low,
average, and high effectiveness teachers for the three years had math scores between these
extremes. Sanders and Rivers concluded that the best teachers encouraged good to excellent
gains in achievement for all students, but lower achieving students were the first to benefit
from good teaching. The effects of teaching were cumulative and residual—that is, better
teaching in a later grade could make up in part for less effective teaching in earlier grades, but
could not erase all the deficits. In fact, one study found that at least 7% of the differences in test
score gains for students could be traced to their teachers (Rivkin, Hanushek, & Kain, 2001).
What do effective teachers know and do that supports students’ learning? This is an
important question; researchers have been asking it for years. Here we look simply at cog-
nitive characteristics—their educational qualifications and knowledge of the subjects they
teach.
Using data from a 50-state survey of policies, state case study analyses, the Schools and
Staffing Surveys, and the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP), Linda Dar-
ling-Hammond (2000) examined the ways in which teacher qualifications are related to stu-
dent achievement across states. Her findings indicated that the quality of teachers—as
measured by whether the teachers were fully certified and had a major in their teaching
field—was related to student performance. In fact, measures of teacher preparation and cer-
tification were by far the strongest predictors of student achievement in reading and math-
ematics, both before and after controlling for student poverty and English language
proficiency (Darling-Hammond & Youngs, 2002).

Children with Learning Challenges

It is beyond this text to discuss all the challenges children face, so we will focus on two com-
mon cognitive problems: attention deficit disorder and learning disabilities.

HYPERACTIVITY AND ATTENTION DISORDERS. You have probably heard and may even have
used the term hyperactivity. Children with ADHD may be more physically active and
inattentive than other children, but not necessarily. They often have difficulty responding
appropriately and working steadily toward goals (even their own goals), and they

248
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

POINT/COUNTERPOINT: Pills or Skills for Children with ADHD?

This morning we opened the newspaper to a headline,


NO, drugs should not be the first treatment
“ADHD diagnoses soar in 4 years.” The Centers for Disease
tried with ADHD. For many children there are neg-

COUNTERPOINT
Control now puts the number of children diagnosed with
ative side effects of these drugs, such as increased
ADHD as 1 in 10 in the U.S. (Wechsler, 2010). A report from
heart rate and higher blood pressure, interference
the 2nd International Congress on ADHD (Thome & Reddy,
with growth rate, insomnia, weight loss, and nausea
2009) noted, “There is increasing evidence that ADHD is a
(Smith & Tyler, 2010). For most children, these side ef-
worldwide transcultural phenomenon and exhibits striking
fects are mild and can be controlled by adjusting the
and consistent characteristics which seem to be independ-
dosage. However, little is known about the long-term
ent of cultural background” (p. 163). The rates in different
effects of drug therapy. A new drug called Strattera is
countries vary from 4% to 10% worldwide (Fabiano et al.,
not a stimulant, but may lead to increased thoughts of
2009; Gerwe et al., 2009). Today, there is an increasing re-
suicide. As a parent or teacher, you need to keep up
liance on drug therapy for ADHD. Almost 3% of school-age
with the research on treatments for ADHD.
children (ages 6 to 18) take some kind of medication for
Gregory A. Fabiano and his colleagues (2009)
ADHD. Should children with ADHD be given drugs?
identified 174 studies with almost 3,000 participants in
behavioral treatments for ADHD conducted between


Yes, drugs are helpful in ADHD. Ritalin and other 1967 and 2006 that met rigorous standards of quality
prescribed drugs such as Adderall, Focalin, Dexadrine,
research. Behavioral treatments involve the application of
POINT

Vyvanse, and Cylert are stimulants, but in particular

methods derived from behavioral learning theories such
dosages, they tend to have paradoxical effects on
as contingency management, time-out, shaping, self-regulation,
many children with ADHD. Short-term effects include
and modeling. The researchers compared treated with un-
possible improvements in social behaviors such as co-
treated groups or individuals before and after one or more dif-
operation, attention, and compliance. Research sug-
ferent kinds of treatments. Their conclusion? Findings were
gests that about 70–80% of children with ADHD are
clear and impressive. “Based on these results, there is strong
more manageable and better able to benefit from ed-
and consistent evidence that behavioral treatments are effec-
ucational and social interventions when on medication
tive for treating ADHD” (p. 129). In an interview, Gregory Fabi-
(Hutchinson, 2007). In fact, both stimulants such as Adder-
ano said, “Our results suggest that efforts should be redirected
all and Ritalin and nonstimulant treatments such as Strattera
from debating the effectiveness of behavioral interventions to
appear to have some helpful effects for many children and
dissemination, enhancing and improving the use of these pro-
adolescents with ADHD (Kratchovil, 2009). Positive results
grams in community, school and mental health settings”
also have been reported with Buspar, generally used to
(http://www.physorg.com/news158342976.html).
treat anxiety, and even some supplements such as pyc-
nogenol (Trebaticka et al., 2009). There is also some evi-
Beware of Either/Or
dence that Strattera might have positive effects on working
Many studies have concluded that the improvements in behav-
memory, planning, and inhibition—at least for the Chinese
ior from the drugs seldom lead to improvements in academic
children studied (Yang et al., 2009). German researchers
learning or peer relationships, two areas where children with
studying the effects of longer-acting once-a-day Concerta
ADHD have great problems. Because children appear to im-
concluded that the transition from short-acting stimulants
prove dramatically in their behavior, parents and teachers, re-
to Concerta was “associated with significant improvements
lieved to see change, may assume the problem has been cured.
in daily functioning in several areas of life, severity of dis-
It hasn’t. The children still need special help in learning, espe-
ease, and in quality of life” (Gerwe et al., 2009, p. 185).
cially interventions focused on how to make connections among
elements in readings or presentations in order to build coher-
ent, accurate representations of the information (Bailey et al.,
2009; Doggett, 2004; Purdie, Hattie, & Caroll, 2002).
The bottom line is that even if students in your class are
on medication, it is critical that they also learn the academic
and social skills they will need to succeed. They need to learn
© PHOTOTAKE Inc./Alamy

how and when to apply learning strategies and study skills.

Also, they need to be encouraged to persist when challenged
by difficult tasks and to see themselves as having control over
their learning and behavior. Medication alone will not make
this happen, but it may help. For learning to occur, medica-
tion needs to be paired with other effective interventions.

249
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

may be impulsive and unable to control their behavior on command, even for a brief period. A
particular difficulty involves inhibitions. They have problems delaying actions to think about
them, and instead, they just act (Barkley, 2006). The problem behaviors are generally evident in all
situations and with every teacher in school. One common treatment involves drugs, but there is
controversy about this approach, as you can see in the Point/Counterpointon the previous page.
David Nylund (2000) asked his ADHD clients what would help them gain control of
their attention in school. Here is their list:
These are also good suggestions for children with learning disabilities, discussed next.
• Use lots of pictures (visual clues) to • Don’t give tons of homework.
help me learn. • Notice when I am doing well.
• Offer us choices. • More recess!
• Recognize cultural and racial identity. • Be patient.
• Realize that I am intelligent. • Don’t tell the other kids that I am
• Don’t just lecture—it’s boring! taking Ritalin.
• Let me walk around the classroom.
• Know when to bend the rules.
LEARNING DISABILITIES. How do you explain what is wrong with a child who does not have
intellectual or emotional disabilities or lack education; who has normal vision, hearing, and
language capabilities; and who still cannot learn to read, write, or compute? One explana-
tion is that the child has a learning disability. There is no fully accepted definition, but most
agree that children with learning disabilities perform significantly below what would be ex-
pected, given their other abilities. The National Institutes of Health, National Institute of
Neurological Disorders and Stroke (NINDS, 2009) gives the following definition:
Learning disabilities are disorders that affect the ability to understand or use spo-
ken or written language, do mathematical calculations, coordinate movements,
or direct attention. Although learning disabilities occur in very young children,
the disorders usually are not recognized until the child reaches school age. Re-
search shows that 8 to 10 percent of American children under 18 years of age
have some type of learning disability.
Some educators and psychologists believe the learning disability label is overused and
abused. But there is evidence from brain imaging studies that at least some specific reading
disabilities, including dyslexia—phonological processing problems with breaking words into
letters and corresponding sounds—are neurobiological in origin (Shaywitz & Shaywitz, 2005).
Children with learning disabilities are not all alike. The most common characteristics
are specific difficulties in one or more academic areas; poor fine motor coordination; prob-
lems paying attention; hyperactivity and impulsivity; problems organizing and interpreting
visual and auditory information; disorders of thinking, memory, speech, and hearing; and dif-
ficulties making and keeping friends (Hallahan, Lloyd, Kauffman, Weiss, & Martinez, 2005;
Smith & Tyler, 2010). The writing of some children with learning disabilities is virtually un-
readable, and their spoken language can be halting and disorganized. As you can see, many
students with other disabilities (such as attention deficit disorder) and many normal students
may have some of the same characteristics. To complicate the situation even more, these
students may be well below average in some academic areas, but average or strong in others.
Table 9.10 lists some of the most common problems and characteristics, although
these problems are not always signs of learning disabilities. Most students with learning
disabilities have difficulties reading. These difficulties appear to be due to problems with
relating sounds to letters that make up words, making spelling hard as well (Stanovich, 1994;
Willicut et al., 2001). Math, both computation and problem solving, is the second most com-
mon problem for children with learning disabilities.
Early diagnosis is important so that children with learning disabilities do not become
terribly frustrated and discouraged or develop bad habits in an attempt to compensate. The
children themselves do not understand why they are having such trouble, and they may be-
come victims of learned helplessness (Seligman, 1975), in which they come to believe that
they cannot control or improve their own learning. This is a powerful belief. The children
never exert the effort to discover that they can make a difference in their own learning, so
they remain passive and helpless.
250
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

There is controversy over how best to help these students. In teaching reading, a com-
bination of teaching letter-sound (phonological) knowledge and word identification strategies
appears to be effective. Maureen Lovett and her colleagues (2000) in Canada taught students
with severe reading disabilities to use the four different word identification strategies: (1) word
identification by analogy, (2) seeking the part of the word that you know, (3) attempting
different vowel pronunciations, and (4) “peeling off” prefixes and suffixes in a multisyllabic
word. Teachers worked one on one with the students so they could learn and practice these
four strategies; analyze word sounds; and blend sounds into words (phonological knowledge).
Direct teaching of skills and strategies is especially important for students with reading dis-
abilities. See the Connecting with Children guidelines for some suggestions.

TABLE 9.10 • Common Characteristics of Learning Disabilities

ACADEMIC SOCIAL BEHAVIORAL STYLE

Unexpected underachievement Immature Inattentive

Resistant to treatment Socially unacceptable Distractible

Difficult to teach Misinterprets social an nonverbal cues Hyperactive

Inability to solve problems Makes poor decisions Impulsive

Uneven academic abilities Victimized Poorly coordinated

Inactive learning style Unable to predict social consequences Disorganized

Poor basic language skills Unable to follow social conventions (manners) Unmotivated

Poor basic reading and decoding skills Rejected Dependent

Inefficient information processing abilities Naive

Inability to generalize Shy, withdrawn, insecure

Source: Smith & Tyler, Introduction to Special Education, Table 5.2 “Characteristics of Learning Disabilities” p. 163, © 2010 by Pearson Education, Inc.
Reproduced by permission of Pearson Education, Inc.

CONNECTING WITH CHILDREN

Guidelines for Teachers: Teaching Children with Learning Disabilities
Provide structure and a standard set of expectations. Give plenty of feedback and reinforcement for success.
Examples Examples
1. Establish schedules and rules for academic and social 1. Catch the student being good or productive—say
activities and tasks—be consistent. something positive.
2. Help students develop and practice organizational 2. Focus on improvement and personal best.
skills—assignment and “to do” lists, dividers for folders,
color-coding, etc. Make tasks more interesting.
Examples
Adjust instructional materials and activities. 1. Incorporate novelty and stimulate curiosity—use
Examples different formats and types of materials.
1. Match assignments and materials to students’ reading 2. Encourage students to work together.
levels—supplement with learning aids such as computer
resources.
Source: Adapted from D. D. Smith & N. C. Tyler (2010). Introduction
2. Break larger tasks into smaller chunks.
to special education: Making a difference. Columbus, OH:
3. Give support—assign a tutor or allow more time or a Merrill. p. 180.
different format on tests.

251
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

Culturally Relevant Pedagogy

Several researchers have focused on teachers who are especially successful with students of
color and students in poverty (Delpit, 1995; Ladson-Billings, 1994, 1995; Moll, Amanti, Neff,
& Gonzalez, 1992; Pressley, Raphael, Gallagher, & DiBella, 2004; Siddle Walker, 2001). The
work of Gloria Ladson-Billings (1992, 1995) is a good example. For three years, she studied
excellent teachers in a California school district that served an African American commu-
nity. In order to select the teachers, she asked parents and principals for nominations, then
examined in depth 8 of the 9 teachers who were nominated by both parents and principals.
Based on her research, Ladson-Billings developed a conception of teaching excellence. She
uses the term culturally relevant pedagogy to describe teaching that rests on three propositions.
STUDENTS MUST EXPERIENCE ACADEMIC SUCCESS. No matter what the barriers, students
must develop academic skills because “all students need literacy, numeracy, technological,
social, and political skills in order to be active participants in a democracy” (Ladson-Billings,
1995, p. 160).

STUDENTS MUST DEVELOP/MAINTAIN THEIR CULTURAL COMPETENCE. As they become

more academically skilled, students still retain their cultural competence. “Culturally rele-
vant teachers utilize students’culture as a vehicle for learning”(Ladson-Billings, 1995, p. 161).
For example, one teacher brought in a community expert known for her sweet potato pies
to work with students. Follow-up lessons included investigations of George Washington
Carver’s sweet potato research, numerical analyses of taste tests, marketing plans for selling
pies, and research on the educational preparation needed to become a chef.

STUDENTS MUST DEVELOP A CRITICAL CONSCIOUSNESS TO CHALLENGE THE STATUS

QUO. In addition to developing academic skills while retaining cultural competence, ex-
cellent teachers help students “critique the social norms, values, mores, and institutions
that produce and maintain social inequities”(Ladson-Billings, 1995, p. 162). For example, in
one school students were upset that their textbooks were out of date. They mobilized to
investigate the funding formulas that allowed middle-class students to have newer books,
wrote letters to the newspaper editor to challenge these inequities, and updated their texts
with current information from other sources.
Lisa Delpit (2003) describes three steps for teaching students of color that are consistent
with culturally relevant pedagogy: (1) Teachers must be convinced of the inherent intellec-
tual capability, humanity, and spiritual character of their students—they must believe in the
children. When scores are low, the fault is not in the students but in their education. (2) Teach-
ers must fight the foolishness that test scores or scripted lessons make for good learning. Suc-
cessful instruction is “constant, rigorous, integrated across disciplines, connected to students’
lived cultures, connected to their intellectual legacies, engaging, and designed for critical
thinking and problem solving that is useful beyond the classroom”(p. 18). (3) Teachers must
learn who their children are and the legacies they bring. Then students can explore their own
intellectual legacies and understand the important reasons for academic, social, physical, and
moral excellence—not just to “get a job” but also “for our community, for your ancestors, for
your descendents”(p. 19). When Pressley and colleagues (2004) did a case study of a very suc-
cessful K–12 school for African American children, they found similar characteristics of
schools and teachers, as you can see in Table 9.11 on the next page.

CHILDREN IN A DIGITAL WORLD

When children enter school, they may encounter a new world of digital technology, or
they may simply find much of the same technology they grew up with at home.
Televisions can be found in almost every home and cell phones are common, but what about
computers and Internet access? Even though access to computers and the Internet is in-
creasing every year, people who are younger, have high incomes, are Asians and Whites,
highly educated, and employed tend to have higher rates of broadband use at home. People
with low incomes, seniors, minorities, the less-educated, and the unemployed tend to lag be-
hind other groups in home broadband use. In fact, over 35% of the people living in the United
States do not use the Internet at home and 30% don’t use it anywhere (Strickling & Gomez,
252
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

TABLE 9.11 • Research-Based Characteristics of Schools and Teachers Associated with Academic
Achievement for African American Students

CHARACTERISTICS OF
CHARACTERISTICS OF SCHOOLS EFFECTIVE TEACHING OTHER CHARACTERISTICS

Strong administrative leadership Dedicated teachers who are accountable Much total academic time: A very long
to produce results functional school day/week, including
before-school-hours to after-school-hours
interactions and tutoring, good use of
almost every minute of every class hour,
and summer school for students who
need it

Frequent evaluation of student progress Much teacher scaffolding, encouraging Students who help one another with
student self-regulation academics

Emphasis on academics Curriculum and instruction emphasizing Strong family–school connections

understanding

Safe and orderly environment Mentoring, especially with regard to Donors and visibly supportive, successful
college admissions alumni

High expectations for student Intentional, massive, and frequent Motivational mechanisms not often
achievement including selective attempts to motivate students, including encountered in schools:
recruitment/retention of students, use of the following mechanisms: Extreme community celebrations of
with the school weeding out students Positive expectations academic achievements
who are not using the opportunity Visible care by teachers and Encouragement of a possible self as
well in favor of students who will (i.e., administrators college graduate and successful
weeding out misbehaving students, Praise of specific accomplishments professional, discouragement of
students not meeting academic Generally positive atmosphere negative possible selves
standards) Encouragement of effort attributions Development of informed pride
Cooperative learning experiences in African American heritage
Tangible rewards for achievements and life

Excellent classroom management in Teachers who provide strong instructional Many extracurricular and curricular-
most classrooms, resulting in a high supports for academic achievement (e.g., enrichment activities—almost all
proportion of academic time on task study guides, test expectations made academically oriented or intended to
apparent, informative, feedback on increase commitment to academic
homework and before exams) pursuits

An attractive school building loaded with

resources to support academic pursuits

Source: Adapted from Pressley, Rahael, DiBella, & Gallagher, 2004, pp. 234–235.

2010), as you can see in Figure 9.5. This split in access to technology has been called the
digital divide. Let’s examine the effects of technology use at home and in school on cognitive
development during middle childhood, with the digital divide in mind.
HomeNetToo was a longitudinal study that addressed the digital divide and examined the
effects of home Internet use on children in low-income families in the United States ( Jackson
et al., 2006). The participants—mostly African American boys, ages 10–18, in single-parent
homes—got a computer, Internet access, and in-home technical support for 16 months. Their
computer use was monitored, and all participants completed surveys and interviews along the
way. The families got to keep the computers after the project and the researchers helped them
find low-cost Internet service. Compared to children who used the Internet less, participants
who used it more had higher school GPAs and higher scores on standardized reading tests at the
end of the project.

Learning and Computers

Does computer use support academic learning? The answer is complex and even surprising.
One review concluded that using computer tutorial programs appeared to improve achievement
253
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

FIGURE 9.5

PERCENT OF PEOPLE OVER 3 USING BROADBAND IN THEIR HOMES

Family income still is a major factor in computer and broadband access in the United States.

100
Oct. 2007 88.7
84.9
Oct. 2009
78.7
80
Percent of All Persons Ages 3+

82.4
70.0
75.5
58.7 68.1
60

45.0 56.8

40 35.2
42.6
29.2
33.2
20 24.2
18.6

0
,000 24,9
99
34,9
99
49,9
99
74,9
99
99,9
99
149,
000 ,000
+
>$15 000– 000– 000– 000– 000– 000– $150
$15, $25, $35, $50, $75, $1 0 0 ,
Family Income

Source: Strickling, L. E., & Gomez, A. (2010). Digital nation: 21st century America’s progress toward universal broadband Internet access.
Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Commerce National Telecommunications and Information Administration, p. 5.

test scores for K–12 students, but simulations and enrichment programs had few effects—
perhaps another example that when you teach and test specific skills, children learn the skills.
Computers are more likely to increase achievement if they support the basic processes that
lead to learning: active engagement, frequent interaction with feedback, authenticity and real
world connection, and productive group work (Jackson et al., 2006; Roschelle, Pea, Hoadley,
Gordon, & Means, 2000). Like any teaching tool, computers can be effective if used well, but
just being on a computer will not automatically increase academic achievement.
Government and international surveys have found that home computer availability is
a strong predictor of academic achievement in math and science, but these studies have not
separated home computer usage from socioeconomic status, so it is difficult to say if com-
puters alone make a difference. Many other resources come with higher SES (Jackson et al.,
2006; Mullis, Martin, & Foy, 2009; TIMSS, 2008). In terms of reading, home computer access
is associated with higher achievement, even when family income is taken in to account
(Atwell, 2000). Some of the advantage for reading, at least for children with Internet access,
may be the result of the reading practice that comes with using the Web—skills that are
practiced generally improve and using the Internet requires reading. In the homes with In-
ternet access, children’s usage estimates vary from one hour a day to only about 3 hours per
week. The most common use of the Internet appears to be searching for information for
school projects, followed by communication with friends (girls tend to communicate with
friends more than boys), but these numbers generally are based on self-report. We are not
sure exactly how children are using the Internet (Jackson et al., 2006).

Children’s Understandings of Computers and the Internet

As relatively recent, complex technologies, computers and the Internet present challenges
to children’s understanding. Unlike most of the hands-on toys and tools in a child’s world,
these technologies are more virtual than visible. But to use the Internet for school research
or to protect themselves from child predators, children must understand something about
the technical features of the Internet (keywords for searches, bookmaking, judging quality
254
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

of sites, etc.) and the complex openness of the social networks (bad people can pretend,
lie, and intercept messages; not all e-mails are safe, etc.) (Yan, 2006).
To study understanding of the technical complexity of the Internet, Yan (2006) asked
children in grades 4 through 8 questions such as: What is the Internet? How big is it? How
many computers are on it? How do you know that? If you stood a long distance from the
Internet, what would it look like? To explore their understanding of social complexity, Yan
asked: What kinds of things can you do on the Internet? What good things can happen
when you use e-mail? When you visit websites? What bad things can happen? Do you have
to be careful when you e-mail or visit websites?
Yan concluded that children’s understandings of the technical and social complexity of the
Internet increased with age, but social understanding lagged behind technical comprehension.
By grades 5 or 6, children had an adult level of understanding of Internet technical complexity.
This understanding moved from the younger children’s concrete sense based on appearances
(see drawing (a) in Figure 9.6) to a conceptualization that matches the scientific picture of in-
terconnected computers (drawing (d) in Figure 9.6). For social complexity, it was not until the
seventh or eighth grade that children’s understandings matched those of adults. In fact, children
seemed to need a better understanding of the technical complexity of the Internet before they
could grasp the many good and bad social connections that could take place. Age, not attending
classes or hours of computer use, was associated with technical understanding of the Internet,
but classes did help children cope with social dangers on the Web.

FIGURE 9.6

HOW CHILDREN OF DIFFERENT AGES UNDERSTAND THE INTERNET

Four student’s drawings of the Internet from Yan (2006) that show (a) a minimal level of understanding
of the technical complexity of the Internet, (b) a partial level of understanding of the technical
complexity of the Internet, (c) a sophisticated level of understanding of the technical complexity of
the Internet, and (d) a scientific level of understanding of the technical complexity of the Internet.

Source: From What Influences Children’s and Adolescents’ Understanding of the Complexity of the
Internet? by Zheng Yan. Developmental Psychology, 42(3), pp. 418–428. Copyright 2006 by the American
Psychological Association. Reprinted with permission.
255
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

Media/Digital Literacy
With the advent of digital media comes a new concern with literacy—media or digital lit-
eracy. Today, to be literate—that is to be able to read, write, and communicate—children
have to read and write in many media, not just printed words. Media literacy generally is de-
fined as the ability to access, analyze, evaluate, and communicate messages in many differ-
ent modes of media. Films, videos, DVDs, computers, games, Web pages, photographs,
artwork, magazines, music, television, billboards, and more communicate with images and
sounds. How do children read these messages? This is an emerging area of research and
application in developmental psychology (Hobbs, 2004).
As an example of practice, consider Project Look Sharp at Ithaca College, directed by
Cynthia Scheibe, a developmental psychologist (http://www.ithaca.edu/looksharp/). The goal
of the project is to provide materials, training, and support as teachers integrate media literacy
and critical thinking about media into their class lessons. Teachers participating in the project
help their students become critical readers of media. One group of elementary school students
studied ants in science, then viewed the animated film, Antz. In the discussion after the movie,
students were challenged to describe what was accurate and inaccurate in the film’s portrayal
of ants. What were the messages of the film? How was product placement (e.g., an ant drinking
a bottle of Pepsi) used? Tests immediately and 6 months later indicated that the children per-
formed best on the questions related to the discussion about the accuracy of the film (Scheibe,
2004). Project Look Sharp suggests the following questions to guide discussion of media:
1.Who made—and who sponsored—this message, and what is their purpose?
2.Who is the target audience, and how is the message specifically tailored to that audience?
3.What are the different techniques used to inform, persuade, entertain, and attract attention?
4.What messages are communicated (and/or implied) about certain people, places,
events, behaviors, lifestyles, and so forth?
5. How current, accurate, and credible is the information in this message?
6. What is left out of the message that might be good to know? (p. 63)
The Connecting with Children guidelines give more ideas from Scheibe and Rogow
(2004) for supporting the development of media literacy in children.

CONNECTING WITH CHILDREN

Guidelines for Families and Teachers: Supporting Media Literacy
Identity erroneous beliefs about a topic fostered by Develop an awareness of credibility and bias in media.
media content. Examples
Examples 1. Ask students how voice tone, background music, editing
1. Ask if tarantulas are deadly. Where did that idea come of video clips, or facial expressions are used to bias a
from? message.
2. Question how statistics are used. Are the sources 2. Help children distinguish between fiction and nonfiction.
presented? Are charts drawn to make the results look
more dramatic? Compare different ways that different media sources
present information about a topic.
Use media to practice general observation skills Examples
Examples 1. Use the 6 questions above to discuss a story about the
1. Have children watch advertisements on television and events of 9-11 presented by television news, a news
ask them to identify characteristics of the spokesperson magazine, and a film such as World Trade Center.
that are meant to persuade or impress (e.g., the cool 2. Have children research how a news story is covered in
Mac guy and the nerdy PC guy; the well dressed other countries using the Internet.
cell-phone users, the beautiful car owners).
2. Ask children to look for specific details when they watch These are taken from Scheibe and Rogow, 2004. For more ideas,
a movie or video, and then talk about them afterward. see: http://www.ithaca.edu/looksharp/resources_12principles.php

256
 SUMMARY AND KEY TERMS
• Continuing Language Development school years is the growth of knowl-
By the end of kindergarten, healthy children without major lan- edge about the world. Older children
guage challenges will understand and use most of the essential remember more than younger chil-
words in their language. But the more complicated forms such dren in part because they know more
as the passive voice take longer to master. School-age children about the world, and this knowledge scaffolds remembering.
continue to learn words and phrases by fast mapping, about Children’s knowledge develops in specific domains such as num-
10 words a day between the ages of 1 and 18. With school come bers and science. During this time children also develop theories
powerful new influences—direct teaching of vocabulary and the of intelligence. Young children tend to hold an exclusively incre-
written word. But at every age, children from lower SES homes mental view of ability. Children are age 11 or 12 before they can
tend to know only half as many words as children of the same differentiate among effort, ability, and performance.
age from higher SES homes. Children organize words by chunk-
ing and the syntagmatic-paradigmatic shift. During the middle • Intelligence and Intelligence Testing
years, children show dramatic changes in their pragmatic skills, Fluid cognition, all-purpose cognitive processing that involves
having conversations, telling stories, and generally fitting their holding and working with verbal and visual information in
language to the situation. The narratives of middle childhood working memory in order to plan and move toward goals, is an
have main characters, settings, and plots. Around the age of important aspect of intelligence. But psychologists disagree
5, children begin to develop metalinguistic awareness. Many whether intelligence is one ability or several. Two key abilities
children in the middle years speak a dialect, second language in are fluid intelligence (mental efficiency and reasoning ability)
addition to their heritage language, or a signed language. All of and crystallized intelligence (the ability to apply the problem-
these language variations are complex and rule governed. solving methods appropriate in your cultural context). A widely
accepted view is that intelligence has many facets and is a hi-
• Piaget and Vygotsky erarchy of abilities, with general ability at the top and more
The basic characteristics of Piaget’s stage of concrete opera- specific abilities at lower levels of the hierarchy. According to
tions are the recognition of the logical stability of the physical Gardner’s theory of multiple intelligences, there are at least
world, the realization that elements can be changed or trans- eight separate intelligences: linguistic (verbal), musical, spatial,
formed and still conserve many of their original characteristics, logical-mathematical, bodily-kinesthetic (movement), inter-
and the understanding that these changes can be reversed. personal (understanding others), intrapersonal (understanding
Children are able to reason using identity, compensation, self), and naturalist (observing and understanding natural and
reversibility, classification, and seriation, but reasoning using human-made patterns and systems). Sternberg defines suc-
hypothetical thinking is still difficult. Vygotsky believed that cessful intelligence as the skills and knowledge needed for suc-
development and learning progress when children grapple cess in life. Intelligence is measured with individual tests such
with problems in their zone of proximal development, the area as the Stanford-Binet, WISC-IV, and KABC-II. Individual tests
between their current development level—where the child can are more valid and reliable than group tests. In interpreting
solve problems independently—and the level of development IQ test scores, we need to be cautious that there are no
that the child could achieve with support from others. In this assessment biases and that tests are appropriate for the lan-
zone, assisted learning, instructional conversations, and build- guage and culture of the test takers. Many factors influence
ing on children’s funds of knowledge move thinking forward. performance on intelligence tests: genetics interacting with
environment, family and neighborhood factors, schooling, and
• Information Processing and Memory: Developing the culture’s definition of intelligence. In addition, IQ scores have
Cognitive Processes been increasing over the past several generations. Children
During the middle years, children continue to develop in their with intellectual disabilities and children with intellectual gifts
abilities to focus attention selectively on relevant information, ig- and talents both require supportive and appropriate teaching.
nore irrelevant information, and use strategies to plan the best
use of attention. In the middle years, some children are diag- • The Child in School
nosed with attention deficit disorders. Working memory expands Recent international comparisons of achievement around the
with age because of increases in processing speed, metacogni- world have caused many countries, including the United States
tion, and improvements of strategy use. Around age 6, most chil- and Canada, to increase accountability testing in their schools.
dren discover the value of using organizational strategies to Many factors affect children’s performance in school including
remember, and by 9 or 10, they use these strategies sponta- literacy and number skills, motor and social skills, persistence,
neously. Like young children, children in the middle years tend to attention, motivation, positive responses to instruction, and
be more accurate when they are interviewed in unbiased ways cooperative interactions with peers. Children who developed
without suggestive questions. In addition, older children are bet- these competencies are in a position to respond with resilience
ter than younger children at identifying the source of a memory, to the challenges of school. When parents have more educa-
so they can separate what happened in a specific situation from tion themselves and higher expectations for their children’s
what generally happens in similar situations. In the middle years, education, they structure the home environment and their own
metacognition improves cognitive performance and metacogni- interactions with their children to support the child’s achieve-
tion also is improved as we learn from our cognitive perform- ment in school. Children from higher socioeconomic (SES)
ances. One of the major cognitive developments during the families show higher average levels of achievement on test

257
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

scores and stay in school longer than children from lower SES same technology they grew up with at home. People with low
families. Material hardships; dangerous, unhealthy, or unstable incomes, seniors, minorities, the less-educated, and the un-
housing; insecurity about getting enough food; general finan- employed tend to lag behind other groups in home broad-
cial trouble; family stress and instability; interruptions in school- band use. Like any teaching tool, computers can be effective if
ing; overcrowding; homelessness; discrimination and tracking used well, but just being on a computer will not automatically
in school; and lower quality school resources can lead to school increase academic achievement. Government and interna-
failures. Poor children have less access to books, computers, tional surveys have found that home computer availability is a
high-quality day care, libraries, trips, and museums. Teaching strong predictor of academic achievement in math and science,
also matters. Measures of teacher preparation and certification but these studies have not separated home computer usage
were by far the strongest predictors of student achievement in from socioeconomic status, so it is difficult to say if computers
reading and mathematics, both before and after controlling for alone make a difference. Children’s understandings of the
student poverty and English language proficiency. Children technical and social complexity of the Internet increased with
with ADHD and/or learning disabilities require careful diagno- age, but social understanding lagged behind technical
sis and appropriate teaching. Research also has identified ef- comprehension. By grades 5 or 6, children had an adult level
fective ways of teaching students from different ethnic and of understanding of Internet technical complexity. With the ad-
cultural groups—called culturally relevant pedagogy. vent of digital media comes a new concern with literacy—
media or digital literacy. Today, to be literate—that is, to be able
• Children in a Digital World to read, write, and communicate—children have to read and
When children enter school, they may encounter a new world write in many media, not just printed words. Today children
of digital technology, or they may simply find much of the need to learn to be safe and savvy when using technology.

 KEY TERMS
assessment bias English Language Learners learned helplessness
attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder (ELLs) learning disability
(ADHD) entity view of ability metacognition
automaticity fluid cognition metalinguistic awareness
central executive fluid intelligence mnemonics
classification Flynn effect mutualism
code-switching funds of knowledge phonological loop
compensation g (general intelligence) pragmatics
concrete operations genderlects reversibility
conjunctives gifted children seriation
conservation heritage language syntagmatic-paradigmatic
crystallized intelligence identity shift
culturally relevant pedagogy incremental view of ability theory of multiple intelligences
culture-fair/culture-free test insight transition and functional skills
deviation IQ instructional conversation triarchic theory of successful
dialect intellectual disabilities intelligence
digital divide intelligence visual sketchpad
disjunctives keyword method zone of proximal development

 The Casebook
DECISIONS ABOUT INTELLIGENCE TESTING
This is not your favorite time of year. As the only counselor in for the gifted program) if she had continued in music class.
the middle school, you have come to almost dread the arrival Several other parents have found an online IQ test, given it to
of “the scores.” Last week, the school sent out results of the their child, and now want the school to admit their children to
placement test that determines who is eligible for the highly the gifted program based on the higher online test results. A
regarded, but selective, gifted and talented program. All stu- few of the wealthier parents have hired a psychologist to ad-
dents in the school had taken the standardized, paper-and- minister an individual test and want those results used for the
pencil, group-administered test to determine if they met the admission requirement. Also troubling is your meeting with a
selection criteria of an IQ score of 130 or higher. Again this girl who was selected for the program, but refuses to be a part
year, the calls, e-mails, and notes are flooding in. Some parents of it because her best friends were not selected, and she says,
want to meet with you to talk about their child’s scores, and es- “I’m not really that smart.” And today, another possible prob-
pecially, as one father put it, “To tell you how smart Jason re- lem caught your eye. As you look down the list, there are very
ally is.” One mother is incensed because the school cut back few students of color and virtually no children of recent immi-
on the music program. She had read an article claiming that grants. Maybe this whole process is flawed, but the gifted pro-
music lessons raise IQ scores and now is sure that her daugh- gram is admired all over the district. You look at phone
ter would have scored better on the test (and been selected messages and e-mails and wonder where to start.
258
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

WHAT WOULD THEY DO?

Here is how some professionals in several fields responded: AMANDA BOSDECK—8th Grade Math and Science
West De Pere Middle School, De Pere, Wisconsin
TRACY MACDONALD—School Counselor
Chesapeake Bay Middle School, Pasadena, Maryland Intelligence testing seems to provoke some controversy, espe-
cially among typically sensitive parents. Students may be gifted in
Hosting a parent night, prior to the administration of the test,
a specific area that would contribute to a high IQ score, but may
would provide an opportunity for parents to see a presentation
have scored much lower in another area. Some can even test at
that explains the kinds of questions on the test and how the test
genius level, but would be unable to apply their knowledge to
is scored. Further, breaking down all of the numbers and using
real-life situations. One single test is not enough to measure a stu-
common language helps parents understand those results in a
dent’s overall ability. Standardized testing is great in theory, but
meaningful way. It is also important to effectively communicate to
because schools are diverse, there are other factors that can skew
the teachers who make these recommendations that a single test
the scores. Some students perform better while having tests read
score should never be used as the sole criterion to make decisions
to them, whereas others might perform better being in a room
that affect a child’s education. In addition to test scores, grades,
alone, etc. Children may ask to be left out of a gifted program be-
academic attitude, and teacher/parent observations should all be
cause their friends will not be part of the class or they do not want
evaluated before making recommendations to any program.
a label of the “smart” kid. Kids can develop low self-esteem when
Intelligence is more than just one test score on an IQ
labeled and that can contribute to a lack of confidence in their
exam. There are multiple forms of intelligence and multiple ways
abilities. Various measurements such as utilizing a combination of
of determining if a student has potential. As a leader in the
computer tests, standard written tests, and teacher observations
school, the school counselor should voice concerns to the ad-
would be appropriate for determining placement in such pro-
ministration and teachers about the underrepresentation of mi-
grams. Using multiple resources for placement could in effect al-
nority students on the Gifted and Talented recommendation list.
leviate some of the issues the counselor is facing and more
The school counselor should advocate on behalf of all the stu-
thoroughly assess the intelligence of each individual student.
dents and request that the teachers take a second look at the
lists to identify students of color to be added. Teachers should LOU DE LAURO—5th Grade Reading, Language Arts,
be encouraged to go back and evaluate each student using the and Social Studies
multiple forms of data to make sure they are extending oppor- John P. Faber School, Dunellen, New Jersey
tunities to students with culturally diverse backgrounds. As a former gifted and talented specialist, I feel strongly that
JUDY S. PIEPER—Language Arts, Art, and Religion; Grades 6–8 first students should be self-selected for gifted programs. Sur-
Holy Trinity Junior High, Newport, Kentucky veys should be given to students to determine their interest in
a gifted and talented program and to see if they feel they have
As a nonsupporter of “standardized” testing in its current for-
a special gift. Questions might ask students if they seek more
mats, I have been grieving over the present educational focus
challenges in school or about their specific areas of expertise.
on scores. There are so many variables to consider with formal
Then self-selected students might qualify with a test score or a
testing, that it should NEVER be the basis for stereotyping or
recommendation by a teacher. Once students express interest,
placing students. Classroom interaction and observation re-
only then I would use criteria for placement into the program.
main the best weight for assessing a child’s ability and his or her
Do I feel one IQ test can determine who is selected and
willingness to capitalize on it. A school that offers a gifted “pro-
who is overlooked? No. In my opinion schools should consider
gram” creates labels for both students and parents to quarrel
self-selection, then consider IQ tests, other standardized tests,
over, and may exclude those with disabilities, ethnic, cultural or
teacher recommendation, and prodigal talent. All of this infor-
religious traditions not evidenced in a paper and pencil test.
mation will need to be charted and explained to parents who
The best way for a school to offer ALL students the oppor-
have complaints.
tunity to use their individual talents, which are unique “gifts,” is
These complaining parents who are seeking a spot in the
to stop the sorting and offer a variety of interesting programs
gifted program for their child will need to accept the selection
and extracurriculars such as academic teams, choir, playing an
process. They can petition to change the process for the fol-
instrument at an assembly or religious ceremony; making
lowing year, if they feel strongly that their child was overlooked,
posters, murals and banners for the school; reading to or tutor-
but they will have to respect whatever criteria is in place.
ing a younger student; preparing and publishing a school or
class newspaper; creating a yearbook or photo memory book;
playing a sport; preparing an entry for a community poster or art
contest; making a slide show or PowerPoint for video CDs or Now go to MyEducationLab at www.myeducationlab.com,
DVDs; performing in a play or skit; assisting in school and com- where you can:
munity service projects; participating in science fairs; performing • Find the instructional objectives for this chapter in the Study
storytelling; presenting oral speeches or giving a class presenta- Plan.
tion; making a creative depiction about a book; participating in • Take a quiz as a part of the Study Plan to self-assess your mas-
an after school reading or chess club, or leading through student tery of chapter content. The program generates an individu-
councils and committees. The list of possibilities can be as ex- alized Study Plan based upon your answers to the quiz.
pansive as are the students’ desires. I have been to schools that • Complete Activities and Applications to assist you in deep-
have bug clubs, fishing clubs, cave clubs, language clubs, and ening your understanding of important chapter concepts.
even video game clubs. The bottom line is the more ways a • Apply what you have learned through Building Teaching
school can offer EVERY child a chance to experience and find his Skills, exercises that guide you in trying out skills and strate-
gies you will use in professional practice.
or her niche, the better that school’s enrollment will be.
259
260
 Social Emotional
Development
IN Middle
Childhood

From Chapter 10 of Child and Adolescent Development, 1/e. Anita Woolfolk. Nancy E. Perry.
Copyright © 2012 by Pearson Education. All rights reserved.
261
 Social Emotional
Development
IN Middle
Childhood
 THE CA SEBOOK

WHAT WOULD YOU DO?

COACHING CHILDREN—AND PARENTS—ON THE
SOCCER FIELD
Jeanie pulled into a parking space at the local soccer field and reached for her
latte. It was Saturday morning and she wished she could say she was looking
forward to meeting her commitment to the community—she had signed on as
director of recreation for children and youth in the small town where she grew up.
She had such fond memories of playing baseball and soccer when she was a kid,
but things were quite different now. The coaches and parents took the whole
thing so seriously. They put so much pressure on the kids to win, yelling at them
from the sidelines, reprimanding them when they came off the field. It was
becoming difficult to find referees because the parents and coaches harassed
them so much about their calls. It was embarrassing to watch; and of greater
concern was seeing how it affected the children. Some claimed they were “no
good” at soccer. Others were beginning to bully teammates who never scored a
goal. “They’re only eight years old,” thought Jeanie. “Shouldn’t the focus be on
fun, learning some skills (e.g., being a team player), and doing the best you
can?” Jeanie wondered how she should handle this problem. As she walked onto
the field, she wondered if anyone had written a book on the etiquette of
watching from the sidelines.

262
Alannah H., Age 10—USA

CRITICAL THINKING
• How would you respond to Jeanie’s query about how an overly competitive
context could affect school-age children, both in the short and the long term?
• What is the role of a recreation director in this situation? How might people in
leadership roles approach parents, coaches, and players to change the overall
tone of the game?

 OVERVIEW AND OBJECTIVES

During middle childhood, when children are 6 to 12 years old, their social worlds expand beyond
family and immediate caregivers to include teachers, coaches, club leaders, peers, and friends. They
begin to direct their energies toward accomplishing a wide variety of goals—some they set for
themselves, others are valued and imposed by society and caregivers. Historically and cross-culturally,
the period when children are 5 to 7 or 8 years old has been considered a turning point. Children are
given more responsibility at this time, and they begin acquiring work habits and social skills that will
help them function successfully throughout their lives (Davies, 2004). At the same time, children are
learning to reason about and perceive themselves and their world more realistically. In this chapter
we will examine how these changes affect children’s self and moral development. Also, we will look
at how children’s friendships and relationships with family change as they enter school and engage
with more people in activities outside the home. Finally, we will examine some challenges for children
in their middle years. By the time you finish this chapter you should be able to:

Objective 10.1 Distinguish self-esteem from self-concept and describe some major sources of
influence on children’s development of self-esteem in middle childhood.
263
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

Objective 10.2 Summarize some major changes in children’s moral reasoning during middle
childhood.
Objective 10.3 Provide examples of different types of aggression and list steps adults can take to
curb aggression and bullying in schools and communities.
Objective 10.4 Explain how parents’ and teachers’ interactions with boys and girls might influence
their gender identity and self-esteem.
Objective 10.5 Describe the role of peers and friends in children’s lives during the middle years.
Objective 10.6 Explain how children’s relationships with parents and siblings change from early to
middle childhood.
Objective 10.7 Provide examples of how teacher–student relationships can affect children’s school
adjustment and academic success.
Objective 10.8 Describe the impact fear and stress can have on children’s lives.

MOVING BEYOND BASIC NEEDS

Erikson (1950) claimed the personality changes observed during middle childhood reflect the latency
stage in Freud’s psychoanalytic theory. This stage is characterized by children’s focus on pursuing
knowledge and other intellectual and social exercises rather than meeting basic biological needs
(Salkind, 2004). At this age, cultural expectations take precedence over other needs, and the ability to
master certain skills is paramount. Children are becoming aware of their capacity to work and learn
skills by practicing. Also, their perceptions of competence and self-worth are developing through com-
parisons with peers (Davies, 2004; Stone, Barber, & Eccles, 2008).
Erikson referred to this drive for mastery as the period of industry. Children who successfully master
valued skills are industrious, and industriousness leads to feelings of competence and self-satisfaction
(Salkind, 2004). However, the conflict at this age is one of industry versus inferiority. When children
struggle to master valued skills, or are unsuccessful, they are at risk for developing feelings of inferiority
and low self-worth. In general, when conditions surrounding children support their development of
needed skills (e.g., good relationships with parents and teachers, adequate resources at home and
school), they are likely to develop the industriousness that leads to competence and feelings of self-
worth. When children’s early years are filled with positive, supportive, and successful experiences, they
are ready to meet the challenges of middle childhood. They are ready to
OUTLINE  learn, make friends, and participate safely and appropriately in their social
world more independently than was previously possible. In contrast, social
The Casebook—Coaching Children— conditions that fail to support children’s acquisition of skills that are valued
and Parents—on the Soccer Field: and necessary encourage feelings of inferiority and diminish children’s con-
What Would You Do? fidence in their ability to do anything well (Davies, 2004; Salkind, 2004).
Overview and Objectives Industry, as Erikson framed it, reflects developments in self-concept,
self-esteem, and self-regulation during middle childhood. Let’s look at how
Moving Beyond Basic Needs
these aspects of self develop during these years.
My Peers and Me
Knowing and Doing the Right Thing MY PEERS AND ME
Gender Development During middle childhood, the psychological self becomes more complex
Peer Relationships
and differentiated than it was in the early years. Children describe them-
selves using more abstract, psychological terms (e.g., smart, well-
Families behaved, friendly); they are more aware of how they compare to others
School like them (their peers); and they begin to speculate about the causes of
those differences and about their personal strengths and weaknesses.
Challenges for Children
Summary and Key Terms Self-Concept
The Casebook––Coaching Children–– Self-concept is a composite of the beliefs and attitudes we have
and Parents––on the Soccer about ourselves. In Piaget’s terms, self-concept is a scheme that
Field: What Would They Do? organizes what we know and feel about ourselves (e.g., “I am

264
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

a good student.” “I am popular.” “I am not very athletic.”). This scheme or model of self is
malleable; our self-concept can vary from situation to situation and from one phase of our
lives to another.
During middle childhood, children’s self-perceptions become much more refined and
realistic than they were in the early years. Whereas very young children tend to rate them-
selves highly regardless of the task or their actual performance on it, school-age children be-
gin to recognize and acknowledge their strengths and limitations in relation to the standards
set for particular tasks and domains of activity, and in comparison to others who engage in
the same tasks and activities. In this way, children’s self-concepts become more balanced
and realistic. They are beginning to distinguish between their ideal and real selves. Also,
compared to very young children who describe themselves in very concrete, often physi-
cal, terms (e.g., “I am a girl.” “I have red hair and blue eyes.”), school-age children begin to
include more abstract, psychological dimensions in their self-descriptions (e.g., “I am kind.”
“I try to be honest.”).
What accounts for these changes? Some are due to cognitive development (Harter,
1998, 1999, 2006). Just as school-age children reason better about their physical world, they
also reason better about social phenomena. Furthermore, school-age children are exposed
to a greater range of experiences and reference points, which they can relate to themselves.
For example, they often belong to various social groups and describe themselves according
to these associations (e.g., “I’m a Boy Scout,” or “I play in a children’s orchestra.”). They re-
ceive feedback from a wider network of individuals and, at the same time, have increased
capacity to imagine what others think of them. George Herbert Mead (1934) described the
self as a “blend of what important people in our lives think of us.” The opinions of signifi-
cant adults still mean a great deal to school-age children, but feedback from friends becomes
more influential in their perceptions of self, especially as they move closer to adolescence.
Much of what we know about the developing self-concept is based on research con-
ducted in North America and Western Europe, and it is important to note that self-concept
does not follow the same developmental path in all societies. Whereas Western and
European parents want their children to develop a strong
sense of self and a spirit of independence, Asian parents
want their children to develop a strong sense of inter-
dependence and to define themselves in relation to the
significant people in their lives (their family, their
community/culture) (Markus & Kitayama, 1991; Peterson,
Cobas, Bush, Supple, & Wilson, 2004). Similarly, not all
sub-cultures within Western societies emphasize inde-
pendence to the same extent. Many ethnic groups value
family or group interdependence over independence.
For example, Latino children are taught that their per-
sonal identities are inseparable from the identity of their
families, and Native American families, even in urban ar-
eas, often live with or near relatives and operate like a
communal village (Parke & Buriel, 2006).

Self-Esteem
Self-esteem refers to the self-evaluative part of the
self-concept and that self-evaluations often are based
on feedback from others, including parents, teachers,
and peers. Also recall that preschool children typi-
cally have high self-esteem, perhaps because much of
the feedback they receive is positive and encourag-
ing. In middle childhood, children’s self-esteem be-
Latino children are taught that their personal identities are
comes more differentiated as they experience
inseparable from the identify of their families, and Native
success and failure in a variety of domains (e.g., aca- American families, even in urban areas, often live with or near
demic, athletic, social) and in comparison to peers relatives and operate like a communal village. PhotoDisc/Getty Images
(e.g., some children learn to read more easily

265
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

than others; some children are more musical or more athletic than others their age). Some
skills and abilities are weighted more heavily in self- and others’ assessments and, therefore,
have more influence on children’s sense of self-worth. For example, having difficulty learn-
ing to read is associated with low self-esteem because of the importance individuals and so-
ciety place on developing skills for literacy.
How consistent is self-esteem over time? Is a child with low self-esteem in middle child-
hood doomed to experience feelings of low self-worth throughout her life? In general, self-
esteem is quite high in early childhood, drops during the school years, rises gradually during
adulthood, and declines again when people become older. Interestingly, despite these
changes across the lifespan, most individuals maintain their level of self-esteem relative to
one another (Robins & Trzesniewski, 2005). This suggests that children who have a healthy
sense of self at age 7 or 8 will likely continue to have high self-esteem at age 9 or 10, and on
into adulthood. However, it is possible for children to experience different levels of self-
esteem over time and for relatively low self-esteem to persist throughout the lifespan.
Researchers who study children’s declining self-esteem during middle childhood agree
that while it’s true that children become more self-conscious and self-critical during this pe-
riod, the extent of the decline is small for most children and reflects their more realistic as-
sessment of their competence in particular areas (Merrell & Gimpel, 1998; Robins &
Trzesniewski, 2005; Wigfield & Eccles, 2002; Wigfield et al., 1997). In fact, a drop in self-
esteem may lead to increased effort to improve competence. However, when self-esteem is
associated with feedback that is unconstructively critical or other stresses (e.g., peer rejec-
tion or a specific learning disability), it can lead to emotional uncertainty and psychic stress
that negatively impacts emotional development.

WHAT ARE THE SOURCES OF DIFFERENCES IN SELF-ESTEEM? According to Harter (1987,

1990, 2006), a prominent researcher in this field, self-esteem is the product of two internal
judgments: mental comparisons of our ideal selves with actual experiences and the support
we receive from significant others in our lives. Our mental comparisons often are prompted
by direct experience with success and failure in different domains and tempered by the value
attached to particular characteristics, skills, and activities. For example, compared to a child
who doesn't value sports as much, a child who would like to be a basketball star would likely
experience lower self-esteem if she did not score in several games. The discrepancy between
what we desire and what we perceive we have achieved or can achieve, therefore, is key in
judgments about self-esteem. But so is the support we receive from significant others in our
lives. Are we liked and accepted by our family and friends? Do we have stable relationships
with others who share our interests and are similarly skilled? Such supports can go a long
way toward ameliorating the disappointment in realizing we may have an unrealistic goal.
Harter’s (1987) research offers evidence of the combined influence of our mental com-
parisons and social supports. She asked children in elementary and middle school to rate
both the personal importance of doing well in each of five domains and how well they
thought they actually did in each one. The discrepancy between these ratings was inter-
preted as a reflection of the extent to which children believed they were doing well in ar-
eas that mattered to them. In addition, Harter asked children to rate the extent to which
they believed significant others (parents and friends) supported them in these areas (e.g.,
accepted them as they were, treated them humanely, and thought they were important).
The results of this study are shown in Figure 10.1.
For these children, it appears that self-esteem was equally influenced by a low dis-
crepancy between their ideal selves and actual experiences and the amount of social sup-
port they saw themselves receiving from significant others. These findings have been
supported in subsequent research (Bouchey & Harter, 2005; Wigfield & Eccles, 2002), in-
cluding studies of African American children (Luster & McAdoo, 1995).

CULTURE INFLUENCES SELF-ESTEEM. Self-esteem is influenced by both individual qualities

and characteristics of the groups to which we belong—we have both individual and
collective self-esteem (Wright & Taylor, 1995). Furthermore, not all cultures engage in so-
cial comparison to the same extent, or value individual achievement and competition. For

266
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

FIGURE 10.1

SELF-WORTH AS A FUNCTION OF LEVELS OF SOCIAL SUPPORT AND

THE COMPETENCE-IMPORTANCE DISCREPANCY AMONG
ELEMENTARY AND MIDDLE SCHOOL CHILDREN

3.75

Low
3.50 Low discrepancy
discrepancy

3.25 Medium
Medium

3.0 High
High
Self-worth score

2.75

2.50

2.25

2.0

Elementary school Middle school

1.75

1.50
Low Medium High Low Medium High
Social support Social support

Source: Harter, S. (1987). The determinations and mediational role of global self-worth in children. In
N. Eisenberg (Ed.), Contemporary Topics in Developmental Psychology (pp. 219–242). New York:
Wiley-Interscience. Used with permission.

example, Damon and Hart (1988) studied Puerto Rican children living in a fishing village
and found that these children almost never compared themselves to others. In contrast, so-
cial comparisons are prominent in American culture. Asian cultures are interesting in that
they place high emphasis on doing well, but they also value modesty and social harmony.
Therefore, children in these cultures tend to be reserved about judging themselves
positively, but offer high praise to others (Falbo, Poston, Triscari, & Zhang, 1997; Heine &
Lehman, 1995). Also, these children tend to rate themselves lower on measures of self-
esteem than children in the United States (Hawkins, 1994).
Children become more aware of their racial and ethnic identity during the elementary
school years (Davies, 2004), and although children tend to choose peers with whom they
identify, there is some evidence that prejudice based on stereotypes declines in middle
childhood, as children learn to differentiate between learned stereotypes and personal ex-
perience. This is particularly true for children who attend multicultural schools and camps.
These children are more likely to interact with peers across ethnic lines and to form friend-
ships based on personal liking (Moore, 2002).
It is true that minority children show greater awareness of race and ethnicity than chil-
dren who identify with the majority group (Verkuyten & Thijs, 2001). Also, it seems these
children can develop a positive regard for White cultural symbols and attitudes because
they realize these symbols are associated with status and power (Cross, 1987). This inter-
est may reflect efforts on the part of minority families to socialize their children to develop
“bicultural competence” so they can function in both the majority and minority cultures
(McAdoo, 2001). However, when children are faced with daily reminders—which can be

267
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

subtle or blatant—that their ethnic or family group has less status or power than a compar-
ison group, their collective self-esteem may suffer.
Pride in family and community is fundamental to the development of a stable identity and
self-esteem. Children from ethnically diverse communities may find it more difficult to
establish a clear identity because they must navigate both majority and minority cultures. The
values, learning preferences, and communication patterns in their homes may differ from
those of their schools, clubs, and the larger society. These children may interpret that em-
bracing the values of the mainstream culture means they must reject the values of their home
and ethnic communities. They may require more time and support than children in the major-
ity culture to sift through two (perhaps more) sets of cultural values to achieve a firm identity.
Clearly, families are key in children’s development of self-esteem. We will discuss the
role of parents and siblings in children’s development in a subsequent section of this chapter.

WHAT ARE SOME CONSEQUENCES OF DIFFERENCES IN SELF-ESTEEM? Having high aca-

demic self-esteem is associated with success in school as well as a willingness to attempt chal-
lenging tasks (Marsh, Smith, & Barnes, 1985), which also enhances learning. Children with
high self-esteem are more popular with peers (Harter, 1982). They tend to initiate interactions
and relationships more than their counterparts who have low self-esteem. They are more will-
ing to speak out in groups and to persist in the face of failure, but they also are willing to
change strategies if the present endeavor appears unpromising (DiPaula & Campbell, 2002).
Initiative, however, can produce negative as well as positive consequences (Baumeister,
Campbell, Krueger, & Vohs, 2003). For example, individuals with high self-esteem may
demonstrate initiative in defending victims against bullies, but they also may be the bullies.
Baumeister and his colleagues claim there is a subset of individuals who have a high but frag-
ile sense of self-esteem. In particular, individuals who report high levels of self-esteem along
with high narcissism, low empathy, and high sensitivity to rejection may react inappropri-
ately and aggressively when their ego or esteem is threatened.
Low self-esteem is associated with a host of negative outcomes, including academic
failure and behavior problems. It is correlated with depression in middle childhood and ado-
lescence; low scores on measures of self-esteem are associated with high scores on indices
of depression (Harter, 1987; Renouf & Harter, 1990).
Clearly, self-esteem is associated with a number of significant outcomes for children.
Therefore, it is not surprising that researchers, teachers, parents, and other caregivers are
intensely interested in determining what causes self-esteem to be high for some children
and low for others. If we can find ways to improve children’s perceived self-worth, other as-
pects of their development might be enhanced as well. See the Connecting with Children
guidelines for some ideas about building children’s self-esteem.

Self-Regulation
Achieving self-regulation and self-control are important milestones in children’s develop-
ment and are linked to successful outcomes across the lifespan, including success in school
(Linnenbrink & Pintrich, 2003; Perry, VandeKamp, Mercer, & Nordby, 2002) and popularity
with peers (Fabes et al., 1999; Gilliom, Shaw, Beck, Schonberg, & Lukon, 2002). In this sec-
tion, we focus on children’s advances in emotional self-regulation during middle childhood.
Emotion regulation is a special aspect of self-regulation that enables individuals to remain fo-
cused on goals, even in the face of difficult and stressful circumstances (Patterson, 1982;
Tice, Baumeister, & Zhang, 2004). Emotional regulation involves effortful, voluntary control
of emotions, attention, and behavior (Eisenberg et al., 2004; Eisenberg & Spinrad; 2004).
Along with the successful acquisition of emotion control strategies comes a sense of
emotional self-efficacy, in which children believe they are in control of their emotional ex-
periences (Saarni, 1999). Children who have low emotional control evidence outbursts of
anger and/or frustration, whereas children with moderate to high emotion control can sup-
press emotional displays that are inappropriate in a given situation.
Children are less at the mercy of strong emotions during middle childhood than they were
in the early years. If they perceive it is in their best interest to suppress their feelings, they can
do so (e.g., they can hide anger if they perceive that emotion will lead to punishment, and they

268
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

CONNECTING WITH CHILDREN

Guidelines for Families, Teachers, and Other Professionals:
Building Self-Esteem
Identify potential sources of low self-esteem. Help children to develop coping skills.
Examples Examples
1. Be aware of your biases and expectations, and try not to 1. Encourage children to take responsibility for their
let these color your interactions with children. reactions to events and to understand they have choices
2. Create a climate that is physically and psychologically in how to respond.
safe for children. 2. Set up support groups or “study buddies,” and teach
3. Avoid comparisons and competition among children. children how to encourage one another.
Instead, encourage children to compete with their prior 3. Model appropriate self-criticism, setting clear and
levels of achievement. reasonable goals, and initiating self-rewards.
Let children know you accept and support them. Create adult partnerships that support children.
Examples Examples
1. Show your approval for children’s attempts as well as 1. Teachers, coaches, counselors . . . should keep in regular
their achievements. contact with parents. Make communication positive, but
2. Highlight the value of individual differences in ethnicity also keep parents apprised of problems.
and ability. 2. Work with parents to design celebrations of children’s
3. Let children know you accept them, even when you are efforts and accomplishments.
unhappy about a particular behavior or outcome. 3. Encourage parent involvement in school and community
activities.
Help children to achieve.
Examples
1. Focus on children’s talents and abilities. Make sure they Source: Canfield, J. (1990). Improving children’s self-esteem.
have lots of opportunities to pursue their interests. Educational Leadership, 48(1), 48-50; Kash, M. M. &
2. Make expectations or standards clear for children, and Borich, G. (1978). Teacher behavior and student self-
help them to understand how they can meet them concept . Menlo Park, CA: Addison-Wesley; Marshall, H. H.
(e.g., brainstorm a list of resources they might use to (1989. The development of self-concept. Young Children,
44(5), 44-51; Fantuzzo, J., Davis, G., & Ginsburg, M.
reach their goals).
(1995). Effects of parent involvement in isolation or in
3. Provide feedback that is positive and informative; combination with peer tutoring on student self-concept
emphasize progress and accomplishment; and provide and mathematics achievement. Journal of Educational
concrete suggestions for areas that need improvement. Psychology, 87, 272-281.

can rationalize disappointment or combine disappointment with denial—“I don’t care about
not making the basketball team. I have too many after-school activities already.” (Davies, 2004,
p. 369). Similarly, school-age children don’t rely on parents and other caregivers to monitor and
guide their reactions to emotional events to the extent that preschool children do.
Adults can help children to develop emotion control, empathy, and prosocial behav-
ior by acknowledging their feelings of distress and helping them develop coping strategies.
Parents who respond with disapproval or punishment may intensify children’s anger and
fear and inhibit their emotional adjustment (Fabes, Leonard, Kupanoff, & Martin, 2001). Al-
ternatively, children may become secretive and anxious about negative emotions. In the
longer term, parental intolerance for negative emotions may intensify parent–child conflict
during adolescence (Eisenberg et al., 1999).
We have also emphasized that self-regulation needs to be understood in a sociocultu-
ral context. Children learn that there are social and cultural rules concerning the expression
of emotions (Cole, Bruschi, & Tamang, 2002). Toddlers and preschoolers learn these rules
by receiving feedback from parents and others in their communities. By middle childhood,
they implicitly know what kinds of emotional displays are expected or permitted in partic-
ular situations and relationships (Davies, 2004, p. 373). They have internalized rules or
schemas for expressing or suppressing feelings, or adapting them to suit particular social
situations (Raver, 2004; Saarni, 1999).

269
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

The rules concerning emotional expression can vary across cultures. For example,
Asian cultures generally value an expressive style that emphasizes emotional restraint and
a calm demeanor (Bond, 1993; Eisenberg, Liew, & Pidada, 2001). In these cultures, adults
are likely to interpret boisterous behavior and impulsivity as poor self-regulation. In con-
trast, in North American cultures, children know that adults generally accept expressions
of excitement. However, even within American cultures, different groups have different
rules about displaying emotions. African American children may talk more loudly or excit-
edly in peer groups than White children do. Rather than interpreting their behavior as ap-
propriate in this cultural context, White teachers or clinicians may judge they have poor
self-control.
Finally, children who experience higher levels of risk factors (e.g., personal maltreat-
ment and/or exposure to interadult violence) are more likely to experience problems in the
area of emotional self-regulation (Raver, 2004). These children can develop either under-
controlled or overcontrolled, hypervigilant, regulatory profiles. In addition, children who
witness violence in their neighborhoods or who live in crowded, lower quality residences
are at higher risk for exhibiting lower levels of self-control. However, most children who re-
ceive competent caregiving develop effective self-regulatory skills, even those who live in
dangerous neighborhoods and conditions of poverty. We discuss parenting styles that are
associated with higher levels of self-regulation later in this chapter.
Emotion control can be linked to temperament, but it generally increases with age. Also,
as children get older and become more aware of other people’s feelings, they can empathize,
or take the perspective of others, and they can respond to others in emotional distress.

Perspective-Taking
Perspective-taking, or the ability to imagine what other people are thinking and feeling, de-
velops gradually as children become less egocentric and more able to recognize and coordi-
nate multiple dimensions of interpersonal experiences (Burack et al., 2006). Whereas
preschool children have limited understandings of other people’s thoughts and feelings,
school-age children come to understand that others may not interpret or respond to a situa-
tion in the same way they do. They can imagine how another person is feeling, or “put them-
selves in [someone else’s] shoes.” Perspective-taking skills continue to develop through
adolescence and into early adulthood. For example, early adolescents develop the ability to
take the role of an objective bystander and to analyze the perspectives of several people in-
volved in a situation, and older adolescents and adults can imagine how different social and
cultural factors can influence the perception of the bystander. According to Burack and her
colleagues, developing age-appropriate social perspective-taking skills is fundamental for un-
derstanding self and navigating relationships with peers, parents, and other authority figures.
Selman (1980) proposed a five-stage model to describe the development of perspective-
taking skills (see Table 10.1). In this model, qualitative changes in children’s perspective-
taking abilities and interpersonal understanding reflect their increasing ability to both
differentiate and integrate the points of view of self and others. As children advance to
higher levels of perspective-taking, they adopt increasingly sophisticated strategies for in-
teracting interpersonally and resolving interpersonal problems. According to Selman, the
highest levels of perspective-taking are not reached until well into adolescence, and some
individuals never reach these levels. Consistent with this claim, developmental models of
social information processing agree that the way children understand and interpret (or mis-
understand and misinterpret) the behaviors and motives of others influences their imme-
diate response as well as their long-term moral and aggressive patterns of responding
(Arsenio & Lemerise, 2004, p. 987).
In a study of children’s perspective-taking, Fitzgerald and White (2003) found that chil-
dren’s perspective-taking was positively related to prosocial behavior and negatively related
to aggression. Other researchers also have reported associations between deficits in reading
social cues and aggressive or antisocial behavior in children (Arsenio & Fleiss, 1996; Schonert-
Reichl & Scott, 2009 Warden & MacKinnon, 2003). Fortunately, parents and other adults can
foster age-appropriate perspective-taking by prompting children to consider the perspectives
of others. For example, Fitzgerald and White (2003) found that children’s aggression was

270
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

TABLE 10.1 • Selman’s Five Stages of Perspective-Taking

Stage 0 Child has a sense of differentiation of self and other but fails to distinguish between the
Egocentric Viewpoint social perspective (thoughts, feelings) of other and self. Child can label other’s overt
(Age Range 3–6) feelings but does not see the cause-and-effect relation of reasons to social actions.

Stage 1 Child is aware that other has a social perspective based on other’s own reasoning, which
Social-Informational Role Taking may or may not be similar to child’s. However, child tends to focus on one perspective
(Age Range 6–8) rather than coordinating viewpoints.

Stage 2 Child is conscious that each individual is aware of the other’s perspective and that this
Self-Reflective Role Taking awareness influences self and other’s view of each other. Putting self in other’s place is a
(Age Range 8–10) way of judging his intentions, purposes, and actions. Child can form a coordinated chain
of perspectives, but cannot yet abstract from this process to the level of simultaneous
mutuality.

Stage 3 Child realizes that both self and other can view each other mutually and simultaneously as
Mutual Role Taking subjects. Child can step outside the two-person dyad and view the interaction from a
(Age Range 10–12) third-person perspective.

Stage 4 Person realizes mutual perspective-taking does not always lead to complete
Social and Conventional understanding. Social conventions are seen as necessary because they are understood
System Role-Taking by all members of the group (the generalized other) regardless of their position, role,
(Age Range 12–15⫹) or experience.

Source: Adapted from Selman, R. L. (1976). Social-cognitive understanding: A guide to educational and clinical practice. In T. Lickona (ed.), Moral
Development and Behavior: Theory, Research, and Social Issues (pp. 299–316). New York: Holt, Rinehart, & Winston. Used with permission.

inhibited when parents engaged in victim-centered discipline—encouraged children to con-

sider how their words or deeds might harm another person. Also, school-based interventions
that provide children with coaching and practice in perspective-taking can help to reduce
antisocial behavior and increase empathy and prosocial responding. Promoting Alternative
Thinking Strategies (PATHS) and The Roots of Empathy (ROE) are two such school programs.
The ROE program is unique in its approach to fostering empathy, emotional under-
standing, and concern for others. Classrooms that adopt the program also adopt an infant
for the school year. The infant and his/her mother visit the class once each month during
the school year and provide the focus for discussions about how to interpret nonverbal com-
munication and respond to the needs of others. In 1996, Mary Gordon piloted the program
in two classrooms in Toronto, Ontario. Currently, the program is being implemented in over
500 classrooms across Canada (Gordon, 2005). Evaluations of the program show its success
in increasing children’s understandings of the needs and emotions of infants, translating into
more prosocial and less aggressive behavior with peers (Schonert-Reichl, et al., in press).
For more information about these programs, go to: www.colorado.edu/cspv/blueprints/
model/programs/PATHS.html and www.rootsofempathy.org. Clearly, the ability to empathize,
or take the perspective of others, is implicated in children’s moral development.

KNOWING AND DOING THE RIGHT THING

Morality involves both thought and behavior, assessing what is right and wrong in a partic-
ular situation and then acting in accord with that assessment. Morality also elicits an emo-
tional response, as most people feel good when they “do the right thing,” and guilty or
ashamed when they behave in ways that are considered immoral. In this section, we focus
on the development of moral reasoning and moral behavior during middle childhood.

Moral Reasoning
Moral reasoning involves making judgments about the rightness or wrongness of certain
acts. Children’s ability to think about moral issues expands tremendously during middle
childhood. In part, this is attributable to the general expansion of their reasoning and
perspective-taking capacities, and to their expanding social worlds.

271
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

TABLE 10.2 • Damon’s Sequence for Reasoning about Distributive Justice

BASIS FOR AGE

REASONING (YEARS) DESCRIPTION

Equality 5–6 Children believe that fairness requires that everyone be treated equally—the same.

Merit 6–7 Children recognize that some people deserve to be treated differently because they have
worked extra hard or done something special—meritorious.

Benevolence 8 Children are able to consider the needs of others and recognize that some people require
more attention or more resources because they have special needs.

Source: Based on Damon, W. (1977). The social world of the child. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Damon, W. (1988). The moral child. New York: Free Press.

Some of the earliest moral decisions in which children are involved concern how to
distribute or share materials fairly. Damon (1977, 1988) examined changes in children’s be-
liefs about distributive justice through middle childhood. As shown in Table 10.2, very
young children (ages 5 to 6) believe fair distribution requires equality. When your text
author Nancy was very young, for example, she felt it was unfair that her brother Doug was
allowed to stay up later on Saturday evenings to watch The Honeymooners television show
with mom, even though he was two years older. At 6 or 7 years of age, children recognize
that some people should be treated differently on the basis of merit (e.g., they’ve worked
especially hard or they’re old enough for some extra rights and responsibilities). Finally,
around age 8, when children are able to consider the needs of other individuals, they un-
derstand that sometimes, fair distribution of resources requires benevolence (e.g., some
children require more of a parent’s or teacher’s time because they have exceptional needs).
Adults can promote children’s understanding of distributive justice, but interactions
with peers are especially important. Having disagreements with peers and resolving them
requires that children consider the issues involved in distributing justice. They must con-
sider peers’ perspectives and come up with a fair solution that will satisfy everyone in-
volved. Children who demonstrate advanced reasoning about distributive justice also
demonstrate effective social problem-solving skills and a willingness to help and share with
others (Blotner & Bearison, 1984; McNamee & Peterson, 1986).

PIAGET. Piaget studied moral development by observing children playing games and then
asking them questions about the rules. Based on their answers, he proposed a two-stage the-
ory of moral development (Piaget, 1932). In Piaget’s first stage, which he called moral realism,
children ages 5 or 6 believe that rules are absolute—they cannot be changed because they
come from authorities, such as parents, teachers, government officials, or religious officials.
Children at this age also believe that if a rule is broken, the punishment should be deter-
mined by how much damage is done, not by the intention of the rule breaker. According
to this reasoning, a child who accidentally breaks three cups should receive a harsher pun-
ishment than a child who intentionally breaks one cup.
After age 8, children move into the stage Piaget referred to as moral relativism. Chil-
dren understand that people can agree to change rules if they want to and they realize what
is important is that all participants in an activity understand and operate according to the
same set of rules. Children ages 8 to 12 also understand that you don’t get punished for
breaking rules unless you get caught and that intentions, as well as the damage done, are
considerations in determining a just punishment.

KOHLBERG. Building on Piaget’s ideas, Lawrence Kohlberg (1963, 1975, 1981) divided
moral development into three levels: preconventional, where judgment is based solely on
a person’s own needs and perceptions; conventional, where the expectations of informal
and formal groups, society, and law are taken into account; and postconventional, where
judgments are based on more generalizable universal principles that are personally held and
not necessarily based on society’s laws. Look at Table 10.3 to see how these levels are fur-
ther divided into six stages.

272
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

TABLE 10.3 • The Six Moral Stages

CONTENT OF STAGE

REASONS FOR SOCIAL PERSPECTIVE

LEVEL AND STAGE WHAT IS RIGHT DOING RIGHT OF STAGE

Level I. To avoid breaking rules backed Avoidance of punishment and Egocentric point of view.
Preconventional by punishment, obedience for the superior power of Doesn’t consider the interests
Stage 1: its own sake, and avoiding authorities. of others or recognize that they
Heteronomous physical damage to persons and differ from the actor’s; doesn’t
morality property. relate two points of view.
Actions are considered
physically rather than in terms
of psychological interests of
others. Confusion of authority’s
perspective with one’s own.

Stage 2: Following rules only when it is To serve one’s own needs or Concrete individualistic
Individualism, to someone’s immediate interests in a world where you perspective. Aware that
instrumental interest; acting to meet one’s have to recognize that other everybody has his or her own
purpose, and own interests and needs and people have their interests, too. exchange interest to pursue
exchange letting others do the same. and that these interests conflict,
Right is also what’s fair, what’s so that right is relative (in the
an equal exchange, a deal, an concrete individualistic sense).
agreement.

Level II. Living up to what is expected The need to be a good person Individualistic perspective in
Conventional by people close to you or what in your own eyes and those of relationships with other
Stage 3: Mutual people generally expect of your others. Your caring for others. individuals. Aware of shared
interpersonal role as son, brother, friend, etc. Belief in the Golden Rule. feelings, agreements, and
expectations, “Being good” is important and Desire to maintain rules and expectations, which take
relationships, and means having good motives, authority, which support primacy over individual
interpersonal showing concern about others. stereotypical good behavior. interests. Relates points of view
conformity It also means keeping mutual through the concrete Golden
relationships, such as trust, Rule, putting oneself in the
loyalty, respect, and gratitude. other person’s shoes. Does not
yet consider generalized system
perspective.

Stage 4: Social Fulfilling the actual duties to To keep the institution going as Differentiates societal point of
system and which you have agreed. Laws are a whole, to avoid the “if view from interpersonal
conscience to be upheld except in extreme everyone did it,” or the agreement or motives. Takes
cases where they conflict with imperative of conscience to the point of view of the system
other fixed social duties. Right is meet one’s defined obligations that defines roles and rules.
also contributing to society, the (easily confused with stage 3 Considers individual relations in
group, or institution. belief in rules and authority). terms of place in the system.

Level III. Being aware that people hold a A sense of obligation to law Perspective independent of
Postconventional variety of values and opinions, because of one’s social contract formal rules. Perspective of a
Stage 5: Social that most values and rules are to make and abide by laws for rational individual aware of
contract or utility relative to your group. These the welfare of all and for the values and rights (such as
and individual rights relative rules should usually be protection of all people’s rights. fairness) prior to social
upheld, however, in the interest A feeling of contractual attachments and legal contracts.
of impartiality and because they commitment, freely entered Integrates perspectives by formal
are the social contract. Some upon, to family, friendship, trust, mechanisms of agreement, legal
nonrelative values and rights like and work obligations. Concern contract, objective impartiality,
life and liberty, however, must be that laws and duties be based on and due process. Considers
upheld in any society and rational calculation of overall moral and legal points of view;
regardless of majority opinion. utility, “the greatest good for the recognizes that these sometimes
greatest number.” conflict and finds it difficult to
integrate them.

(Continued )

273
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

TABLE 10.3 • (Continued)

CONTENT OF STAGE

REASONS FOR SOCIAL PERSPECTIVE

LEVEL AND STAGE WHAT IS RIGHT DOING RIGHT OF STAGE

Stage 6: Universal Following self-chosen ethical The belief as a rational person in Perspective of a moral point
ethical principles principles. Particular laws or the validity of universal moral of view from which social
social agreements are usually principles, and a sense of arrangements derive.
valid because they rest upon personal commitment to them. Perspective is that of any
such principles. When laws rational individual recognizing
violate these principles, one acts the nature of morality or the
in accordance with the principle. fact that persons are ends in
Principles are universal principles themselves and must be treated
of justice; the equality of human as such.
rights and respect for the dignity
of human beings as individual
persons.

Source: The Six Moral Stages from The Psychology of Moral Development by Lawrence Kohlberg, © 1984, Table 2.1, pp. 174–175. Used with permission
of The Estate of Lawrence Kohlberg.

Kohlberg pioneered the practice of assessing people’s moral reasoning by presenting

them with a series of dilemmas in story form. Moral dilemmas are hypothetical situations
that ask people to make difficult decisions and then justify them. Perhaps the most widely
used example of Kohlberg’s dilemmas is about Heinz, a man whose wife is dying. There is
one drug that can save her, but it is very expensive and the druggist who invented the med-
icine will not sell it at a price Heinz can afford. Heinz must choose between stealing the
drug or letting his wife die. Participants in Kohlberg’s studies were asked what they would
do if they found themselves in such a dilemma and why they made their particular decision.
At level 1 (preconventional), a child might answer, “It’s wrong to steal because you
might get caught.” This answer reflects the child’s focus on what might happen to him—I
might get caught and punished—and whether the outcome is likely to bring pleasure or pain.
At level 2 (conventional), responses move beyond a strict focus on self to include some con-
sideration of the views and approval of others. Laws, religious or civil, are very important and
are considered absolute and unalterable. An answer that stresses adherence to rules could
be, “It is wrong to steal because it is against the law.” Another answer, placing high value on
loyalty to family and loved ones but still respecting the law, is, “It’s right to steal because the
man means well—he’s trying to help his wife. But he will still have to pay the druggist when
he can or accept the penalty for breaking the law.” Finally, at level 3 (postconventional), re-
sponses reflect the underlying values that might be involved in the decision, and rules are re-
placed by principles or principled moral operations, such as the Golden Rule, or what
Kohlberg called “moral musical chairs” in which everyone in the dilemma decides what is
right to do after considering the decisions from the perspectives of all others in the dilemma
or affected by the decision. A person reasoning on this level understands that what is con-
sidered right by the majority of people most of the time may not be considered right ac-
cording to the moral values and principles that underlie and inform conventional reasoning.
An answer might be, “It is not wrong to steal because human life must be preserved. The
worth of a human life is greater than, and supersedes, the worth of property.”
Colby, Kohlberg, Gibbs, and Lieberman (1983) conducted a 20-year longitudinal study
with Kohlberg’s original sample. The results, shown in Figure 10.2, indicate the expected
sequence of development from Stages 1 to 5, with no evidence that people skipped stages
or fell back to lower stages once a higher stage had been reached. The correlation between
age and stage was .78, indicating a strong positive relationship between people’s age and
stage of moral development.
More recently, Ty Binfet (1995, 2004), who taught sixth and seventh grades in
Richmond, British Columbia, adapted Kohlberg’s research protocol to engage his students

274
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

FIGURE 10.2

RESULTS FROM COLBY ET AL.’S LONGITUDINAL STUDY

OF MORAL JUDGMENT

70
Stage: 4
60 2
Percentage of reasoning

50

40
3
30 1

20

10 5

0
10 12 14 16 18 20 22 24 26 28 30 32 34 36
10 13–14 16–18 20–22 24–26 28–30 32–33 36
Age in years

Source: Colby, A., Kohlberg, L., Gibbs, J. C., & Lieberman, M. (1983). A longitudinal study of moral
judgment. Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development, 48 (1-2, Serial No. 200).

in moral dilemma discussions. His goal was to enhance students’ ability to reason about
moral issues. Students sat in a circle and listened as he read a dilemma. Then students began
their discussion by formulating a should question (e.g., “How should . . .?” “What should . . .?”).
The rules for participation included taking turns, not engaging in side conversations, justi-
fying opinions, and respecting the opinions of others. Binfet facilitated the discussion by
asking questions designed to elicit, paraphrase, clarify, and check students’ understanding.
According to Binfet, finding a solution is not the goal of these discussions. Rather, the focus
is on the process of moral reasoning and learning to consider other people’s points of view.
What did his students think? In the words of one student:
[Moral dilemma discussions are] a good and fun way of learning . . . you learn how
to speak clearly and have a good conversation with people. If you get into a prob-
lem, you might think back to the discussion to do what’s best. (Binfet, 1995, p. 4)
Binfet’s teacher-initiated approach to moral education exemplifies the way social responsi-
bility is promoted in North American schools. In some countries (e.g., China and Korea),
national curricula are being developed in an effort to teach children to reason morally about
everyday events (Baek, 2002; Jie & Desheng, 2004).

ALTERNATIVES TO KOHLBERG’S THEORY. Although numerous studies support Kohlberg’s

stage theory of moral development, some important questions have been raised about it as
well. For example, although cross-cultural studies generally support Kohlberg’s sequence of
stages, they also find that people in less technologically advanced societies move through
the stages more slowly and achieve a lower end stage than people in more advanced soci-
eties (Snarey, 1995). This has led to the criticism that the theory is biased in favor of West-
ern cultures that value individualism. Some cultures value community more than autonomy
and, for them, the highest moral value may involve putting the opinions of the group above
decisions based on individual conscience (Shweder, Much, Mahapatra, & Park, 1997). This
was the finding in a developmental study of children in Mainland China (Fang et al., 2003).
Although the findings supported Kohlberg’s stage-like progression, there also was evidence

275
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

for culture-specific moral reasoning. In comparison with children in Kohlberg’s studies, the
Chinese children in this study emphasized respect for authority and altruism in their moral
decisions. These findings suggest that for some groups, Kohlberg’s theory may apply to only
a small or unimportant part of their moral development; we need to be cautious about draw-
ing conclusions about their moral reasoning based solely on this theory.
Similarly, questions have been raised about the validity of the Kohlberg’s theory for
women. Carol Gilligan (1982) proposed a different model of moral development based on an
“ethic of care.” She argued that since Kohlberg’s stage theory was based on a longitudinal study
of men, it is possible that the stages of women’s moral development were not adequately rep-
resented. Also, she argued that Kohlberg’s emphasis on autonomy, justice, and impartial fair-
ness is more consistent with a traditionally male perspective. Gilligan’s model proposes that
individuals move from a focus on self-interests to one of moral reasoning that is based on a
commitment to specific individuals and groups (e.g., family, peer groups) and finally to the
highest level of morality, which emphasizes responsibility and care for all groups. Some re-
search supports this ethic of care and indicates that it is more typical of women’s orientation
to moral problem solving, especially when they reason about personal and real-life issues
(Garmon, Basinger, Gregg, & Gibbs, 1996). However, a meta-analysis counters Gilligan’s argument
for substantial gender differences in moral reasoning (Jaffee & Hyde, 2000). This study, which
combined the results of 113 studies, found only small differences in moral orientation in line
with Gilligan’s theory. The authors claim that moral reasoning is strongly influenced by the
context and content of the dilemma. Their meta-analysis suggests both men and women use
care to reason about interpersonal dilemmas and justice to reason about societal dilemmas.
It appears people use lower levels of moral reasoning and report having stronger emo-
tions when they think about real-life moral dilemmas versus hypothetical ones (Walker &
Hennig, 1997; Walker, Pitts, Hennig, & Matsuba, 1995). And even young children (age 3)
can distinguish between social conventions and moral imperatives. They know, for exam-
ple, that being noisy in school would be fine if there were no rule requiring quiet, but hit-
ting another child is wrong even if there is no rule against it.
In his later work, Kohlberg said that some aspects of moral development are universal,
whereas others reflect elements of the social context in which individuals find themselves.
Also, he acknowledged that few people actually reach Stage 6 in their moral development.
However, he also speculated that there could be a Stage 7 representing an ethical orienta-
tion that arises from religious or existential experiences and thinking rather than from moral
experience alone (Kohlberg & Power, 1981, p. 354).

Moral Behavior
Does moral reasoning lead to moral behavior? There is research to suggest it does and that
children who lack empathy or who reason ineffectually about moral issues are more likely
to engage in immoral or antisocial behavior (Dodge, Coie, & Lynam, 2006; Fitzgerald &
White, 2003; Schonert-Reichl, Smith, & Zaidman-Zait, in press). In this section, we examine
both prosocial and antisocial or aggressive behavior, and several sources of influence on
these behaviors.

PROSOCIAL BEHAVIOR. The term prosocial behavior is used to describe voluntary behavior
intended to benefit other people. Prosocial behaviors are evident in the actions of very young
children (e.g., when they share a toy or try to help their parents). However, young children’s
prosocial behavior is most likely to occur in situations that involve little self-sacrifice or when
adults actively encourage it (Hay, Caplan, Castle, & Stimson, 1991). Prosocial behavior, such
as sharing, helping, and cooperating on projects, tends to increase during the elementary
school years and, ideally, it becomes more altruistic—motivated by care and concern for
others, rather than by self-serving interests or in compliance with the requests of authority
figures. Prosocial behavior is associated with moral and prosocial reasoning, perspective-
taking, empathy and sympathy, self-regulation, and self-esteem. In general, children with
higher, more other-oriented levels of moral reasoning and higher levels of self-regulation, self-
esteem, and perspective-taking engage in more prosocial behavior and are motivated to do so
by more altruistic concerns (Eisenberg & Morris, 2004; Eisenberg, Fabes, & Spinrad, 2006).

276
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

In addition, prosocial behavior is influenced by specific cultural and familial practices

(Cole et al., 2002; Walker, Hennig, & Krettenauer, 2000). In general, children demonstrate
higher levels of prosocial behavior when they live in cultures that stress cooperation and the
importance of contributing to the welfare of the group (Wentzel, 2002). Researchers have con-
sistently found that children from traditional rural and semi-agricultural communities are more
cooperative than children from urban and “Westernized”cultures (Eisenberg et al., 2006). Sim-
ilarly, studies comparing Asian and Caucasian children report higher levels of prosocial be-
havior among Asian children (Rao & Stewart, 1999; Stewart & McBride-Chang, 2000).
When children are regularly expected to perform tasks that benefit their family or
other children in their classroom at school, prosocial behavior is promoted. Most theories
of moral development assume parents and other adults initially control young children’s
moral behavior through direct instruction, supervision, and correction. In fact, the devel-
opment of prosocial behavior is enhanced when children feel connected to others, are ex-
posed to parental warmth and adult guidance, and have opportunities to participate in
prosocial activities (Eisenberg et al., 2006; Osher et al., 2010). In time, children internalize
the moral rules and principles of the authority figures guiding them; that is, children adopt
the external standards as their own. When adults use inductive discipline, they give children
reasons why their behavior is wrong, with explanations they can understand and that high-
light the effects of their actions on others. Children who receive this form of discipline are
more likely to internalize moral principles and behave prosocially even when “no one is
watching” (Hoffman, 2000).
Observation is a powerful form of learning. Models of moral behavior can be real people
(e.g., parents, siblings, and peers) or characters children observe on TV, in books, or even video
games. In general, models who are emotionally warm and responsive, who are perceived as
competent, and who behave [morally] in a way that is consistent with what they say children
should do have a positive influence on children’s prosocial development (Bandura, 1977; Eisen-
berg & Fabes, 1998; Eisenberg et al., 2001). In contrast, children learn aggressive behaviors
when their models are verbally and physically aggressive.

AGGRESSIVE BEHAVIOR. Antisocial or aggressive behavior is intended to hurt others or to

damage property. It should not be confused with assertiveness, which means affirming or
maintaining a legitimate right. As Helen Bee (1981) explains, “A child who says, ‘That’s my
toy!’ is showing assertiveness. If he bashes his playmate over the head to reclaim it, he has
shown aggression” (p. 350). Several forms of aggressive behavior are including instrumental
aggression, hostile aggression, and retaliatory aggression.
All children show aggression sometimes,
particularly in the early childhood years. In fact,
both physical and relational forms of aggression
can be reliably detected in interactions among
3-year-old children (Dodge, Coie, & Lynam,
2006). However, as children mature, most gain
control over their emotions, can delay gratifica-
tion, and can express their needs and concerns
verbally. Therefore, the overall rate at which
children respond to problem situations with
overt physical aggression declines through the
preschool and elementary school years, and
most children who act aggressively in the early
years do not grow into aggressive teens and
adults (Anderson et al., 2003). Unfortunately,
the aggression that does occur among school-
age children becomes increasingly more hos-
tile, person-directed, and relational (Craig &
Pepler, 2003; Dodge et al., 2006; Pepler & Insults, gossip, exclusion, and taunts are all examples of hostile but
Sedighdeilami, 1998; Tremblay, Boulerice et al., indirect and relational aggression. © Ellen B. Senisi/The Image Works
1996; Tremblay, Nagin et al., 2004).

277
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

Often, it is during the elementary school years that children with more serious con-
duct problems are identified. However, the problems these children experience typically
are behaviors they have not outgrown from their early years—not new ones (Petitclerc,
Boivin, Dionne, Zoccolillo & Tremblay, 2009). When these problems are not addressed
(e.g., adults don’t intervene to correct the aggressive behavior), it is quite possible that
these children will continue to be aggressive into adolescence and adulthood and that their
aggressive and antisocial behaviors will expand to include criminal activity. In fact, aggres-
sive behavior that is not successfully extinguished in childhood is the best predictor of ag-
gressive and violent behavior in adolescence and adulthood (Anderson et al., 2003).
Huesmann, Eron, Lefkowitz, and Walder’s now seminal longitudinal study (1984) indicated
that children who were rated high on aggression at age 8 were significantly more likely to
be convicted of criminal offenses and serious offenses by age 30 (see Figure 10.3), and more
likely to engage in spousal and/or child abuse as adults.

FIGURE 10.3

RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN CHILDREN’S AGGRESSIVE BEHAVIOR

AND CRIMINALITY IN LATER LIFE
Mean criminal justice convictions and mean seriousness of crimes up to age 30 according to a
subject’s peer-nominated aggression score at age 8. The group differences are significant for
males, F(2, 319) ⫽ 4.87, p ⬍ .01 and F(2, 319) ⫽ 4.13, p ⬍ .02.

0.8
Mean number criminal convictions

0.7

0.6 Males Females

0.5
by age 30

0.4

0.3

0.2

0.1

Low Medium High Low Medium High

Age 8 aggression group

50
Males Females
criminal acts by age 30
Mean seriousness of

40

30

20

10

0
Low Medium High Low Medium High
Age 8 aggression group

Source: Huesmann, L. R., Eron, L. D., Lefkowitz, M. M., & Walder, L. O. (1984). Stability of aggression over
time and generations. Developmental Psychology, 20, pp. 1120–1134. Reprinted with permission from
the American Psychological Association.

278
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

Gender differences in aggression emerge early (in 3-year-olds), and appear to be stable
through adolescence and across countries/cultures (Dodge, Coie, & Lynam, 2006). In par-
ticular, the rate and intensity of physical aggression is higher for boys than girls. Broidy and
his colleagues (2003) examined data from 6 longitudinal studies in the United States, New
Zealand, and Canada, and found that girls consistently exhibited lower mean levels of phys-
ical aggression than boys. Even girls characterized as chronically physically aggressive had
lower mean levels of physical aggression than boys with the same designation. Similarly,
Stanger, Achenback, and Verhulst (1997) found boys were more physically aggressive than
girls at every age from 4 to 18 in their sample of over 2,000 Dutch children. The evidence
concerning social or relational aggression is more mixed, however. Some research findings
suggest boys and girls engage in relational aggression at similar rates (Underwood, 2003).
Other findings indicate that girls engage in this form of aggression more than boys (Crick &
Zahn-Waxler, 2003). There is general agreement that girls are more likely to engage in rela-
tional than physical forms of aggression (Dodge et al., 2006). Also, research indicates girls
are more distressed by interpersonal problems and relational slights, and are more likely
than boys to incorporate information gained from such interactions into their “self-views”
(Crick et al, 2001, p. 203).
Some evidence points to a biological basis for aggressive behavior. Studies of twins sug-
gest a genetic predisposition toward aggressive behavior (Plomin, 1990). Pre- and perinatal
complications, in utero exposure to nicotine, and low levels of certain neurotransmitters
also have been linked to aggressive and antisocial behavior (Dodge et al., 2006). Other re-
search links aggression with psychological factors, such as low levels of perspective-taking,
moral reasoning, self-control, and sympathy relative to peers (Boldizar, Perry, & Perry, 1989;
Dodge et al., 2006; Gregg, Gibbs, & Basinger, 1994). Finally, research indicates the impor-
tant role ecological factors play in behavioral outcomes. We turn now to evidence that ag-
gressive behavior can be learned in families, from television and other media, and from
societal influences generally.
FAMILY ENVIRONMENT. Modeling plays an important role in the expression of aggression
(Bandura, Ross, & Ross, 1963) and families may play a key role. According to the National
Longitudinal Survey of Children and Youth (NLSCY) in Canada (Craig, Peters, & Konarski,
1998; Tremblay et al., 1996), there is a strong relationship between family membership and
family functioning and aggressive behavior. Data from the survey indicate that children who
are aggressive tend to have aggressive siblings and parents who, perhaps inadvertently, re-
inforce aggressive interactions between or among siblings (e.g., by not consistently prais-
ing prosocial behavior and punishing antisocial behavior). Furthermore, research indicates
that children who grow up in coercive home environments—homes filled with harsh and
inconsistent punishment and daily interactions within the family that can be characterized
as aggressive—are more likely to use aggression to solve their own problems (Craig et al.,
1998; Dodge et al., 2006). They learn to use aggression to get what they want.
MEDIA VIOLENCE. Another source of aggressive models is media entertainment. Today, chil-
dren interact with video games and the Internet in addition to television and the print me-
dia. Almost every home in North America has a television and, estimates are that, on average,
by the time children reach the age of 18 they will have witnessed over 200,000 acts of vio-
lence on TV (National Center for Children Exposed to Violence, 2003). Particularly disturb-
ing is the fact that much of the violence they observe goes unpunished. Again, children see
that violence is rewarded and may come to believe that violent retaliation is acceptable: “It’s
OK to shove people when you’re mad”(Egan, Monson, & Perry, 1998). Whether and to what
extent TV promotes aggressive behavior in children has been a matter for debate for some
time. We examine this issue in the Point/Counterpoint on the next page.
Films and video games also contain violence, which is often perpetrated by the hero.
Similarly, newspapers and magazines are filled with stories of murders, rapes, and robberies.
In a review of children’s books (Entenman, Murnen, & Hendricks, 2005), researchers found
evidence of physical and relational aggression and characters that modeled behaviors
associated with being either a bully or a bystander. On a positive note, these researchers
describe how some of this literature can be used by parents and teachers to help children

279
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

POINT/COUNTERPOINT: What Are Children Learning from Television?

Televisions are found in 98% of North American homes, and


Not all children respond to violence with vio-
children spend an average of four hours each day watching
lence. Experts also agree that not all children who view

COUNTERPOINT
television or sitting in front of a computer screen (Nielsen
violence on television will behave aggressively or vio-
Media Research, 2005). What children are watching and
lently in response (Anderson et al., 2003). It seems the
what they are learning are questions researchers have inves-
relationship between TV viewing and increased ag-
tigated over a number of years. Researchers have been par-
gression is complex. Some research indicates children
ticularly interested in whether watching television programs
who are more aggressive to begin with watch more TV
that contain violence increases children’s propensity to en-
and choose more violent shows on TV. A number of
gage in aggressive or violent acts in real life.
studies support this interpretation of the data. In Eron’s
(1987) study, the 8-year-old boys who watched a lot of
violence on TV already tended to be more aggressive
with their peers. In addition, of these already aggres-


Television fosters aggression and violence in sive youngsters, those who watched the most violence
children. There is general agreement among experts on TV were the most aggressive and delinquent as
POINT

that viewing violence on TV and in other media “can

teenagers and adults. Similarly, a more recent study
lead to aggressive attitudes, values, and behaviors”
found that viewing aggression on TV led to increased
(Anderson et al., 2003, p. 82). Numerous studies have
aggression in children with behavior problems, but not
demonstrated that viewing violence on TV is associ-
in children who didn’t exhibit aggressive behavior prior
ated with increases in aggressive and antisocial behav-
to watching TV (CBC Segment A, March, 2006). It seems that
ior (Huesmann & Miller, 1994; Huesmann, Moise, &
viewing violence on TV will not turn all children into hard-
Podolski, 1997; Huesmann, Moise-Titus, Podolski, &
ened criminals. However, there is good evidence to indicate
Eron, 2003). Unfortunately, many programs produced for
that habitual exposure to violence on TV, identification with
children contain high rates of violence. One study of Sunday
same-sex aggressive characters, and strong beliefs that vio-
morning cartoons recorded violent acts occurring approxi-
lent shows are a realistic portrayal of real life can increase ag-
mately 20–25 times each hour, compared with a rate of 5 or
gressive behavior in children (both males and females) in the
6 times each hour during prime time programs (Donnerstein,
short and long term (Huesmann et al., 2003).
Slaby, & Eron, 1994). In fact, these researchers found the
Of course, an argument can be made for the positive
highest rates of violence in programs aired during hours
effects of television on children’s social and cognitive devel-
when children are likely to be watching. What is the effect?
opment (see Linebarger & Wainwright, 2007). Programs de-
Experimental studies in which some children view moder-
signed to be educational have demonstrated positive
ately violent TV programs and others view more neutral con-
effects, such as increasing viewers’ vocabulary and general
tent indicate children who are exposed to the more violent
knowledge, particularly when viewers are preschoolers or
content are more likely to engage in aggressive or violent
English language learners (CBC Segment B, March, 2006;
acts, at least in the short term (Paik & Comstock, 1994). Also,
Neuman & Koskinen, 1992). Programs that target disadvan-
studies of the absolute amount of television viewed by
taged children, such as Sesame Street and Reading Rainbow,
children indicate that those who watch more TV are more ag-
are credited with preparing them for school by increasing
gressive. Finally, longitudinal studies have linked aggres-
their knowledge of letter names and sounds, sight words,
siveness at age 19 and criminal behavior by age 30 in males
and vocabulary, and by improving their general knowledge
with the amount of violence they viewed on television at
and reading comprehension skills so they can acquire new
age 8 (Eron, 1987). Furthermore, some research indicates that
concepts (Fowles-Mates & Strommen, 1996; Leitner, 1991).
viewing violence repeatedly on TV leads to desensitization
And children who watch programs that emphasize prosocial
toward violence in real life and the belief that violence can
behavior are more kind and helpful (Murray, 1980).
be a good strategy for accomplishing goals—getting what
you want (Anderson et al., 2003; Huesmann et al., 2003). Beware of Either/Or views of television and aggression
Clearly, television is a teacher, but parents can influence what
children learn by monitoring what they watch and controlling
the hours they spend in front of the television set. Even vio-
lence on television can be used for positive purposes. Adults
can talk with children about what they see, distinguish be-
tween fiction and reality, and generate nonviolent alterna-
tives for coping with problems.

understand issues related to violence and the impact it has on individuals and society as a
whole. According to Entenman et al., “In the right hands of the right teacher at the right
moment, a children’s book can be a powerful tool for engaging students in dialogue that ei-
ther ends the [aggression] or gives victims and bystanders the knowledge and confidence
to face it” (2005, p. 362). The key is for teachers to be aware of what is happening among

280
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

their students, not just in their classrooms, but also on the playground, on the bus, and in
their neighborhoods after school. In addition, they need to make themselves aware of chil-
dren’s books and how they deal with aggression, and be prepared to use them as teaching
tools when issues of aggression arise in their classrooms.

ECOLOGICAL AND SOCIOCULTURAL INFLUENCES. Finally, just as cultural conditions can

foster prosocial behavior, they also can encourage aggressive behavior. In particular, cultural
norms and public policies can influence the extent to which aggressive behavior is tolerated
within communities. In the United States, for example, rates of homicide involving firearms,
including rates for children, are 12 to 16 times higher than the average of 25 other industrial-
ized countries, including Canada, perhaps because of different laws that allow for gun own-
ership (Dodge et al., 2006). Many children witness violence associated with drugs and guns
in their neighborhood every day. They may observe that often, there are no consequences for
such illegal and antisocial behavior. Similarly, schools have been criticized for ineffective poli-
cies concerning antisocial behavior and lax discipline practices. Finally, marital conflict and
the breakdown of the family have been suggested as possible sources of aggression in children
and youth. In particular, poverty is associated with increased family stress, discipline practices
that model aggression, less effective parental monitoring, lower quality of education, and
greater likelihood of associating with aggressive peers (Raver, 2004; Tremblay et al., 1996).
It is important to bear in mind that violence is seldom the result of exposure to
one kind of model. More typically, it results from a convergence of multiple factors over
time (Anderson et al., 2003). Therefore, the influence of the mass media is best viewed as
one of many factors that shape behavior.
One form of aggression among children and youth that is receiving a lot of attention is
bullying.

How Big a Problem Is Bullying?

Bullying is “a willful act of aggression or manipulation by one or more people against another
person or people” (Enteman et al., 2005, p. 352). It involves sustained verbal or physical
mistreatment in which there is an imbalance of power and a desire on the part of the bully
to intimidate or dominate a victim, as in the case of an older or bigger child picking on a
younger or smaller peer (Merrell, Gueldner, Ross, & Isava, 2008). Bullying also is a game of one-
upmanship. Bullies get satisfaction from winning while someone else loses (Lingren, 1997).
Research around the world indicates that bullying is a serious problem for school-age
children (Hara, 2002; Hawkins, Pepler, & Craig, 2001; Kanetsuna & Smith, 2002; Swearer,
Expelage, Vaillancourt, & Hymel, 2010). In international surveys involving more than
36 countries around the world, between 10% and 23% of school-age children report being
involved in bullying incidents, as either the bully or the victim (Hawkins et al., 2001; Nansel et
al., 2001), and students in North America reported some of the highest rates of bullying (Craig
& Pepler, 2003). One problem with the research on bullying is that it depends almost entirely
on student self-reports or reports about others. If students over- or underreport incidents of
bullying (e.g., girls tend not to view their exclusionary behaviors as bullying [Craig & Pepler,
2003]), estimates of its prevalence may not be accurate. In a seminal study, Craig and Pepler
(1998) observed 65 elementary school children playing in the schoolyard at recess and lunch.
During 48 hours of observations, they witnessed a total of 314 bullying episodes, approximately
6.5 episodes every hour. They rated 84% of the episodes they observed as overt and occurring
when peers and/or adults were present. Most surprising was that according to their ratings,
school staff intervened in only 25% of the episodes in which they were proximal. These
findings and those of subsequent observation studies (Craig & Harel, 2004) indicate bullying
presents a significant challenge for at least a sizeable minority of school-age children.

BULLIES. Contrary to what is widely believed, bullies may have high self-esteem and suffer less
anxiety and insecurity than peers (Enteman et al., 2005; Kriedler, 1996; Olweus, 1991). Also,
contrary to the image of a bully who is failing and frustrated in school, many bullies do quite
well academically. Often peers perceive them as attractive and popular leaders in their schools
(Swearer et al., 2010). They don’t feel empathy for their victims and often see themselves in

281
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

a positive light. In fact, they may perceive they are the victims and rationalize their aggressive
behavior on the basis of a need to “get them before they get me”(Kriedler, 1996, p. 71).
Sullivan (2000) identified three types of bullies. As we have described, there are
confident bullies who have high self-esteem, are reasonably popular, and are physically strong.
But there also are anxious bullies who are weak academically and who are less popular and
secure. Finally, there are bully/victims. These children are bullies in some situations and vic-
tims in others (e.g., children who are bullied by siblings or receive harsh, often physical, pun-
ishment from parents). Bully/victims tend to be the most troubled psychologically, compared
with children who are either just bullies or just victims (Juvonen, Graham, & Schuster, 2003).
These children have the highest levels of conduct, school, and peer relationship problems.
Girls bully nearly as often as boys, but they use less physical forms of bullying (Werner &
Crick, 2004). And, whereas much of boys’ bullying is done one on one, girls tend to bully
in groups (Kriedler, 1996). Bullies tend to have more family problems than their peers
(DeHaan, 1997; Enteman et al., 2005). Often, they come from families in which there is lit-
tle warmth or affection, and communication among members is generally poor. These chil-
dren are frequently the recipients of harsh punishment, even emotional and physical abuse.
These factors may explain why bullies are rarely capable of maintaining close friendships and
are more likely to engage in delinquent acts or to abuse drugs and alcohol during adolescence
unless they experience some kind of intervention (DeHaan, 1997; Werner & Crick, 2004).

VICTIMS. Sullivan (2000) also identified three types of victims. Passive victims are anxious,
have low self-esteem, and are physically weak and unpopular. Often, these children do noth-
ing to provoke attacks and do little to defend themselves against bullies. Provocative vic-
tims tend to have their own set of problems that draws negative attention to them. They
tend to be physically stronger than passive victims and more actively engaged in incidents
that lead to bullying. Bully/victims provoke bullying in others and initiate aggressive acts.
Some groups of children are more likely to be bullied than others, including children who
are obese, children who don’t belong to a peer group, children in remedial education, and
children with disabilities (Swearer et al., 2010).
There are short- and long-term consequences to being a victim (DeHaan, 1997; Ente-
man et al., 2005; Swearer et al., 2010). In the short term, children who are victims may de-
velop a strong dislike for going to school or participating in gym. They may distrust peers
and have difficulty making friends. The long-term effects of being bullied can be anxiety,
embarrassment, guilt, loneliness, and loss of self-esteem. Some individuals experience
sleep, speech, and dissociative disorders; panic attacks; paranoia; obsessive compulsive dis-
order; self-mutilation; and delays in mental, social emotional, and physical development.
Some children who are severely bullied develop Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder. However,
most victims, especially if they receive support
from significant adults, survive bullying with-
out long-term effects.

BYSTANDERS. A bystander is a child who

witnesses bullying behavior and may or may
not do anything about it (Enteman et al., 2005,
p. 355). In a recent study of over 2,000 children
in the United Kingdom (Rivers, Voret, Pote, &
Ashurst, 2009), 63% reported having wit-
nessed bullying within the current school
term. Bystanders may unwittingly encourage
bullying by watching and not helping the vic-
tim. Or they may take a more active role, fol-
lowing the lead of the bully and laughing and
harassing the victim. Either way, bystanders
play an important role in the bully–victim dy-
A bystander is a child who witnesses bullying behavior and may or may
namic. In a continuation of Craig and Pepler’s
not do anything about it. SW Productions/Getty Images, Inc. – Photodisc/ (1998) observational study, Hawkins and her
Royalty Free colleagues (2001) observed peer interventions

282
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

in bullying incidents. Their data indicate that peers were present at 85% of 306 bullying in-
cidents, but intervened in only 19%. Most interventions targeted the bully, and boys inter-
vened more often than girls. However, boys were more likely than girls to use aggression.
In general, bystanders may not know what to do or whom to tell. They may fear reprisals
from the bully or blame the victim for provoking an attack. Observing bullying is associated
with risks to mental health, including elevated levels of anxiety, depression, and substance
use (Bonnano & Hymel, 2006; Rivers et al., 2010).
Clearly, bullying is a big problem for children, with wide-ranging consequences for
everyone involved. What can adults do to address the problem of bullying? Some sugges-
tions are presented in the Connecting with Children guidelines.
Experts are recommending approaches to discipline in schools that address school-
wide, classroom, and individual student needs through broad prevention, targeted inter-
vention, and development of self-discipline (Osher, Bear, Sprague, & Doyle, 2010). Swearer

CONNECTING WITH CHILDREN

Guidelines for Families, Teachers, and Other Professionals: What Can
Adults Do about Bullying and Aggression?
Don’t just stand there! 3. Talk about the violence children do see. Use the
Examples examples to open discussion about more appropriate
1. Have clear and consistent consequences for aggressive ways to solve problems and what victims and bystanders
behavior (e.g., remove privileges or institute a timeout). In can do if they experience violence.
particular, don’t ignore relational aggression, which can be
just as damaging as overt aggression over the long term. Be a good example.
Examples
2. Explain clearly and specifically what behavior was
aggressive. Help children to consider and plan how they 1. Use nonaggressive methods to solve your problems.
will respond to similar events in the future. Model positive coping strategies, such as taking a walk
or talking to a friend.
3. Be present and supervise in situations where children
may be vulnerable to aggression (e.g., schoolyards and 2. Make nonviolence a clear and consistent family,
hallways, playgrounds, sports arenas). classroom, team value.
3. Show and tell children how you help others when you
Draw attention to good behavior. can, and tell children how good it makes you and the
Examples other people feel.
1. Catch children being good and comment on it (e.g.,
“I like the way you controlled your anger in that Foster empathy and perspective-taking.
situation.”). Examples
2. Point to the helping behaviors of children and comment 1. Encourage children to think about how their actions
on how good it feels to help one another. and words affect others. Engaging in role-playing (e.g.,
“Pretend the kids in your class called you names. How
3. Reward helping behavior with praise and affection or a
did that make you feel?”).
special treat for the group (e.g., “You worked so well
together on your homework. Now let’s take a break and 2. When a child has hurt someone else, encourage him/her
play a game.”). to consider how the other child must feel. Ask him/her
to think of a way to make up for the hurt (e.g.,
Monitor television and other sources of modeling. apologizing, sharing a toy) and to follow through on
Examples some of the ideas.
1. Be aware of what children are watching on TV, and limit 3. When a child gets hurt by someone else, ask him/her
the amount of aggression and violence they see, even in to consider whether the hurt was intentional or just an
programs produced for their age group. Parents should accident.
be aware of the V-chip that can be inserted in TV sets
and used to block access to certain programs. Source: Adapted from Enteman, J., Murnen, T. J., & Hendricks, C.
2. Monitor aggressive content in video and computer (2005). Victims, bullies, and bystanders in K-3 literature. The Reading
games, and in children’s literature. Teacher, 59, 352-364.

283
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

and her colleagues (2010) argue that a social-ecological framework is particularly useful for
understanding the problem of bullying in schools. Such a framework considers all systems
that directly affect students, including families, peer groups, teacher–student relationships,
parent–school relationships, neighborhoods, and cultural expectations. Considering these
factors helps teachers design meaningful activities and create positive classroom climates
that foster healthy development and enhance student cooperation, motivation, and learn-
ing. These approaches contrast punitive and exclusionary approaches such as zero-tolerance,
which have exacerbated problems in many cases (e.g., increased antisocial behavior and
contributed to school disengagement, loss of opportunities to learn, and school dropout).
In addition, Osher and his colleagues advocate the development of school-wide positive be-
havior supports (SWPBS) and social emotional learning. SWPBS are school-wide systems
that teach rules and reward students for following them. Misbehavior is analyzed from a
functional perspective (e.g., what purpose does the behavior serve—attention, power,
avoidance), and interventions address the root of the problem. Social Emotional Learning
(SEL) emphasizes self-awareness, self-control, social awareness, relationship skills, and
responsible decision-making.

GENDER DEVELOPMENT
In this section, we focus on children’s increasing awareness of gender roles in middle child-
hood, how some of those understandings are stereotyped, and the relationship between
gender and self-esteem. We also look at precursors to the development of sexual orienta-
tion, which some evidence suggests are evident in pre- and early adolescence.

Thinking and Acting Like Boys and Girls

As children enter middle childhood (ages 6 or 7), they increasingly adopt gender-specific
behavior (as defined by their cultures) and avoid behavior associated with the opposite sex
(Davies, 2004; Ruble, Martin, & Berenbaum, 2006). About this time, children also become
aware of gender constancy—the fact that gender cannot be changed. Kohlberg (1966) be-
lieved this developing sense of gender permanence is critical for organizing and motivating
children to learn gender concepts and behaviors. Apparently, the implicit awareness of
“being a girl” leads to an insistence on “behaving like a girl, not like a boy” (Davies, 2004,
p. 308). As we discussed earlier, families have a primary role in socializing gendered
behavior in early childhood. In middle childhood, role models also include older and same-
age, same-sex peers, relatives, and other adults, including media celebrities. Observing
these role models leads children to form impressions about what girls and boys are like,
what they like to do, and how they behave in particular situations.
On average, boys are stronger and more physically active than girls, a difference that
is noted from infancy. In middle childhood, boys are more likely to choose outdoor activi-
ties and rough activities, compared with girls, who tend to choose quieter activities that in-
volve more conversation and fine motor coordination (Blatchford, Baines, & Pellegrini,
2003; Eaton & Enns, 1986; Fabes, Martin, & Hanish, 2004; Maccoby, 1998; Ruble et al.,
2006). Boys show more physical aggression and higher levels of assertiveness than girls, but
girls are more likely to seek and receive help than boys (Coie & Dodge, 1998; Eisenberg &
Fabes, 1998). When interacting with one another, girls are more agreeable than boys and
more likely to engage in turn-taking during conversations (Davies, 2004; O’Brien, 1992;
Ruble et al., 2006). Boys, on the other hand, interrupt one another, make demands and then
refuse to comply with the demands of others, tell jokes and stories, and compete with one
another for attention. Finally, girls and boys differ according to the themes that motivate
their reading, writing, and drawing. For example, boys like to read science fiction, sports,
and war stories, whereas girls prefer adventures, ghost, animal, and relationship/romance
stories (Coles & Hall, 2002; Ruble et al., 2006). Similarly, girls tend to develop stories with
affectionate themes, whereas boys’ stories contain more violence.
These gendered interests and styles of interacting reinforce gender segregation, or the
preference for playing with children of the same sex. Gender segregation increases during
middle childhood and remains strong to adolescence (Maccoby, 1998). Both boys and girls

284
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

prefer same-sex peers. They expect to have more fun with them and, on the whole, have
more positive interactions with them (Strough & Covatto, 2002; Vaughn, 2001). Of course,
some children develop friendships with other-sex peers, but these friendships often go
underground during school hours (Ruble et al., 2006). In fact, children who engage in
behaviors typically associated with the opposite sex, or who prefer playing with children
of the opposite sex, may be stigmatized for it. This is especially true for boys.

Gender-Role Stereotyping
Different treatment of boys and girls persists in middle childhood. Parents continue to
emphasize independence and industry more in boys than in girls, and gender biases are pro-
moted in schools as well. Schools provide gender-related information through the roles adult
men and women play in these contexts. Men are disproportionately represented in positions
of leadership within the school system, and most elementary school teachers are women.
Parents and teachers are well advised to review textbooks and other materials and to con-
sider how boys and girls, men and women are portrayed. Are they in stereotypical roles and
activities? Although progress has been made, content analyses indicate males occur more
often in book titles and pictures and girls are more often depicted as dependent and need-
ing help (Ruble et al., 2006). Interestingly, female characters are more likely than male char-
acters to cross gender roles and become more active and assertive, but male characters
seldom show feminine, expressive traits (Brannon, 2002; Evans & Davies, 2000). These find-
ings apply to other media, such as video games, educational software, and testing materials
as well (Meece, 2002).
There is quite a bit of research about how teachers treat boys and girls; one consis-
tent finding is that teachers interact more with boys than with girls. They ask more ques-
tions of boys, wait longer for them to respond, and provide them with more detailed
feedback (Meece, 2002). These findings vary by grade, subject area, and sex of the teacher.
For example, teachers of elementary students showed more sex-differentiated responses
than did high school teachers (Ruble et al., 2006), and female math and language teachers
interacted more with their male students than with their female students (Duffy, Warren, &
Walsh, 2002). Also, there is evidence that teachers judge boys’and girls’behavior differently.
In one study, teachers judged that lying and cheating were less desirable in girls than in
boys and quarreling was more serious for boys than for girls (Borg, 1998). Two cautions
are relevant to interpreting these research findings, however. First, much of this research
has involved predominantly White students, and the findings may not hold for other
populations. There is evidence, for example, that White high-achieving males receive
more of their teachers’ attention than males from minority groups; however, high-achieving
girls get the least amount of teacher attention (Woolfolk, 2010). Second, some research
indicates that although teachers interact more with boys than girls, their interactions with
girls are not less positive than their interactions with boys, just less frequent (Jones &
Dindia, 2004). Moreover, the impact of such differential treatment on children’s gender
concepts is not clear from the research that has been done. Effects may be small but
enduring and more pronounced for some students than others. For this reason, teachers,
as well as parents and other adults who work with children, should be mindful of their
differential treatment of girls and boys.
One other source of gender stereotyping and gender bias is television. Females are gen-
erally underrepresented on television. Males appear more often in commercials, and their
voices are used more often to narrate commercials (Brannon, 2002). In children’s
programs—even those characterized as educational—males outnumber females as much as
four or five to one (Signorielli, 2001). Moreover, although there have been improvements in
the past two decades, the sexes continue to be portrayed in stereotypic ways in terms of
occupations, personality characteristics, social relationships, appearance, and dress styles
(Ruble et al., 2006).
Fortunately, children’s views about what it means to be male or female become more
flexible at age 7 or 8, when they begin to realize that most gender norms for behavior,
activities, and occupations are more culturally determined than absolute (Blakemore, 2003;
Brannon, 2002). However, this flexibility seems to reach a ceiling in the mid-elementary

285
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

grades. Also, there is some evidence that gender stereotypes develop earlier and are more
rigid for boys than for girls, and this applies across cultures (Ruble et al., 2006). Both boys
and girls respond negatively when boys engage in cross-gendered behavior or have a cross-
gendered appearance. Similarly, parents and other adults are more accepting of girls and
women in cross-gendered roles than they are of boys and men in these roles. These find-
ings suggest girls may have more room to explore interests and activities that are not tradi-
tionally associated with their sex.

Gender and Self-Esteem

Recall that children’s development of self-esteem in particular domains derives from two
evaluative judgments: one about their competence in the domain and another about the
extent to which being competent in the domain is something they value. Researchers
have studied differences in boys’ and girls’ perceptions of competence across a variety
of domains and have found some fairly consistent differences, especially in gender-
stereotyped domains. On average, boys have higher competence beliefs than girls in
sports and math, and girls have higher competence beliefs than boys in reading, English,
and social activities (Wigfield & Eccles, 2001). These differences emerge very early and
are fairly stable over time. Wigfield and his colleagues (1997) conducted a longitudinal
study of children’s competence beliefs and values in sports, music, math, and reading.
When the study began, the children were in first, second, and fourth grades. The re-
searchers followed them for three years. Their findings were consistent with those out-
lined above—boys had higher competence beliefs in sports and math and girls felt
stronger in reading—even in first grade, and these gender differences did not change
over the course of their study. However, in a follow-up study, Jacobs and her colleagues
(2002) followed the same students through high school and documented changes in
their competence beliefs in the different domains from first through twelfth grade. The
results, shown in Figure 10.4, indicate there is a general decline in perceived compe-
tence across the school years in all domains for both boys and girls. By high school, boys
and girls were similar in reported levels of math competence, but girls continued to have
higher levels of perceived competence in English and boys continued to hold higher
competence beliefs in sports.
Children’s beliefs about which sex is likely to be more talented in a given domain
predicts the likelihood their competence judgments and expectations will be distorted in a
gender-stereotypic direction (Wigfield & Eccles, 2001). For example, boys who believe that
boys are generally better than girls in math tend to report more positive competence beliefs
in math. Similarly, children’s values for particular activities often reflect their beliefs about
what is appropriate for boys and girls to do. One reason differences in beliefs about com-
petence and values are important is that they influence the choices children make con-
cerning their engagement in tasks and activities, which in turn influence the choices
available to them as they move through school and out into the workforce (Eccles, 2007;
Frome, Alfeld, Eccles, & Barber, 2006). Beliefs and values that conflict with interests and
abilities may cause gender-role conflict for children who have interests and talents not typ-
ically associated their sex. This point has been well illustrated in research on gifted girls.
Bell (1989) conducted a now-classic ethnographic study of a group of gifted third through
sixth grade girls in an urban, multiethnic school. In interviews, the girls revealed they were
often conflicted between doing their best and trying to appear feminine and caring. Specif-
ically, they expressed concerns about hurting other people’s feelings by winning achieve-
ment contests, appearing to be a braggart if they expressed pride in their achievements, and
not wanting to appear overly aggressive in their efforts to get teachers’ attention. A decade
later, Lupart and Barva (1998) reported similar results from their study of a national sample
of gifted girls in Canada.
Although we have focused on the differences between boys and girls in this section,
it is important to emphasize that although these differences are important, they tend to be
small. As is true for comparisons of many groups, there is a great deal of overlap (similari-
ties, not differences) between groups of boys and girls and a great deal of variation within
groups of girls and boys.

286
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

FIGURE 10.4

GENDER DIFFERENCES IN CHANGES IN CHILDREN’S COMPETENCE

BELIEFS FROM GRADES 1–12

6.0 Male Female

Math competence

5.5

5.0

4.5

4.0
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

Grade

6.5
Language arts competence

6.0

5.5

5.0

4.5
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

Grade

6.5 Male Female

Sports competence

6.0

5.5

5.0

4.5

4.0
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

Grade

Source: Jacobs, J. E., Lanza, S., Osgood, D. W., Eccles, J. S. & Wigfield, A. (2002). Changes in children’s
self-competence and values: Gender and domain differences across grades 1 and 12. Child Development,
73, 509–527. Used with permission of John Wiles & Sons, Inc.

Developing Sexual Orientation

Most children begin experiencing feelings of sexual attraction during late childhood, but
sexual orientation does not appear with any clarity until adolescence. Sexual orientation
refers to a person’s tendency to be attracted to members of the same sex, the opposite sex,
or both sexes. It has been hypothesized that vague discomfort with one’s gender, interest
in opposite-gender activities, and the emergence of sexual questioning or same-sex attractions

287
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

in childhood predict an ultimate gay, lesbian, or bisexual orientation, but this has yet to be
validated through longitudinal research (Davies, 2004; Ruble et al., 2006). Also, in anecdotal
and retrospective accounts, adults report their same-sex attractions began between the ages
of 10 and 12 (Bailey & Zucker, 1995; Ruble et al., 2006), the same age at which children first
experience heterosexual attractions.
Why people develop a particular sexual attraction is a matter of debate, and is a sensi-
tive topic for some groups. Much of the debate focuses on same-sex attractions. Like so
many issues covered in this text, the debate concerns the relative influence of nature
(genetics and biology) and nurture (the child’s social environment), and the ways in which
these two influences interact.

WHAT IS THE ROLE OF BIOLOGY IN SAME-SEX ATTRACTIONS? Although some authors

suggest social factors are implicated in homosexuality or bisexuality, most focus on evi-
dence that suggests a genetic link to sexual orientation. For example, researchers have
found a higher concordance in homosexuality in identical versus fraternal twins (Bailey &
Pillard, 1991). Also, there is evidence indicating that girls who are prenatally exposed to
higher than normal levels of androgens—male sex hormones—are more likely than other
girls to engage in tomboyish behaviors, play with “boys’” toys, prefer boys as childhood
playmates, score higher on visual spatial tasks at adolescence, and report a bisexual or
homosexual orientation (Maccoby, 1998; Ruble et al., 2006). Moreover, studies have failed to
demonstrate parents’ socialization effects on these interests and behaviors (Pasterski et al.,
2005). Finally, autopsy studies of homosexual men have found that some areas of their
brains are more similar to those of heterosexual women than to those of heterosexual men
(Byrnes, 2001; Swaab, Gooren, & Hofman, 1995). However, it is important to remember
that differences in brain structure can be the result of environmental as well as biological
influences.

WHAT IS THE ROLE OF THE ENVIRONMENT IN GENDER IDENTITY? There are examples of
families who have intentionally raised boys as girls. There is a rare condition, Complete An-
drogen Insensitivity Syndrome (CAIS), in which XY males produce typical levels of andro-
gens, but lack specific cell receptors that allow them to respond to these hormones. These
males are born with female genitalia and are raised as girls (Ruble et al., 2006). Studies of
gender development in children with CAIS are limited, but they indicate these individuals’
gender identity, sexual orientation, and masculinity/femininity interests are typical of the
female sex (Hines, Ahmed, & Hughes, 2003). In contrast, results from studies of males who
have no penis—either as the result of a rare congenital defect or an accident after birth—
and are raised as girls are mixed. In one case study, early reports suggested the individual
adapted well to the female assignment (Money & Ehrhardt, 1972), but later reports describe
considerable unhappiness (depression, financial instability, failed marriage) with this as-
signment, resulting in self-reassignment to the male sex (Colapinto, 2000; Ruble et al.,
2006). Ultimately, this individual committed suicide.
These findings appear to favor biology in debates about the origins of gender identity
and sexual orientation, but more research is needed to clarify this very complex picture
(Ruble et al., 2006). It is difficult to conduct research on this topic, and many studies are
limited by methods that don’t allow researchers to make causal claims. Moreover, it is
possible that socialization effects are subtle and that parents respond to their children’s
physical appearance, interests, and behaviors and treat them accordingly.

PEER RELATIONSHIPS
Relationships with peers and friends are central to children’s development. In fact, many
researchers argue that positive peer relationships are responsible for a significant amount
of adaptive development and that maladaptive development occurs when children are
rejected by peers or have difficulty forming and maintaining friendships. In this section,
we examine the nature and significance of peer relationships and friendships in middle
childhood.

288
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

Peer Groups
Although young children may play in groups, they do not form peer groups—that is, social
groups that form on the basis of shared interests and values and typically are composed of
children of the same age, sex, race/ethnicity, and other commonalities (e.g., achievement
levels, popularity, athleticism). Rubin and his colleagues (2005) distinguish between two
kinds of peer groups: cliques and crowds. Cliques are relatively smaller friendship-based
groups (typically between 3 and a dozen children). These groups predominate in middle
childhood, whereas affiliation with larger crowds becomes salient during adolescence.
Crowds are less intimate, more loosely organized groups in which members may or may not
interact with one another. Affiliation with such crowds provides adolescents with an iden-
tity within a larger social structure (e.g., John’s a jock, Joan’s a brain). Peer group ties can
be formal, as is the case with organizations such as Girl Scouts, after-school clubs, and
church groups, or informal, as is the case with friendships.
Participation in peer groups is associated with both positive and negative consequences
for children (Berndt, 2004; Leets & Sunwolf, 2005). Peer groups teach children a variety of
valuable social skills, including how to: (a) engage in cooperative activities aimed at collective
versus individual goals; (b) effectively lead and follow others; and (c) control hostile impulses
directed at other members (Fine, 1987; Rubin et al., 2005). Moreover, peer groups can pro-
vide support that helps children to cope with stress in their lives. However, peer groups also
can become exclusive societies that rebuff children who don’t conform to certain dress codes
and behavior (Leets & Sunwolf, 2005). Interestingly, the time at which children begin to form
peer groups is also the time during which relational aggression rises among girls and overt ag-
gression increases among boys (Crick & Grotpeter, 1995). Sometimes, peer groups turn on
their own members, casting out individuals who are no longer respected according to some
group criteria. In short, peer groups are powerful forces for socialization and, depending on
the social character of the group, can influence behavior in both positive and negative ways.

PEER ACCEPTANCE AND REJECTION. Researchers have assessed children’s popularity, or

the extent to which they are liked by others in their peer group, in a variety of ways (e.g.,
with teacher and parent ratings or through direct observation), but peer assessments are
most often used in contemporary research (Rubin et al., 2005). This methodology uses
peers as informants to answer two main questions: Is the child liked? and What is the child
like? These sociometric techniques yield four categories of peer acceptance, which are
detailed in Table 10.4 on the next page.
Popular children are rated highly by their peers and may achieve their social status by
engaging in either prosocial or antisocial behavior. Rejected children are actively disliked by
their peers. They may be aggressive, immature, socially unskilled, or socially wary and with-
drawn. Controversial children get mixed reviews from peers because they display a mix of
positive and negative social behaviors. Finally, neglected children receive few peer nomina-
tions of any kind. These children interact less with peers and this “lack of noticeability”
makes it very difficult to obtain good peer assessments of their behavior (Rubin et al., 2005,
p. 488). However, there is no consistent evidence that these children experience the social
anxiety and extreme social wariness that characterizes socially withdrawn children.

WHY SOME KIDS ARE POPULAR. Peer acceptance is positively associated with academic
achievement and attractive physical appearance and negatively associated with having an
uncommon name (Coie & Krehbiehl, 1984; Hartup, 1981; Langlois & Stephan, 1981). How-
ever, social behavior and ways of thinking about social phenomena are the variables most
highly associated with status in a peer group (Rubin et al., 2005). For example, children who
are sociometrically popular—who receive high ratings on peer assessment measures—are
characterized as cooperative, friendly, sociable, and sensitive. These children are skilled at
maintaining qualitatively positive relationships. They speak clearly and respond appropri-
ately when others speak to them. When faced with conflict, they use negotiation and com-
promise, believing they can get what they want and preserve positive relationships. Finally,
children who are popular with peers tend to have higher perceived social competence and
social efficacy (Harter, 1998; Wheeler & Ladd, 1982).

289
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

TABLE 10.4 • Categories of Peer Acceptance

POPULAR CHILDREN
Popular prosocial children: These children are both academically and socially competent. They do well in school and
communicate well with peers. When they disagree with other children, they respond appropriately and have effective
strategies for working things out.
Popular antisocial children: This subgroup of children often includes boys who are aggressive. They may be athletic and other
children tend to think they are “cool” in the ways they bully other children and defy adult authority.

REJECTED CHILDREN
Rejected aggressive children: High rates of conflict and hyperactivity/impulsivity characterize the behaviors of this subgroup.
These children have poor perspective-taking skills and self-control. They often misunderstand the intentions of others,
assign blame, and act aggressively on their angry or hurt feelings.
Rejected withdrawn children: These children are timid and withdrawn, often the targets of bullies. They are often socially
awkward and withdraw from social interactions to avoid being scorned or attacked.

CONTROVERSIAL CHILDREN
As the descriptor implies, these children have both positive and negative social qualities and, as a result, their social status can
change over time. They can be hostile and disruptive in some situations and then engage in positive prosocial behaviors in
others. These children have friends and are generally happy with their peer relationships.

NEGLECTED CHILDREN
Perhaps surprisingly, most of these children are well adjusted and they are not less socially competent than other children.
Peers tend to view them as shy, but they don’t report being lonely or unhappy about their social lives. Apparently they
don’t experience the extreme social anxiety and wariness that withdrawn children do.

Research has linked parent–child relationships and parenting behavior to children’s

peer acceptance. For example, several studies indicate that children who have a secure, pos-
itive attachment to their parents (mothers) are more popular and socially competent than
children whose relationship to parents is less secure (Granot & Mayseless, 2001; Rose-Krasnor,
Rubin, Booth, & Coplan, 1996). Also, children whose parents scaffold their interactions
with peers (e.g., monitor child–peer interactions and coach them through conflicts) tend
to be more popular with peers and are rated more socially competent by other adults
(McDowell, Parke, & Wang, 2003). Finally, popular children tend to have parents who use
more feelings-oriented reasoning, warm control, and more positive communication in their
parent–child interactions (Mize & Pettit, 1997; Rubin et al., 2005). In contrast, punitive,
rejecting, cold, and overly permissive parenting behaviors are associated with childhood
aggression, which is associated with peer rejection (Rubin et al., 2005).

CONSEQUENCES OF PEER REJECTION. Peer rejection is associated with academic diffi-

culties as well as problems relating to psychosocial adjustment and functioning (McDougall,
Hymel, Vaillancourt, & Mercer, 2001). For example, results of longitudinal studies indicate
that peer rejection in childhood predicts a wide range of externalizing problems in adoles-
cence, including delinquency, conduct disorder, attention problems, and substance abuse
(Kupersmidt & Coie, 1990; Rubin et al., 2005). Also, peer rejection is associated with
internalizing problems, such as loneliness, low self-esteem, and depression. Apparently,
children’s perception of rejection—their belief that they are being rejected—may influence
whether and to what extent they develop externalizing or internalizing problems related to
psychosocial adjustment (Rubin et al., 2005). Having at least one good friend may protect
children from developing negative feelings about their social lives.

Friendships
Friends are people with whom we share a close, mutual, and dyadic relationship. Reciproc-
ity and equality are key features of friendship. Typically, school-age children choose friends
who are like them in age, sex, ethnicity, and interests. Also, friendships deepen across mid-
dle childhood as children’s conceptions of what it means to be and have a friend evolve
(Davies, 2004). Young children’s (ages 6 to 8) conception of friendship relates to their social

290
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

context and concrete activities (“John is my friend because he lives near me and we like to
ride bikes.”). For older children, friends are people who share common values, commitments,
loyalty, mutual support, and responsibility (Davies, 2004; Rubin, Bukowski, & Parker, 1998).
Friends serve a number of functions in middle childhood (Davies, 2004; Rubin et al.,
2005). For example, they help children acquire knowledge of behavioral norms and learn
skills for interacting successfully with peers. They provide children with people to identify
with who are like themselves, as opposed to adults or older siblings whose abilities are typ-
ically far beyond those of the school-age child. Friends provide support for important tran-
sitions or family disruptions (e.g., separation and divorce). Finally, resolving conflicts with
friends provides practice for solving conflicts with others (e.g., co-workers, spouses) in
later life. Childhood friends have frequent falling outs, but often are motivated to resolve
their differences to preserve the friendship. Therefore, in their quarrels, they make more
use of negotiation and disengagement, and are more likely than non-friends to reach an
equitable agreement (Rubin et al., 2005).
Most middle years children (75–80%) have a mutual best friend—a child who recip-
rocates a “best” friend nomination—and, once formed, these friendships show remark-
able stability over time (Rubin et al., 2005). This is not always positive. Since children
choose friends who are like them, they may choose friends who reinforce their antisocial
or aggressive tendencies, or share their shyness and internalized distress. Berndt,
Hawkins, and Jiao (1999) found that behavior problems increased for only those children
in their sample who had stable friendships with other children with behavior problems.
It seems, therefore, that the positive effects of friendship on children’s psychosocial
adjustment may be determined by the characteristics of the friend. Interestingly, boys are
more likely than girls to maintain mutual friendships. Hardy, Bukowski, and Sippola
(2002) found this was the case when children transitioned from elementary to middle
school (grades 6 to 7). Through the transition, girls experienced more instability in
friendships than did boys and were more likely to form new friendships in the fall of
seventh grade.

HOW DO FRIENDSHIPS DIFFER FOR BOYS AND GIRLS? Both boys and girls depend on
friends for company, approval, and support (Craft, 1994). However, boys and girls differ in
their answers to questions concerning their expectations of friends (Rubin et al., 2005). For
example, girls tend to focus on what they receive from friends, whereas boys emphasize
reciprocity. Girls describe their same-sex friends with adjectives (e.g., she is nice), but boys
tend to describe their friends’ interests (e.g., sports). Also, girls report more intimate ex-
changes in their friendships than do boys. Finally, girls report more relational victimization
in their friendships (e.g., “My friend ignores me when she’s mad at me.”). Boys report more
physical victimizations in their altercations with friends.

WHAT HAPPENS TO CHILDREN WHO DON’T HAVE FRIENDS? Children without mutual
friendships report more loneliness, and being friendless in childhood is associated with
lower self-worth in adulthood (Rubin et al., 2005). It is important to note that not all re-
jected children are friendless and not all children who are generally accepted by peers have
close mutual friendships. The significance of friendships, over and above peer acceptance,
is evident in research that shows children who are victimized by peers may only be at risk
of developing maladaptive externalizing and internalizing behaviors when they do not have
friends (Hodges, Boivin, Vitaro, & Bukowski, 1999). Apparently, having a close friend can
alleviate the negative effects of being disliked and rejected by peers.

FAMILIES
Even though peers and friends have increasing significance in children’s development
during middle childhood, families are important, too. This section examines children’s re-
lationships with parents and siblings and how these relationships influence other aspects
of development, such as social relationships and self-regulation. Also, we will see that fam-
ilies come in all shapes and sizes these days, and they face a number of difficult challenges.

291
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

Parent–Child Relationships in Middle Childhood

Parents continue to play an important role in children’s lives throughout middle childhood,
but their relationship changes to accommodate children’s expanding social world and their
increased competencies. Bryant (1985) asked children 7 to 10 years of age to identify the
10 most important people in their lives. A significant proportion of children (approximately 80%)
included their moms and dads on this list. However, unrelated peers also were included
72% of the time, and 23% of children identified an unrelated adult as one of the most
important people in their lives.
As children move through middle childhood, they spend less time with their parents,
and parents spend less time supervising their activities (Davies, 2004; Lamb & Lewis, 2005).
Children spend less time at home and, when they are at home, they spend less time inter-
acting directly with parents. Time at home is often spent doing homework, watching TV,
doing chores, playing independently, or playing with siblings. In many non-Western soci-
eties, children in late-middle childhood enter the workforce or begin to contribute to the
sustainability of the family in other ways (e.g., tending crops or looking after younger
siblings). Even in Western societies, many mothers return to working part or full time.
Children have less time with mothers and often are expected to take on more responsibility
in the family. We discuss the impact of mothers and parents working on children’s
development in a subsequent section.

APPROACHES TO PARENTING. The work of Diana Baumrind (1973, 1991) characterizes ef-
fective parents as supportive, caring, and child-centered in their approach to parenting; their
primary concern is meeting the needs of their children, rather than meeting their own needs
or convenience. In addition, these parents exercise firm behavioral control. They monitor
their children’s activities closely, hold high but age-appropriate expectations for behavior, and
apply inductive versus punitive approaches to discipline when problems arise. Baumrind re-
ferred to such approaches to parenting as authoritative. Authoritative approaches to parenting
are associated with better peer relationships (as indicated in the previous section) and aca-
demic outcomes for school-age children, and greater demonstrations of love and respect for par-
ents and other people. In contrast, children who experience what Baumrind referred to as cold
and authoritarian parenting tend to be more aggressive, less popular with peers, and less suc-
cessful in school. Also, children raised by authoritarian parents tend to be less independent than
children raised by authoritative parents.
Children whose parents are, in Baumrind’s terms, either permissive or rejecting/
neglecting are most at risk for poor outcomes. For example, children from permissive
homes tend to do less well in school and to be less independent and self-assured than chil-
dren who are raised by authoritative parents. This is particularly true for children whose
parents are not only permissive but also indulgent. Children whose parents reject or neg-
lect them often do poorly in school and show other disruptions in peer relationships and
cognitive development (Parke & Buriel, 2006). Also, these children evidence higher rates
of delinquency, alcohol and drug abuse, and early sexual behavior.
Although there is general support for Baumrind’s characterizations of effective
parenting, especially in Western societies among middle-class communities of European
descent, effective parenting, and the constructs associated with it, may be viewed differently
by different cultures. For example, authoritarian characterizations of parenting do not elicit
the negative associations in Arab and Asian cultures that they do in North American and
many European cultures (Chao & Sue, 1996; Dwairy et al., 2006; Rudy & Grusec, 2006), nor
are they associated with negative outcomes for children (e.g., low self-esteem). Even within
societies, both Western and non-Western, there is considerable variation in both parenting
practices and their efficacy for children’s development (Dwairy et al., 2006; Leyendecker
et al., 2002). In the following section, we describe how different parenting practices can
achieve the same goal of promoting self-regulation.
Of primary importance across cultures is that children do best when their relation-
ships with parents are characterized as warm and loving and when their parents are actively
engaged in helping them to learn appropriate behavior and make good choices.

292
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

PARENTS PROMOTING SELF-REGULATION. Several parenting variables are believed to

contribute to the development of self-regulation. Parents’ own ability to self-regulate is
important, as they serve as good or poor models of self-regulation (Prinstein & La Greca,
1999). Also, parents’ high expectations concerning self-regulation, as well as the monitor-
ing that ensures those expectations are met, are associated with greater self-regulatory com-
petence on the part of children (Rodrigo, Janssen, & Ceballos, 1999). Finally, what we have
described as authoritative approaches to parenting are associated with greater independ-
ence and self-regulation (Lamb & Lewis, 2005).
Why might this be? Authoritative parents recognize that as children grow and develop,
they will need to monitor their actions and activities from a distance. They understand the
need to give children a reasonable amount of freedom and set and enforce limits in ways
that teach children to be responsible. These parents don’t set and enforce rules arbitrarily
or unilaterally. They explain why rules are in place, typically for children’s safety and well-
being, and they work with children to set rules that are reasonable and age-appropriate.
When children object to rules, authoritative parents are willing to listen to their points of
view and to negotiate a compromise. In this way, parents and children in authoritative fam-
ilies co-regulate behavior. Over time, authoritative parents expect children to develop the
ability to regulate their own behavior. These parents recognize that as children spend more
and more time away from home, they need to be effectively self-regulating to make good
choices, be liked, and withstand peer and societal pressures.
However, there is some evidence to suggest that authoritarian approaches to parent-
ing can produce some of the same positive results that are observed when parenting is au-
thoritative. For example, Baumrind (1973) found that African American daughters raised
by authoritarian parents were exceptionally independent and at ease. In fact, stricter disci-
plinary practices are characteristic of many minority groups, especially those living in poor
and dangerous neighborhoods (Parke & Buriel, 2006). It is possible that parents in these
communities use more authoritarian discipline approaches both to protect their children
from becoming victims or perpetrators of violence and to ensure success in school and a
better life in the future. However, stricter discipline in these communities often is coupled
with a strong system of interdependence among family and extended family members, and
it is balanced by warm and caring interactions most of the time. It seems that strict and di-
rective parenting combined with high levels of warmth and emotional support is linked to
higher levels of academic achievement and emotional maturity for inner-city children
(Garner & Spears, 2000; Jarrett, 1995). Perhaps children interpret this as caring and com-
mitment on their parents’part (Stewart & Bond, 2002). This combination of parenting styles
also is characteristic of Chinese and immigrant Chinese families (Lim & Lim, 2003; Peterson,
Cobas, Bush, Supple, & Wilson, 2004).

COOPERATION AND CONSISTENCY. One other important feature of successful parenting is

cooperation and consistency between parents. This can be difficult to achieve in contem-
porary families in which both parents work outside the home and, often, have little time to
interact and check with one another about the decisions they make for their children. Also,
parents can disagree or have different styles of parenting. Children quickly learn who is more
permissive and thus is likely to give them what they want. Even when parents don’t live to-
gether, they should communicate and cooperate on matters that concern their children.

Sibling Relationships
Those of us who have siblings likely can relate to this comment: “[I]t is our brothers and
sisters who see us as no one else does, who are experts at how to both please and annoy us,
and who bring out the best and the worst in us”(Kramer & Bank, 2005, p. 483). Surprisingly,
sibling relationships have received relatively little consideration in research about families
when compared, for example, to the attention given to parent–child and marital relation-
ships and their impact on children’s well-being and family functioning (Kramer & Bank,
2005). Interactions with siblings provide a context for children to learn and practice a range
of positive prosocial skills, including perspective-taking, sharing, and caring effectively for

293
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

others (Eisenberg et al., 2006; Parke & Buriel, 2006). Also, because sibling relationships typ-
ically involve some conflict, they present opportunities for children to practice controlling
their emotions and behaviors and to develop strategies for solving interpersonal problems
(Brody, 2004). Of course, sibling relationships also can have a negative impact on children’s
social and emotional development. Older siblings can model and encourage behavior that is
harmful or antisocial (e.g., smoking cigarettes), and children who grow up with older sib-
lings who are aggressive are at increased risk for developing behavior problems, relationship
difficulties, and trouble in school (Brody, 2004; Kramer & Bank, 2005). Finally, sibling rela-
tionships can provide a buffer from other stressors in children’s lives. For example, older sib-
lings may provide emotional support and protection to younger siblings when there is family
turmoil (e.g., parental conflict), or victimization by peers (Brody, 2004; Lamarche & Brendgen,
2006; Parke & Buriel, 2006).
In general, sibling relationships in middle childhood are characterized by declines in
both warmth and conflict (Parke & Buriel, 2006; Slomkowski & Manke, 2004). Perhaps this
is due to children’s broadening interests and friendships outside the home. Still, siblings are
an important source of companionship, emotional support, and care for many school-age
children, and sisters, in particular, continue to report feelings of warmth and closeness dur-
ing this time (Slomkowski & Manke, 2004). Considerable proportions of children who have
siblings share a bedroom, do chores with them, and play together on a regular basis (Bryant,
1982). This is particularly true when siblings are close in age and are the same sex. Where
there is an age difference, older siblings often comfort, support, and care for younger chil-
dren (Eisenberg et al., 2006). This is particularly true in large families and non-industrialized
societies where there is a strong sense of interdependence among family members
(Maynard, 2002; Weisner, 1993), and in families where both parents work and are often un-
available (Eisenberg et al., 2006). However, at least in North America, the care and support
children receive from siblings does not match the richness and complexity of care they
typically receive from parents (Bryant, 1992). For example, when children seek help with
complex and emotionally stressful problems, parents offer more coping strategies than
siblings; the comfort and support provided by siblings in these instances do not match the
level of care parents typically provide.
There also is the issue of sibling rivalry, which tends to increase in intensity during mid-
dle childhood. It is natural for children to compare themselves to siblings and to learn about
themselves and how they differ from one another
through these comparisons (Updegraff &
Obeidallah, 1999). It also is typical for parents
to compare siblings in terms of their traits and
accomplishments, and to form expectations
for younger children based on experiences
with their older siblings, especially when the
siblings are close in age and the same sex. Such
comparisons, and even differential treatment
from parents, don’t necessarily lead to poor
outcomes for children who compare less fa-
vorably to siblings or who spend less time with
or receive less positive attention from parents
(Brody, 2004). What matters is the quality of
children’s individual relationships with par-
ents. When those are positive, and when chil-
dren understand the rationale for parents’
treating siblings differently (e.g., parents may
need to attend more to siblings who are
younger or who have a disability), children
Siblings are an important source of companionship and emotional support
can tolerate comparisons and differential treat-
for many school-age children. They can help one another learn and
practice a range of positive prosocial skills, including perspective-taking,
ment. However, when comparisons or differ-
sharing, and caring effectively for others. Geri Engberg/Geri Engberg ential treatment lead children to perceive that
Photography they receive less warmth and more negative

294
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

treatment from parents, or that one or another sibling is the favorite and unfairly receives
more attention, approval, or material resources, resentment and quarrelling may ensue
(Reiss, Neiderhiser, Hetherington, & Plomin, 2000). Parents can reduce these antagonisms
by acknowledging the unique characteristics of each child and supporting each child in de-
veloping his or her particular interests and talents.
What about only children? Do children who don’t have siblings suffer any ill effects in
terms of their cognitive and social development? The preponderance of the research on this
topic indicates that only children are just as well adjusted as other children, and they also
have some advantages. On average, only children score higher on measures of self-esteem
and motivation for learning than children with siblings, and they are just as likely to be
resourceful, popular, independent, and successful in relationships (Blake, 1989; Dawson,
1991; Polit & Falbo, 1987). Also, these children tend to have closer relationships with par-
ents (Falbo & Polit, 1986).
What about children with step-siblings and half-siblings? In the section that follows,
we describe the many different family configurations that exist in our society today. Differ-
ent sibling relationships arise out of different family configurations. Edward Anderson
(1999) examined differences in qualities of relationships among full biological siblings, half-
siblings, and unrelated step-siblings. At the time of his study, participants were pairs of
same-sex siblings ages 12 to 15. His findings indicate that, in general, relationships between
female siblings were more positive than relationships between male siblings. Specifically,
girls’ relationships involved more communication and support. They also involved more di-
rectivity: one sibling telling the other sibling what to do. Step-sibling relationships were
characterized as less negative than other sibling relationships. They involved less aggres-
sion, rivalry, and avoidance. Finally, positive relationships among siblings in all three groups
were associated with lower levels of externalizing behavior and depressive symptoms, and
higher levels of social responsibility, cognitive agency, sociability, autonomy, and self-worth,
and this was true for both older and younger siblings.

Family Portraits
Perhaps the most appropriate expectation to have about children’s families is no expecta-
tion all. Today, many children have only one sibling or no siblings at all. They may be part
of blended families and have “step” siblings who move in and out of their lives. They may
receive care from extended family members—perhaps living with an aunt or grandparents—
they may have two moms or two dads, or they may live with adoptive or foster families.
In fact, fully intact families—consisting of married couples living just with their biological
children—represented just under 25% of U.S. households in 1990 (U.S. Census Bureau,
2000). In this section we consider several of the many family structures and their implica-
tions for children.

NEVER-MARRIED AND SINGLE-PARENT FAMILIES. According to the U.S. Census Bureau

(2000), approximately 10% of children have parents who never married, and most of these
children (89%) live with their mothers. Rates of childbearing outside of marriage vary
greatly by ethnic group, with African American women delaying marriage more and child-
birth less than any other ethnic group (Glick, 1997). Perhaps this is the result of the per-
sistent difficulties Black men in poor neighborhoods have had in providing for their
families, as well as the common practice in African American communities of involving ex-
tended family members, primarily grandmothers, in caring for children. Regardless, African
American women have children out of wedlock at a rate of 70% compared with 41% of
Hispanic mothers and 26% of White, non-Hispanic mothers (Ventura, Peters, Martin, &
Maurer, 1997).
Historically, research has indicated that children in never-married families are at risk for
experiencing some of the same poor outcomes as children whose parents have divorced; in
some instances, their level of risk is higher (McLanahan, 1999). For example, children who
live in never-married families are more likely to drop out of school and to become parents in
their teen years than children whose parents are divorced. Both these groups are more than
twice as likely to experience these outcomes as children in two-parent families or families

295
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

According to 2000 Census data, just under

25% of U.S. households consisted of married
couples living with only their biological chil-
dren. There are many family structures, and
each has implications for the children. Within
this variety of structures, children may have
only one sibling, no siblings, or step-siblings;
they may live with grandparents or other
extended family members; they may live in
adoptive or foster families; they may live with
one parent; or they may have two moms or
two dads. Perhaps the most appropriate
expectation to have about children’s families
is to have no expectation at all.
glenda/Shutterstock (top left); Monkey Business
Images/Shutterstock (middle left); Rachel Epstein/
The Image Works (bottom left); H. Tuller/Shutterstock
(top right);

296
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

where one parent is widowed. Often, however, these outcomes are associated with a fam-
ily’s financial security. Most of the research on single parents focuses on mothers who have
low incomes and may not receive adequate child support from fathers, particularly if they
never married their children’s fathers (Meyer, 1999). Lower family income has important
consequences for children’s development. It places extra stress on families, which can lead
to less effective parenting and fewer opportunities for children to engage in the kinds of ac-
tivities that distract from problem behaviors and lead to success both in and beyond school.
More and more, however, women-headed families are not poor. Many women who are
well educated and financially secure are having children out of wedlock by choice. Rosana
Hertz (2006), a professor of women’s studies and sociology, writes about these women in
her book titled “Single by Chance, Mothers by Choice.” Most of these women are more ma-
ture than the stereotypic unwed mother and have established themselves in their careers.
Certainly, they are able to provide their children with all they need in the way of material re-
sources, but what else might children miss from living without a father? Some research indi-
cates that fathers’active engagement has positive effects on children’s overall health and their
degree of behavioral and psychological problems (Lamb, 1999; McLanahan, 1997; 1999).
However, in her book, “Raising Boys Without Men,” Peggy Drexler (2005) argues that boys
raised by mothers become socially savvy, generous, caring communicators while remaining
extremely boyish. She compared outcomes for boys who were raised in female-headed
households with those of boys raised in traditional mom and dad families, and her in-depth
interviews refute many of the previous stereotypes. More research is needed about how this
group of children fares compared to children of other never-married parents. Similarly, we
need more research about how children fare when their primary caregiver is their father.
BLENDED FAMILIES. Many benefits accrue from the successful blending of families. Often,
when mothers remarry, their financial circumstances improve, and this leads to increased
services and educational opportunities for their children. For boys in particular, living with
a stepfather increases their chances of finishing high school, attending and graduating from
college, and being successful in the job market. Moreover, when blended families stay to-
gether for many years, they serve as positive role models for children’s future intimate rela-
tionships. Finally, if both biological parents are involved in parenting and their relationship
is good, children in blended families can end up with more parental support and guidance
than children in traditional families (Amato, 1999; Hetherington, Bridges, & Insabella, 1998;
Wallerstein, Lewis, & Blakeslee, 2000).
Of course, blended families face particular challenges, especially when the relation-
ships are new. The rules of engagement are likely to change, and it takes time to establish
new routines and responsibilities. Also, there may be some competition among children for
parents’ attention, or between children and a stepfather for a mother’s attention. In some
cases, children are worse off than before their parent remarried (Wallerstein et al., 2000).
For example, when fathers remarry, they may be more financially stressed than before, try-
ing to support both their biological children and their stepchildren. The result can be a
decrease in both financial security and emotional support for their biological children, es-
pecially if their children do not live with them. In general, stepfathers are less involved and
less emotionally supportive than biological fathers who are continuously involved in their
children’s lives (Hetherington & Clingempeel, 1992). These examples point to the multiple
complex issues influencing children’s experiences in blended families.
GAY AND LESBIAN FAMILIES. Estimates of the number of lesbian and gay parents in the
United States varied from 1 to 9 million in the sources we consulted. Experts agree these
estimates can be conservative because some parents conceal their homosexual orientation
in response to lingering prejudice about the appropriateness of children being raised in a
gay- or lesbian-headed household. According to Charlotte Patterson (2002), a prominent re-
searcher in this field, approximately 20% of lesbians and 10% of gay men have children.
Many of these children were conceived when their parents were in heterosexual relation-
ships, but more and more gay and lesbian couples are using alternate means, such as sur-
rogacy and donor insemination, to have children. Other couples are adopting children or
providing foster homes to children in need of families.

297
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

In general, children raised by homosexual parents are well adjusted and have good re-
lationships with their parents (AAP Committee on Psychosocial Aspects of Child and Family
Health, 2002; Golombok et al., 2003; Patterson, 1992; 2002; Tye, 2003). They are not more
likely to suffer crises of gender identity or to be homosexuals themselves. School-age chil-
dren living in gay and lesbian families demonstrate the same developmental trends as chil-
dren raised in heterosexual families. For example, they prefer playing with same-sex peers
and gender-stereotypic toys and games. Moreover, these children are not significantly differ-
ent from peers in terms of popularity, sociability, hyperactivity, emotional difficulty, moral
maturity, or intelligence. The greatest challenge for children with gay and lesbian parents
may be coping with the prejudice directed at their families by various groups in society.

ADOPTIVE AND FOSTER FAMILIES. Many children grow up in adoptive families (approxi-
mately 2.5%) and most of these children adjust well and function normally (U.S. Census
Bureau, 2005). These children do much better on psychological, educational, social, and
emotional measures than children who are cared for in residential and long-term foster care
settings, or children who are shuttled between foster care settings and parents who are ei-
ther unable or unwilling to parent effectively (Morgan, 1998; Triseliotis & Hill, 1990). There
are approximately 600,000 children in foster care and around 70% are school age (U.S. De-
partment of Health and Human Services, 2001). As a group, these children suffer severe
functional impairment, which manifests itself in poor academic achievement, behavioral
and emotional problems, and poor health (Black, 2006; Emerson & Lovitt, 2003; Kools,
1997). Of course, there are foster families who are strongly committed to providing loving
and stable environments for children who have experienced much turmoil in their short
lives. In general, however, adoptive families provide a more financially and emotionally se-
cure environment. Most adoptive parents are highly motivated and committed to helping
their children prosper. Also, adopted children can settle into this new environment, know-
ing it is permanent. As a result, most children who are adopted develop a strong sense of
identity and report feeling emotionally attached to their adoptive parents (Sharma, McGue, &
Benson, 1996, 1998; Stams, Juffer, Rispens, & Hoksbergen, 2000).
There are, however, some special challenges associated with adopting children, and
there is evidence that these children are more at risk for adjustment problems than their non-
adopted peers (Miller, Xitao, Christensen, Grotevant, & van Dulmen, 2000). Adopted children
are more likely to receive psychological treatment and are at increased risk for experiencing
behavior problems, learning disabilities, and adjustment difficulties in school. This is particu-
larly true of children who were not adopted as infants; this behavior is more likely the result
of their early experiences as opposed to their being adopted per se. Often, these problems
don’t appear until late childhood and adolescence (Goodman, Emery, & Haugaard, 1998;
Sharma, McGue, & Benson, 1996). A major task for adolescents is to define and develop their
identity. Adolescents who have limited knowledge about their biological history may have dif-
ficulty accomplishing this task, and their relationship with their adoptive parents may be
stressed during this period of their lives. For these reasons, adoptive parents should try to
learn as much as possible about their children’s previous family history. Also, they may need
to support their adolescents in locating and contacting their biological parents. This is be-
coming easier with the rise in open adoption—an arrangement in which the adults involved
share information and, in some cases, interact directly. Not only can this help adoptive par-
ents to prepare for—and proactively work to curtail—psychological problems but also it can
be invaluable in preventing or treating genetically determined illnesses.

Challenges Families Face

In our family portraits, we have already alluded to many challenges facing families. In this
section, we focus on two challenges that are common to many families in our modern so-
ciety: experiencing divorce and finding adequate childcare.

DISHARMONY AND DIVORCE. The divorce rate in the United States is the highest in the
world. Some analysts estimate that between 40% and 50% of first-time marriages end in di-
vorce (National Center for Health Statistics, 2004). In 1998, 14.4% of children under the age

298
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

of 18 lived in homes in which parents were either divorced or separated—that’s more than
10 million children (U.S. Census Bureau, 1998). Similarly, it is estimated that 36% of mar-
riages in Canada will end in divorce within 30 years of the wedding (Ambert, 2005). As
many of us know from experiences in our own families, separation and divorce are stress-
ful events for all participants, even under the best circumstances. The actual separation of
the parents may have been preceded by years of tension and conflict in the home, or it may
come as a shock to all, including friends and children. During the divorce itself, tensions
may increase as property and custody rights are being decided. What do parents and other
caregivers need to consider for children experiencing divorce?
Divorce is disruptive. Today, as in the past, the mother is most often the custodial par-
ent, even though the number of households headed by fathers has been increasing to about
15% in the United States (Fields, 2003) and 10–12% in Canada (Ambert, 2005). The parent
who has custody may have to move to a less expensive home, find new sources of income,
go to work for the first time, or work longer hours. For children, this can mean leaving be-
hind important friendships in the old neighborhood or school, just when support is needed
the most. It may mean having just one parent, who has less time than ever to be with the
children. Also, about two-thirds of parents remarry and then half of them divorce again, so
there may be more adjustments ahead for some children (Ambert, 2005; Nelson, 1993).
The first 2 to 4 years after the divorce are the most difficult for children. During
this time, they may have problems in school, lose or gain an unusual amount of weight,
develop difficulties sleeping, and experience other problems. Young children may blame
themselves for the breakup of their family or hold unrealistic hopes for reconciliation
(Hetherington, 1999). Older children are better able to understand why their parents are
separated, but can still react strongly to it and may protest by running away or engaging in
undesirable or antisocial behaviors (Hetherington & Stanley-Hagan, 1999). In general, boys
whose parents are divorced show higher rates of behavioral and interpersonal problems at
home and in school than either girls in general or boys from intact families. Girls may have
trouble in their dealings with males, and may become more sexually active or have difficul-
ties trusting males.
Children of divorced parents may feel pressured to take on more responsibility or to
grow up faster (Hetherington, 1999). This can be positive as long as parents are not draw-
ing too much on their children for help in the house, care for siblings, or emotional support
for themselves. When parents lean too much on children, the result can be depression, anx-
iety, compulsive caretaking, anger, and resentment. Children whose parents are divorced
may experience psychological and emotional pain and distress and may have lower self-
esteem than children of intact families (Emery, 1999). Children who feel these pressures are
more likely to exhibit externalizing problems, such as aggression and juvenile delinquency
(Amato, 2001; Wallerstein, Lewis, & Blakeslee, 2000).
We want to emphasize that the outcomes of divorce are not always negative. In one of
the most comprehensive studies of divorce to date, Mavis Hetherington (with John Kelly,
2003) studied 1,400 families, with more than 2,500 children, for three decades. In her study,
the majority of children from divorced homes (75–80%) coped well with divorce and
adapted to their new situations. In particular, women and girls seemed to fare better after
divorce than did men and boys. Even though women faced greater economic hardships,
they tended to develop competencies they might not have otherwise and, likewise, their
daughters increased in confidence and competence. Although Hetherington is not an ad-
vocate for divorce, she does see it as a legitimate decision that can serve children better than
when adults stay in unhappy and conflictual relationships.
In some divorces there are few conflicts, ample resources, and the continuing support
of friends and extended family. Also, some groups of children appear to be less at risk for
negative effects from divorce than others. For example, Hispanic or African American chil-
dren are less likely than non-Hispanic White children to experience the behavioral and ac-
ademic problems we’ve listed (Dunifon & Kowaleski-Jones, 2002; McLanahan, 1999). The
overall effect of divorce depends on several factors, including mediating events and
processes (e.g., the degree of parental effectiveness and conflict, and child-specific
vulnerabilities, such as difficult temperament or predisposition to psychological problems),

299
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

and protective factors (e.g., social factors and coping strategies) (Amato, 2000; Buehler &
Gerard, 2002; Hetherington & Elmore, 2003). Living with one fairly content, if harried, par-
ent is better than living in a conflict-filled situation with two unhappy parents. Children ben-
efit when parents can devote themselves to developing positive relationships with their
children once the stress and strife that characterized their relationship is over. And, if one
parent engages in high levels of antisocial behavior, children are better off spending less
time with that parent (Jaffee, Moffitt, Caspi, & Taylor, 2003). See the Connecting with
Children guidelines for ideas about how to help children cope with divorce.

CONNECTING WITH CHILDREN

Guidelines for Families, Teachers, and Other Professionals:
Helping Children through Divorce
Minimize conflict. 2. Keep connected. Regular telephone or email contact
Examples can substitute for regular visits when a parent no longer
1. Place the needs of your children ahead of your own lives near the children.
needs when negotiating such things as custody, 3. Make sure birthdays and other important dates are not
finances, and schooling. forgotten, and show interest in your children’s interests
2. Be careful not to belittle your partner in front of your and activities by attending recitals and sports events.
children.
Take note of sudden changes in behavior that may
3. Don’t ask children to take sides in a dispute or to assume indicate adjustment problems.
unreasonable responsibilities around the house or in Examples
terms of emotional support for parents and siblings.
1. Be aware of physical symptoms, such as headaches or
Minimize the number of changes children must stomach upset, rapid weight gain or loss, and fatigue or
experience as a consequence of divorce. excess energy that can signal distress.
Examples 2. Be alert to the signs of emotional distress, such as
1. If possible, avoid having both partners move to new moodiness, temper tantrums, and difficulty paying
residences. At least limit the number of moves children attention or concentrating.
need to experience in a short time. 3. Caregivers, other than parents, should communicate
2. Help children to maintain contact with friends, extended noted changes to parents right away.
family members, teachers, and other positive community
Give children opportunities to talk about their
contacts.
feelings.
3. Introduce changes gradually and be sensitive to how Examples
children are experiencing them.
1. Let children know you are available to talk.
Develop consistent rules and routines for children as they 2. Be a good listener and let children set the agenda.
navigate across settings.
Examples Seek professional help for children who are experiencing
pain and distress.
1. Try to agree on rules concerning your children’s behavior
Examples
and what the consequences will be when expectations
are not met. Be consistent about monitoring behavior 1. Provide group support that is designed to reduce the
and enforcing consequences. distress they are feeling about the divorce.
2. Be clear and consistent in communication about 2. Teach children coping strategies (e.g., seeking support
schedules, assignments for school, and equipment from adults and friends) and help them develop a
needed for out of school activities. Otherwise important belief that they can handle the stresses they are
meetings or activities may be missed. experiencing.
3. Provide opportunity for individual therapies if the
Whenever possible, help children to maintain problem appears more severe (e.g., suspected
consistent contact with both parents. depression, conduct disorder).
Examples
1. Schedule regular visits with the non-custodial parent,
Source: Woolfolk, A. Educational Psychology (10th Ed., p. 75).
making adjustments according to the children’s needs
Boston: Pearson and Allyn & Bacon.
and interests.

300
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

WORKING PARENTS AND CHILDCARE. Finding dependable, good quality care for children
is one of the most pressing problems for parents today. However, this problem is not as new
as you might think. Non-parental childcare has been a common practice in the majority of
cultures throughout most time periods (Lamb, 1998). What has changed in recent decades
is the kind of the non-parental care children have received. There has been a dramatic
increase in childcare arrangements that are center-based and involve non-relatives (U.S. Census
Bureau, 2005). Also, there are large numbers of school-age children who care for them-
selves on a regular basis. These children are sometimes referred to as latchkey kids. Self-care
is more common for boys than for girls and, interestingly, for children from upper-income
White families than children from poor or ethnic families (Lamb, 1998; Urban Institute,
2000); it is less common for children under the age of 12 in father-only living arrangements
(U.S. Census Bureau, 2006). Alarmingly, the self-care arrangement for many children actu-
ally fits the legal definition of child neglect.
A number of factors need to be considered when assessing the potential impact of non-
parental care on children’s social, emotional, and cognitive development, including (a) chil-
dren’s home environment, (b) the nature and quality of the non-parental care received,
(c) family SES, (d) the age of children when placed in childcare, (e) the time they spend
there, and (f) vulnerabilities that are specific to particular children (Keating & Hertzman,
1999; Lowe, Weisner, Geis, & Huston, 2005). What does the research say about some of
these issues? A report of the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development
(NICHD) Early Child Care Research Network (2003) indicates the quality of adult–child in-
teractions and overall ambiance in childcare contexts are modestly associated with ratings
of children’s social and cognitive competence. Specifically, higher quality care is associated
with higher levels of cooperation and participation among children, higher ratings of inde-
pendence and overall social competence, and lower ratings of anxiety. However, quality of
care interacts with other factors and appears to be more important for some children than
others. For example, the quality of children’s home environments and relationships with
parents are far more important for predicting their future social and cognitive competence
than the quality of the non-parental care they receive (Lowe et al., 2005). Also, researchers
found children from low SES communities benefited most from high-quality childcare
(Fuller, Kagan, & Loeb, 2002; Keating & Hertzman, 1999; Lamb, 1998), and children who
were socially fearful developed positive peer relationships in high quality care settings, but
not in lower quality care settings (Volling & Feagans, 1995).
Not all parents can access high quality childcare. As is true of so many services, you
get what you pay for, and not all parents can afford to pay for the better programs. Parents
who earn incomes just above the poverty level are most disenfranchised in this regard. They
cannot afford to pay the full cost of the high quality care, but their income is too high for
them to qualify for government childcare assistance (Helburn & Howes, 1996). Another
issue for poor families concerns the stability of their childcare arrangements. Although not
as much is known about childcare stability, the existing evidence indicates that instability
can negatively affect children’s development (Lowe et al., 2005). In an ethnographic study
of 42 families from low SES communities, Lowe and his colleagues found that the majority
of families (84%) experienced at least one change in childcare during their 2-year study. A
sizeable minority (29%) experienced a change in childcare 4 or 5 times during the same pe-
riod. Many parents (62%) indicated that school year cycles or child maturation had some-
thing to do with their decision to change. However, 89% of parents also referred to changes
in their family routine, social support, and finances, or some type of conflict as causes of
the changes they made. Lowe et al. concluded that childcare stability is an important
indicator of other things working well within families.
There is some evidence to suggest that children’s age at entry to childcare, the time
they spend in childcare, and their mothers’ attitude toward work and childcare can influ-
ence its overall effect on their development. For example, teachers associated more prob-
lem behaviors with children who spent more time in childcare during their preschool years
and entered childcare early (Belsky, 2002; Belsky, Weinraub, Owen, & Kelly, 2001; Lamb,
1998). However, there is disagreement among researchers about the extent to which
increased aggressive behavior demonstrated by children in childcare settings reflects an

301
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

increased risk from participating in such settings, or normal amounts of aggression and in-
creased opportunities to exercise it (NICHD Early Child Care Research Network, 2003). Re-
garding mothers’attitudes, researchers have found that children adjust better when mothers
are committed to their work and feel satisfied and secure with their childcare arrangement
(Harrison & Ungerer, 2002).
What about children who care for themselves? Self-care can have several benefits when
it is managed and monitored. Children who are in regular telephone contact with their
parents—checking in—or have a trusted adult neighbor who is available if and when
needed tend to do better in self-care (Lamb, 1998). It is preferable for children to be home
alone with a set of rules and routines to follow than to be hanging out at the mall or
entertaining friends without adult supervision (Steinberg, 1986; Steinberg & Silk, 2002).
Also, the amount of time children spend alone is important: The more time children spend
alone, the more susceptible they are to problem behaviors (Vandell & Posner, 1999; Vandell
& Shumow, 1999). Finally, how should parents judge their children’s preparedness for
staying alone? In general, children under 10 should not stay alone, but parents need to judge
their child’s level of cognitive and emotional maturity. Also, they need to evaluate the
security of the neighborhood in which they live. Some of the authoritative parenting prac-
tices that we described earlier will prepare children for self-care. Recall that the children of
authoritative parents tend to be more independent and resourceful than other children.

SCHOOL
Do you remember your first day of school? Were you filled with excitement and ambition,
looking forward to meeting your teacher and classmates? Or were you filled with appre-
hension, needing to be tugged and cajoled by your parents and, perhaps, your teacher to
enter the school building and your classroom? Children’s experiences in school can vary
from the start. In this section, we examine the critical transition from home to school and
some of the ways parents and teachers can make children’s experiences in school positive.

Starting School
Most children in the majority of countries around the world enter school between the ages
of 5 and 7. School is a big adjustment. It requires spending hours every weekday in a new
physical and social environment. Children must learn how to behave in classrooms and to
trust new adults. This can be especially challenging for children whose family and
community life differs greatly from the environment of school. At the same time, the new
psychosocial challenge of industry versus
inferiority looms large. As we discussed at the
start of this chapter, school-age children are
typically ready and interested to master new
skills, but they also are becoming aware of
their strengths and weaknesses in relation to
the work that needs to be done (Jacobs et al.,
2002; Wigfield et al., 1997). In school, the
child must master new skills and work toward
new goals, while being compared to others
and risking failure. This can be particularly
daunting for children who feel inferior in
school-related tasks.
The way children cope with these chal-
lenges has implications for the rest of their
school experience. Two of the best predictors
of dropping out of school are academic diffi-
culties by the third grade and being held back
Most children in the majority of countries around the world enter school
between the ages of 5 and 7. These children are attending school in Sirin
in one of the primary grades (Paris & Cunning-
Tegav, Afghanistan. © Images & Stories/Alamy ham, 1996). Children who do well in first grade
are on their way to achievement, whereas

302
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

those who flounder are on a path toward difficulty (Schaeffer, Petras, Ialongo, Poduska, &
Kellam, 2003; Snow, Burns, & Griffin, 1998; Sprague & Walker, 2000). The achievement
differences among students from high and low socioeconomic groups in first grade are rela-
tively small, but they quickly become resistant to interventions (Stanovich, 1986; Torgesen
et al., 2001), and by the 6th grade, the differences have tripled. “How well students do in the
primary grades matters more for their future success than does their school performance at
any other time” (Entwisle & Alexander, 1998, p. 354).
What can be done to make children’s early years in school positive? Research points
to a few answers. First, quality preschool and kindergarten experiences are critical for help-
ing children, especially children from low-income homes, to do well in first grade. When
children achieve in first grade, they also tend to do better in later grades. For this reason,
early and intensive intervention programs to support young children who are having
difficulty in school have been a focus of governments and school districts across North
America for a number of years. Parents and caregivers also can help by trying to ensure
continuity in children’s school experiences. In particular, staying in the same school for
kindergarten and first grade, with the same peers and teachers, can be helpful. Finally,
relationships with teachers have an important impact on children’s adjustment to school.

Teacher–Student Relationships
Who doesn’t remember their first teacher? Mrs. Barrow was your text author Nancy’s
kindergarten teacher. She was a kind and gentle woman. Most primary teachers are won-
derful people. Those who establish positive relationships with students are characterized
as warm, friendly, and sincere (Davis, 2001, 2003; Wentzel, 1997, 2002). They convey a gen-
uine respect for students and are sympathetic and responsive to their needs. But students
also like teachers who are effective managers—teachers who focus on helping students
learn what is expected and showing them how to meet those expectations without threat-
ening or punishing children who fail to do so (Brophy, 2004). Students want teachers to be
authority figures, to articulate clear standards for behavior, and to care about their success
(Askell-Williams & Lawson, 2001; Cothran, Kulinna, & Garrahy, 2003). It appears that au-
thoritative teaching strategies, like authoritative approaches to parenting, lead to positive
relationships with students and enhance motivation for learning (Wentzel, 2002). Moreover,
teachers’ “immediacy behaviors” (e.g., eye contact, relaxed body posture, smiling) are asso-
ciated with students’ liking of teachers, interest in courses, and desire to study thoughtfully
and do well on assignments (Kerssen-Griep, 2001; Richmond, 2002).
Baker, Grant, and Morlock (2008) examined the influence of student–teacher rela-
tionships on achievement, school adjustment, and work habits in elementary school chil-
dren. Close relationships were characterized by trust, warmth, and low conflict. In their
study, close student–teacher relationships were positively related to achievement and
school adjustment and negatively related to conflict. In contrast, teacher–student conflict
was negatively related to achievement, school adjustment, and work habits. Baker and her
colleagues argued that close teacher–student relationships are part of a positive school cli-
mate that leads to positive outcomes for children. Similarly, Wang (2009) included teacher
emotional support in her study of how positive school climates are related to children’s so-
cial competence. Her findings indicate that positive school climates are associated with
lower levels of deviant behavior and depression.
Students avoid interacting with teachers who come across as uncaring or uninterested
in them and will stop asking such teachers for help if their responses are perceived as non-
supportive (Brophy, 2004; Martin, Myers, & Moffet, 2002; Turner, Meyer, Midgley, & Patrick,
2003). When teachers’ interactions with students are verbally abusive (e.g., when teachers
consistently engage in negative comparisons, or issue verbal putdowns and threats), tar-
geted students are more likely to experience both academic and behavioral problems in
both the short and the long term (Brendgen, Wanner, & Vitaro, 2006; Brendgen, Wanner,
Vitaro, Bukowski, & Tremblay, 2007). For example, Brendgen and her colleagues followed
a sample of 231 boys and girls over 17 years, beginning in kindergarten, and examined links
between teachers’ verbal abuse in middle childhood and high school graduation rates and
behavioral problems in young adulthood. In their study, students who experienced high

303
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

levels of conflict and verbal abuse in their relationships with teachers were more likely to
experience behavior problems in young adulthood, and girls were at higher risk for drop-
ping out of school before graduation.
Similarly, Bridget Hamre and Robert Pianta (2001) followed 179 children in a small
school district from kindergarten through eighth grade. The results of their study suggest
that children’s relationships with teachers in kindergarten predicted both academic and be-
havioral outcomes for children through eighth grade, especially for children who had high
levels of behavioral problems. Their research indicates that children with significant be-
havior problems in kindergarten were less likely to have problems later in school when their
kindergarten teachers were sensitive to their needs and provided them with frequent and
consistent feedback. Moreover, even when gender, ethnicity, cognitive ability, and behavior
ratings of students were accounted for in this study, children’s relationship with their teach-
ers still predicted aspects of their school success. Other studies have concluded that posi-
tive relationships with teachers can offset the negative effects of peer rejection (Wentzel &
Asher, 1995).
Teachers are human and relationships are reciprocal, so the ways in which teachers re-
late and respond to students can be influenced by student characteristics. For example,
teachers tend to respond more positively to students who achieve, conform, and are agree-
able and compliant (Hughes & Kwok, 2007; Wentzel, 2003; Wentzel & Asher, 1995). They
give attention to students whom they perceive make appropriate demands in the classroom,
but they may be indifferent to students whom they perceive are silent or withdrawn, and
they may reject students who make demands they perceive are illegitimate or who present
behavior problems. Some teachers may stereotype children on the basis of gender, race,
culture, or social class, interacting more positively with children whom they hold in high
esteem. Some evidence, for example, indicates boys are more likely to experience negative
relationships with teachers than girls (Brendgen et al., 2007; Hughes & Kwok, 2007), per-
haps because, at least in the early grades, they are more active, less conforming, and less
self-regulated than girls. There also is evidence that children of minority groups, especially
African American children and children in low SES communities, are less likely to experi-
ence positive relationships with their teachers than students from Caucasian and higher SES
communities (Hamre & Pianta, 2001; Hughes & Kwok, 2007). Moreover, Hughes and Kwok
found that parents who were African American had less positive relationships with teach-
ers and less involvement with schools than parents who were either Caucasian or Hispanic.
One reason for this disparity may relate to the ethnic imbalance between teachers and
students in North America. By far, the majority of teachers in the United States are Cau-
casian (82% in 2006-07, according to the Commission on Teacher Credentialing, 2008).
Research indicates that teachers rate their relationships with students more positively when
they are ethnically matched (Saft & Pianta, 2001), perhaps because they understand these
children better and can be more responsive to their needs. Efforts to increase the ethnic di-
versity of teachers are needed and teachers must accept that it is their responsibility to make
all children feel welcome in their classrooms.

Creating Caring Communities

Victor Battistich and colleagues (Battistich, Solomon, Watson, & Schaps, 1997) define
learning communities as: “. . . places where members care about and support each other,
actively participate in and have influence on the group’s activities and decisions, feel a sense
of belonging and identification with the group, and have common norms, goals, values.”
(p. 137). In their research, they conceptualize community at both individual and group
levels. At the individual level, “students have basic psychological needs for belonging,
autonomy, and competence, and their level of engagement or disengagement with school is
largely dependent on the degree to which these needs are being fulfilled there”(p. 137). But
these needs are given meaning in a group setting. Specifically, at the social level, “students’
needs for competence, autonomy, and belonging are met when they are able to participate
actively in a cohesive, caring group with a shared purpose; that is, a community” (p. 138).
Their research is based on the premise that when these conditions are met and a commu-
nity of learning is established, students’ needs are most likely met and, as a result, they

304
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

become more inclined to identify with and behave in accordance with the school’s ex-
pressed goals and values. (Also see Deci & Ryan, 1985; Noddings, 1992; Ryan & Deci, 2000,
Wang, 2009, and Wentzel, 1997, 2003 for explanations of how a culture of caring enhances
children’s cognitive and social emotional development and, hence their adjustment in
school.) Of course, positive teacher–student relationships are key in all descriptions of
classrooms as caring communities. Teachers in these contexts also are instrumental in pro-
moting positive home–school connections and positive peer relations both in and outside
the classroom. The Connecting with Children guidelines describe what teachers can do
to create caring communities in their classrooms.
Blakeburn Elementary School in Port Coquitlam, British Columbia, participated in
some research that your author Nancy conducted with student teachers. When the school
opened in September 2000, the faculty set a school-wide goal to develop supportive, caring
relationships among colleagues, with parents and students, and among students. Another
goal was to help students to become socially responsible. This required consistency and
modeling at all levels, and the students learned the language of solving problems, respect-
ing diversity, and contributing to the classroom and the school. In interviews, students
talked about feeling safe, included, and happy to be at school. Parents said, “There is a

CONNECTING WITH CHILDREN

Guidelines for Teachers: Creating Caring Communities
Be warm and supportive in interactions with students. Emphasize prosocial values.
Examples Examples
1. Take time to build positive relationships with students. 1. Model concern for others, and praise students when
Get to know them as individuals, and find out about you observe them caring for one another (e.g., “Helping
their concerns and interests. Bruce when he fell off his bike was very kind. I’m sure he
2. Find ways to incorporate students’ backgrounds and appreciated the way you cared for him.”).
interests into your teaching and tasks in ways that are 2. Teach students to resolve conflicts peacefully (e.g., help
compatible with curricular goals. them to express their feelings and to consider the
3. Let students know you believe in their abilities and will feelings of their peers).
support them in ways that ensure their success (e.g., 3. Encourage acceptance of less popular children by
teaching strategies that help them cope with difficult tasks). highlighting their strengths or putting them in an
enviable position (e.g., being in charge of a popular
Promote cooperation and collaboration among students. task).
Examples
1. Downplay the importance of individual grades and Increase students’ perceived autonomy and reduce
accomplishments that can lead to competition. teacher control.
2. Set group, classroom, and school goals to encourage Examples
students to work with and help one another. 1. Give students choices, especially those that enable them
3. Celebrate group accomplishments (e.g., the completion of to control the level of challenge presented by tasks and
a class project) and group cohesiveness (e.g., reward teams activities.
for working well together and encouraging one another). 2. Encourage students to “ask three before me”—go to
peers for support before the teacher.
Elicit students’ thinking and discussion. 3. Establish routines and participation structures (e.g.,
Examples turn-taking during discussions) early in the year that
1. Use class meetings and discussions to encourage students can follow without the teacher’s constant
students to share ideas and consider ideas that are direction.
different from their own.
2. Encourage students to follow up on one another’s ideas. Source: Battistich, V., Solomon, D., Watson, M., & Schaps, E. (1996).
3. Engage students in high-level thinking, reasoning, and Caring School Communities. Educational Psychologist, 32, 137-151;
problem-solving about issues in their classroom, school, Brophy, J. (2004). Motivating students to learn. Mahwah, NJ:
and community. Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.

305
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

different atmosphere at this school . . . There is a sense of mutual trust. The expectation is
that the kids will manage and get along, and they do” (Laidlaw, 2001, p. 1).
Whether you are working as an individual or as part of a school-wide team, creat-
ing the kind of community that was visible in the day-to-day routines at Blakeburn Ele-
mentary School does not happen automatically (Laidlaw, 2001). It involves input from
many different levels to develop a philosophy and participation structures that will fos-
ter self-control and social responsibility on the part of students. At Blakeburn, the “lead-
ership team” met first and talked about how to create a caring and socially responsible
learning community. Team members used the Ministry of Education’s Performance Stan-
dards for Social Responsibility as a framework for developing a common language and
set of expectations. Then, they involved the children and their families. The first week
of school was devoted to the articulation of what it means (for all members) to be part
of a socially responsible community. Students participated in multi-age, “family” groups
on relevant activities. Throughout this process, the staff recognized that this work must
be multifaceted and integrated in all the curricula and interactions in their classrooms
and at the school. They realized that creating positive classroom and school climates re-
quires more than the implementation of prepackaged programs at a scheduled time in
the day. It involves “living the principles of inclusion and responsibility . . . all day, every
day” (Laidlaw, 2001, p. 4).

CHALLENGES FOR CHILDREN

This chapter concludes with an examination of some mental health concerns for school-age
children: childhood depression, and fear, stress, and phobias.

Childhood Depression
Estimates of the prevalence of childhood depression vary, and some children are more at
risk than others (e.g., children who have disabilities and children whose family members
have depression). According to the National Mental Health Association (NMHA, 2006)
less than 1% of very young children will experience a major depressive episode, but this
number increases through childhood to about 8% in adolescence. During middle child-
hood, the numbers of boys and girls who experience depression are approximately equal;
however, by adolescence, girls outnumber boys two to one in reported cases. Caution
needs to be used in interpreting this statistic. Whereas girls are more likely to report feel-
ing sad or miserable, depression in boys may be masked by angry and aggressive out-
bursts. Importantly, the rate of death from suicide is higher for boys than girls, although
girls engage in more non-fatal, self-injurious behavior.
Children who experience depression display persistent negative moods and lack of in-
terest or pleasure in life. It can be difficult to recognize depression in children, especially
when they are very young and may not have the language to describe how they are feeling.
Older children may not admit to feelings associated with depression. Therefore, parents,
teachers, and other caregivers need to be aware of signs and symptoms that may point to
depression. These can include psychosomatic symptoms, such as headaches or stom-
achaches, unexplained boredom or lack of interest in activities, disinterest in school and
learning, moodiness, or feeling misunderstood. Table 10.5 provides a list of signs and
symptoms of depression in children.
The causes of childhood depression are not well understood, but are believed to fall
in three categories relating to biology, temperament, and social factors (NMHA, 2006;
Shugart & Lopez, 2002). Some types of depression appear to run in families (e.g., bipolar
disorder), suggesting that some children may have a genetic predisposition for the illness.
Also, depressive illnesses are shared by approximately 50% of identical twins compared
with 25% of fraternal twins. Other evidence indicates that neurochemicals in the brain are
involved or that depressive episodes can be triggered by physical changes in the body, such
as a serious illness (cancer) or changes in hormones. Still other evidence suggests that some

306
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

TABLE 10.5 • Signs and Symptoms of Depression in Children

Frequent sadness, tearfulness, or crying

Feelings of hopelessness
Withdrawal from friends and activities
Lack of enthusiasm or motivation
Decreased energy level
Major changes in eating or sleeping habits
Increased irritability, agitation, anger, or hostility
Frequent physical complaints such as headaches or stomachaches
Indecision or inability to concentrate
Feelings of worthlessness or excessive guilt
Extreme sensitivity to rejection or failure
Pattern of dark images or drawings or paintings
Play that involves excessive aggression directed toward oneself or others, or involves
persistently sad themes
Recurring thoughts or talk of death, suicide, or self-destructive behavior

Source: National Mental Health Association. (2006). Children’s mental health matters: Depression and children.
Copyrighted and published by Mental Health America, no part of this document may be reproduced without
written consent.

children are temperamentally predisposed to depression. They react to stressors more in-
tensely and experience more negative moods than other children. Finally, children who live
in stressful circumstances are at risk for depression. For example, children whose parents
are emotionally unavailable, perhaps because they are depressed, or critical and rejecting
may become depressed. Children who are abused, who have poor social skills and difficulty
establishing and maintaining meaningful relationships, or who experience trauma, such as
the loss of a parent or war, also are at risk for depression.
Unfortunately, childhood depression often goes undiagnosed. However, when iden-
tified, several treatment options can be applied, depending on the age of the child, spe-
cific symptoms, and cause of depression. One option is to reduce or remove the stressors
feeding the depression. For example, if difficulties in school are causing low self-esteem
and feelings of helplessness, a tutor or some other form of individualized instruction may
boost a child’s self-efficacy in the problem area. Alternatively, highlighting a child’s
strengths in another area (e.g., music, art, sports) can deflect attention from the source
of depression and balance a child’s perceptions of overall competence. Another option is
to seek help from professionals. Counselors, psychologists, and psychiatrists can help
children and their families cope with depression. Finally, medication, a treatment often
used with adults who are depressed, is typically reserved for the most severe cases of
childhood depression (Wagner & Ambrosini, 2001). Many of these drugs were not devel-
oped for children, and there are few studies on their safe use with children. Antidepres-
sant medications need to be taken under the watchful eye of a professional, and more
research on drug treatments for childhood depression needs to be conducted (AACAP,
2004; NIMH, 2006).

Fear, Stress, and Phobias

Some fears are common—apparently innate—among people and actually serve to protect us
(e.g., fear of loud noises and severe pain; fear of high places, darkness, and being approached
suddenly). Other fears are learned (e.g., fear of spiders or snakes), typically from others who
are afraid. Whereas very young children have fears of imaginary creatures (e.g., monsters un-
der their beds or in their closets), school-age children tend to fear things that pose a real
threat (e.g., being kidnapped, being in a plane crash, being bullied, riding on a roller coaster).
Between the ages of 7 and 8, when children come to understand causality, they develop fears
of things that might harm them or significant people in their lives. Children this age may
become worried about losing a parent or fear death after a grandparent dies.

307
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

Children can also experience stress related to moving, school, and parental discord.
Some children change homes and enter new schools frequently for a variety of reasons.
We have already described that lack of stability in living arrangements can be an indicator
of other problems in children’s lives (e.g., family discord, financial difficulties) (Lowe
et al., 2005). Regardless of what is going on at home, a move to a new neighborhood, even
to a better neighborhood, can be stressful if it means making new friends and establish-
ing relationships with new teachers. Also, recall that school-age children recognize the
importance of achievement and are able to compare their performance in a number of
domains with that of peers (consider the Casebook scenario at the start of this chapter).
If they perceive they are not achieving in school or in other aspects of their lives, they
may become worried about failing. Such fears can threaten self-concept and lead to
feelings of inadequacy (Harter, 2005; Wigfield & Eccles, 2002). Finally, children are
sensitive to problems and conflicts in their families, and this can be stressful, especially if
children perceive the problems threaten the stability of their family unit (El-Sheikh &
Harger, 2001). Importantly, children’s appraisal of the level of threat a problem poses and
the extent to which they feel responsible are implicated in how well they are able to cope
(Jackson & Werner, 2000).
Stress and fear are a part of childhood, and most children learn to cope with them. In
fact, some children remain amazingly resilient in the face of very difficult circumstances.
These children seem to hold their composure in the face of difficulty, act competently, or
bounce back after a traumatic event (Masten, 2001). What accounts for their resiliency?
Typically, these children have some good things going for them: protective factors. Key
protective factors include, not surprisingly, good family relationships, good cognitive func-
tioning, an easygoing temperament, and compensatory experiences (e.g., good relation-
ships with teachers, involvement in athletics and other community organizations)
(Battistich et al., 1997; Masten & Coatsworth, 1998; Wentzel, 2003). However, it is impor-
tant to be aware that stresses are cumulative (Fergusson & Horwood, 2003; Hammen,
2003) and that when stress and fear become overwhelming, children can experience psy-
chological problems.
David Elkind, author of The Hurried Child (2001, first published in 1981) worries that
the stresses of modern life can be hazardous to children’s psychological well-being. He ar-
gues that, increasingly, children are being forced to grow up too fast. Often they are faced
with adult problems they are not emotionally prepared to process. This is especially true for
children who live in stressful circumstances, such as poverty, violent families or communi-
ties, and countries at war. Children in the United States have been living with war for a
decade now. The impact parents’ involvement in the Iraqi and Afghan wars has on children
is described in a recent report from the RAND Corporation (Chandra, 2010). Children in mil-
itary families whose parents were deployed to war locations reported higher levels of emo-
tional difficulties (e.g., getting into trouble, feeling sad or tearful) and fear than children in
the general population, and length of deployment was associated with difficulties at school
and home. What about children living in countries where wars are taking place? The
Relating to Every Child discussion describes the experiences of children living with war
in Iraq.
In recent years, children in North America have witnessed some very frightening
events, either through the media or in real life. Witnessing the devastation of disasters like
9/11 or Hurricane Katrina or Columbine can have a profound emotional impact on children
and leave them feeling very insecure. Children who are surrounded by trauma or violence
can develop post-traumatic stress symptoms, academic and behavior problems, and feelings
of depression and anxiety (RAND Corporation, 2005). They may have trouble sleeping and
concentrating, and have difficulty forming relationships or trusting other people, fearing
more hurt or loss (Garbarino, 1999).
In addition to these legitimate fears, it is possible for children to develop irrational
fears, or phobias, that persist and significantly affect their social functioning (APA, 1994).
This is the case for approximately 3–5% of children, and girls are more likely to report
extreme fears than boys. One of the most common phobias of late childhood is school

308
RELATING TO E V E RY C H I L D
 Children Living with War
SINCE THE 2003 INVASION (and even before that), decrease the stigma associated with mental illness in
children in Iraq have been living with war. Abdul Kareem Iraq. Research is needed to understand how children are
Al-Obaidi and colleagues (Al-Obaidi, Budosan, & Jeffrey, coping with war, what meaning war has for them, and
2010) provide a poignant account of what their experi- which factors can protect them from negative outcomes
ences have been. Many of these children have witnessed (e.g., families, health resources, extended social net-
family members and friends getting seriously injured, or works). Finally, Al-Obaidi et al. call on the government to
worse. Many have lost parents or been seriously injured implement an Iraqi Child Protection Act to “ensure chil-
themselves. Some have been kidnapped for ransom or dren are brought up in a protective and healthy environ-
inducted into military or insurgence groups, and an ment focused on [their] best interests” (p. 46). The goal
estimated 2 million have been displaced from their should be to foster resilience, which “does not lie in the
homes. These experiences undermine children’s funda- avoidance of stress, but rather in encountering stress at a
mental sense of security. In 2005, 14% of children sur- time, and in a way, that allows self-confidence and social
veyed in Baghdad reported symptoms consistent with competence to increase . . .” (p. 47).
post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD, Razoki, Taha, Taib,
Sadik, & Al Gasseer, 2006); the figure was 30% for chil-
dren surveyed in Mosul. High rates of anxiety and behav-
ior disorders and depression among children also are
reported (Al-Obaidi et al., 2010).
What do children with such experiences need? Ac-
cording to Al-Obaidi et al. (2010), mental health services
for children and adolescents are not separate from those
provided to adults in Iraq. Trained personnel and age
appropriate interventions are very limited. The need for
professionals who are trained to meet the unique
challenges of child and adolescent mental health and
age-appropriate, evidence-based services is critical. Al-
Obaidi and colleagues advocate an intersectoral ap-
proach that would have educators and medical
professionals working together as part of multidiscipli- Children sometimes are faced with adult problems that they
nary teams. Interventions need to be culturally sensitive are not emotionally prepared to process, such as poverty,
and involve families and other key stakeholders. Public violent families or communities, and countries at war. Karim
education needs to occur to increase awareness and Kadim/AP Wide World Photos

phobia (Elliott, 1999), which is an extreme fear associated with the school environment.
Children who have this fear typically refuse to go to school, which causes them to fall
behind and lose contact with their peers. The consequences of school phobia for children’s
academic and social development can be quite severe.
What can adults do to help children cope with stress and fear? The Connecting with
Children guidelines on the next page describe ways adults can help the children in their
lives. In addition, some educators and mental health professionals are collaborating to de-
sign programs that help particular groups of children cope with anxiety and depression that
can result from the stress and violence in their lives. For example, the RAND Center for
Domestic and International Health Security, in collaboration with University of California at
Los Angeles and the Los Angeles Unified School District, has created a program that teaches
children how to relax, cope with negative thoughts, solve real-life problems, approach

309
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

CONNECTING WITH CHILDREN

Guidelines for Families, Teachers, and Other Professionals: Helping Children
Cope with Frightening Events and Disaster
Help children to feel safe and secure. 2. Monitor your conversations with other adults—be aware
Examples of how and how much you are talking about the events
1. Help children to understand when the immediate in the presence of children, and how it is affecting them.
danger has passed and what steps can be taken to
prevent similar events in the future. Involve children in planning what to do to restore their
sense of control in the situation.
2. Help them to put their fears in perspective. When
Examples
children witness a frightening or stressful event, they
may think the same thing can happen to them or 1. Design cards and write notes for people who are
someone they love. Reassure them if this is not the case, experiencing stress or trauma.
or not likely the case. 2. Plant a tree as a memorial for a death.
3. Reassure children that you are there to protect and care 3. Collect money or other resources for victims of disasters.
for them.
Pay special attention to students who are affected more
Encourage children to talk about the events and express deeply by the events.
their feelings. Examples
Examples 1. Provide “special attention” following the events to
1. Tolerate children retelling events many times. children who experience frightening events or disaster
2. Encourage them to talk about confusing feelings, first-hand.
worries, dreams, and disruptions of concentration. 2. Contact community resources that can help children and
3. Help children to know what to say if they are in delicate their families with specific support.
situations (e.g., what to say at a funeral or what to say to 3. Watch for signs of more serious distress and access
a friend who has experienced a stressful event). appropriate supports (e.g., medical or mental health
professionals).
Be honest.
Examples
Source: Gurwitch, R. H., Silovsky, J. F., Schultz, S., Kees, M., &
1. Don’t deny the seriousness of the situation. Burlingame, S. (2001). Reactions and guidelines for children
2. Don’t tell children such events can’t happen again, but following trauma/disaster. Norman, OK: Department of Pediatrics,
do explain that they are very rare. University of Oklahoma Health Sciences Center; National Association
3. Don’t be afraid to say, “I don’t know.” of School Psychologists. Children and Responding to National
Disaster: Information for teachers. Retrieved from: www.nasponline
Protect children from re-exposure to the events and .org/neat/terror_eds.html; National Mental Health Association.
Coping with Tragedy: After Hurricane Katrina. Retrieved from:
reminders of the trauma.
www.nmha.org/reassurance/hurricane/children.cfm; Waddell, D. &
Examples Thomas, A. Disaster: Helping children cope. Retrieved from
1. Monitor children’s television viewing, as disasters often www.naspcenter.org/safe_schools/coping.html. (Written
are replayed over and over again in the news. for NASP).

anxiety-provoking situations, and cope with violent events by talking, drawing, and writing
(RAND, 2005, p. 2). This program is also designed to promote both peer and parental
support. Data collected from students participating in the program indicate students were
significantly better at coping with the effects of violence after three months of the
intervention. Moreover, these effects were maintained after three months, and school-based
clinicians were able to deliver the program with high levels of integrity and quality. A simi-
lar program titled “Friends for Life” helps children cope with anxiety and depression. The
program has been implemented in Australia and Canada, and it helps children to develop
skills to deal with difficulties, recognize the signs of anxiety, relax, engage in positive
thinking and problem solving, gain emotional resilience, and use peer support and conflict
resolution techniques. For more information about the Friends program, go to: www
.friendshipinfo.net/canadafriendsindex.html.

310
 SUMMARY AND KEY TERMS
• Moving Beyond Basic Needs others are thinking and feeling.
According to Freud’s psychoanalytic theory, middle childhood Developing age-appropriate social
is characterized by a focus on pursuing knowledge and mas- perspective-taking skills is funda-
tering social and intellectual skills, rather than meeting basic mental for understanding self and
biological needs. Erikson referred to this drive for mastery as navigating relationships with peers, parents, and other au-
the period of industry, in which the conflict for children is be- thority figures. It is positively related to prosocial behavior and
tween industry and inferiority. Children who successfully mas- negatively related to aggression.
ter valued skills are industrious, and industriousness leads to
feelings of competence and self-satisfaction. When children • Knowing and Doing the Right Thing
struggle to master valued skills or are unsuccessful, they are
Children’s ability to think about moral issues expands tremen-
at risk for developing feelings of inferiority and low self-worth.
dously during middle childhood. At age 5 or 6, children
Good relationships with parents and teachers and adequate
believe fair distribution is equal distribution, but by age 6 or 7,
resources at home and school support children to meet the
they understand that some people should be treated
challenges of middle childhood.
differently on the basis of merit, and at age 8, they realize
some people require different treatment because they have
• My Peers and Me exceptional needs. Similarly, when children are 5 or 6, they be-
During middle childhood, self-perceptions become much lieve rules are absolute and punishments for breaking rules
more refined and realistic than they were in the early years. should reflect how much damage was done, not the intentions
Children begin to recognize and acknowledge their strengths of the rule breaker. After age 8, children understand that
and limitations relative to standards of particular tasks and people can agree to change rules; they also understand that
domains of activity, and compared to peers. They describe intentions, as well as the damage done, are considerations in
themselves in more abstract psychological terms (e.g., “I am determining a just punishment.
kind.” “I try to be honest.”). Cognitive development accounts Kohlberg’s theory of moral development includes three
for some changes, but so does experience. Most research on levels: preconventional, where judgment is based solely on a
self-concept has been conducted with North American and person’s own needs and perceptions; conventional, where
European populations. It is important to remember that self- the expectations of society and law are taken into account;
concept does not follow the same developmental path in all and postconventional, where judgments are based on ab-
societies. stract, more personal principles that are not necessarily
Children’s self-esteem also becomes more differenti- based on society’s laws. Although many research studies
ated as they experience success and failure in a variety of do- have supported Kohlberg’s theory, some scholars argue the
mains and in comparison to peers. Some skills and abilities are theory is biased in favor of Western cultures that value indi-
valued more highly than others and, therefore, have a greater vidualism and that it doesn’t adequately reflect women’s
influence on children’s sense of self-worth. Typically, children’s moral development.
self-esteem declines from early to middle childhood, but the Prosocial behavior increases during the elementary
declines are small and attributed to their more realistic self- school years. In general, children with higher, more other-
assessments. Self-esteem can be influenced negatively and oriented levels of moral reasoning and higher levels of self-
positively by personal judgments, support from significant regulation, self-esteem, and perspective-taking engage in
others, and values held by families, communities, and cultures. more prosocial behavior and are motivated to do so by more
High self-esteem is associated with positive outcomes, so altruistic concerns. Research indicates children who lack
enhancing self-esteem should lead to improvements in other empathy or who reason ineffectually about moral issues are
aspects of children’s development. more likely to engage in immoral or antisocial behavior. Proso-
Children are less at the mercy of strong emotions than cial behavior is influenced by cultural and familial practices.
they were in the early years. Increased emotion regulation en- Approaches to discipline that emphasize reasons why behav-
ables them to remain focused on their goals, even in the face ior is wrong and how it might affect others also promote
of difficult and stressful circumstances. At this age, children prosocial behavior. Finally, parents and teachers and charac-
don’t rely on parents and other caregivers to monitor and ters in television shows and books can be powerful models of
guide their reactions to emotional events as much as young moral behavior.
children do. However, there are individual differences in emo- Physical aggression declines in middle childhood, but
tion control and self-regulation that need to be understood in when it does occur it is more hostile, person-directed, and re-
a social and cultural context. Some cultures value emotional lational. Boys are more physically aggressive than girls, and
restraint and a calm demeanor, whereas others value excite- girls engage in more relational aggression than physical ag-
ment. Also, children who are mistreated or exposed to vio- gression. Some research points to a biological basis for ag-
lence are more likely to experience problems with emotion gression (e.g., twin studies and studies of pre- and perinatal
regulation. complications or exposure to toxins), but family, media, social
Children’s emotion regulation is linked to their develop- policies, and cultural norms also influence children’s aggres-
ment of perspective-taking abilities. School-age children sive behavior. One form of aggression, bullying, is a serious
understand that others may not interpret or respond to a problem for school-age children, and negative outcomes ac-
situation in the same way they do. They can imagine what crue to bullies, victims, or bystanders. Experts recommend

311
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

comprehensive, systems-wide approaches to bullying and have higher perceived social competence and social efficacy.
other forms of school violence, and a reduction in the use of Typically, these children have positive relationships with par-
punitive and exclusionary practices. School-wide positive ents, and their parents scaffold their interactions with peers.
behavior supports and social emotional learning are two When children are unpopular, they can experience academic
approaches that are making a difference. difficulties as well as problems relating to psychosocial ad-
justment and functioning.
• Gender Development Friends serve a number of functions in middle child-
During the middle years, children adopt increasingly gender- hood, including helping children acquire knowledge of be-
specific behavior, avoiding behavior associated with the op- havioral norms and skills for interacting successfully with
posite sex. Boys continue to be stronger and more physically peers. Resolving conflicts with friends provides practice for
active than girls. When interacting with one another, girls are solving conflicts with others later in life. Most children of this
more agreeable than boys (e.g., boys interrupt one another, age have a mutual best friend, but boys and girls have differ-
make demands and compete with one another for attention. ent expectations for friendship. Both boys and girls depend
Finally, girls and boys have different interests in reading, writ- on friends for company, approval, and support; however, girls
ing, and drawing. These differences reinforce gender segre- focus on what they receive from friends and intimacy, whereas
gation, which also increases during middle childhood. boys emphasize reciprocity and shared interests. Interestingly,
Parents continue their differential treatment of boys and boys are more likely to maintain mutual friends than girls. Chil-
girls during the middle years, but schools and teachers also dren who don’t have friends report more loneliness and often
are influential. Research indicates teachers interact more with have low self-esteem as adults. The significance of friendships
boys than girls (e.g., they ask boys more questions, wait is evident in research that shows having even one close friend
longer for them to respond, and provide them with more de- can alleviate the negative effects of being disliked and re-
tailed feedback), but interactions with boys and girls are jected by peers.
equally positive. More cross-cultural research is needed in this
area to know if findings generalize to different populations. • Families
Also, the impact of the differential treatment has not been Middle years children spend less time at home and, when they
studied, so questions remain about the size of the impact and are at home, less time interacting directly with parents. How-
whether some children are more sensitive to differential treat- ever, they continue to require a good deal of support from
ment than others. Research on gender stereotypes indicates parents to learn appropriate behavior and make good
they appear earlier and are more rigid in boys than girls, and choices. Authoritative parents who give children reasonable
these findings are robust across cultures. amounts of freedom, while setting and enforcing limits, teach
In general, boys have higher competence beliefs about children to be responsible and self-regulated. Authoritarian
sports and math than girls, who have higher competence be- approaches to discipline can also be effective when they are
liefs about reading, English, and social activities. These differ- balanced by warm and caring interactions most of the time.
ences emerge early and remain over time. Beliefs about Parents in minority groups, and those living in unsafe neigh-
competence and values are important because they influence borhoods, often feel they need to use stricter disciplinary
the choices children make to participate in particular activi- practices to protect their children from harm and to ensure
ties, which subsequently influence the choices available to their success in and beyond school.
them as they move through school and out into the workforce. Sibling relationships provide a context for children to
Children’s beliefs about which sex is likely to be more talented learn and practice a wide range of prosocial skills (e.g.,
in a given domain predict the likelihood their competence perspective-taking, sharing, and caring for others). Older
judgments and expectations will be distorted in a gender siblings may model and encourage behavior that is harmful or
stereotypic direction. antisocial, but often they comfort, support, and care for
Most children begin experiencing feelings of sexual at- younger children. This is particularly true in large families and
traction during late childhood, but sexual orientation does non-industrialized societies where there is a strong sense of
not appear with any clarity until adolescence. Research on interdependence among family members, and in families
why people develop a particular sexual orientation or gender where both parents work and are often unavailable. Sibling
identity favors biology, but more research is needed to clarify rivalry increases during middle childhood, but when parent–
this very complex picture. child relationships are positive and children perceive parents
love them equitably, conflicts rarely lead to negative out-
• Peer Relationships comes. Similarly, being an only child or having step-siblings
Cliques predominate peer groups in middle childhood, doesn’t necessarily lead to negative outcomes. Only children
whereas affiliation with larger crowds becomes salient during tend to enjoy closer relationships with parents than peers with
adolescence. Children’s ties to peer groups can be formal, as siblings, and step-siblings tend to get along better than other
is the case with after-school clubs, and informal as is the case siblings.
with friendships. Children can be accepted or rejected by Families come in all shapes and sizes. Some children
peers for a variety of reasons. Popular children are character- have no siblings, whereas other children have many siblings.
ized as cooperative, friendly, sociable, and sensitive, and they Some children live in blended or extended families, whereas

312
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

other children live by themselves with one parent. Some compliant. They tend to have more positive relationships with
children have two moms or two dads, and some children live girls than with boys, and less positive relationships with chil-
in foster and adoptive families. Between 33% and 50% of dren from minority groups and low SES communities.
children in North America experience divorce in their family. Some research indicates students’ level of engagement
Divorce is stressful but does not lead to negative outcomes or disengagement with school is largely dependent on the de-
for the majority of children, and it may be the most positive gree to which their needs for belonging, autonomy, and com-
solution when the parents’ relationship is full of irreconcilable petence are being fulfilled. Establishing cohesive, caring
conflict. Another challenge for contemporary families is find- learning communities is one way to meet these needs. Teach-
ing dependable, good quality childcare. More and more, fam- ers are key in establishing such communities and promoting
ilies rely on care that is center-based and involves positive home–school connections and positive peer relation-
non-relatives. Also, a large number of school-age children ships both in and outside classrooms.
care for themselves. Children under 10 should not stay alone,
but parents need to judge their older children’s level of cog- • Challenges for Children
nitive and emotional maturity, as well as children’s safety in the Depression can be difficult to recognize in children. Signs in-
neighborhood in which they live. clude persistent displays of negative moods and lack of inter-
est or pleasure in life, as well as psychosomatic symptoms,
• School such as headaches and stomachaches. The causes of depres-
The majority of children in most countries around the world sion can be biological or genetic, temperamental, or social.
enter school between the ages of 5 and 7. Success in the Sometimes, solutions are a simple change in children’s envi-
early grades typically sets the stage for future success in ronment (e.g., getting a tutor for school or highlighting areas
school. Quality preschool and kindergarten experiences are of strength). Counselors, psychologists, and psychiatrists can
critical for helping children to do well in first grade. Early and help. Medications are typically reserved for the most severe
intensive intervention programs to support young children cases of childhood depression and need to be taken under
who are having difficulty also are important. Finally, parents the watchful eye of a professional.
and caregivers can help by ensuring continuity in children’s During the middle years, children’s fears become more
school experiences. Staying in the same school for kinder- realistic (e.g., they fear things that might harm significant peo-
garten and first grade, with the same peers and teachers can ple in their lives). Children also experience stress related to
be helpful. moving, school, and parental discord. Fears can threaten self-
Relationships with teachers have an important impact on concept and lead to feelings of inadequacy. Good family rela-
children’s adjustment to school. Teachers who establish posi- tionships, good cognitive functioning, and an easygoing
tive relationships with students are characterized as warm, temperament are protective factors that help children to face
friendly, sincere, respectful of students, and responsive to fear and stress, even extremely stressful circumstances, such
their needs. Also, they are effective managers who set clear as living in poverty or in countries at war. Some programs have
standards for behavior and care about students’ success. In been developed to help children cope with the anxiety and
contrast, students avoid interacting with teachers who come depression that can result from the stress and violence in their
across as uncaring or uninterested in them and will stop ask- lives. These programs teach children how to relax, cope with
ing for help if their responses are perceived as non-support- negative thoughts, solve problems, recognize the signs of
ive. Positive relationships with teachers have been shown to anxiety, and think positively. Participants in these programs
ameliorate children’s behavior problems and the negative ef- have demonstrated increased ability to cope with stress and
fects of peer rejection. Teachers respond more positively to violence, and the effects of the programs have been main-
students who achieve, conform, and are agreeable and tained over time.

 KEY TERMS
aggressive behavior internalize peer groups
collective self-esteem latchkey kids perspective-taking
controversial children learning communities phobias
depression moral dilemmas popular children
distributive justice moral realism prosocial behavior
emotional self-regulation moral reasoning rejected children
gender constancy moral relativism self-concept
gender segregation mutual best friend self-esteem
inductive discipline neglected children sexual orientation
industry, or industriousness open adoption

313
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

 THE CASEBOOK
COACHING CHILDREN—AND PARENTS—ON THE SOCCER FIELD
Jeanie pulled into a parking space at the local soccer field referees because the parents and coaches harassed them so
and reached for her latte. It was Saturday morning and she much about their calls. It was embarrassing to watch; and of
wished she could say she was looking forward to meeting her greater concern was seeing how it affected the children.
commitment to the community—she had signed on as direc- Some claimed they were “no good” at soccer. Others were
tor of recreation for children and youth in the small town beginning to bully teammates who never scored a goal.
where she grew up. She had such fond memories of playing “They’re only eight years old,” thought Jeanie. “Shouldn’t
baseball and soccer when she was a kid, but things were quite the focus be on fun, learning some skills (e.g., being a team
different now. The coaches and parents took the whole thing player), and doing the best you can?” Jeanie wondered how
so seriously. They put so much pressure on the kids to win, she should handle this problem. As she walked onto the field,
yelling at them from the sidelines, reprimanding them when she wondered if anyone had written a book on the etiquette
they came off the field. It was becoming difficult to find of watching from the sidelines.

WHAT WOULD THEY DO?

Here is how some professionals in several fields responded: started the season with a meeting that set ground rules and
expectations, some of these issues would have been
TRACY MACDONALD—School Counselor
avoided. Letting the parents and coaches know what their
Chesapeake Bay Middle School, Pasadena, Maryland
roles are at the beginning of the season will generally help
The role of the Director of Recreation is to ensure that the create a more positive environment. In addition, creating
sporting activities are facilitated in a manner that builds char- sportsmanship awards for the events may encourage the
acter, teamwork, and good sportsmanship. If parents are mod- majority of spectators, players, and coaches to conduct them-
eling poor behavior on the sidelines of games, this could have selves in a respectful and nurturing manner to facilitate the
a negative impact on the players’ self-esteem and appreciation polishing of young child athletes. Having such an inviting
of sports. There should be a discussion of the rules and expec- atmosphere would allow children to get the necessary physi-
tations for parents and other onlookers to follow while watch- cal exercise, create meaningful relationships, and develop
ing the games. Each coach should then be directed to hold a important skills that could be used in the future while having
meeting with the parents of the children on their teams. Ex- the fun all children deserve to have.
amples of inappropriate behavior should be given and parents
should be asked to sign a rules and policies form at the end of JUDY S. PIEPER—Language Arts, Art, and Religion;
the meeting to show their commitment. Parents should be en- Grades 6–8
couraged to model good sportsmanship etiquette such as Holy Trinity Junior High, Newport, Kentucky
cheering for every child who scores regardless of which team The reality is that organized sports for children have become
they are on and shaking hands at the end of the game with par- the standard by which many parents “grade” their child. How
ents of players on both teams. Recreational sports should be well they stack up compared to the next girl or boy on the
an opportunity for children to have fun and get some exercise field or court is their “test” for whether he or she is or will be
without having to worry about the stresses that come with successful in life. They see the fact that their child is on a win-
serious competition. ning team as him or her having “passed the test.” What this
more often than not leads to is the demand for a coach who
AMANDA BOSDECK—8th Grade Math and Science wants to win and parents who see winning as a sign of “gift-
West De Pere Middle School, De Pere, Wisconsin edness” in their child. It becomes an ego enhancement for
When parents and coaches exhibit overly competitive behav- the adults. Many parents live vicariously through their child
iors and put pressure on younger players, the children many and see any failure on the part of the child or team as a per-
times become discouraged, and in extreme cases, a child sonal failure.
may no longer want to participate in a sport. These stressful With this mentality comes problems, so the number one
behaviors may affect some of the children and cause them to priority for any sport-related activity is to make sure the person
develop issues with self-confidence that in the future may who coaches has an understanding of the age and psychology
have a negative effect on them off the courts and fields. The of the children he or she is coaching. It matters little if the
focus of programs at this level should be for the children to coach knows the game well, was a standout in college or high
develop motor skills and strategic thinking while building so- school, plays professionally or recreationally, or is even the only
cial relationships with other children. Unfortunately, over- person who would step up. The same parents who demand
bearing parents and coaches seem to appear with alarming credibility in their child’s school or day care often have little to
frequency in today’s sports environment, which diminishes say about the person who coaches the local school, commu-
the gains achieved by participation in sports. If Jeanie had nity, or select team. More often than not, parents follow the

314
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN MIDDLE CHILDHOOD

herd mentality and go with the team that the child’s friends and LOU DE LAURO—5th Grade Reading, Language Arts, and
classmates are on without considering the compatibility of the Social Studies
coach, or their child. John P. Faber School, Dunellen, New Jersey
It is important for the adults involved to know that each Every parent and every player in the league must sign a code
player will be at a different level during the process. Some will of conduct form before they set foot on the field. The code of
be there because they like to bounce a ball, or run, or swing a conduct form specifically informs players how they should treat
bat, or swim a length, and some will just enjoy the exercise, so- their teammates on and off the field and informs parents of
cial interaction, or personal challenge. If the parents know that how they should behave and how they shouldn’t behave on the
the coach is a mentor and will utilize his or her knowledge of sidelines. It should also be displayed on posters near the park-
the game to encourage and support each individual child, ing area and near the field of play.
then the parents have made a good match. The coaches must If a child ignores the code of conduct form he or she is
express to the parents that they recognize each child’s indi- asked to skip the next game. The child of course is not penal-
vidual skills and that they will nurture each child no matter ized by his parents’ actions, but the parent must skip a game if
where that child is in the process. If parent and coach are on he or she ignores the form.
the “same page,” then sports and games become enjoyable The officials will thank all parents and children before
whether teams win or lose. Unfortunately though, many and after each game for their sportsmanship. Both teams will
parents are encouraged by bad coaches to react in ways that also shake hands after each game to congratulate each other
embarrass their child or make them feel inferior, and many on their good sportsmanship. And a good time will be had
coaches are faced with parents who do not understand the by all!
uniqueness of each child.

Now go to MyEducationLab at www.myeducationlab.com,

where you can:
• Find the instructional objectives for this chapter in the Study
Plan.
• Take a quiz as a part of the Study Plan to self-assess your
mastery of chapter content. The program generates an indi-
vidualized Study Plan based upon your answers to the quiz.
• Complete Activities and Applications to assist you in deep-
ening your understanding of important chapter concepts.
• Apply what you have learned through Building Teaching
Skills, exercises that guide you in trying out skills and strate-
gies you will use in professional practice.

315
316
 Physical
Development
IN Adolescence

From Chapter 11 of Child and Adolescent Development, 1/e. Anita Woolfolk. Nancy E. Perry.
Copyright © 2012 by Pearson Education. All rights reserved.
317
 Physical
Development
IN Adolescence
 The Ca sebook

WHAT WOULD YOU DO?

ADOLESCENT SMOKING
You are late for a meeting, and to save time, you cut through “the pit” (a courtyard
between buildings designated for smoking). Good grief! The second-hand
smoke is thick and you try to hold your breath until you get to the door that will
let you back into the building. With all the information—the irrefutable
evidence—available about the harmful effects of smoking, why are young people
still lighting up? You don’t understand why this habit hasn’t extinguished itself by
now! Once you are inside and able to breathe, it crosses your mind that you, as a
guidance counselor, might tackle the issue of smoking in some of your classes—
but how? What works as a deterrent?

CRITICAL THINKING
• Why do adolescents engage in risky behaviors?
• How do they interpret and internalize evidence concerning things that can
harm them?
• Can education make a difference? What kind of a program would you design
to address smoking and other risky behaviors adolescents are tempted to try?

318
Andrea Teresa Kurian, Age 10—Botswana

 OVERVIEW AND OBJECTIVES

How tall are you? What grade were you in when you reached that height? Were you one of the tallest
or shortest students in your middle or high school, or were you about average? Did you know
students who were teased because of something about their physical appearance? In this chapter we
examine physical development and the dramatic changes that occur in adolescence—changes that
can affect body size and shape, emotions, attractions, sleep patterns, nutritional needs, thinking, and
many other dimensions of development. We also examine challenges to well-being, such as risky
behaviors like smoking, that are especially prevalent in adolescence. By the time you finish this
chapter you should be able to:

Objective 11.1 Discuss the timing and impact of puberty on boys and girls, including ethnic and
cultural differences.
Objective 11.2 Connect brain changes for adolescents to other changes in their cognitive
development.
Objective 11.3 Explain the consequences of sexual development and sex education for
adolescents.
Objective 11.4 Elaborate on the health and nutritional requirements for adolescents, as well as
health concerns.
Objective 11.5 Identify threats to adolescent well-being and describe what can be done to
prevent them.

319
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

PUBERTY—READY OR NOT
Puberty is the process that leads to sexual maturity, the “beginning of the end”of childhood.
Puberty is not a single event, but a series of synchronized and interconnected changes in-
volving almost every part of the body, from hormones to height to emotions to body shape.
Puberty is orchestrated through biology, but is affected by social and physical contexts.
Some of the changes during puberty are welcome, but some create concerns. Let’s look first
at the biological system that controls all these changes, and then at the physical, often
observable changes of puberty.

The Biology of Puberty

To get an overview of the biology of puberty, we need to define a few terms. Hormones are
chemical substances that affect cells throughout the body. Hormones influence your me-
tabolism, growth, moods, immune system, emotions, sleep, appetite, sexual arousal, and
reproductive cycle—to name just a few areas. Hormones are produced by small organs
called glands that are part of the endocrine system. During puberty, the production of sex
hormones such as estrogens and testosterone increases dramatically. Both girls and boys
produce estrogens and testosterone, but at puberty estrogen production soars in girls and
testosterone production escalates in boys. These hormones, and the other hormones they
stimulate, regulate many of the changes in puberty. In addition, this rapid increase in hor-
mones is related to sudden emotional changes such as cycles of anger, depression, sexual
arousal, and happiness. The mood swings that may be a part of the menstrual cycle for
women are regulated in part by hormone changes. Here we focus on physical changes.

Physical Development: Changes That Show

Years ago, William Marshall and James Tanner (1986) listed the major physical changes of
puberty, still true today:
1. The adolescent growth spurt—rapid then slower growth in bones and many internal
organs.
2. The development of the primary sex characteristics (called primary because they
include organs directly involved in reproduction). For example, the testes and penis in
boys and the uterus and ovaries in girls grow much larger and mature in their function
to make reproduction possible.
3. The development of secondary sex characteristics (those not needed for reproduction,
but still markers of mature males or females), such as changes in breasts, pubic hair,
voice, and facial hair.
OUTLINE  4. Changes in body composition—the distribution of fat and growth of
muscles.
The Casebook—Adolescent Smoking: 5. Changes in the respiratory and circulatory systems, leading to greater
What Would You Do?
strength and endurance.
Overview and Objectives
At the end of puberty both girls and boys will have an adult shape—girls
Puberty: Ready or Not will have developed breasts and hips, boys will have a developed penis and
Neurobiology and Adolescent broadened shoulders. Both will have lower, more adult voices. They will
Development be at or near their full adult height and shoe size. They will have much
greater strength and endurance than they had just a few years earlier.
Sexual Development
But theses changes take time. The earliest visible signs of puberty in
Nutrition and Exercise girls are the growth of nipples and budding of their breasts at around age
Threats to Well-Being in Adolescence 10 for European American and Canadian adolescents. About the same
time boys’ testes and scrotum begin to grow larger. The next step for girls
Summary and Key Terms is the growth of pubic hair about age 11; boys develop pubic hair about
The Casebook—Adolescent Smoking: age 1112⁄ . The changes around age 12 for girls are increases in hip width,
What Would They Do? and for boys the penis begins to grow. Between 12 and 13 is the average

320
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

age for girls to have their first menstrual period (called menarche) and for boys to have their
first sperm ejaculation (called spermarche). Boys develop facial hair over the next several
years, beginning in the corners of the upper lip around age 14 to 15 and reaching final beard
potential by about age 18 or 19—with some exceptions who take longer to develop their
final facial hair. Less welcome changes in puberty are increases in skin oiliness, skin acne,
and body odor.
One noticeable difference between boys’and girls’puberty is that girls reach their final
height by age 15 or 16, several years ahead of boys, so there is a time in middle school when
many girls are taller than their male classmates. Most boys continue growing until about age
19, but both boys and girls can continue to grow slightly until about age 25 (Thomas &
Thomas, 2008; Wigfield, Byrnes, & Eccles, 2006). As you will see shortly, the ages for reach-
ing maximum height are a bit younger for African American and Latino/a adolescents and
a bit older for Asian Americans.
Physical development is public—everyone sees how tall, short, heavy, thin, muscu-
lar, or coordinated you are. When students move into adolescence, they feel “on stage,” as
if everyone is evaluating them, with an “imaginary audience” watching everything they do
(Elkind, 1985). Physical development is part of what is evaluated (or seems to be) by that
audience. Feeling self-conscious can influence an adolescent’s self-concept and self-
esteem. So there are psychological consequences to physical development, too (Thomas &
Thomas, 2008).

Timing and the Secular Trend

On average, girls begin puberty about two years ahead of boys. Generally, as you saw above,
girls begin the physical changes of puberty between ages 10 and 11—although some, par-
ticularly African American girls, may begin as early as 8. Around 80% of American girls ex-
perience menarche between the ages of 11 and 14, but ages as young as 7 and as old as 26
have been reported in studies. Around the world the range in average age of menarche is
amazing—from 12 years old in some modern urban centers to 18-1/2 in the high altitudes
of Papua New Guinea and Nepal (Ellis, 2004). What causes these differences?

INDIVIDUAL DIFFERENCES: GENES AND THE ENVIRONMENT. Genetics play a role in the
timing of puberty. Correlations between mothers’ and daughters’ age at menarche and
between identical twins’ timing of puberty suggest that timing “runs in the family.” Some
estimates are that around 50% of the variation in timing of puberty is controlled by genes
(Ellis, 2004; Palmert & Boepple, 2001). Health and nutrition are major influences on the
timing of puberty as well, with healthier adolescents experiencing puberty earlier than
unhealthy, poorly nourished adolescents.
Another aspect of biology that may affect the timing of puberty involves the human
ability to adapt to different environments. Based on an extensive review of research on the
causes of differences in timing of menarche, Bruce Ellis (2004) suggested that puberty, in
girls at least, is part of an integrated, complex strategy that allows girls to adapt to the qual-
ity of their family developmental environments. Family environment quality includes such
things as the warmth and possessiveness of relationships among family members, the
amount of conflict in the home, the presence of a step-father or other men in the home not
related to the adolescent girl, and the type of discipline and control used by parents. Child-
hood is lengthened (and puberty delayed) when the family environment is high in quality
(warm relationships, little conflict, fewer unrelated men, supportive discipline) and short-
ened when the environment is of poor quality. In simplistic terms, children exit childhood
earlier when their family environments are less supportive and more stressful. However,
severe stress, such as living through a war, can delay puberty because stress can suppress
the system that regulates hormones (Ellis, 2004). The body is a complex system.

THE SECULAR TREND. A recent survey of over 8,000 young women in Canada reported
12.9 as the average age for menarche (Harris, Prior, & Koehoom, 2008). This study also
confirmed a secular trend—that is, a trend for menarche and other events in puberty to be

321
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

experienced earlier with each new generation. For example, girls born before 1933 aver-
aged 13.2 years old at menarche, but those born from 1986 to 1990 experienced menarche
at the average age of about 12.5, a decrease of about nine months over the last five decades.
Other studies show a full year decrease since the 1960s.
Another reflection of this secular trend is that for both boys and girls, the growth spurt
in puberty has been happening earlier. These adolescents also are taller as adults than pre-
vious generations. The same trend has been reported in Canada, Mexico, Korea, Italy, Israel,
the United States, and most westernized countries.
What has caused the secular trend? There are several theories, including better nutri-
tion and medical care, or more toxins in the environment that act like hormones to stimulate
changes. But the trend may be slowing, so the age for girls’ first menstrual period may not
keep decreasing and the height of the next generation may not keep increasing, at least as
much as in previous generations (Harris et al., 2008; Mendle, Turkheimer, & Emery, 2007).

Ethnicity, Geography, and Puberty

We have seen already that there are some universals in the timing and effects of puberty, but
there are also some ethnic and geographic differences. In the United States, for example,
African American and Latina girls begin breast development about age 9-1/2 compared to
almost 10-1/2 for European American girls (Wu, Mendola, & Buck, 2002). In general, Asian
adolescents move through puberty later than European, African, or Latino/a adolescents.
One large study of almost 84,000 boys found that the average age for spermarche in China
was about 14-1/2 years, compared to between 12 and 13 years old for European American
boys. For boys in 17 different minority ethnic groups in China, the mean age ranged from
about 13 to 16 years (Ji & Ohsawa, 2000).
If we look at the timing of puberty around the world, we see that girls in Africa tend
to experience menarche later than American or European girls—as late as 17 for some areas
of central Africa. But because the onset of puberty is related to health and nutrition, and
because adolescents in poverty may have poorer health and nutrition, it is important to
distinguish between ethnic or geographic variations and differences resulting from affluence
or poverty. In wealthier parts of Africa, the mean age of menarche is closer to 13 to 14 years
old (Eveleth & Tanner 1990). For most of the groups studied around the world, girls in eco-
nomically advantaged homes experience menarche earlier than girls who live in poverty
(Steinberg, 2005).

The Psychological Impact

of Puberty
One source of tension for adolescents is that
they are physically and sexually mature years
before they are psychologically or financially
ready to shoulder the adult responsibilities of
caring for children. But there are other psy-
chological effects, based on when an individ-
ual actually experiences the changes of
puberty. With all the anxieties and concerns
caused by changing bodies and the new social
expectations that follow, it helps if your
friends are experiencing the same challenges
at the same time. But what if you are all
alone—maturing well ahead of or behind your
friends? Psychologists have been particularly
In most Westernized countries around the world, including Mexico, interested in the academic, social, and emo-
Korea, Italy, and Israel, adolescents are going through puberty earlier tional differences between adolescents who
than they did several generations ago. This phenomenon is called the
mature early and those who mature later, sum-
secular trend. © Alexandre Silva/Alamy
marized in Table 11.1.

322
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

TABLE 11.1 • Possible Advantages and Disadvantages of Early and Later Maturing for Boys and Girls

POSSIBLE ADVANTAGES POSSIBLE DISADVANTAGES

Early maturing boys Popularity with peers More symptoms of depression, more delinquent behavior, greater
risk for abusing alcohol and cigarettes

Later maturing boys As adults, more creative, Lower self-esteem

tolerant, and perceptive

Early maturing girls Few advantages Depression, anxiety, eating disorders, lower achievement in schools,
drug and alcohol abuse, unplanned pregnancy, suicide, and greater
risk of breast cancer in later life

Later maturing girls Fewer problems May be concerned about being behind in maturity

GIRLS. For girls, maturing way ahead of classmates can be a definite disadvantage. Being
larger and more “developed” than everyone else your age is not a valued characteristic for
girls in many cultures (Jones, 2004). Early maturation is associated with emotional difficul-
ties such as depression, anxiety, and eating disorders, especially in societies that define thin-
ness as attractive (Steinberg, 2005). Other problems for early maturing girls are lower
achievement in school, drug and alcohol abuse, unplanned pregnancy, suicide, and greater
risk of breast cancer in later life. Some research indicates that these problems affect both
European American and African American girls, but other research points toward greater
depression and eating disorders for European American girls compared to African American
girls. Around the world, early menarche has been related to bulimia and alcohol use in
Finland, suicide and alcohol use in Norway, and depression and anxiety in Australia (Mendle
et al., 2007). In addition, researchers have found a correlation between age at menarche and
adult body mass index (BMI, a measure of body fat); the younger the girl was when she had
her first period, the greater her adult BMI, on average (Harris et al., 2008).
What causes these problems? The explanation probably involves biological, psy-
chosocial, and friendship selection factors—all acting together. Very early maturing girls
may have hormonal differences that could account for depression. Hormones trigger sexual
attractions, so early maturing girls are more likely to be involved in romantic or sexual rela-
tionships that can cause emotional upsets and anxiety. Also, early maturing girls may be the
focus of uninvited, stress-producing attention from older males. Being different from peers
can lead to problems making friends and rejections. Finally, friendship selection can lead to
problems. Most people have a tendency to seek friends who are similar. Early maturing girls,
especially those who have had behavior problems as children, are more likely to select
friends who are involved in drinking, skipping school, shoplifting, dating older boys, or
other activities that can create a negative context for development (Mendle et al., 2007).
Later-maturing girls seem to have fewer problems, but they may worry that something
is wrong with them, so adult reassurance and support can be important.

BOYS. Much of the work on timing and puberty focuses on girls, but there are some con-
clusions about boys. Research in the 1960s and 1970s found that early maturation seems to
have certain advantages for boys: Their classmates rated them as more good-natured,
poised, and athletic. Their taller, broader-shouldered body type fit the cultural stereotype
for the male ideal (Jones, 1965). Even today, early maturity in males is associated with pop-
ularity; late maturing boys may experience lower self-esteem because they are smaller and
less muscular than the “ideal” for men. In fact, there is some evidence that the standards
regarding physical appearance have increased (Harter, 2006; Harter et al., 2006).
It is still true that early-maturing boys are more likely to have advantages in sports, but
recent research points to more disadvantages than advantages for early maturation (Westling,
Andrews, Hampson, & Peterson, 2008). At least one study also found early maturing fifth-
grade boys to have more symptoms of depression (Wigfield, Byrnes, & Eccles, 2006). They
also tend to engage in more delinquent behavior—and this is true for White, African American,

323
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

CONNECTING WITH ADOLESCENTS

Guidelines for Teachers: Dealing with Puberty in the Classroom
Address students’ physical differences in ways that do not example, encourage teachers to talk to girls who are
call unnecessary attention to the variations. upset about their first menstrual period, while other
Examples schools expect teachers to send the girls to talk to the
1. Try to seat smaller students so they can see and school nurse (if your school still has one—budget cuts
participate in class activities, but avoid seating have eliminated many).
arrangements that are obviously based on height. 4. Give the students models in literature or in their
2. Don’t use or allow students to use nicknames based on community of accomplished and caring individuals who
physical traits. do not fit the culture’s ideal physical stereotypes.

Help students obtain factual information on differences in Accept that concerns about appearance and the opposite
physical development. sex will occupy much time and energy for adolescents.
Examples Examples
1. Set up science projects on sex differences in growth 1. Allow some time at the end of class for socializing.
rates. 2. Deal with some of these issues in curriculum-related
2. Have readings available that focus on differences materials.
between early and late maturers. Make sure that you
present the positives and the negatives of each. For more information about accommodations for physical
3. Find out the school policy on sex education and on differences in your classroom, see http://dos.claremontmckenna
informal guidance for students. Some schools, for .edu/PhysicalLearningDiff.asp

and Mexican American boys (Cota-Robles, Neiss, & Rowe, 2002). Early maturing boys also
appear to be at greater risk for abusing alcohol and cigarettes (Westling et al., 2008).
Boys who mature late may have a more difficult time initially. However, some studies
show that in adulthood, males who matured later tend to be more creative, tolerant, and
perceptive. Perhaps the trials and anxieties of maturing late teach some boys to be better
problem solvers (Brooks-Gunn, 1988; Steinberg, 2005). All adolescents can benefit from
knowing that there is a very wide range for timing and rates in “normal”maturation and that
there are advantages for both early and late maturers. The Connecting with Adolescents
suggestions give more ideas for helping adolescents deal with puberty.

Body Image
Body image is an individual’s dynamic perception of his or her body—how it looks, feels,
and moves. Body image might be an evaluation of the whole body, or of certain parts, such
as hair, legs, chest, or face. Because their bodies are changing rapidly and because adoles-
cents tend to feel “on stage,” body image is a key concern. In addition, popular culture pro-
vides many messages in films, television, magazines, and other media about ideal bodies:
thin for girls and muscular for boys. Just watch all the makeover, plastic surgery, and weight
loss shows on television to get a sense of the culture’s emphasis on appearance. And re-
member Barbie and Ken? One analysis calculated what they would look like if they were
real. Barbie would be 7⬘2⬙ tall with a 40-inch chest, 22-inch waist, and a 6-inch neck. Not
that we need to tell you, but the average real female is closer to 5⬘3⬙ tall, with a 36-inch
chest, 32-inch waist, and 3-inch neck. Ken would be 7⬘ with a 50-inch chest (Croll, 2005)!
And current action figures for boys set an even more unrealistic ideal than Ken (Lock, 2009).
How about top models? The average female model is 5⬘10⬙ and weighs 110 pounds. Miss
Americas have gotten thinner over the past 75 years and even girls pictured in textbooks
are thinner.
These cultural images prime girls to be dissatisfied as their thinner child bodies
become fuller in adolescence. In fact, negative perceptions of body weight increase as girls
advance through stages of puberty. This is not true for boys. At all ages, girls are more

324
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

Thin is in. Not only would a real-life Barbie be 7⬘2⬙ tall and have a 22⬙
waist, but even Miss Americas have been getting thinner over the years.
Getty Images Inc. – Hulton Archive Photos (left); Getty Images, Inc. (right)

dissatisfied with their weight than boys, and the greater their body mass index, the greater
their dissatisfaction (Clark & Tiggemann, 2008; Siegel, Yancey, Aneshensel, & Schuler,
1999). Consider these statistics from Croll (2005):

• 50–88% of adolescent girls feel negatively about their body shape or size.
• Only 33% of girls say they are at the “right weight for their body,” whereas 58% want
to lose weight. Just 9% want to gain weight.
• Over one-third of males think their current size is too small, but only 10% of women
consider their size too small.
• 85% of young women worry “a lot” about how they look; twice as many males as fe-
males say they are satisfied with their appearance.
• For girls, “the way I look” is the most important indicator of self-worth; for boys, self-
worth is based on abilities, rather than looks.

In a careful study that looked at girls and boys in several ethnic groups, Judith Siegel
and her colleagues found that compared to boys, adolescent girls generally reported more
symptoms of depression and less satisfaction with their bodies. The only exception was for
Asian Americans; boys and girls reported no differences in body image (Siegel et al., 1999).
In terms of ethnic differences, in general, Hispanic adolescents were the most dissatisfied
with their body images and African Americans had the most positive images. And studies
in the People’s Republic of China indicate that only 45% of boys and girls who had a normal
body weight for their age were satisfied with their current body size; rates were even lower
for overweight and underweight adolescents (Chen & Jackson, 2008). So even though there
may be fewer gender differences for Asian adolescents, almost half appear to be dissatisfied
with their bodies.
Maturing earlier or later than your peers can affect body image. For European Ameri-
can adolescents, girls who develop early and boys who develop late tend to have more neg-
ative body images. For African American girls and boys, late maturing is related to more
negative body image, and for Latina girls, developing either early or late is associated with
greater dissatisfaction with their bodies. The timing of puberty does not seem to affect

325
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

CONNECTING WITH ADOLESCENTS

Guidelines for Teachers and Other Professionals:
Supporting Positive Body Images
Listen to adolescents talk about their health. 3. Do you know that eating only low-fat or fat-free foods is
Examples NOT healthy eating? Do you know that you need fat in
1. If they mention wanting to lose weight, seize the your diet, and that without it you can have all kinds of
opportunity to talk about healthy weight, body image, health problems?
and cultural influences on youth.
Have resources for adolescents who do have body
2. It they mention diets they or friends are trying, seize the image issues.
opportunity to provide them with nutritionally sound Examples
information about myths, misinformation, and dangers
1. Have accurate, youth-oriented resources available to
related to fad diets.
read, look up on the Internet, or find in a library.
3. In general, be attentive. An adolescent may make a brief
2. Encourage youth to continue conversations about these
comment that could serve as a terrific entrance into a
issues, either with you, their parents, another health
valuable conversation about body image.
professional, a trusted teacher, or a caring,
knowledgeable adult.
Ask questions.
3. Deal with some of these issues in curriculum-related
Examples
materials.
1. Are you concerned about your weight (or shape or size)
at all? Do you think your friends are concerned about
Source: Adapted from Story, M., & Stang, J. (2005). Nutrition needs
their weight? Do you or your friends talk a lot about
of adolescents. In J. S. M. Story (Ed.), Guidelines for adolescent
your weight? nutritional services. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota,
2. Do you know that diets are the worst way to lose or pp. 158-159. For more information about adolescents and body
maintain weight? Have you ever dieted? Why? image, see http://www.epi.umn.edu/let/pubs/img/adol_ch13.pdf

body image for Asian American adolescents. Even with these dissatisfactions, time helps.
Adolescents who are unhappy about their bodies at age 13 generally are more satisfied by
age 18 (Zuckerman & Abraham, 2008). The Connecting with Adolescents guidelines give
some ideas about supporting positive body images in adolescents.

NEUROBIOLOGY AND ADOLESCENT DEVELOPMENT

Along with the other physical changes in puberty come changes in the brain and neuro-
logical system that affect all aspects of development. First, axons (nerves that transmit in-
formation) in the frontal lobe continue to be myelinated (coated) during adolescence, so
information can move faster in the frontal cortex (Blakemore & Choudhury, 2006).
Second, there is an increase in neural connections followed by a pruning down to
fewer, more selective and stronger connections. Each adolescent’s experiences and choices
affect which connections will get “wired together” for efficiency and which connections
will be pruned away. Areas of the brain become more integrated and connected in these
networks of associations. Jay Giedd (2008) uses a linguistic analogy: This stage of brain de-
velopment is not like adding new letters, but more like combining earlier formed letters
into words, and then words into sentences, and then sentences into paragraphs—intercon-
nections that make meaning. Different areas of the brain “talk to each other” and integrate
their functions more thoroughly. The corpus callosum (the connection between the right
and left sides of the brain) shows the greatest increases in size during the adolescent years
(McAnarney, 2008).
Finally, by the end of adolescence, brain and neurological changes help individuals to
avoid risky behaviors, be more purposeful and organized, and inhibit impulsive behavior
(Wigfield et al., 2006). But the changes are not complete until early adulthood, so adoles-
cents often have trouble avoiding risks and controlling impulses. Why is this? One expla-
nation looks to differences in the pace of development for two key systems involved in
making sound decisions about risky behaviors and controlling impulsive behavior—the

326
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

FIGURE 11.1
ADOLESCENT DEVELOPMENT IN THE LIMBIC SYSTEM AND PREFRONTAL CORTEX
The limbic system that influences emotions and responses to rewards (nucleus accumbens) matures before the
prefrontal cortex that controls acting impulsively to gain rewards, so there is a time during which adolescents may
“leap” to get rewards before they “look” at the risks and long-term consequences.

A B
Functional development

Functional development
Nucleus accumbens

Prefrontal cortex
Prefrontal cortex

Age Age
Adolescence Adolescence

Source: Reprinted from Developmental Review, 28, Casey, B. J., Getz, S. & Galvan, A. The adolescent brain, p. 64. Copyright
2008 with permission from Elsevier.

limbic system and the prefrontal cortex of the brain (Casey, Getz, & Galvan, 2008). As you
can see in Figure 11.1, the limbic system develops earlier; it is involved with emotions and
reward-seeking/novelty/risk-taking/sensation-seeking behaviors. The prefrontal lobe takes
more time to develop; it is involved with judgment and decision making.
As the limbic system matures, adolescents become more responsive to pleasure and emo-
tional stimulation. In fact, adolescents appear to need more intense emotional stimulation than
either children or adults, so these young people are set up for taking risks and seeking thrills.
Risk taking and novelty seeking can be positive factors for adolescent development as young
people courageously try new ideas and behaviors—learning is stimulated (McAnarney, 2008).
But their less mature prefrontal lobe (see Figure 11.1) is not yet good at saying, “Whoa—that
thrill is too risky!”So in emotional situations, thrill seeking wins out over caution, at least until
the prefrontal lobe catches up and becomes more integrated with the limbic system toward
the end of adolescence. Then risks can be evaluated in terms of long-term consequences, not
immediate thrills (Casey et al., 2008; Steinberg, 2008). In addition, there are individual differ-
ences; some adolescents are more prone than others to engage in risky behaviors.
What is the effect? Adolescents may “seem”like adults, at least in low-stress situations,
but their brains and neurological systems are not fully developed. Teachers can take
advantage of their adolescent students’ intensity by helping them devote their energy and
passion to areas such as politics, the environment, or social causes (Price, 2005) or by
guiding them to explore emotional connections with characters in history or literature.
Connections to family, school, community, and positive belief systems help adolescents
“put the brakes” on reckless and dangerous behaviors (McAnarney, 2008).
People certainly are more than physical bodies and brains. The rest of this chapter
addresses other aspects of physical development.

SEXUAL DEVELOPMENT
In this section, we turn to the questions of when and why adolescents become sexually
active and the consequences of these decisions.

327
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

Sexual Activity
Melanie Zimmer-Gembeck and Mark Helfand (2008) reviewed 10 years of research on ado-
lescents’ sexual behavior. In the 35 studies they examined, depending on geography,
race/ethnicity, and gender, from 13–35% of adolescents in the United States reported sex-
ual intercourse by the end of eighth grade. The figure was 70–90% by age 18. The most
common time for the first experience was between 15 and 17. Within that range, the me-
dian age for Black males was 15, for White males and females and Latino males about 16-1/2,
for Latina females a bit over 17, and 18 for Asian American males. There is little informa-
tion about first intercourse for Asian American girls or Native Americans. These ages are
averages, and regions of the country differed.

TIMING. Clearly, many adolescents are sexually active (sexual activity usually means sexual
intercourse). Developmental psychologists are interested in the timing, causes, and conse-
quences of sexual activity for adolescents. One good way to study these questions is
through longitudinal research that follows adolescents from their early years when they
were not sexually active into later years when they were. The 35 studies reviewed by
Zimmer-Gembeck and Helfand (2008) did just that and analyzed the results into different
pathways to sexual activity. One pathway was associated with early sexual experiences—by
age 15 or earlier, another with experiences in the middle adolescent years, and a third that
delayed sexual intercourse until age 18 or older.
Adolescents on the early pathway (age 15 or earlier) had more behavior problems such
as alcohol use, aggression (boys), and depression (girls), and fewer positive connections
with school and with peers. Adolescents who were sexually active before age 18 (both the
early and middle groups) were more physically mature, had more permissive attitudes about
sex and believed their friends shared these views, dated more, and were monitored less by
their parents. They were also less likely to live with two biological parents.
The girls who took the delayed pathway, with no sexual activity until 18 or older, were
more committed to their religious beliefs and had friends who shared their commitments.
The girls’ families were clear about their disapproval of sexual activity. Boys who delayed
sexual activity shared some of these characteristics, but also were more anxious than boys
who were sexually active before age 18. You might be surprised to learn that these studies
found little support for a link between age of first sexual intercourse and religious atten-
dance, adolescent self-esteem, family SES, or parents’ warmth and involvement.

VIRGINITY PLEDGES. Does making a public commitment to abstinence, a virginity pledge,

make a difference in when adolescents have their first sexual experience? In the United
States, estimates are that about 23% of female and 16% of male adolescents have made such
pledges. Steven Martino and his colleagues followed a sample of 12- to 17-year-olds for four
years. In the group that already favored abstinence, about 34% who took the pledge went
on to have sexual intercourse, but more (about 42%) who had not taken the pledge had
intercourse (Martino, Elliot, Collins, Kanouse, & Berry, 2008). So for adolescents already
inclined to delay intercourse, making a pledge may increase the chances they will wait.
How do pledgers differ from nonpledgers? They are stronger in their religious commit-
ments, more closely monitored by their parents, participate more in clubs and community
activities, and have lower self-efficacy for sexual activities. One related issue is that pledgers
are less likely than nonpledgers to use a condom the first time they have sexual relations, so
their chances of unintended pregnancy are higher. But once pledgers become sexually active,
they appear to educate themselves, so they carry and use condoms (Martino et al., 2008).
So should all adolescents be encouraged to make virginity pledges? Based on the
research, Martino and his colleagues (2008) say no:
For youth who want to have sex and whose social environments support doing
so, pledging is not likely to be an effective means of delaying sexual initiation (and
it is doubtful that sincere pledges could be elicited from such youth). These youth
need sex education that helps reduce sexual risk taking and unintended preg-
nancy, as do the substantial number of pledgers who eventually have sex. (p. 347)
This brings us to our next topic—sex education.

328
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

Sex Education
As we have seen, many adolescents are sexually active. Does this cause problems?

NEGATIVE CONSEQUENCES OF SEXUAL ACTIVITY. Some negative consequences of sexual

activity can include exposure to HIV/AIDS, sexually transmitted diseases (STDs), unwanted
pregnancies, and emotional stress.
In 1990, the teen pregnancy rate in the United States was 117 pregnancies per 1,000
adolescents, ages 15–19. That rate declined dramatically over the next 15 years to 69.5 preg-
nancies per 1,000 girls in 2005, due to more teens using contraception and using it effec-
tively. During the same time period, adolescent births and abortion rates dropped 35% and
56% respectively. But in 2008, this trend reversed and there were increases in both teen
pregnancies and abortions. Heather Boonstra, a researcher at the Alan Guttmacher Institute,
which focuses on sexual and reproductive health worldwide, noted, “After more than a
decade of progress, this reversal is deeply troubling. It coincides with an increase in rigid
abstinence-only-until-marriage programs” (Wind, 2010, p. 1). We examine these programs
in the Point/Counterpoint later in this chapter.
Here are some other sobering facts from the Alan Guttmacher Institute (http://www
.guttmacher.org/) and from a study by Christopher Trenholm and his colleagues (2008).

• More than one in five students report having had four or more sexual partners by the
time they complete high school.
• 10% of young women ages 18–24 who have had sex before age 20 report that their first
sex was involuntary. The younger they were at first intercourse, the more likely
the sex was forced.
• A sexually active adolescent girl who does not use contraceptives has a 90% chance of
becoming pregnant within a year.
• Teen pregnancy rates in the United States are twice as high as in England and Wales or
Canada, and eight times as high as in the Netherlands or Japan.
• In 2006, Black and Hispanic adolescent girls had the highest teen pregnancy rate (126 per
1,000 for ages 15–19), followed by non-Hispanic White adolescents (44 per 1,000).
• Teen mothers are now more likely than in the past to complete high school or obtain a
GED, but they are still less likely than women who delay childbearing to go on to college.
• Of the 18.9 million new cases of STDs each year, 9.1 million (48%) occur among 15- to
24-year-olds.
• If they are sexually active, adolescents have a one in four chance of contracting an
STD—many are lifelong infections with no cure.

Statistics like these suggest that adolescents need to learn about the possible conse-
quences of sexual activity.

APPROACHES TO SEX EDUCATION. What is the best way to educate adolescents about
sex? The answers to this question are often fraught with emotions and embedded in beliefs
about morality, the role of parents and the schools, and the value of specific programs. Re-
search results cannot say what moral position people should hold or whether parents,
schools, or religious organizations should be responsible for sex education. But research can
inform educational policy if schools or other institutions decide to offer sex education. The
two most widely used approaches to sex education are abstinence-only (AO) education and
comprehensive sex education (CSE). Abstinence-only programs teach that in all cases, sex
should be delayed until marriage. The only information provided about birth control typi-
cally is that these methods are not very effective. Comprehensive sex education programs
also encourage abstinence, but they include information about birth control to prevent
pregnancy and condoms to prevent STDs (Kohler, Manhart, & Lafferty, 2008). From 1996
until 2009, only AO programs could receive federal funding. The Point/Counterpoint on
the next page examines these programs.
If abstinence-only programs have not been successful with every age group, what
about comprehensive sex education (CSE), which includes teaching about birth control and
condom use? After analyzing the responses of 1,700 never-married, heterosexual adolescents

329
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

POINT/COUNTERPOINT: Abstinence-Only Sex Education

Some people believe abstinence only is the only way to go. Program participation did not affect the age at which
Others disagree, as you can see below. students became sexually active; the number of sexual part-
ners they had; or how likely they were to have unprotected


Abstinence-only programs do not work. The sex, get pregnant, have the baby, or get a STD.
research on the effectiveness of AO programs shows few
POINT


positive results, but many of these studies were focused Abstinence-Only Programs Can Work for
on particular groups, not adolescents in general. In Younger Adolescents. In a recent study with 662

COUNTERPOINT
2008, Christopher Trenholm and his colleagues pub- African American students in grades 6 and 7, John B.
lished the results of their experimental study of AO pro- Jemmott III and his colleagues (2010) compared an
grams. The research question was, “What are the impacts abstinence-only (AO) intervention with three other
of these four abstinence education programs on teens’ approaches—a safer sex program that targeted condom
sexual abstinence, their risks of pregnancy and STDs, use, two comprehensive programs (8 hours or 12 hours)
and other behavioral outcomes?” Participants included 2,057 that targeted abstinence and condom use, and a health
adolescents in four abstinence-only sex education programs, promotion program that targeted other health issues not
each in a different United States city. The students were from related to sex. Each student was randomly assigned to
a mix of urban, rural, and suburban communities. The teens’ one of the programs. The researchers found that after
families were poor, working class, or middle class and in two years, about 33% of the participants in the AO pro-
single- or two-parent households and varied in race and gram had started having sex, whereas the numbers were
ethnicity. About half of the adolescents were in middle school 50% for those assigned to either the safer sex or the gen-
and half were in upper elementary school. eral health programs and 42% for those in the compre-
Students (who had their parents’ permission) were ran- hensive programs. When interviewed by the New York
domly assigned to either the abstinence-only program for Times (Lewin, 2010), Sarah Brown of the National Cam-
their research site or a control group that did not participate paign to Prevent Teen and Unplanned Pregnancy said,
in the AO program. Checks of the characteristics of the stu- “This new study is game-changing. For the first time, there is
dents in the program and control groups showed that the strong evidence that an abstinence-only intervention can help
groups were very similar. Each city offered a different AO sex very young teens delay sex and reduce their recent sexual
education program that was supported by federal Title V activity as well. Importantly, the study also shows that this
funds—My Choice, My Future; ReCapturing the Vision; particular abstinence-only program did not reduce condom
Families United to Prevent Teen Pregnancy; or Teens in Con- use among the young teens who did have sex.”
trol. The first two programs targeted middle school grades
and the second two focused on elementary students. All Beyond Either/Or
programs offered more than 50 hours of instruction, but two How do we reconcile these findings? First, we have to be cau-
of the programs, one for middle and one for elementary stu- tious because the Jemmott et al. (2010) study is the only one
dents, met every school day and participants could continue so far to demonstrate that AO programs can be effective. But
for up to four years. In addition to a focus on abstinence, all there were some interesting differences between the Jemmott
four programs taught youth about physical development et al. study and previous work. Unlike most AO programs, the
and reproduction, goal setting, good decision making, AO program in their study did not advocate abstinence until
healthy relationships, and risk-avoidance skills. marriage, it did not portray sex negatively or suggest that con-
A follow–up survey (82% response rate) was conducted doms are ineffective, and it contained only medically accurate
42 to 78 months after the students began participating in information. Also, participants were young—an average of
the study. What were the key findings? None of the 12 years old. Perhaps AO can be helpful for younger adoles-
abstinence-only programs had statistically significant cents when they are given accurate information and learn
impacts on participants’ rate of sexual abstinence compared about the value of delaying sex until they are older.
to students who did not participate in the AO programs.

(ages 15–19) from the 2002 National Survey of Family Growth, researchers concluded that
formal CSE reduced the risk for teen pregnancy without increasing the likelihood that ado-
lescents will engage in sexual activity. Findings also reconfirmed results from the
randomized controlled trials described in the Point/Counterpoint that abstinence-only
programs have a minimal effect on sexual risk behavior for older adolescents (Kohler,
Manhart, & Lafferty, 2008). In addition, from 80–90% of parents support CSE. The main
exceptions are parents who identify themselves are “very conservative.”But even half of this
group supports CSE (Constantine, 2008).
It is likely that the debates about sex education will continue. The physical changes of
puberty also have implications for nutrition and exercise, as we will see next.

330
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

NUTRITION AND EXERCISE

During adolescence, we establish patterns and habits in diet, physical activity, lifestyle, and
exercise that probably will shape us (literally and metaphorically) well into our adult years.
Our bones will reach their peak density and this level helps determine if and when we de-
velop osteoporosis. But adolescents are not cognitively mature as they make decisions
about physical activity and eating. Here we look more closely at nutrition and physical ac-
tivity in adolescents’ lives.

Nutrition
The dramatic physical growth and development during puberty requires increases in en-
ergy, protein, vitamins, and minerals. In fact, total nutrient needs are higher in adolescence
than in any other period of life, and they peak during the period when growth is fastest.
Table 11.2 shows the calorie and protein needs for adolescents by age and sex. While their
nutritional needs are increasing, adolescents are becoming more independent, both finan-
cially and in their daily choices about what and when to eat. They are hungry, but their
brains are not yet expert at weighing risks and rewards, and their body image concerns push
them to focus on appearances, so they may make poor nutritional choices—skipping break-
fast, snacking, eating fast foods, or dieting in dangerous ways. As a consequence, many
teens, especially girls, have inadequate diets. On average their diets are low in vitamins A
and E, iron, zinc, magnesium, calcium, and fiber. On the other hand, they eat too much to-
tal fat and saturated fat, cholesterol, sodium, and sugar. Poor nutrition during adolescence

Why is Jeremy so hungry these days?

Zits, May 9, 2009. Jerry Scott and Jim Borgman. ZITS © 2009 Zits Partnership, King Features Syndicate.

TABLE 11.2 • Recommended Daily Calorie and Protein Intakes for Adolescents
During adolescence, needs for energy (calories) and protein increase substantially.

CALORIES PER DAY PROTEIN GRAMS PER DAY

Age Females Males Females Males

11–14 2,200 2,500 46 49

15–18 2,200 3,000 44 59

19–24 2,200 2,900 46 58

Source: Adapted from Story, M., & Stang, J. (2005). Nutrition needs of adolescents, p. 27. in J. S. M. Story (Ed.),
Guidelines for Adolescent Nutritional Services. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota. Used with permission.
For the most recent dietary guidelines, see http://www.health.gov/dietaryguidelines/

331
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

TABLE 11.3 • The Increase in Adolescent Obesity

The data below are from the National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey (NHANES)
completed by the National Center for Health Statistics.

PREVALENCE OF OVERWEIGHT AMONG U.S. ADOLESCENTS (AGED 12–19 YEARS)

SURVEY PERIODS

1971–1974 1976–1980 1988–1994 2003–2004

Ages 12 through 19 6.1% 5% 10.5% 17.4%

Source: Used courtesy of Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, www.cdc.gov, http://www.cdc.gov/nccdphp/
dnpa/obesity/childhood/prevalence.htm

can contribute to many adult health problems such as diabetes, obesity, coronary artery
disease, osteoporosis, and cancer (Stang & Story, 2005; Story & Stang, 2005).

FAST FOOD. Fast food is everywhere in the adolescents’ world. Schools, dorms, laundro-
mats, gas stations, convenience stores, bodegas, clinics, and roadside rest stops all have
vending machines with high-calorie, high-fat snacks. Theaters offer enormous buckets of
popcorn and boxes of candy. Every neighborhood has burger-and-fries, taco, chicken, or ice
cream chain restaurants. Malls have huge food courts. Bus stations, train stations, and air-
ports offer fast foods from counters and vending machines. Even hospitals have fast food
outlets. These offerings are tasty and convenient, but fast foods and soft drinks replace
needed nutrients in teens’ diets with sugar, salt, and fat.
What is the appeal of fast food? Well, for one thing, fast food is fast—handy for a quick
snack. It also is inexpensive, with the cheaper items often having the most calories. For ex-
ample, the dollar menus at fast food restaurants have more high-calorie items (e.g., double
cheeseburger—480 calories and 27 grams of fat) than low-calorie offerings (e.g., small fruit
and yogurt parfait—160 calories and 2 grams of fat).
How much fast food do teens consume? One study followed over 1,600 students as they
moved from high school to the world of young adults (from about ages 16 to 21). Researchers
found that 21% of girls and 24% of boys in high school reported eating fast food frequently
(at least three times a week). As they moved into young adulthood, the number of girls who
ate fast food three times a week or more stayed about the same, but the number of boys who
were frequent fast food eaters had increased significantly to 33%. African American adoles-
cents were more likely than European Americans to be frequent fast food consumers
(Neumark-Sztainer, Story, Wall, Harnack, & Eisenberg, 2008). Many
researchers think fast foods may be contributing to the increases
in obesity we see among adolescents, shown in Table 11.3.
Once in a fast food restaurant, what do teens order? Juli-
enne Yamamoto and her colleagues asked adolescents (ages
11 to 18) to order meals at McDonald’s, Panda Express, and
Denny’s. The average calorie content for their chosen meals
was 933, 874, and 1,031 calories, respectively. But some
participants ordered meals that were 1,200 to 1,500 calories.
When these teens ordered from a menu that also listed calo-
rie and fat content next to each item, 80% did not change
what they ordered, but 20% did modify their orders based
on the nutritional information, so it seems some adoles-
cents might modify their fast food intake if they have the
facts when they order (Yamamoto, Yamamoto, Yamamoto, &
Yamamoto, 2005).
Unfortunately for the rest of the world, one of America’s BREAKFAST. Did you eat breakfast today? We know you have
most successful exports is fast food—and all the health heard it many times: Breakfast is the most important meal of the
problems that can follow. © Blue Jeans Images/Alamy day. Even a small breakfast provides needed nutrition and helps

332
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

TABLE 11.4 • Recommendations for Teens about Nutrition and Fitness

Remove televisions from teen’s bedrooms and limit the time they spend looking at any screen
to 2 hours or fewer per day.

Avoid beverages sweetened with sugar or high fructose corn syrup.

Strive to eat at least 5 servings of fruits and vegetables daily.

Engage in moderate to vigorous physical activity for at least 60 minutes a day.

Actually prepare and eat meals at home as a family at least 5–6 times a week.

Limit eating out, especially at fast food restaurants.

Don’t skip breakfast and make sure it is healthy.

Limit portion sizes.

Make lifestyle changes a whole family project.

Source: Based on information from NICH. Expert committee recommendations on the assessment, prevention
and treatment of child and adolescent overweight and obesity - 2007. Boston: National Initiative for Children’s
Healthcare Quality. Available online at http://www.nichq.org/documents/coan-papers-and-publications/
COANImplementationGuide62607FINAL.pdf

adolescents avoid unhealthy snacking and fast food attacks. But adolescents are more likely
to miss breakfast than any other meal. Often the reason is to cut down on calories and lose
weight, but young people who skip breakfast actually are more likely to be overweight
or obese. In addition, skipping breakfast is associated with poorer performance in school.
Eating breakfast, in contrast, may improve cognitive functioning and school achievement
(Pearson, Biddle, & Gorley, 2009).
What encourages adolescents to eat breakfast? Studies around the world point to two
factors associated with eating breakfast—having parents who eat breakfast too and living in
a two-parent family. Nutritional habits are shaped early, so it pays to provide children and
adolescents with good role models (Pearson et al., 2009). Table 11.4 lists specific recom-
mendations for teens about nutrition and fitness from the Focused Understanding of
Nutrition and Fitness in Teens health education curriculum developed by the Cincinnati
Children’s Hospital (NICH, 2007).

BONE DENSITY. One of the nutrients that adolescents often lack is calcium. The recom-
mended intake of calcium is 1,300 milligrams (mgs) per day between the ages of 9 and 18.
Calcium is critical in the growth of bones. About half of your adult bone mass developed
during adolescence, and by 18, you had 90% of your skeletal mass. The bone mass you build
in adolescence is important for the prevention of osteoporosis in later years. Genetics prob-
ably account for 60–80% of the variation among individuals in bone mass, with diet and phys-
ical activity helping to determine if you will reach the peak bone mass your genes will allow.
Results of the Berkeley Bone Health Study—which started in 1988 and ended in 1997,
following 693 African American and White girls from ages 9 or 10 to 21—indicated that
their average calcium intake actually fell to 789 mgs per day during puberty, instead of ris-
ing like it should to about 1,300 mgs (Wang et al., 2003). In addition, the researchers found
that the middle years of puberty were especially important for developing strong bones. Cal-
cium intake during this time positively predicted bone density at age 21 for both African
American and White girls. Activity level, especially before puberty, also was related to bone
density. Girls who were more sedentary during the prepuberty years had lower bone den-
sity at 21. Calcium intake was lower on average for African American girls, who also were
more sedentary and watched more television and videos. Educating all adolescents, but es-
pecially African American girls, about the importance of nutrition and physical activity is
an important goal for parents, teachers, and other professionals.

333
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

Female athletes who have stopped having their normal menstrual cycle, a condition
called amenorrhea, are another group at risk. Almost one quarter of female high school ath-
letes have reported amenorrhea at some point. These girls are at risk for decreased bone den-
sity during the critical period in which they are building bone mass for a lifetime. Perhaps
because of the repetitive movements and low impact associated with the activity, long-
distance runners seem especially vulnerable. High-impact activities in sports such as gymnas-
tics tend to build bone density. Long-distance runners are even more likely to have decreased
bone density if they have a history of eating disorders—described next (Misra, 2008).

Eating Disorders
Adolescents going through the changes of puberty are very concerned about their bodies.
This has always been true, but today, the emphasis on fitness and appearance makes ado-
lescents even more likely to worry about how their bodies “measure up.” As you saw earlier
when we discussed body image, boys and girls can become dissatisfied with their bodies
during adolescence because they don’t match the cultural ideals in magazines and films (or
Barbie!). For girls, it also appears that conversations with friends about appearance can
make dissatisfactions worse (Jones, 2004).
For some adolescents, the concern with body image becomes excessive. One conse-
quence is disordered eating such as binge eating. The proposed revision of the Diagnostic
and Statistical Manual (DSM-5) of the American Psychiatric Association has added binge
eating as a disorder defined by two indicators: “eating, in a discrete period of time (e.g.,
within any 2-hour period), an amount of food that is definitely
larger than most people would eat in a similar period of time un-
der similar circumstances” and “a sense of lack of control over
eating during the episode” (APA, 2010). The two other eating
disorders already listed in the current DSM-IV are bulimia ner-
vosa (binge eating followed by purging, fasting, or excessive ex-
ercise), and anorexia nervosa (self-starvation).
Anorexia is more common in females than in males, but
current research is showing that anorexia and bulimia in boys
often goes undetected. Some estimates now are that 10–20% of
anorexia and bulimia cases are boys. About half of the adoles-
cent boys in one study in Switzerland had serious concerns
about eating or had tried unhealthy eating practices such as
binging or dangerous weight loss attempts (Dominé et al., 2009;
Lock, 2009). Risk factors for boys include participation in
weight-conscious sports such as body building, wrestling, and
being a jockey or using anabolic steroids. Risk factors for both
boys and girls include having a history of impulsive behavior,
depression, perfectionism, teasing by peers, sexual abuse, and
being overweight (McCabe & Vincent, 2003).
Bulimics often binge, eating an entire gallon of ice cream
or a whole cake. Then, to avoid gaining weight, they force
themselves to vomit or they use strong laxatives to purge them-
selves of the extra calories. Adolescents with bulimia are hard
to detect because they tend to maintain a normal weight, but
their digestive systems can be permanently damaged.
Anorexia is an even more dangerous disorder, because
anorexics either refuse to eat or eat practically nothing while
often exercising obsessively. In the process, they may lose
Even though anorexia is more common for girls, boys 20–25% of their body weight, and some (about 20%) literally
can be affected, too, and anorexia may go undetected
starve themselves to death. Anorexic adolescents become
in boys. About half of the adolescent boys in one
very thin, and may appear pale, have brittle fingernails, and
study in Switzerland had serious concerns about
eating or had tried unhealthy eating practices such
develop fine dark hairs all over their bodies. They are easily
as binging or dangerous weight loss attempts. chilled because they have so little fat to insulate their bodies.
© KAKIMAGE/Alamy They often are depressed, insecure, moody, and lonely. Girls

334
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

CONNECTING WITH ADOLESCENTS

Guidelines for Families, Teachers, and Other Professionals:
Encouraging Healthy Eating in Adolescence
Discourage unhealthy dieting; emphasize instead the 3. Have more fruit and vegetables in the home.
kinds of eating and physical activity that can be 4. Take televisions out of children’s bedrooms.
maintained over time.
Examples
Assume that overweight or underweight teens
1. Explain that dieting, skipping meals, and using food have experienced some mistreatment around
substitutes or diet pills actually can lead to weight gain weight issues.
over the long term and is dangerous over the short Examples
term—emphasize healthy eating instead.
1. Individuals may have been directly teased about
2. Don’t use dissatisfaction with appearance as a weight.
motivator—stress caring for your body instead of
2. Individuals may have been excluded from teams or
making it “look better.”
social groups.
3. Challenge adolescents if they say (and don’t say
yourself) “I’m starting a diet on Monday, so I am going
to splurge this weekend.” Or “I’ve already broken my
diet so I might as well keep on eating.”

Enlist family support in healthy eating: Give ideas for

families to “talk less and do more” about healthy eating.
Examples
1. Have more frequent, and more enjoyable, family meals.
2. Talk less about everyone’s weight and appearance. No Source: Adapted from Neumark-Sztainer, D. (2009). Preventing
teasing at all about weight, even as an attempt to obesity and eating disorders in adolescents: What can health care
“motivate.” providers do? Journal of Adolescent Health, 44, 206–213.

may stop having their menstrual period. These eating disorders often begin in adoles-
cence and are becoming more common—about 1% of adolescents become anorexic
(Rice & Dolgin, 2002). These individuals usually require professional help—don’t ignore
the warning signs—few people with eating disorders actually receive treatment (Stice &
Shaw, 2004; Stice, Marti, Spoor, Presnell, & Shaw, 2008). A teacher may be the person
who begins the chain of help for students with these tragic problems. The Connecting
with Adolescents guidelines for supporting positive body images offer some good ideas.
In addition, the Connecting with Adolescents guidelines above list research-based
ideas for preventing obesity and eating disorders from project EAT (Eating Among Teens,
Neumark-Sztainer, 2009).

Biorhythms and Sleep

Other changes in the neurological system during adolescence affect sleep. Teenagers need
about 9 hours of sleep per night, but many adolescents’ biological clocks are reset, so it is
difficult for them to fall asleep before midnight. If high school begins by 7:30, as it does in
many school districts, getting 9 hours of sleep is impossible and students are continually
sleep deprived. Then on weekends, adolescents often “sleep in” to catch up; this makes it
even more difficult to go to bed earlier on Sunday night, and the whole cycle of late to bed
and up too early starts again. At school, classes that keep students in their seats, taking notes
for the full period may literally “put the students to sleep.” With no time for breakfast, and
little for lunch, these students’nutritional needs are often deprived as well (Sprenger, 2005).
Read the Relating to Every Adolescent account on the next page to learn about a school-
based intervention designed to address this problem.
About one-quarter to one-half of adolescents report experiencing insomnia for periods
from one to four years. Adolescents with insomnia are more depressed, anxious, irritable,

335
 E V E RY A D O L E S C E N T
Relating to
 Learning about Sleep in Australia
In order to get their required 9 hours of sleep every night, sleep/wake schedules and early morning bright light
one simple strategy for adolescents would be to resist exposure, and ways to deal with insomnia.
the temptation to “sleep in” on the weekends and in- What did the researchers find? First, over half of the
stead go to bed and get up at the same time every day. high school students reported too little sleep on school
Researchers in Adelaide, South Australia (Moseley & nights—less than 8 hours—and 78% reported sleeping
Gradistar, 2009) designed a school-based intervention— late more than 2 hours both mornings on weekends. After
four 50-minute classes taught over a 4-week period—for the classes, there was a statistically significant improve-
high school students in two schools. The classes focused ment in all the participants’ knowledge of sleep. In addi-
on adolescent well-being and healthy lifestyles using a tion, for the group that had problems with their sleep
cognitive behavioral approach that included learning cycles (delayed bedtime during the week, sleeping late on
about healthy lifestyles, understanding unproductive weekends), there was a statistically significant improve-
thinking and beliefs, setting short- and long-term per- ment in their weekend sleeping in time. Unfortunately,
sonal goals, monitoring behaviors, and targeting a per- even though they didn’t sleep as late on weekends, they
sonal change project. Information about sleep was one of still got up about 2 hours later on the weekends than they
several topics covered. The sleep-related components did on school days. And six weeks later, they had returned
included instruction about adolescent sleep needs and to their old habits. It is difficult to give up those weekend
practices, the consequences of poor sleep practices, morning sleep-ins. The researchers recommend targeting
strategies for healthy sleep including regularization of motivation as well as knowledge in future work.

fearful, angry, tense, emotional, and inattentive. They report more conduct problems, drug
and alcohol use, fatigue, problems with peers, and health complaints. There likely is a re-
ciprocal relationship between insomnia and all these problems—the insomnia leads to
problems and then the problems cause more insomnia (Roberts, Roberts, & Duong, 2008).
Good nutrition, exercise, and mental health services all could help adolescents get the sleep
they need. The Connecting with Adolescents guidelines for families, teachers, and stu-
dents has ideas for how to advocate for later school start times and how to help adolescents
deal with changing sleep patterns.

Sports and Exercise

The American Academy of Pediatrics stated, “Play is essential to development because it
contributes to the cognitive, physical, social, and emotional well-being of children and
youth” (Ginsburg, 2007, p. 182). We saw that the brain develops with stimulation; play,
physical activity, and sports provide part of that stimulation at every age. In fact, some neu-
roscientists suggest that play might help in the important process of pruning brain synapses
during childhood (Pellis, 2006). Other psychologists believe play allows young people to
experiment safely as they learn about their environment, try out new behaviors, solve pro-
blems, and adapt to new situations (Pellegrini, Dupusis, & Smith, 2007). Babies in the sen-
sorimotor stage learn by exploring, sucking, pounding, shaking, throwing—acting on their
environments. Preoperational preschoolers love make-believe play and use pretending to
form symbols, use language, and interact with others. Elementary school-age children also
like fantasy, but are beginning to play more complex games and sports, and thus learn
cooperation, fairness, negotiation, and winning and losing as well as developing more
sophisticated language. As children grow into adolescents, play and sports continue to be
part of their physical and social development.

PHYSICAL ACTIVITY. Physical activity is important in preventing or treating many health

problems such as obesity, osteoporosis, heart disease, and diabetes. Children who develop
skills kicking, catching, and throwing objects such as balls or Frisbees™ are more likely to

336
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

CONNECTING WITH ADOLESCENTS

Guidelines for Families, Teachers, and Students:
Dealing with Changing Sleep Needs
For Families and Teachers: Advocate for later school start • Beware of taking too many naps. Naps that are too long or
times for adolescents. too close to bedtime can interfere with your regular sleep.
Examples • Make your room a sleep haven—cool, quiet, and dark. If
• Start early to educate the community and all parties you need to, get eyeshades or blackout curtains. Let in
involved. Use hard data and testimonials. bright light in the morning to signal your body to wake up.
• Network with other schools to learn from their • Don’t use substitutes for a good night’s rest. No pills,
experience. Apply what you learn to your school vitamins, or drinks can replace good sleep. Avoid
district’s particular challenges or concerns. Be prepared caffeine—coffee, tea, soda/pop and chocolate—late in the
with concrete examples of the successes of others. day. Nicotine and alcohol will also interfere with your sleep.
• Involve parents, students, and teachers, as well as • Recognize sleep deprivation and call someone else for a
transportation, cafeteria, and extracurricular personnel, ride. Drowsy driving causes over 100,000 auto crashes
coaches, employers, and others in a variety of ways each year.
(email, letters, forums, surveys, etc.) and allow all • Establish a bed- and wake-time and stick to it, coming as
participants the opportunity to express their opinions close as you can on the weekends. A consistent sleep
anonymously. schedule allows your body to get in sync with its natural
• Be clear about your goals: the academic performance, patterns.
health, safety, and quality of life for students. Students’ • Don’t eat, drink, or exercise within a few hours of your
needs are foremost. bedtime. Don’t leave your homework for the last minute.
• Be flexible as the process proceeds. Consider all of the Avoid the TV, computer, and telephone in the hour
issues, needs, and agendas of all parties. Identify before you go to bed. Stick to quiet, calm activities.
potential sources of resistance and address their needs. • Establish a consistent evening schedule. If you do the
Be prepared with research and the facts. same things every night before you go to sleep, you
• Have a clear plan. Gather a coalition and form organized teach your body the signals that it’s time for bed. Try
committees. Develop a timetable. Decide on guidelines taking a bath or shower (this will leave you extra time in
for the change and create goals to measure your the morning), or reading a book.
progress. • Try keeping a diary or to-do lists. If you jot notes down
• Communicate all along the way and especially through before you go to sleep, you’ll be less likely to stay awake
the implementation of the changes. worrying or stressing.
• Don’t follow your friends’ bad habits. When you hear
For Adolescents: Develop healthy sleep habits. your friends talking about their all-nighters, tell them
Examples how good you feel after getting enough sleep.
• Work with your internal clock. Most teens’ internal body
clocks cause them to fall asleep and wake up later. You
can’t change this, but you can participate in activities Source: Used with permission of the National Sleep Foundation. For
further information, please visit http://www.sleepfoundation.org
and classes to help counteract your sleepiness.
⬍http:// www.sleepfoundation.org/⬎.
• Make sleep a priority. Decide what you need to http://www.sleepfoundation.org/article/hot-topics/general-advocacy-
change to get enough sleep to stay healthy, happy, tips-changing-school-start-times
and smart! http:// www.sleepfoundation.org/article/sleep-topics/teens-and-sleep

be active as adolescents, and adolescents who are physically active are more likely to remain
active as adults (Barnett, van Beurden, Morgan, Brooks, & Beard, 2009).
Boys tend to be more active than girls at every age, but when you compare boys and
girls based on biological (maturational) age, not chronological age, the gender differences
disappear. Girls are more biologically mature compared to boys the same age, and greater bi-
ological maturity is related to decreased physical activity and exercise. Studies of adolescents
in the United States, Canada, and Great Britain show similar results. Thus when you take
biological maturation into account, there are no differences in physical activity and exercise

337
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

levels between boys and girls. But in schools, boys and girls tend to be grouped by age, so
teachers will notice that boys seem more physically active at each grade level. Even so, phys-
ical activity tends to decrease for both boys and girls as they mature, about 3–8% per year
(Cumming, Standage, Gillison, & Malina, 2008; Pate et al., 2009; Walters, Barr-Anderson,
Wall, & Neumark-Sztainer, 2009).
The U.S. Department of Health and Human Services recommends that adolescents en-
gage in at least 60 minutes of physical activity on most, but preferably all days of the week.
Even the U.S. federal government has recognized the value of physical activity. In 2004, the
U.S. Congress passed a law that requires educational agencies receiving federal aid, which
covers most schools, to have a wellness policy that includes a minimum of 30 minutes per
day of moderate to vigorous physical activity, with 60 minutes recommended (McKenzie &
Kahan, 2008). But one nationwide study found that in ninth grade, only about 64% of girls
and 73% of boys were getting enough vigorous physical activity. Because physical activity
levels tend to decline in adolescence, by twelfth grade, the numbers had dropped to 46%
for girls and 64% for boys. The increasingly sedentary lifestyle of adolescents probably is
one cause for the recent rise in adolescent obesity (Sirard & Barr-Anderson, 2008; Walters
et al., 2009).
In the preschool and school years there are some differences in physical activity asso-
ciated with SES: There is less money for organized sports, but also concern on the part of
parents with letting children play outside in unsafe neighborhoods. These early restrictions
may shape patterns of activity that are carried into adolescence and adulthood.

ENCOURAGING PHYSICAL ACTIVITY. Both boys and girls are more physically active if they
see themselves as capable and also if they value physical activity—an example of the
expectancy-value model of motivation as it explains motivation for physical activity and

Carolina Panthers wide receiver Steve Smith challenges a group of adolescents to “play hard” and enjoy
physical activity. The NFL sponsors Play 60, a program that encourages 60 minutes of active play every day—
see http://www.nflrush.com/play60/ for more information. Used with permission of the Carolina Panthers.

338
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

exercise. Briefly, this means that motivation is the product of two main forces: the individ-
ual’s expectation of reaching a goal and the value of that goal to him or her. In other words,
the important questions are: “If I try hard, can I succeed at physical activities?”and “If I suc-
ceed, will the outcome be valuable or rewarding to me?” Motivation is a product of these
two forces, because if either factor is zero, there is no motivation to work toward the goal
(Tollefson, 2000). But boys tend to value physical activity more and feel more competent
compared to girls, so they are more motivated. That is one reason why boys are more ac-
tive than girls of the same age (Sabiston & Crocker, 2008). Given their value, many re-
searchers worry that we are overlooking physical activity and play as important aspects of
human development today.
There are cultural differences in motivation for physical activity. Jin Yan and Penny
McCullagh (2004) studied boys and girls ages 12 to 16 in the United States (both Ameri-
can born Chinese and Caucasian American adolescents) and in the People’s Republic of
China. They concluded that Caucasian American male and female participants take part
in sports or physical activities primarily for competition and improving skills. However,
for the adolescents from the People’s Republic of China, social affiliation and wellness are
the main participation reasons for both males and females. The American born Chinese
adolescents are more likely to participate because of travel, equipment use, and having
fun through physical activities and sports than their People’s Republic of China and Cau-
casian American counterparts.
Adolescents spend many of their waking hours in school. Because most teens do not
get much physical activity in their daily lives today, schools have a role in promoting active
play. This can be especially important for students living in poverty and children with dis-
abilities. Unfortunately, physical education time is being cut to allow for more academic
time focused on test preparation (Ginsburg, 2007; Pellegrini & Bohn, 2005).
What sort of activity helps students develop lifelong habits of exercise and physical ac-
tivity? You would think that participating in sports programs in high school would carry
over into being more physically active in early adulthood, but research does not support
that idea, especially for adolescents from lower SES families (Walters et al., 2009). More im-
portant than just participating in sports seems to be the way the teacher/coach structures
the experience for the adolescents. One study found that middle school students were more
likely to be physically active during leisure time if their physical education teachers sup-
ported the students’ sense of self-determination during classes. This meant giving choices
and good rationales for PE tasks, acknowledging students’ perspectives, fostering students’
feelings of competence, and developing caring relationships with the students. Middle
school may be an especially important time as students form habits of activity and exercise
(Cox, Smith, & Williams, 2008; Sirard & Barr-Anderson, 2008).

THREATS TO WELL-BEING IN ADOLESCENCE

Adolescents take risks. Like the students in “the pit” at the beginning of the chapter, many
smoke. Others also may drink, drive too fast, have unprotected sex, use drugs, and get into
fights. Why?

Why Do Adolescents Take Risks?

We saw earlier in this chapter that the adolescent brain is not the best at balancing short-
term thrills with long-term consequences. There are two cognitive processes involved in
making decisions—and one is faster, simpler, and more intuitive. If you get anxious when
you think about flying or are tempted to eat a second big piece of chocolate cake, this sys-
tem likely is at work. The second system is slower, more effortful, and more analytic. This
system reminds you that air travel is safer than driving and that the second piece of choco-
late cake will be “minutes on your lips and years on your hips,” as some diet coaches have
said. Because the teenage brain is more developed in the intuitive reward-seeking system
than in the analytic system, risky behaviors may be too attractive to resist. This helps us
understand the students puffing away in “the pit.”

339
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

Teenage smoking can be understood in this light. The bad consequences of

smoking are not much associated with the behavior, and the meaning of smoking—
as fun, exciting, and social—is what affects behavior. It should not be surprising
in this light that emotional arousal can overwhelm efforts to engage in self-
regulation. (Sunstein, 2008, p. 148)
When teenagers smoke, abuse drugs, or drive recklessly, they may do so in part
because they are impulsive, lack self-control (especially in groups), or are unrealistically
optimistic and feel invulnerable (Sunstein, 2008). But there is another aspect of risk tak-
ing besides balancing intuition and analysis: the meaning of the behavior in the adoles-
cent’s social group. Is smoking “cool” or “disgusting”? The answer is found in the values
and beliefs of the adolescents’ social networks—something that often is difficult for adults
to control.
Since 2000, Healthy People 2010, a joint project of the Centers for Disease Control
and the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, has monitored progress toward 107
national objectives for improving the health and lowering the risks of youth, ages 10 to 24.
The objectives are grouped into six areas: mortality, unintentional injury, substance abuse
and mental health, violence, reproductive health, and chronic diseases.
In 2008, researchers did a midcourse review to see how we were doing in our efforts
to meet the 2010 goals. They concluded that there had been little to no progress on most
objectives (Park, Brindis, Chang, & Irwin, 2008). We have already examined reproductive
health in the earlier section on sexual activity, so let’s look at each of the other areas more
closely.

Deaths and Injuries

In terms of mortality, in 2004, young adolescents (ages 10 to 14) died at the rate of 19 out
of every 100,000. This represented a decrease from mortality rates in the late 1990s and was
on target to meet objectives by 2010. But older adolescents (ages 15 to 19) died at the rate
of 66 per 100,000 youth. This was a slight decrease over rates in the late 1990s, but way off
target to meet the 2010 objective of 38 per 100,000.
Since the early 1990s, mortality rates for all motor vehicle crashes and for alcohol-
related crashes have increased slightly for teens. Of the 13,000 adolescent deaths per
year, about 70% result from auto crashes, unintended injuries, homicides, and suicides.
Many of these deaths were caused by risky behaviors such as driving under the influ-
ence of alcohol, not wearing a seat belt, carrying weapons, or using illegal drugs (Casey,
Getz, & Galvan, 2008). There is some good news. The percentage of students in 2005
who reported riding with a driver who had been drinking decreased and the percent-
age who said they use a seat belt increased. Both are at or near the target for 2010 (Park
et al., 2008).
About one quarter of injuries for adolescents are work related. The risk is greater for
males than females and increases with age. In addition, adolescents from lower SES families
are more likely to be injured while working (Rauscher & Myers, 2008). These injuries can
have implications for the rest of these adolescents’ lives. Injuries to the musculoskeletal
system, such as back injuries and broken bones, are especially likely to cause continuing
problems for adolescent boys (Koehoorn, Breslin, & Xu, 2008).

Drug Abuse and Mental Health

Although drug abuse is not always associated with emotional or behavioral problems and
people without these challenges may abuse drugs, many adolescents with emotional prob-
lems also abuse drugs. Abusing drugs is especially dangerous for African American males.
In one study that followed a sample of adolescents from ages 19 to 27, about 33% of the
African American young men who abused drugs died by age 27, compared to 3% for White
males. The death rates for both African American and White females who abused drugs
were 1% (Clark, Martin, & Cornelius, 2008).

340
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

TABLE 11.5 • How Many Adolescents Use Alcohol, Tobacco, and Other Drugs?
Results from the Monitoring the Future survey of about 46,000 adolescents conducted in 2008 by the University of Michigan and
the National Institute on Drug Abuse. Here are the percentages of the respondents who reported that they had: (a) ever used drugs
and (b) used drugs in the past month.

% WHO EVER USED? % WHO USED IN THE PAST MONTH

GRADE LEVEL ALCOHOL TOBACCO ILLICIT DRUGS ALCOHOL TOBACCO ILLICIT DRUGS

8th 25 21 20 16 7 8

10th 34 32 34 29 12 16

12th 47 45 47 43 20 22

Source: Johnston, L. D., O’Malley, P. M., Bachman, J. G., & Schulenberg, J. E. (2009). Monitoring the future: National results on adolescent drug use.
Overview of key findings, 2008 (No. NIH Publication No. 09-7401). Bethesda, MD: The University of Michigan Institute for Social Research and the
National Institute on Drug Abuse.

HOW MANY ADOLESCENTS USE DRUGS? Accurate statistics are hard to find, but estimates
from the Monitoring the Future survey of about 46,000 adolescents conducted by the Uni-
versity of Michigan and the National Institute on Drug Abuse indicated that 14% of eighth
graders, 27% of tenth graders, and 37% of twelfth graders had used an illicit drug in the last
year, with marijuana being the most popular drug besides alcohol (Johnston, O’Malley,
Bachman, & Schulenberg, 2009). Table 11.5 gives some specifics.
Drug use among secondary school students has been gradually declining or holding
steady since about 2001, with the exception of OxyContin, which has increased slightly. Al-
cohol is the most widely used drug, with 13% of eighth graders, 30% of tenth graders, and
66% of twelfth graders indicating on the Monitoring the Future survey that they had been
drunk at least once in the last year. In addition, about 7% of eighth graders, 12% of tenth
graders, and 20% of twelfth graders reported smoking cigarettes in the last month. Nearly
half of U.S. adolescents have tried cigarettes by the twelfth grade and 1 out of 5 are current
smokers (Johnston et al., 2009). Even though the number of younger Americans who
smoke has been going down since the late 1990s, the rate of tobacco smoking among
teenagers still is higher than the rate for adults.
Remarkably, about 1 in 7 high school boys use some form of spit or other type of
smokeless tobacco. More than 2% of high school girls use spit or smokeless tobacco. The
use of smokeless tobacco can cause cancers of the mouth, throat, larynx, esophagus,
stomach, pancreas; receding gums and gum disease, leading finally to tooth loss, pre-
cancerous spots in the mouth, nicotine addiction, and possibly to heart disease and stroke
(NCS, 2010).
We should distinguish between experimentation and abuse. Many students try
something at a party, but do not become regular users. The best way to help students
who have trouble saying no appears to be through peer programs that teach them how
to say no assertively. Also, the older students are when they experiment with drugs, the
more likely they are to make responsible choices, so helping younger students say no is
a clear benefit.

WHY DO ADOLESCENTS USE DRUGS? Modern society makes growing up a very confusing
process. Notice the meanings and messages from films and billboards. “Beautiful”
popular people drink alcohol and smoke cigarettes, with little concern for their health.
We have over-the-counter drugs for almost every common ailment. Coffee wakes us up,
and a pill helps us sleep. And then we tell students to “say no!” to drugs. For many
reasons, not just because of these contradictory messages, drug use has become a prob-
lem for students.

341
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

Research by Mark Cleveland and his colleagues surveyed over 90,000 students in
grades 6, 8, 9, and 12 in Pennsylvania to study the risk and protective factors that
predict use of alcohol, tobacco, and other drugs. They studied three categories of risk
factors: individual risk factors such as sensation seeking and rebelliousness; peer factors
including friends’ use of drugs and gang involvement; family risk factors such as parent
attitudes favorable to drug use and antisocial behavior. All three kinds of factors—
individual, peer, and family—predicted adolescents’ drug use. The researchers also
studied the protective factors of family cohesions (e.g., attachment to family, supervi-
sion, opportunities for positive social connections), school cohesion (e.g., school com-
mitment, opportunities for positive involvement), and community cohesion (e.g., laws
and norms about drug use). These factors did protect adolescents from drug use, but
the risk factors were more powerful than these protective factors in predicting drug
use. Also, as you might guess, family and community factors were more important for
younger adolescents, whereas peer and school factors were more important for older
adolescents (Cleveland, Feinberg, Bontempo, & Greenberg, 2008). So schools have a
role to play in protecting adolescents from drug abuse. What can they do? We turn to
that question next.

PREVENTION. First, what doesn’t seem to work? Providing information or “scare”tactics

such as the DARE drug prevention program seems to have little positive effect and may
even encourage curiosity and experimentation (Dusenbury & Falco, 1995; Tobler &
Stratton, 1997).
So what is more effective? Adam Fletcher and his colleagues analyzed research on
school programs around the world. One overwhelmingly frequent finding was that after
taking into account students’ prior drug use and personal characteristics, “disengagement
from school and poor teacher–student relations were associated with subsequent drug use
and other risky health behaviors” (Fletcher, Bonell, & Hargreaves, 2008, p. 217). For exam-
ple, the researchers describe one study that found, for young adolescents, that being
disconnected with school predicted their drug use 2 to 4 years later. One implication is that
engaging adolescents in schools, forming positive relationships, and connecting the stu-
dents to caring adults and peers is critical in creating a protective environment. The report
of the Committee on Increasing High School Students’ Engagement and Motivation to Learn
(2004) summarizes the importance of positive relationships with family, peers, and teach-
ers in supporting students’ engagement and learning:

The likelihood that students will be motivated and engaged is increased to the
extent that their teachers, family, and friends effectively support their purposeful
involvement in learning in school. . . . Engaging schools promote a sense of
belonging by personalizing instruction, showing an interest in students’lives, and
creating a supportive, caring social environment. (p. 3)

The most promising prevention programs use developmentally appropriate language

and concepts; teach students to resist social pressure; provide accurate information about
rates of behavior (not everyone is doing it); use interactive teaching methods such as role-
playing or small groups; provide training in skills that help in many situations; give thorough
coverage of the topic with follow-up; and practice cultural sensitivity.

Steroids
Anabolic-androgenic steroids—usually called simply steroids—are commercially produced
drugs related to male sex hormones. The anabolic part of the name refers to muscle build-
ing and the androgenic part refers to increased male characteristics. There are more than
100 kinds of steroids and all are legally available only by prescription. Legitimate uses in-
clude treating people who produce too little testosterone or who have certain muscle loss
problems that accompany AIDS or other diseases. But most steroids used in the United
States are smuggled in illegally from other countries or created in illegal labs (Gober, Klein,
Berger, Vindigni, & McCabe, 2006a).

342
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

EFFECTS OF STEROIDS. Unlike alcohol or marijuana,

anabolic steroids are not taken for their effects on how
they make you feel—they are not recreational. Adoles-
cents, like adults, take steroids for muscle strength and
development. Using steroids causes the body to retain ni-
trogen and this, combined with exercise, builds muscles.
But steroids are similar to other drugs and alcohol; they
are controlled substances with negative effects for users.
Some side effects include irritability, aggression and
manic episodes (called “roid rage” in the popular press),
mood swings, increased energy, distractibility, forgetful-
ness, and confusion. In men, other side effects can be de-
creased sperm count, shrunken testicles, and breast
development. For women, side effects can include ab-
normal hair growth or baldness, acne, and menstrual ir-
regularities. Even more serious side effects for
Some of the possible side effects of steriod use are acne on the
adolescents are heart attacks and strokes, liver tumors,
shoulders and back, breast development in males, persistent
and the premature stopping of bone development. With-
bad breath, receding hairline, shrinking of the testicles, and
drawing from steroids combined with fluctuations in elevated blood pressure, among others. Science Photo Library/
natural hormones can lead to depression and also can be Custom Medical Stock Photo, Inc.
a factor in adolescent suicides. In addition, risk taking
and impulsive behaviors—two concerns for adolescents—may be intensified with steroids
(Gober et al., 2006a; Gober, McCabe, & Klein, 2006b).

WHO USES STEROIDS AND WHAT CAN YOU DO? Steroids are used mostly by boys; in
2008, the rates of use for eighth, tenth, and twelfth graders were 1.2%, 1.4%, and 2.5% re-
spectively. For girls, the rates were .5%, .5%, and .4% respectively. These rates were down
by about half since their peaks in the early 2000s (Johnston et al., 2009). Rates in other de-
veloped countries are about the same. For example, in Sweden, about 3% of 16- and 17-year-
old boys were using steroids in 2001 (Nilsson, Baigi, Marklund, & Fridlund, 2001). Girls are
less likely than boys to use steroids, but girls with eating disorders may use steroids to lose
fat. Feeling pressure from the media or parents to have a “perfect”body or having a distorted
body image can lead some adolescents to use steroids to attain the “ideal” (Gober et al.,
2006a). Both male and female athletes and individuals with poor body images are more
likely to use steroids.
What can professionals and parents do to prevent steroid abuse? Helping adolescents
have a positive body image, as we discussed earlier, is a first step. Talking about harmful
messages from the media is another possibility. As with other drug prevention programs,
scare tactics are not as effective as programs that provide information and focus on positive
body image. One program funded by the National Institute on Drug Abuse is called Athletes
Training and Learning to Avoid Steroids (ATLAS). The program provides nutrition and
weight training alternatives for adolescent athletes and has been effective in reducing
steroid use in 31 high schools in the Portland, Oregon area (Gober et al., 2006a, b). See
www.ohsu.edu/hpsm/atlas.html for more details.

Violence
Many adolescents live in a violent world. When the Healthy People 2010 objectives
were set in 2000, more than 400,000 youth between the ages of 10 and 19 were injured
as a result of violence. About 4% of all high school students reported being injured so
severely in a physical fight that they needed medical attention—ninth and tenth
graders seem to have more fights than eleventh and twelfth graders. About 17% of ado-
lescents said they had carried a weapon and about 7% had carried a weapon on school
property. Unfortunately, these numbers have barely changed since 2000, so we are far
from meeting the 2010 objectives on adolescent violence (Park et al., 2008; Towey &
Fleming, 2003).

343
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

Chronic Disease
Many health problems can affect students’ learning, in great part because the students miss
school, leading to lost instructional time and missed opportunities for friendships. Some ado-
lescents must use special devices such as braces, special shoes, crutches, or wheelchairs to
participate in a normal school program. If the school has the necessary architectural features,
such as ramps, elevators, and accessible rest rooms, and if teachers allow for the physical lim-
itations of students, little needs to be done to alter the usual educational program. Two health
impairments you may encounter in middle and high school are HIV/AIDS and diabetes. We
talked about diabetes in previous chapters, so here we focus on HIV/AIDS. Even though some
children are born with HIV infections passed on from their mothers, these conditions also can
be consequences of increased sexual activity for adolescents or drug use with needles.

WHO HAS HIV/AIDS? You probably have heard quite a bit about Human Immunodeficiency
Virus/Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome (HIV/AIDS). This is a chronic illness in chil-
dren and adolescents. The disease begins with HIV and can progress to AIDS, but today the
progression can be delayed with appropriate drug therapy.
Around the world, half of the new HIV infections are among young people. In the
United States, about 7% of the 35,962 new cases of HIV/AIDS reported to the Centers for
Disease Control in 2007 were in adolescents and young adults from 13 to 24 years old. As
you can see in Table 11.6, in the United States, by the end of 2007, there were over 54,000
adolescents and young adults (ages 13 to 24) living with AIDS.
Since 1999, the number of males in this group has increased while the number of
females has remained steady or declined. Gay and bisexual males are the most at risk. There
are great disparities related to race, ethnicity, and HIV/AIDS. About 65% of the new HIV cases
in 2006 were African Americans, Latinos/as, Native Americans, or Asians/Pacific Islanders.
The rate of new infections for African Americans was 7 times the rate for Whites (CDC, 2008;
Rangel, Gavin, Reed, Fowler, & Lee, 2006; Veinot et al., 2006).
For children and young adolescents, the main cause of HIV/AIDS was that their mother
had AIDS when they were born and transmitted HIV to them. As this group grows older
and becomes sexually active, the number of cases of HIV/AIDS probably will increase. In
2002, HIV/AIDS was among the top 10 causes of death for all youth ages 20 to 24, and for
African American young people ages 15 to 24 (Rangel et al., 2006).

LIVING WITH HIV/AIDS. These are grim statistics, but today HIV/AIDS often can be con-
trolled with medication. Current treatments involve combinations of drugs, called highly ac-
tive antiretroviral therapy (HAART). This is an aggressive treatment package, usually two or
three different drugs, that suppresses the replication of the virus, strengthens the immune
system, and controls the progression of HIV. In some cases, the treatment reduces the amount
of active virus so that it is undetectable in blood tests. Without the drug, 9 out of 10 people
infected with HIV progress to AIDS in 5 to 10 years (Wang, Chai, Lin, Yao, & Chen, 2009).

TABLE 11.6 • Children and Adolescents Living with AIDS in the United States

ESTIMATED # OF AIDS CUMULATIVE ESTIMATED # OF

AGE (YEARS) CASES IN 2007 AIDS CASES, THROUGH 2007*

Under 13 28 9,209

Ages 13–14 80 1,169

Ages 15–19 455 6,089

Ages 20–24 1,927 38,175

*Includes persons with a diagnosis of AIDS from the beginning of the epidemic through 2007.
Source: Courtesy of Centers For Disease Control and Prevention, available at: http://www.cdc.gov/hiv/
topics/surveillance/basic.htm

344
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

Adolescents and young adults face a lifetime of treatment with HAART. With this
regimen, the progression from HIV to AIDS can be delayed for years. These therapies require
careful procedures, often taking several pills a day at specific times. Tiffany Veinot and her
colleagues (2006) stress “high adherence to antiretroviral therapy (⬎95%) is required to
achieve optimal viral suppression and to prevent the development of drug resistance”(p. 265).
In other words, if adolescents do not take the medications as prescribed, they not only miss
out on the protective power of the treatment, but also they can develop a resistance to the
drugs themselves. But adolescents may find it difficult to commit to a lifetime of carefully
timed treatment. They may be embarrassed when friends ask, “What’s all those pills?” They
may fear possible side effects such as nausea, headaches, diarrhea, hepatitis, mouth sores,
insomnia, liver failure, or nightmares. Sometimes adolescents’ feelings of being invulnerable
or of valuing present comfort over long-term benefit interfere with sticking to the treatment.
The fact that HAART can’t cure HIV, but only manage it, is discouraging to many adolescents.
Finally, treatment is costly, but supports for low-income families are available. Adolescents
living with HIV/AIDS need developmentally appropriate educational materials and social
support, especially the support of caring adults (Veinot et al., 2006). Like everyone, they need
to know the myths and facts about HIV/AIDS, as you can see in Table 11.7.

TABLE 11.7 • Myths and Facts about HIV/AIDS

MYTHS FACTS

Only gay men and women get HIV and AIDS. Worldwide, HIV and AIDS are spread most often through
heterosexual contact. Anyone can get HIV and AIDS if they
engage in the unsafe practices below.

1. You can get HIV from kissing. HIV is spread only by doing the following:
2. You can get HIV by drinking from a glass used by 1. Having unprotected sex with an HIV positive person.
someone who has HIV. 2. Sharing needles or syringes with an HIV positive person.
3. You can get HIV from giving blood. 3. Getting a blood transfusion from an HIV positive person.
4. You can get HIV from a toilet seat. 4. During pregnancy, birth, or breast-feeding from an infected
5. HIV is spread through casual social contact. mother to her baby.
6. You can get HIV from sweat or tears, so gyms are places 5. Drinking alcohol can increase the risk of getting HIV.
you can be infected.
7. You can get HIV and AIDS from mosquito bites.

You cannot get HIV and AIDS from oral sex. You can get HIV by having oral sex with a man or a woman.

You can prevent AIDS and HIV by using birth control such as Birth control may prevent pregnancy but can’t prevent AIDS
spermicides, cervical caps, diaphragms, sponges, or the Pill. and HIV. Spermicides with nonoxynol-9 may even increase the
chance of getting AIDS and HIV. Using a latex condom during
sex can reduce the risk of getting HIV.

You can tell by looking at someone if they have HIV/AIDS. Someone who has HIV, but looks and feels healthy, can still
infect other people.

When you’re on HIV therapy you can’t transmit the virus to Even if the therapy is working well, you can still transmit HIV
anyone else. to others.

Most people who get infected with HIV become seriously ill After a person is infected with HIV, there is usually no change
within three years. in that person’s health for quite a few years.

Vaccination can protect people from HIV infection. AIDS is a syndrome that has no cure, but can be managed.

The number of new HIV cases is going down. Actually the number is going up, but better treatments allow
people with HIV to stay healthier longer and deaths due to
AIDS are going down in the developed countries.

Source: Based on information available online at Medicine.Net (http://www.medicinenet.com/script/main/art.asp?articlekey⫽); Family Health

International (http://www.farmradio.org/english/radio-scripts/62-2script_en.asp.); and Sowadsky (2010) http://www.thebody.com/content/
art2293.html.

345
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

With all health conditions, teachers need to talk to parents to find out how the prob-
lems are handled, what the signs are that a dangerous situation might be developing, and
what resources are available for the student. Keep records of any incidents—they may be
useful in the student’s medical diagnosis and treatment.

Staying Healthy and Safe

What would help protect adolescents from problem behaviors such as delinquency, drug
abuse, risky sexual activity, and also encourage positive healthy lifestyles such as a nutritious
diet and adequate physical activity? One longitudinal study of over 14,000 adolescents
reached three interesting conclusions:
1. Problem behaviors and unhealthy lifestyles are related for adolescents.
2. Low self-control of emotions and behaviors is related to both problem behaviors and
unhealthy lifestyles. For example, adolescents who can’t control their anger are more
likely to get into fights or use weapons and adolescents who cannot delay gratification
are more likely to buy a candy bar from a vending machine when they are hungry
instead of waiting until they get home to eat a healthy snack.
3. Poor decision making is a much weaker predictor of problem behaviors and unhealthy
lifestyles than self-control. In other words, adolescents may know what they should
do, but they may not be able to regulate their emotions or behaviors well enough to
do it (Kim, Guerra, & Williams, 2008).
The importance for adolescent health of self-regulating emotions and behaviors means
that information on social emotional development is also connected to adolescent physical
development.

 SUMMARY AND KEY TERMS

• Puberty: Ready or Not • Neurobiology and Adolescent
During puberty, the production of sex hormones such as es- Development
trogens and testosterone increases dramatically. These hor- During adolescence, axons in the
mones, and the other hormones they stimulate, regulate frontal lobe continue to be myelinated (coated), so informa-
many of the changes in puberty. On average, girls begin pu- tion can move faster in the frontal cortex. There is an increase
berty about two years ahead of boys and reach their final in neural connections followed by a pruning down to fewer,
height by age 15 or 16, several years ahead of boys. Genet- more selective and stronger connections. Areas of the brain
ics, health, nutrition, stress, and quality of the family devel- become more integrated and connected in these networks of
opmental environment affect the timing of puberty for girls. associations. By the end of adolescence, brain and neurolog-
Over the past five decades, the age for girls’ first menstrual ical changes help individuals avoid risky behaviors, be more
period has decreased by about nine months; this has been purposeful and organized, and inhibit impulsive behavior. But
termed the secular trend. In general, Asian adolescents the changes are not complete until early adulthood. Because
move through puberty later than European, African, or the limbic system (which is related to seeking novelty and
Latino/a adolescents. Earlier sexual maturity has a number sensation) matures faster than the prefrontal cortex (which
of disadvantages for both boys and girls. One problem supports judgment), in emotional situations, thrill seeking
today for many boys and girls is dissatisfaction with body wins out over caution, at least until the prefrontal lobe
image, although there are cultural differences in body catches up and becomes more integrated with the limbic sys-
image and satisfaction. tem toward the end of adolescence.

346
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

• Sexual Development grade are getting enough vigorous physical activity, with per-
From 13–35% of adolescents in the United States reported centages decreasing for older students. Unfortunately, physi-
sexual intercourse by the end of eighth grade. The figure cal education time is being cut to allow for more academic
was 70–90% by age 18. The most common time for the first time focused on test preparation.
experience is between 15 and 17, although these figures dif-
fer by geography, culture, and ethnicity. Earlier sexual activ- • Threats to Well-Being in Adolescence
ity (beginning at age 15 or before) is associated with more When teenagers smoke, abuse drugs, or drive recklessly, they
behavior problems such as alcohol use, aggression (boys), may do so in part because they are impulsive, lack self-control
and depression (girls), and fewer positive connections with (especially in groups), or are unrealistically optimistic and feel
school and with peers. Some negative consequences of invulnerable. But another aspect of risk taking is the meaning
sexual activity can include exposure to HIV/AIDS, sexually of the behavior in the adolescent’s social group.
transmitted diseases (STDs), unwanted pregnancies, and Since the early 1990s, mortality rates for all motor ve-
emotional stress. hicle crashes and for alcohol-related crashes have in-
For adolescents already inclined to delay intercourse, creased slightly for teens. About one quarter of injuries for
making a virginity pledge may increase the chances they will adolescents are work related. The risk is greater for males
wait. The two most widely used approaches to sex education than females and increases with age. In addition, adoles-
are abstinence-only (AO) education and comprehensive sex cents from lower SES families are more likely to be injured
education (CSE). Most research shows that AO is not effec- while working.
tive, but recent research suggests that AO that is honest and About 14% of eighth graders, 27% of tenth graders,
nonjudgmental can help younger adolescents to delay be- and 37% of twelfth graders had used an illicit drug in the last
coming sexually active. year, with marijuana being the most popular drug besides
alcohol. Alcohol is the most widely used drug. Providing
• Nutrition and Exercise information or “scare” tactics such as the DARE drug pre-
During adolescence, we establish patterns and habits in diet, vention program seems to have little positive effect and may
physical activity, lifestyle, and exercise that probably shape us even encourage curiosity and experimentation. Students
well into our adult years. Our bones will reach their peak den- who are disengaged from school and have poor relation-
sity and this level helps determine if and when we develop ships with their teachers are more likely to use drugs and
osteoporosis, but many adolescents do not get enough cal- engage in other risky behaviors. Adolescents, like adults,
cium. The dramatic physical growth and development during take steroids for muscle strength and development—both
puberty requires increases in energy, protein, vitamins, and male and female athletes and individuals with poor body im-
minerals. Adolescents are hungry, but their brains are not yet ages are more likely to use steroids. In 2008 the rates of use
expert at weighing risks and rewards, and their body image for eighth, tenth, and twelfth grade boys were 1.2%, 1.4%,
concerns focus them on appearances, so they may make poor and 2.5% respectively. For girls, the rates were .5%, .5%, and
nutritional choices—skipping breakfast, snacking, eating fast .4% respectively. These rates were down by about half since
foods, or dieting in dangerous ways. the peaks in the early 2000s. More than 400,000 youth
Eating disorders are a problem for both girls and boys, between the ages of 10 and 19 were injured as a result of
but they often go undetected in boys. Other changes in the violence. About 4% of all high school students reported
neurological system during adolescence affect sleep. being injured so severely in a physical fight that they needed
Teenagers need about 9 hours of sleep per night, but many medical attention.
adolescents’ biological clocks are reset, so it is difficult for Human Immunodeficiency Virus/Acquired Immunodefi-
them to fall asleep before midnight; thus they suffer from ciency Syndrome (HIV/AIDS) is a chronic illness in children and
sleep deprivation. adolescents. Around the world, half of the new HIV infections
Boys tend to be more active than girls at every age, but are among young people. In the United States, about 7% of
when you compare boys and girls based on biological (matu- the new cases of HIV/AIDS in 2007 were in adolescents and
rational) age, not chronological age, the gender differences young adults from 13 to 24 years old. Current treatments in-
disappear. The U.S. Department of Health recommends that volve combinations of drugs that suppress the replication of
adolescents engage in at least 60 minutes of physical activity the virus, strengthen the immune system, and control the pro-
a day, but only about 64% of girls and 73% of boys in the ninth gression of HIV.

 KEY TERMS
abstinence-only (AO) education comprehensive sex education menarche
amenorrhea (CSE) primary sex characteristics
anorexia nervosa endocrine system puberty
binge eating glands secondary sex characteristics
body image highly active antiretroviral therapy secular trend
body mass index (BMI) (HAART) spermarche
bulimia nervosa hormones steroids

347
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

 THE Casebook
ADOLESCENT SMOKING
You are late for a meeting, and to save time, you cut through smoking, why are young people still lighting up? You don’t
“the pit” (a courtyard between buildings designated for understand why this habit hasn’t extinguished itself by now!
smoking). Good grief! The second-hand smoke is thick and Once you are inside and able to breathe, it crosses your mind
you try to hold your breath until you get to the door that will that you, as a guidance counselor, might tackle the issue of
let you back into the building. With all the information—the smoking in some of your classes—but how? What works as a
irrefutable evidence—available about the harmful effects of deterrent?

WHAT WOULD THEY DO?

Here is how some professionals in several fields responded: often hinders their ability to weigh consequences effectively.
Therefore many young people are physically unable to make
JILL SULLIVAN—Math, Grades 9–11
an educated decision for some behaviors. This is not to say
Northside College Prep High School, Chicago, Ilinois
that we should not continue to try to help them navigate those
The first thing to come to mind is a chapter called “Suicide, tough decisions, but this is one challenge in working with
Smoking, and the Search for the Unsticky Cigarette” from Mal- adolescents.
colm Gladwell’s book The Tipping Point. I would reread it and
consider planning a lesson around it. I recall that he relates CATHY BLANCHFIELD—English/Language Arts,
smoking to coolness in a very powerful way and references Grades 10 and 12
studies that show how certain people may be predisposed to Duncan Polytechnical High School, Fresno, California
smoke while others can try it and quit with minimal conse- Most professionals who work with adolescents understand that
quence. What I like about using his text is that it would be non- risk taking is a common character trait observed in most teens.
traditional and fun reading for adolescents. It presents No amount of “preaching” or disciplinary actions will actually
messages about smoking being unhealthy, but looks at why stop a teen from participating in activities that might be harm-
people still do it. Further, students are increasingly aware of ful. Brain researchers have noted that when peers are present,
how they’re being marketed to and Gladwell exposes this as- a teen’s social-emotional response of taking part in a risky
pect of smoking in an accessible and interesting way. Lastly, activity will overrule any logical response concerning the dan-
when planning any broad program, I’d build in time for feed- gers of the activity. This holds true in any number of activities
back from a small group of teenagers likely to be affected. including drinking, taking drugs, driving recklessly, and smok-
Here, I’d ask a few smokers from “the pit” or ex-smokers to read ing. It clear that we must do more than just educate about the
the chapter and help me plan the program. People tend to sup- perils of these types of activities. Most schools and districts
port things they help create, and seeking input first could make have adopted excellent programs that give students all the
the program stronger. I also recommend always looking for reasons they need to not engage in smoking. What must also
existing resources first because as a teacher you’ll have little accompany the education is to engage students in peer dis-
time to reinvent the wheel. You might just find something that cussions and social situations where smoking is discouraged.
requires minimal tailoring to meet your needs. If the peer culture does not engage in smoking, then many
fewer teens will do so.
KAMI M. WAGNER—School Counselor, Grades 9–12 As a classroom teacher, I see my class as a springboard to
Mt. Hebron High School, Ellicott City, Maryland begin discussions about this type of behavior. Our school has
Young people might engage in risky behaviors for a variety of an active advisory program where we might be able to conduct
reasons. Some use it as a stress reliever, to fit in with a group of discussions. We might read articles concerning teenage smok-
kids, as a way to rebel, or maybe as an alternative to using ing and stage a Socratic seminar regarding why adolescents
other substances. It seems evident that the amount of educa- smoke and what might be done to discourage such behavior.
tion provided on the destructive and harmful effects of ciga- When students are allowed to come to consensus concerning
rettes is helpful, but isn’t always a main factor in a young issues, they are much more likely to take their own advice.
person’s decision. There are so many outside influences that
impact this decision; it’s hard to focus on one solution. A multi- HOLLY FITCHETTE––French Teacher, Grades 9–12
faceted approach seems to be effective in working with ado- Fleming Island High School, Fleming Island, Florida
lescents on decision making. One solution might be to have an Smoking has long been a popular way for teens to assert their
honest discussion with the students. By finding out if they rec- autonomy by engaging in what appears to them to be “adult
ognize the reason(s) they are smoking, one might be able to behavior.” Despite conclusive evidence and campaigns to
help find alternatives or more fully understand the underlying stop teen smoking, many persist in lighting up. Adolescents
reason why they began smoking. Adolescents often make de- are too concerned with the present to worry about what may
cisions impulsively, and normal brain development at this age happen to them in twenty or more years. From my classroom

348
 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

experience, I know full well that many teens rarely worry about clined to stop smoking when they see the adverse effects
the future consequences of their actions. It’s a challenge to smoking has on one’s appearance. Teenage boys may be more
motivate some students to improve their grades in the course inclined to kick the habit when they learn of its effect on virility.
of the nine-week grading period! It is heartbreaking to think Some teens may still respond to medical shock information
that some adolescents will eventually reap the deadly conse- when they are shown the difference in appearance and func-
quences of poor choices in their youth. I think students could tion between a smoker’s and a non-smoker’s lungs. Adoles-
benefit from the right kind of education about the conse- cents benefit when all of this information is in tandem with the
quences of smoking. Sadly, many teen girls may be more in- responsible choices of adults whom they trust.

Now go to MyEducationLab at www.myeducationlab.com,

where you can:
• Find the instructional objectives for this chapter in the Study
Plan.
• Take a quiz as a part of the Study Plan to self-assess your mas-
tery of chapter content. The program generates an individu-
alized Study Plan based upon your answers to the quiz.
• Complete Activities and Applications to assist you in deep-
ening your understanding of important chapter concepts.
• Apply what you have learned through Building Teaching
Skills, exercises that guide you in trying out skills and strate-
gies you will use in professional practice.

349
350
 Cognitive
Development
IN Adolescence

From Chapter 12 of Child and Adolescent Development, 1/e. Anita Woolfolk. Nancy E. Perry.
Copyright © 2012 by Pearson Education. All rights reserved.
351
 Cognitive
Development
IN Adolescence
 The Ca sebook

WHAT WOULD YOU DO?

ADOLESCENT DECISION MAKING
“You just don’t get it! This is important and I’M GOING TO DO IT!” Danielle
slammed the door to make perfectly clear her intention to get her eyebrow
pierced.
Her parents stared at each other. They couldn’t believe that their seemingly
sensible daughter was so insistent about piecing any part of her body. Danielle
argued that she was a senior in high school—“an adult”—and should be allowed
to make her own decisions about her own body. She listed the friends who had
this or that body part pierced or tattooed, “and their parents were OK with it.”
She showed them pictures of celebrities and models. She told them how safe it
was. Nothing worked.
Her parents had tried reasoning with Danielle, listing the reasons why this
was a bad idea. They told her it would interfere with getting a “good job at a
respectable place.” They warned Danielle that her grandparents would be
“horrified and embarrassed.” They showed her an article from the newspaper
about the dangers of piercing. They tried negotiating/bribing. Nothing
worked.
When everything failed, Danielle’s parents forbid her from piercing or
tattooing anything and threatened severe punishments. She responded by
screaming “You just don’t understand!” They were “hopeless, out of touch,
controlling,” and would “ruin her life.” Then she left, hurling the proclamation,
“I’M GOING TO DO IT.”

352
Ganna Tarapygina, Age 9—Ukraine

CRITICAL THINKING
• Why would Danielle be so determined to pierce her eyebrow?
• How would Freud, Erikson, Skinner, Piaget, Vygotsky, or Lorenz answer that
question?
• Is Danielle an “adult,” ready to make her own decisions about issues related
to her own body?
• Could her parents have approached this discussion differently? How?
• Are there cultural differences in the ways parents might react to this situation?

 OVERVIEW AND OBJECTIVES

Beginning in late childhood or early adolescence, differences in children’s experiences bring about
countless variations in their development. Changes in the brain, learning, increased knowledge, and
growing expertise all combine and interact to create a wide range of cognitive skills and abilities for
adolescents (Kuhn & Franklin, 2006). Also, adolescents play a greater role in shaping their own
unique development through choices about activities, courses in school, friends, goals, and
commitments. Along the way, these unique individuals are making some major decisions and choices
about schooling and careers that will shape the rest of their lives.
Even though there are few universals in adolescent cognitive development, several themes
appear throughout this chapter. As they develop, adolescents become increasingly able to think
about their own thinking. They can move beyond specific contexts or situations to form abstractions

353
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

and generalizations that apply across situations. They can stand back from what they experience to
question their own (or others’) actions and beliefs. They can use deductive or inductive reasoning to
move beyond the information given and form conclusions. They can focus on several variables and
direct their attention back and forth between tasks. They can begin to develop expert knowledge in
some domains inside or outside school. Notice the word is “can.” Adolescents, and adults for that
matter, don’t always do what they can—we are not perfect or expert thinkers all of the time. By the
time you finish this chapter you should be able to:

Objective 12.1 Explain developments in the language of adolescents, including bilingual

adolescents.
Objective 12.2 Evaluate Piaget’s and Vygotsky’s analyses of cognitive development in
adolescence, including the implications of their theories for teaching and
learning.
Objective 12.3 Summarize developments in metacognition, attention, inquiry, argument,
and critical thinking in adolescence.
Objective 12.4 Compare and contrast analytic and heuristic thinking, including the dangers
and benefits of each in real-world reasoning.
Objective 12.5 Evaluate evidence for differences in cognitive abilities based on gender, ethnicity,
and culture, and elaborate on steps teachers can take to reach every student.
Objective 12.6 Describe the family, peers, and schools as contexts for cognitive development
in adolescence.
Objective 12.7 Assess how technology can support learning in the adolescent years.

ADOLESCENT LANGUAGE
OUTLINE  DEVELOPMENT: CONNECTIONS
In many ways, language development in adolescents is about connections:
The Casebook—Adolescent Decision
connecting events in their own lives to a life story, connecting to each
Making: What Would You Do?
other through shared vocabulary and phrases, and connecting to technol-
Overview and Objectives ogy through special codes and shorthand.
Adolescent Language Development:
Connections Narratives and Life Stories
School-age children are beginning to organize their memories into stories
Piaget and Vygotsky
about their own experiences, although children in different cultures may
Information Processing: organize these narratives in different ways. In adolescence, we see the
Metacognition and Scientific Thinking emergence of a particular kind of narrative—a life story. Eric Erikson
Beyond Reason: Thinking in the (1968) was one of the first psychologists to suggest that developing a per-
Real World sonal life story is the hallmark of forming a mature identity—and identity
development is a key process for adolescents. In their life stories, adoles-
Diversity in Adolescent Cognitive
cents describe themselves as consistent across situations and time, so they
Development and School
Achievement have an enduring identity. At least three aspects of cognitive development
make life stories possible. The first is an ability to use language and mem-
Contexts for Cognitive Development ory to create a coherent story that explains who you are. The second is the
Adolescents in a Digital World ability to be metacognitive—to reflect on situations and behavior and ask,
“Why did I do that?” or “Why did that happen?” The third is a theory of
Summary and Key Terms
mind—an understanding that you and others have thoughts, feelings, and
The Casebook—Adolescent Decision personal histories. In addition, the social demands on adolescents—writing
Making: What Would They Do? autobiographies in school, interviewing for jobs, keeping diaries, writing

354
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

college admissions essays, introducing themselves to friends or prospective dates, reading

about the lives of others, watching films—encourage them to create coherent life narratives
as ways of explaining themselves to others (Habermas & de Silveira, 2008).

Connecting with Peers: A Language of Their Own

Adolescents connect with peers and solidify their identity through their special registers—
ways of speaking that fit specific social situations. These particular ways of speaking may
include different vocabulary, pronunciation, or uses of words. You have heard and said
many of these things yourself. In terms of vocabulary, if something is great is it “groovy,”“da
bomb,” “sick,” “way cool,” “sweet,” “awesome,” “phat,” or “excellent”? That depends in part
on your age. If you grew up in the 1960s, then you know “groovy,” but today “groovy” is
not too sweet. There are also cultural differences—variations by social class, ethnicity, or
nationality (Gee, Allen, & Clinton, 2001). Technology has added new “words” to the lan-
guage of adolescents, too.

THE SPREAD OF “LIKE”ING: MALLSPEAK. Some linguists suggest that adolescents speak
two dialects, mallspeak and texting. Mallspeak is minimal and informal, overusing words
such as “like,” “ya’know,” “OK,” and “whatever” (Owens, 2005b). These distinctive ways of
speaking may originate in particular groups, but migrate to the entire culture. One example
is the use of “like,” as in “She isn’t, like, really crazy or anything, but her and her, like five
buddies did, like, paint their hair a really fake-looking, like, purple color”(Siegel, 2002, p. 36,
italics added). Linguists trace the use of “like” to 15- to 20-year-old girls in California in the
1980s. Sometimes called the “Valley Girl like,”this use has spread across geography and ages.
Listen to almost any group of adolescent girls (or maybe to yourself) to hear how “like”has,
like, taken over. The word serves several functions—to soften what is said, to move forward
in speaking without fully planning what to say, or to speak informally among friends. Girls
use like more than boys (Siegel, 2002).
We probably don’t have to tell you what the “texting” dialect is—a combination of
letter and number shorthand to send messages on cell phones: @TEOTD (at the end of the
day), 9 (parent watching), 99 (parent not watching anymore), CYO (see you online), EML
(email me later). Go to http://www.netlingo.com/emailsh.cfm for many more examples.

TECHNOLOGY AND THE LANGUAGE OF LEADERSHIP. Let’s take a look at adolescent lead-
ership language and technology use. One study examined the language of over 3,000 young
people from 139 countries who participated in the Junior Summit online community to
discuss global issues (Cassell, Huffaker, Tversky, & Ferriman, 2006). The researchers were
interested in the language of leadership—how the young people elected to represent
the global community talked online. The results showed that these online leaders did not
use language in the ways that characterize adult leaders. Adult leaders tend to use power-
ful language, stick to the task, and contribute many of their own ideas. The young leaders,
on the other hand, focused on the goals of the group, synthesized the posts of others, and
referred to the group rather than to themselves. Both boys and girls followed the same pat-
tern. So the language of leadership for adolescents may be more engaged and community
minded, at least when the community is online.

Diversity in Language Development: Bilingual Education

We have observed many times in this book that the number of people in the United States
who speak languages other than English is growing. There are some projections that by
2030, about 40% of the students in pre-kindergarten through high school will speak limited
English (Guglielmi, 2008). By 2031, one in three Canadians will belong to a visible minority
and one in four will be foreign-born, so it is likely that the number of people who speak
languages other than the official English and French will grow in Canada (Freisen, 2010). In
the United States, these students sometimes are called limited-English-proficient or LEP.
In the adolescent years, limited proficiency in English often means lower academic achieve-
ment and poorer job prospects. So one issue around diversity in language development is
how we should teach these students.

355
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

Virtually everyone agrees that all citizens should learn the official language of their
country. But when and how should instruction in that language begin? There are two basic
positions, which have given rise to two contrasting teaching approaches: one that focuses
on making the transition to English as quickly as possible and the other that attempts to
maintain or improve the native language and use the native language as the primary teach-
ing language until English skills are more fully developed.
Proponents of the transition approach believe that English ought to be introduced as
early as possible; they argue that valuable learning time is lost if students are taught in their
native language. Most bilingual programs today follow this line of thinking.
Proponents of native-language maintenance instruction, however, raise four impor-
tant issues (Gersten, 1996b; Goldenberg, 1996; Hakuta & Garcia, 1989). First, deep learn-
ing in the first language supports second language learning. For example, research on a
large national sample that followed eighth graders for 12 years found that for Latino stu-
dents, proficiency in the first language of Spanish predicted reading ability in English and
English reading ability predicted achievement in school and in careers (Guglielmi, 2008).
The metacognitive strategies and knowledge developed when students learn to read in their
first language are transferred to reading in a second language as well (van Gelderen,
Schoonen, Stoel, de Glopper, & Hulstijn, 2007). So maintaining and increasing proficiency
in the first language is important. The learning strategies and academic content (math,
science, history, etc.) that students learn in their native language are not forgotten when
they learn English.
Second, children who are forced to try to learn math or science in an unfamiliar lan-
guage are bound to have trouble. What if you had been forced to learn fractions or biology
in a second language that you had studied for only a semester? Some psychologists believe
students taught by this approach may become semilingual; that is, they are not proficient in
either language. Being semilingual may be one reason the dropout rate is so high for low-
SES Latino students (Ovando & Collier, 1998).
Third, if the first language is neglected and the entire emphasis is on English, students
may get the message that their home languages (and therefore, their families and cultures)
are second class. You can see the seeds of these feelings in the stories of these two students:
A ninth grade boy, who had recently arrived in California from Mexico: “There is so
much discrimination and hate. Even from other kids from Mexico who have been
here longer. They don’t treat us like brothers. They hate even more. It makes them
feel more like natives. They want to be American. They don’t want to speak Spanish
to us; they already know English and how to act. If they are with us, other people
will treat them more like wetbacks, so they try to avoid us.”(Olsen, 1988, p. 36)
A tenth grade Chinese American girl who had been in America for several
years: “I don’t know who I am. Am I the good Chinese daughter? Am I an American
teenager? I always feel I am letting my parents down when I am with my friends
because I act so American, but I also feel that I will never really be an American.
I never feel really comfortable with myself anymore.” (Olsen, 1988, p. 30)
Finally, fourth is what Kenji Hakuta years ago called a “paradoxical attitude of admira-
tion and pride for school-attained bilingualism on the one hand and scorn and shame for
home-brewed immigrant bilingualism on the other” (1986, p. 229). Ironically, by the time
students have mastered academic English and let their home language deteriorate, they
reach secondary school and are encouraged to learn a “second” language.
The goal of schools should be balanced bilingualism. One approach to reaching this
goal is to create classes that mix students who are learning a second language with students
who are native speakers. The objective is for both groups to become fluent in both lan-
guages (Sheets, 2005). A daughter of one of your text authors spent a summer in such a
program in Quebec and was ahead in every French class after that. For truly effective bilin-
gual education, we will need many bilingual teachers. If you have a competence in another
language, you might want to develop it fully for your work.
With this background in language development, we turn to more general questions
about the development of thinking and reasoning in adolescence.

356
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

PIAGET AND VYGOTSKY

Piaget described the emergence of three qualitatively different modes of thought, from
thinking based on actions (sensory-motor), to logical thinking about concrete objects that
exist (concrete operations), to abstract scientific thinking about hypothetical situations that
may or may not be real (formal operations). For decades, Piaget’s theory of formal opera-
tional thought was the main explanation of adolescent thinking. Recent research calls some
of his ideas into question, but his description of formal operational thinking is a good start-
ing point for our look at adolescent cognitive development.

Piaget: Formal Operations

According to Piaget, around the age of 11 or 12, children develop formal operations—a new
way of reasoning that involves “thinking about thinking” or “mental operations on mental
operations”(Inhelder & Piaget, 1958). For example, the child using concrete operations can
categorize animals by their physical characteristics or by their habitats, but a child using for-
mal operations can perform “second-order”operations on these category operations to infer
relationships between habitat and physical characteristics—such as understanding that the
physical characteristic of thick fur on animals is related to their arctic habitats (Kuhn &
Franklin, 2006). Even more important, with formal operational thinking, students can apply
a complex system of propositions and deductions to abstract ideas, not just to concrete
situations. These students can move from reasoning about what is concrete and real to
reasoning about what might be. Let’s look first at basic types of reasoning.

DEDUCTIVE AND INDUCTIVE REASONING. Quite a bit of research on adolescent and adult
thinking focuses on deductive and inductive reasoning. Deductive reasoning moves from
the general assumption to the specific, as in “All songs on iTunes cost $1.29. ‘Born in the
USA’ by Bruce Springsteen is available on iTunes; therefore, ‘Born in the USA’ costs $1.29 on
iTunes.” You can see that if the first two statements are true, then the specific deduction
must be true. If all iTunes songs cost $1.29, then each particular iTunes song must cost
$1.29. Police use deductive reasoning as they solve crimes, scientists as they test their the-
ories, lawyers as they argue their cases, debate teams as they plan their strategies, and high
school students as they set up proofs in algebra or geometry (Byrnes, 2006).
Inductive reasoning goes from specific instances to a general conclusion—something
like, “Every song my friends and I have bought on iTunes has cost $1.29, so all songs
on iTunes must cost $1.29.” Younger children tend to use inductive reasoning—what
I see and experience (specifics) tells me what is true (general). “If it has four legs, fur, and
barks, it must be a dog” because every four-legged,
furry, barking animal I have encountered was a dog. Of
course, inductions can be wrong—some four-legged,
furry, barking animals might be hyenas or even rabbits.
Older children and adolescents are more likely to
understand that deductions from a true general premise
are always correct, whereas inductions from observed
specifics are probably, but not certainly, correct (Siegler &
Alibali, 2005). For example, economists observe many
specific changes in the stock market and attempt to in-
duce general principles about economic cycles, but we
have seen that even the best economists have made
incorrect inductions about the stock market.
A main characteristic of formal operational think-
ing is a specific type of deductive reasoning called
hypothetical-deductive reasoning.
With the development of thinking in the teen years, adolescents
can make deductions and inferences about abstract concepts
HYPOTHETICAL-DEDUCTIVE REASONING. At the level
and events never experienced, so science fiction becomes more
of formal operations, the focus of thinking can shift intriguing. © Robert W. Ginn/PhotoEdit
from what is to what might be. Situations do not have

357
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

to be experienced to be imagined. You met Jamal in Chapter 1. Even though he is a bright

elementary school student, he could not answer the question, “How would life be different if
there were no darkness at night?” because he insisted, “It IS DARK at night!” In contrast, the
adolescent can consider contrary-to-fact questions. In answering, the adolescent demonstrates
the hallmark of formal operations—hypothetical-deductive reasoning. The formal thinker can
consider a hypothetical situation (it is light 24 hours a day) and reason deductively (from the
general assumption to specific implications, such as no need for street lights, more products
that create darkness for sleeping such as window or eye shades, more sporting events at night,
more people having difficulties sleeping, decreasing crime rates, increases in skin cancer, and
vampires all die (well, adolescent fans of the vampire movies might say that!). Differences be-
tween children and adolescents in deductive thinking become apparent when the information
in the premises is counterfactual, that is, when the information is not consistent with what the
child knows or believes. For example, consider this hypothetical situation:
All wrestlers are police officers.
All police officers are women.
Assume the two statements above are true. Is the following statement true or false?
All wrestlers are women.
Adolescents are better than children at solving this hypothetical deduction, in part be-
cause they can distinguish between truth and validity. Ignoring what you know to be true
(not all wrestlers are police officers and not all police officers are women) and just reason-
ing through the problem to a valid conclusion requires metacognitive skills—skills that gen-
erally improve in the adolescent years. The reasoner has to set aside or inhibit knowledge
about what is in order to figure out what could be. But even though adolescents are better
than young children at doing this, both adolescents and adults can make errors when their
knowledge conflicts with the information they are reasoning about (Kuhn & Franklin, 2006).

REASONING ABOUT COMBINATIONS. According to Piaget, formal operational thinking al-

lows adolescents to answer questions like this: You are packing for a long trip, but want to
pack light. How many different three-piece outfits (slacks, shirt, jacket) will you have if you
include three shirts, three slacks, and three jackets (assuming of course that they all go to-
gether in fashion perfection)? Time yourself to see how long it takes to arrive at the answer.
When a number of variables combine, as in this question or in a laboratory experi-
ment, Piaget believed that working through these possibilities systematically required for-
mal operational thinking. The answer to the different shirt/slacks/jacket outfits problem is
27 possible combinations (did you get it right?). A concrete thinker might name just a few
combinations, using each piece of clothing only once. Piaget believed that the younger
child could not solve the problem because the underlying system of forming all possible
combinations—an aspect of formal operations—was not yet available.

REASONING LIKE A SCIENTIST. The tasks Piaget used to study formal operations looked
like scientific experiments or inquiry learning. For example, he asked children to determine
which variables affected the period of a pendulum (the time it takes for the pendulum to
swing back to its starting point). Is it the length of the string? The weight at the end of the
string? How high you lift the weight before you drop it? How hard you push the weight?
With these 4 variables there are 16 possible combinations (short string, light weight, high
drop, hard push; short string, light weight, high drop, soft push; long string, light weight,
high drop, hard push; and so on). You can’t figure out what matters unless you systemati-
cally change one variable at a time, while holding the other three constant. Then you would
find out that it is the length of the string that matters.
Another Piagetian task required children to use different distances and weights to bal-
ance a scale, as shown in Figure 12.1. Piaget believed that children who can think at a for-
mal level discover the formula that weight ⫻ distance from the center has to be equal on
both sides of the center to make the scale balance. This abstract relationship will hold for
any concrete balance scale situation.

358
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

FIGURE 12.1

BALANCING A SCALE
One of Piaget’s tests of formal operational thinking used a balance scale similar to the one below.
When the same weight was placed the same distance from the fulcrum on each side, the scale
balanced—an ancient idea.

This young girl wonders why the two equal weights aren’t in balance—She does not know that
distance matters too.

5 kg

5 kg

But this adolescent has figured out that the scale will balance if Weight ⫻ Distance is the same
on both sides of the scale: W ⫻ D ⫽ W ⫻ D. This mathematical relationship holds no matter
what the weights and distances are.

2 kg

8 kg

359
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

The ability to think hypothetically, identify all possible combinations, and isolate
causes has some interesting consequences for adolescents. Because they can think about
worlds that do not exist, they often become interested in science fiction. And because they
can reason from general principles to specific actions, they often are critical of people
whose actions seem to contradict their principles. Adolescents can deduce the set of “best”
possibilities and imagine ideal worlds (or ideal parents and teachers, for that matter). This
explains why many students at this age develop interests in utopias, political causes, and
social issues. They want to design better worlds, and their thinking allows them to do so.
Adolescents can also imagine many possible futures for themselves and may try to decide
which is best. Feelings about any of these ideals may be strong.

SCHOOLS AND FORMAL THINKING. The kind of abstract formal operational thinking
Piaget described is necessary for success in many advanced high school and college courses.
For example, most math is concerned with hypothetical situations, assumptions, and
givens: “Let x ⫽ 10,” or “Assume x2 ⫹ y2 ⫽ z2,” or “Given two sides and an adjacent angle . . .”
Work in social studies and literature requires abstract thinking, too: “What did Wilson mean
when he called World War I the ‘war to end all wars’?”“What are some metaphors for hope
and despair in Shakespeare’s sonnets?” “What symbols of old age does T. S. Eliot use in The
Waste Land?” “How do animals symbolize human character traits in Aesop’s fables?” The
Connecting with Adolescents guidelines may help you support the development of
formal operations with your students.

DO WE ALL REACH THE FOURTH STAGE? There is a debate about how universal formal op-
erational thinking actually is, even among adults. The first three stages of Piaget’s theory are
forced on most people by physical realities. Objects really are permanent. The amount of
water doesn’t change when it is poured into another glass. Formal operations, however, are
not so closely tied to the physical environment. They may be the product of practice in solv-
ing hypothetical problems and using formal scientific reasoning—abilities that are valued

CONNECTING WITH ADOLESCENTS

Guidelines for Teachers: Helping Adolescents to Use Formal Operations
Continue to use concrete operational teaching strategies Give students opportunities to solve problems
and materials. and reason scientifically.
Examples Examples
1. Use visual aids such as charts and illustrations as well as 1. Set up group discussions in which students design
somewhat more sophisticated graphs and diagrams, experiments to answer questions.
especially when the material is new. 2. Ask students to justify two different positions on animal
2. Compare the experiences of characters in stories to rights, with logical arguments for each position.
students’ experiences.
Whenever possible, teach broad concepts, not just facts,
using materials and ideas relevant to the students’ lives
Give students the opportunity to explore many (Delpit, 1995).
hypothetical questions. Examples
Examples 1. When discussing the Civil War, consider racism or other
1. Have students write position papers and then exchange issues that have divided the United States since then.
them with the opposing side and debate topical social 2. When teaching about poetry, let students find lyrics from
issues—the environment, the economy, and national popular songs that illustrate poetic devices, and talk about
health insurance. how these devices do or don’t work well to communicate
2. Ask students to write about their personal vision of a the meanings and feelings the songwriters intended.
utopia; write a description of a universe that has no sex
differences; write a description of Earth after humans For more ideas about formal operations, see
are extinct. http://chiron.valdosta.edu/whuitt/col/cogsys/piagtuse.html

360
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

and taught, particularly in college. So, not all high school students can do Piaget’s formal op-
erational tasks (Shayer, 2003). And although taking a college class fosters formal operational
abilities in that academic subject, this skill does not necessarily carry over to other subjects
(Lehman & Nisbett, 1990). So expect many adolescents in a middle school or high school
class to have trouble thinking hypothetically, especially when they are learning something
new. Sometimes, students find shortcuts for dealing with problems that are complex; they
may memorize formulas or lists of steps. These systems may be helpful for passing tests, but
real understanding will take place only if students are able to go beyond this superficial use
of memorization.

Evaluating Piaget
No one denies Piaget’s central notion about adolescent thinking: As they develop, adoles-
cents become more able to think about their own thinking. You have seen in previous chap-
ters that there are other names for this process: metacognition or executive functions.
With these developing capabilities, adolescents gain increasing control over their thoughts
and actions. They can analyze why they believe something or feel a certain way and they
can imagine consequences of other thoughts or feelings (Kuhn & Franklin, 2006).
That said, today most psychologists do not agree with Piaget that children’s thinking
becomes qualitatively different in adolescence, even though older children generally are
better than younger children at the kind of scientific, hypothetical reasoning described by
Piaget. Deanna Kuhn and Sam Franklin say bluntly, “no contemporary reviewer of research
evidence endorses the emergence of a discrete new cognitive structure at adolescence that
closely resembles Inhelder and Piaget’s description of formal operations” (2006, p. 954).
The evidence against the emergence of a new logical structure for thinking in adolescence
comes from three sources.
First, different people are able to solve formal thinking tasks at different ages—some
at young ages. A number of studies have shown that younger children can reason by
analogy, solve the balance scale problem in Figure 12.1, isolate the cause in a multivariable
problem, and think systematically, as long as they are working with familiar materials,
context, and language (Goswami, 2008; Schulz & Gopnick, 2004).
Second, the same person might be able to solve some kinds of formal thinking tasks
but not others. But if one formal thinking structure were involved in all formal tasks, you
would think that experience or interest would not matter; a person who was successful on
one type of formal task would be successful on every formal task. Actually, Piaget himself
acknowledged that a structure such as formal operational thinking might apply only in par-
ticular content areas or domains; most adults use formal operational thought in only a few
areas in which they have the greatest experience or interest (Miller, 2011; Piaget, 1974).
Finally, the kind of task, the instructions, the support of the teacher, and the way com-
petence is assessed all can determine if the child seems able to think formally. Children can
be more or less cognitively competent, depending on their familiarity with the task and the
support they receive in doing it (Goswami, 2008). For example, elementary age children can
be successful in scientific reasoning when they develop hypotheses in small groups, reach
a consensus about what to do, and then have teacher guidance as they test their hypotheses
(Howe & Tolmie, 2003). These contextual factors that support or scaffold competence are
very important in another explanation of cognitive development—the theories of Vygotsky.

Vygotsky’s Sociocultural Theory

Vygotsky stressed scaffolded or mediated learning in the learner’s zone of proximal
development—that area where the learner can’t succeed independently, but can be
successful with the right support. As the learner and a more competent peer solve the prob-
lem together, they co-construct an understanding. The teacher supports understanding
with just the right scaffolding—cues, examples, questions, demonstrations, hints, and so
on. The learner appropriates or internalizes that understanding and can now solve similar
problems independently or with less support. So Vygotsky believed that learning can lead
to cognitive development: “properly organized learning results in mental development and

361
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

sets in motion a variety of developmental processes that would be impossible apart from
learning. Thus learning is a necessary and universal aspect of the process of developing cul-
turally organized, specifically human, psychological functions” (Vygotsky, 1978, p. 90).

SPONTANEOUS AND SCIENTIFIC THINKING. Like Piaget, Vygotsky distinguished between

concrete and abstract thought, but Vygotsky called these spontaneous concepts and
scientific concepts respectively. Spontaneous (concrete) concepts are ideas generated
based on direct observations and experiences in the world. This is how children learn the
Piagetian operations of conservation and classification—by acting on their world. But these
spontaneous concepts can be wrong. For example, young children may believe that the
moon follows them around because that is what they observe. Even older children and
adults may believe temperatures are warmer in the summer because the earth’s orbit is
closer to the sun (not true!). Scientific (formal) concepts are the more accurate, often more
abstract, understandings that are learned mostly in school. These scientific understandings
require attention and effort, and sometimes the unlearning of inaccurate spontaneous con-
cepts (Goswami, 2008). For example, students have to overcome spontaneous concepts
about standing closer to a fire and being warmer to learn the scientific explanation for why
temperatures are warmer in summer: The angle of the earth on its axis means that the
earth’s hemisphere that is experiencing summer gets more hours of daylight and more
direct, concentrated sunlight.
Alexander Luria, one of Vygotsky’s students, tested ideas about schooling and scien-
tific thinking by asking unschooled adults in remote villages of Uzbekistan to apply syllo-
gistic reasoning, a form of higher-level scientific thinking. He asked the villagers questions
such as “In the Far North, where there is snow, all bears are white. Novaya Zemla is in the
Far North. What color are the bears there?” Most of the villagers answered some version of
“you would have to ask people who have been there. I can’t say. I haven’t seen the bears”
(Luria, 1976). These people, according to Luria, were focused on their spontaneous
concepts based on experience and observation—or in this case, lack of observation. Results
like these suggest schooling and culture play important roles in developing some kinds of
scientific or formal thinking (Goswami, 2008).

CULTURAL TOOLS. You may recall from previous chapters that Vygotsky emphasized the
importance of language and other cultural tools in cognitive development. Different cultural
and historical contexts support the development of different cognitive abilities. When the
culture provides teaching and support for certain abilities—for example, using a computer
or accessing information via search engines—these abilities will develop and shape learning.
The use of material cultural tools such as calculators and spell checkers is somewhat
controversial in education. Technology is increasingly “checking up” on us. We (your
authors) rely on the spell checkers in our word processing programs to protect us from em-
barrassment. But we also read papers from students with spelling replacements that must
have been made by a spell checker without a “sense check” by the writer. Is student learn-
ing harmed or helped by these technology supports?
Speaking on the harm side, when your text author Anita polled her graduate class of
experienced teachers and principals, she got various opinions, such as: “When students are
given calculators to do math in the early grades, most of them never learn rudimentary math-
ematical concepts; they only learn to use the calculator” and “To learn math, students need
repetition and practice on the concepts to remember the operations—calculators get in the
way.” In terms of word processing, results of the National Assessment of Educational
Progress (NAEP, 1997) indicated that even though the use of word processors by eleventh
graders increased from 19% in 1984 to 96% in 1997, the average writing scores of eleventh
graders declined during those years.
Rather than deciding that technology is either good or bad, we have to consider each
teaching situation on a case-by-case basis to determine if paper-and-pencil procedures or
technology or some combination provides the best way to learn. The research on calcula-
tors over the past decade has found that using calculators has positive effects on students’
problem-solving skills and attitudes toward math (Waits & Demana, 2000).

362
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

What about word processors and spelling checkers? Pricilla Norton and Debra Sprague
(2001) suggest “no other technology resource has had as great an impact on education as
word processing” (p. 78). They list the following effects: Word processing enhances learn-
ers’ perceptions of themselves as “real” writers, lets students reflect on the thinking that
goes on behind the writing, facilitates collaborative writing, and helps students be more
critical and creative in their writing. An advisor working with undergraduate engineering
students pointed out another plus for technology: “We have many international students
who have an average-to-good command of English. In my opinion, they need Spellcheck to
catch the errors as well as to ‘teach’ them the corrected form. Spellcheck is at times a nui-
sance to us by questioning everything, but I think it’s very helpful to ESL students and for
general proofreading purposes.”
There is a caution about word processing. If students’ typing is slower than their long-
hand writing, then typed compositions may be of lower quality than handwritten ones. Stu-
dents need to be taught both typing and revising skills before their writing quality can
benefit from using word processing tools (MacArthur, 2009).

Applying Vygotsky’s Ideas: Cognitive Apprenticeships

and Reciprocal Teaching
The kind of adult-mediated learning that Vygotsky described is evident in apprentice-
ships. By working alongside a master and perhaps other apprentices, young people have
learned many skills, trades, and crafts. A knowledgeable guide provides models, demon-
strations, and corrections in the apprentice’s zone of proximal development. The per-
formances required of the learner are real and important and grow more complex as the
learner becomes more competent (Collins, 2006; Hung, 1999; Linn & Eylon, 2006). Along
with guided participation in real tasks comes participatory appropriation—students
appropriate the knowledge, skills, and values involved in doing the tasks (Rogoff, 1995,
1998). In addition, both the newcomers to learning and the old-timers contribute to the
community of practice by mastering and remastering skills—and sometimes improving
these skills in the process (Lave & Wenger, 1991).

COGNITIVE APPRENTICESHIPS. Allan Collins (2006) suggests that knowledge and skills
learned in school have become too separated from their use in the world beyond
school. To correct this imbalance, some edu-
cators recommend that schools adopt many
of the features of apprenticeships. But rather
than learning to sculpt or dance or build a
cabinet, apprenticeships in school would
focus on cognitive objectives such as reading
comprehension, writing, or mathematical
problem solving. There are many cognitive
apprenticeship models, but most share six
features:
• Students observe an expert (usually the
teacher) model the performance.
• Students get external support through
coaching or tutoring (including hints,
feedback, models, and reminders).
• Students receive conceptual scaffolding,
which is then gradually faded as the
student becomes more competent and In an apprenticeship, a knowledgeable guide provides models,
proficient. demonstrations, and corrections in the apprentice’s zone of proximal
• Students continually articulate their development. The performances required of the learner are real and
knowledge—putting into words their un- important and grow more complex as the learner becomes more
derstanding of the processes and content competent. The relationship provides support and motivation.
being learned. © Sean Sprague/The Image Works

363
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

• Students reflect on their progress, comparing their problem solving to an expert’s per-
formance and to their own earlier performances.
• Students are required to explore new ways to apply what they are learning—ways that
they have not practiced at the master’s side.

As students learn, they are challenged to master more complex concepts and skills and to
perform them in many different settings (Roth & Bowen, 1995; Shuell, 1996).

RECIPROCAL TEACHING. How can teaching provide cognitive apprenticeships? One exam-
ple is reciprocal teaching. The goal of reciprocal teaching is to help students understand
and think deeply about what they read (Palincsar & Brown, 1989; Rosenshine & Meister,
1994). To accomplish this goal, students in small reading groups learn four strategies:
summarizing the content of a passage, asking a question about the central point,
clarifying the difficult parts of the material, and predicting what will come next. These are
“thinking about thinking” or metacognitive strategies. Skilled readers apply these higher-
level thinking strategies almost automatically, but poor readers seldom do—or they don’t
know how. To use the strategies effectively, poorer readers need scaffolding: direct in-
struction, modeling, and practice in actual reading situations.
First, the teacher introduces these strategies, perhaps focusing on one strategy each
day. As the expert, the teacher explains and models each strategy and encourages student
apprentices to practice. Next, the teacher and the students read a short passage silently.
Then, the teacher again provides a model by summarizing, questioning, clarifying, or pre-
dicting based on the reading. Everyone reads another passage, and the students gradually
begin to assume the teacher’s role. The teacher becomes a member of the group, and may
finally leave, as the students take over the teaching. Often, the students’ first attempts are
halting and incorrect. But the teacher gives clues, guidance, encouragement, support doing
parts of the task (such as providing question stems), modeling, and other forms of scaf-
folding to help the students master these strategies. The goal is for students to learn to apply
these strategies independently as they read so they can make sense of the text.
Although reciprocal teaching seems to work with almost any age student, most of the
research has been done with younger adolescents who can read aloud fairly accurately, but
who are far below average in reading comprehension. In contrast to some approaches that
try to teach 40 or more strategies, an advantage of reciprocal teaching is that it focuses
attention on four powerful strategies. But these strategies must be taught—not all students
develop them on their own. One study of reciprocal teaching spanning over three years
found that questioning was the strategy used most often, but that students had to be taught
how to ask higher-level questions because most student questions were literal or superficial
(Hacker & Tenent, 2002). Another advantage of reciprocal teaching is that it emphasizes
practicing these four strategies in the context of actual reading—reading literature and read-
ing texts. Finally, the idea of scaffolding and gradually moving the student toward inde-
pendent and fluid reading comprehension is a critical component in reciprocal teaching
and cognitive apprenticeships in general (Rosenshine & Meister, 1994).

INFORMATION PROCESSING: METACOGNITION

AND SCIENTIFIC THINKING
Piaget emphasized qualitative changes in thinking—a shift in kind of thinking based on the
individual’s encounters with the physical and social world. Vygotsky described a more grad-
ual change based on co-constructing knowledge with teachers and peers. There is another
explanation of cognitive development that stresses gradual changes—information process-
ing. The consequences of these changes are that adolescents can process information faster
and more efficiently. Also, processing capacity improves, perhaps because changes in the
brain actually create more working memory space, and/or because faster speed, improved
strategies, and increased knowledge free up working memory to create more operating
space. Older children are more able to inhibit responses: They can ignore irrelevant infor-
mation, focus attention, and control their impulses to say or do things that interfere with

364
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

their information processing goals. All of these capabilities allow adolescents to improve
in their metacognitive skills and knowledge—they can be more strategic and “in control”of
their own thinking. Not to say that they are perfect—judgment and self-regulation may still
have a ways to go to reach mature thinking—but at least these abilities are improving for
adolescents (Kuhn & Franklin, 2006).
The information processing system is managed and controlled by executive processes
such as selective attention and memory strategies. These abilities are sometimes called
executive functioning; they are the neuropsychological skills that we need to plan, focus, re-
member, and rethink. A hallmark of adolescence is the emergence and strengthening of this
executive functioning—“arguably the single most important and consequential intellectual
development to occur in the second decade of life”(Kuhn & Franklin, 2006, p. 987). Metacog-
nition is key to executive functioning.

Metacognition
We have seen that adolescents are better than younger children at monitoring and manag-
ing their thinking—they can control their attention, use strategies to remember, and inhibit
impulses long enough to consider alternatives. But remember, can is no guarantee they
always will. Even though adolescents have developed metacognitive knowledge and skills,
they may not be motivated in every situation to use them (Klaczynski, 2006). Let’s consider
some aspects of metacognition in relation to adolescence.

ATTENTION AND MULTITASKING. We have seen in previous chapters that as children develop,
they are better at focusing attention on what is important and ignoring irrelevant information.
But we are willing to bet you have seen someone texting, surfing the web, watching TV, lis-
tening to an iPod, and doing homework—in other words, multitasking, the modern way of life.
You may be multitasking right now. Adolescents are multitasking more than ever, per-
haps because they have access to so much technology. In one survey of 8- to 18-year-olds,
about one-third of them reported multitasking with multimedia while they do their home-
work (Azzam, 2006). These students reported using media about 6 to 7 hours each day on
average, but with the multitasking, they were exposed to more like 8 to 9 hours of media.
Teens often see no problem with multitasking. For example, Andy, a 17-year-old boy,
explained how he does homework:
“I sit down in my living room, put my cell phone down next to me, and turn on
the TV shows I recorded the night before,” he says. Then Andy gets online and
opens up his e-mail account, instant messenger, and MySpace page. “I switch
back and forth between work and the other stuff the whole time,” he says. “Other-
wise, I find it hard to concentrate. Plus, I hate to be out of touch with my friends.”
(Paulos, 2007, p. 11)
Is multitasking a good idea? Research by David Meyer and his colleagues at the Brain,
Cognition, and Actions Laboratory of Michigan University says it depends. Actually, there
are two types of multitasking—sequential multitasking, in which you switch back and
forth from one task to another, but focus on only one at a time, and simultaneous
multitasking, in which there is overlapping in focus on several tasks at time. Also, the con-
tent of the tasks makes a difference. Some tasks, such as walking and chewing gum, call on
different cognitive and physical resources—and both walking and chewing are pretty auto-
matic. But other complex tasks, such as driving and talking on the phone, require some of
the same cognitive resources—paying attention to traffic and paying attention to what the
caller is saying. The problem with multitasking comes with simultaneous, complex tasks.
For tasks that are at all complicated, no matter how good you have become at multi-
tasking, you're still going to suffer hits against your performance. You will be worse
compared to if you were actually concentrating from start to finish on the task.
(David Meyer interviewed by Hamilton, 2009, p. 1)
As soon as you turn your attention to something else, the brain starts to lose connections
to what you were thinking about, like the answer to question 4 in your math assignment.

365
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

Jeremy—multitasking his way through homework . . .

ZITS © 2010 Zits Partnership, King Features Syndicate.

To find that brain pathway again (to spread activation toward the needed information)
means repeating what you did to find the path in the first place, so finding the answer to
question 4 takes more time. In fact, it can take up to 400% longer to do a homework as-
signment if you are multitasking (Paulos, 2007). In complicated situations, the brain priori-
tizes and focuses on one thing. You may be able to listen to quiet instrumental music in the
background while you study, but favorite songs with words will steal your attention away
and it will take time to get back to what you were doing. See the Connecting with Ado-
lescents guidelines for ideas about dealing with multitasking.
Some adolescents who have attention deficit-hyperactive disorders (ADHD) experi-
ence even more difficulty focusing their attention.

ADHD. ADHD usually is diagnosed in elementary school. Just a few years ago, most
psychologists thought that ADHD diminished as children entered adolescence, but now there
is evidence that the problems can persist into adulthood (Hallowell & Ratey, 1994; Hinshaw,
Carte, Fan, Jassy, & Owens, 2007). Adolescence—with the increased stresses of puberty, tran-
sition to middle or high school, more demanding academic work, and more engrossing social
relationships—can be an especially difficult time for students with ADHD (Taylor, 1998).

CONNECTING WITH ADOLESCENTS

Guidelines for Teachers (and All Students): Multitasking
Advise students to separate schoolwork from time spent Teach students strategies for minimizing distractions.
maintaining their social life. Examples
Examples 1. If you need music, keep it low and instrumental.
1. Reward yourself for completing one homework 2. Set your cell answering message to ask friends to call
assignment by surfing the Web or texting friends for a after a certain time.
set time period.
2. Turn off your Internet connection and cell phone when
you are doing homework.

Remind students to control their online life—set priorities.

Examples
1. Don’t try to be a BFF to all 140 of your Facebook pals.
2. Don’t eat dinner in front of your computer. Swallowing
dinner in the time it takes to upload pictures is bad for Source: Adapted from Paulos (2007).
digestion.

366
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

What can teachers do? Long assignments may overwhelm students with attention
deficits, so give them a few problems or paragraphs at a time, with clear consequences for
completion. Another promising approach combines instruction in learning and memory
strategies with motivational training. The goal is to help students develop the “skill and will”
to improve their achievement. They are also taught to monitor their own behavior and
encouraged to be persistent and to see themselves as being “in control”(Pfiffner, Barkley, &
DuPaul, 2006). Here are some general strategies for teaching adolescents with ADHD and
learning disabilities taken from Smith and Tyler (2010):
• Provide support and guidance for completing assignments, for example, clear goals
and timelines, step-by-step directions orally and in writing, clear criteria for evalua-
tions, checklists to monitor progress.
• Directly teach self-monitoring strategies, such as cueing students to ask, “Was I paying
attention?”
• Connect new material to knowledge a student already has and take cultural knowledge
into account.
• Teach students to use external memory strategies and devices (audio-recording, note
taking, to-do lists, etc.).
Adolescents with ADHD also may have trouble with another aspect of executive functioning—
inhibiting impulses.

INHIBITING IMPULSES. We saw earlier that being able to inhibit impulses—to step back
from what you know or believe to consider alternative hypothetical premises such as “All
wrestlers are police officers,”is a key in hypothetical-deductive reasoning. Without the abil-
ity to control your own thinking and set aside existing beliefs, you would be trapped by the
way things appear; new learning, inductive and deductive reasoning, and changes in un-
derstanding would be difficult. The ability to inhibit impulses improves during adoles-
cence. So metacognition, including directing attention and inhibiting impulses, is a key
element in the higher-level reasoning skills needed for scientific thinking. We look next to
an information processing view of scientific reasoning.

Scientific Reasoning about Causes and Evidence:

Inquiry and Argument
Much of the research on adolescent cognitive development from Piaget to today is con-
cerned with scientific reasoning—inquiry, analysis, inference, and argument. Specifically,
researchers have studied developing and testing hypotheses, designing experiments, coor-
dinating variables in order to isolate a cause, making inferences, and supporting claims with
evidence (Zimmerman, 2007). Two key scientific reasoning skills, inquiry and argumenta-
tion, are the focus of many courses in high school and college.

INQUIRY. How would you design an experiment to determine which factor made the dif-
ference in how fast a pendulum swings: The length of the string? The weight at the end of
the string? How high you lift the weight before you drop it? How hard you push the weight?
If this question sounds familiar, good; you remember what you read earlier in the chapter.
If not, you might review the section on Piaget’s ideas about thinking like a scientist. With
these 4 variables there are 16 possible combinations. The challenge is to design an experi-
ment that allows you to control the variables one at a time and isolate the cause.
As we saw earlier, younger children have a hard time being systematic. They might
change three or four variables at once, then not know which one made the difference (it is
the length of the string, remember?). Adolescents are more likely to be systematic, but even
younger children can succeed if they get the right scaffolding. For example, without in-
struction and teacher-guided practice, no fifth graders and only a few eighth graders in one
study succeeded on an isolation of variables task. With instruction and practice, most of the
fifth and all the eighth graders succeeded (Zimmerman, 2007).
One important factor that leads to success for older adolescents and adults is that they
are aware of their memory limitations—a metacognitive skill that starts to develop between

367
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

the ages of 10 and 13. Knowing memory is limited, adolescents and adults generally don’t
attempt to remember the results of all the possible combinations they try, so they often use
some kind of record keeping, chart, or notes. The bottom line is that with teaching and
teacher-guided practice, many younger children and most adolescents can learn to design
experiments that keep track of results with good record systems and thus can succeed in
making correct inferences about the variable that causes the effect (Zimmerman, 2007).
Much of the research on inquiry has used microgenetic methods. Researchers track
actions moment by moment to see what strategies are used and which ones are abandoned.
There are few “aha”moments when an effective strategy is discovered and all ineffective strate-
gies are dropped. Adolescents move back and forth between effective and ineffective strate-
gies. Even after they discover the most effective isolation of variables strategy, for example,
they do not use it exclusively. But gradually, they let go of less effective strategies and focus on
the one that works. This pattern has been called the overlapping wave theory of strategy de-
velopment. (Siegler, 2006)
Besides designing experiments that allow the young scientist to inquire, analyze, and
make inferences, there is another challenge in scientific thinking—making an argument for
your conclusions.

ARGUING. Constructing and supporting a position is central in science, in politics, in per-

suasive writing, and in critical thinking, to name just a few areas. In fact, one procedure that
assesses cognitive development in college-aged students, the College Learning Assessment
(Hersh, 2005), tests the ability to construct and evaluate arguments. The heart of
argumentation (the process of debating a claim with someone else) is supporting your po-
sition with evidence and understanding, then refuting your opponent’s claims and evi-
dence. Children are not good at argumentation, adolescents are a bit better, and adults are
better still, but not perfect. Children don’t pay very much attention to the claims and evi-
dence of the other person in the debate. Adolescents understand that their opponent in a
debate has a different position, but they tend to spend much more time presenting their
own position rather than understanding and critiquing their opponent’s claims (Kuhn &
Dean, 2004). It is as if the adolescents believe “winning an argument” means making a bet-
ter presentation, but they don’t appreciate the need to understand and weaken the oppo-
nent’s claims. One reason that children and adolescents focus more on their own positions
may be because remembering and processing your own and your opponent’s claims and ev-
idence at the same time is too cognitively demanding—there is just too much to think about.
Whatever the reason, it is clear that few adolescents, even older adolescents, are skilled at
argumentation. These skills are not natural. They take both time and instruction to learn
(Kuhn, Goh, Iordanou, & Shaenfield, 2008; Udell, 2007).
But what has to be learned? In order to make a case while understanding and refuting
the opponent’s case, you must be aware of what you are saying, what your opponent is say-
ing, and how to refute your opponent’s claims. This takes planning, evaluating how the plan
is going, reflecting on what the opponent has said, and changing strategies as needed—in
other words, metacognitive knowledge and skills for argumentation. Deanna Kuhn and her
colleagues (2008) designed a process for developing metacognitive argumentation skills.
They presented a sixth grade class with this dilemma:

The Costa family has moved to the edge of town from far away Greece with their
11-year-old son Nick. Nick was a good student and soccer player back home in
Greece. Nick’s parents have decided that in this new place, they want to keep
Nick at home with them, and not have him be at the school with the other chil-
dren. The family speaks only Greek, and they think Nick will do better if he sticks
to his family’s language and doesn’t try to learn English. They say they can teach
him everything he needs at home.
What should happen? Is it okay for the Costa family to live in the town but
keep Nick at home, or should they be required to send their son to the town
school like all the other families do? (p. 1313)

368
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

Based on their initial position on the dilemma, the 28 students in the class were divided
into two groups—“Nick should go to school”or “Nick should be taught at home.” These two
groups were divided again into same-gender pairs and all the “Nick should go to school”
pairs moved to a room next door to their class. For about 25 minutes, each pair from one
side “debated” a pair in the other room using instant messaging (IM). Later in the week the
process was repeated, but with different pairs debating. In all, there were seven IM debates,
so every “go to school” pair debated every “stay home” pair over several weeks. After four
of the seven sessions, the pairs were given a transcript of the dialogue from their last de-
bate, along with worksheets that scaffolded their reflection on their own arguments or the
arguments of their opponents. The students evaluated their arguments and tried to improve
them, with some adults coaching. These reflective sessions were repeated three times.
Next, there was a “showdown” debate—the entire “go to school” team debated the
entire “stay home” team via one computer per team and a smart board. For this debate, half
of each team prepared as experts on their position and half as experts on the opponent’s
arguments. After winter break and again after spring break, the whole process was repeated
with new dilemmas.
You can see that there were three techniques in the study, supported by technology,
to help students become more metacognitive about argumentation. First, they had to work
in pairs to collaborate and agree on each communication with the opposing pair. Second,
the researchers provided the pairs with transcripts of parts of their dialogue with the
opponents so the partners could reflect on the discussions. Third, the dialogues were con-
ducted via instant messaging, so the pairs had a permanent record of the discussion.
So what happened? Because the researchers had records of the written IMs of all
the arguments, they could trace moment-by-moment changes in students’ abilities—a
microgenetic study of how argumentation skills develop. The pairs, IM, and reflection
strategies were successful for most students in helping them take into account the oppo-
nent’s position and create strategies for rebutting the opponent’s arguments. Working in
pairs seemed to be especially helpful. When adolescents and even adults work alone, they
often are not successful at creating effective counterarguments and rebuttals (Kuhn &
Franklin, 2006). In general, it is difficult for children and adults to stop focusing on what
they believe and to listen to the opponents’ arguments, even as a strategy to make their re-
buttals more effective.

Epistemological Beliefs and Critical Thinking:

What Does It Take to Know?
In the past few years, developmental researchers have looked at how beliefs about
knowledge change as children mature (Hofer, 2005; Kuhn, 2005). One model is shown in
Table 12.1 on the next page. Very young children are realists—they assume what they see
and believe is what everyone else sees and believes because knowledge is just a copy of
what is real and everyone experiences what is real the same way—“I can know what I see
and you see the same thing.” Critical thinking is unnecessary because “everybody knows.”
Elementary school children tend to be absolutists. They believe that facts can be correct or
incorrect; some outside authority knows what is true—“The experts know what is right.”
Critical thinking helps to sort out the right facts from the wrong ones. During adolescence
there is a move toward relativist or multiplist views. Experts often disagree, so all knowl-
edge is just opinions—“you have your facts, I have mine—whatever.” Critical thinking is
irrelevant—it’s all opinion. Finally, during early adulthood, some people come to an
evaluativist view of knowledge that asserts ideas and opinions can be judged based on
sound arguments and evidence—“the weight of the evidence is on the side of. . . .” Critical
thinking evaluates claims against criteria and evidence.
The adolescent’s discovery that knowledge is not absolute and external—that experts
can disagree—leads to a radical change. Now everyone is right and “whatever” is the
appropriate response to, well, whatever. Adolescents fall hard and deep into a well of
whatever and not all of them make it back out (Chandler & Lalonde, 2003). The multiplist
thinking of many adolescents explains in part why argument and inquiry don’t come

369
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

TABLE 12.1 • The Stages of Beliefs about Knowing

LEVEL ASSERTIONS ARE . . . KNOWLEDGE IS . . . CRITICAL THINKING IS . . .

Realist COPIES of an external reality from an external source and unnecessary

is certain

Absolutist FACTS that are correct or from an external source and is a vehicle for comparing assertions
incorrect in their representation certain but not directly to reality and determining their
of reality accessible—producing false truth or falsehood
beliefs

Multiplist OPINIONS freely chosen by and generated by human minds irrelevant

accountable only to their owners therefore uncertain

Evaluativist JUDGMENTS that can be generated by human minds and is valued as a vehicle that promotes
evaluated and compared uncertain but susceptible to sound assertions and enhances
according to criteria of argument evaluation understanding
and evidence

Source: Reprinted by permission of the publisher from Education for Thinking by Deanna Kuhn, p. 31, Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press,
Copyright © 2005 by the President and Fellows of Harvard College.

naturally. If experts disagree and all knowledge is just opinions, then why apply criteria to
test a hypothesis? Why listen and respond to the opponents’ argument? Argument and crit-
ical thinking are just irrelevant. If you think about it, the mature stance of the evaluativist
(there are multiple perspectives, but some fit the evidence better than others) is a combi-
nation of the absolutist child’s belief that there are right and wrong ideas and the multiplist
adolescent’s appreciation for multiple perspectives. With the move to a mature evaluativist
view of knowledge, some older adolescents and adults realize that everyone has a right to a
personal opinion, but some positions are better supported by evidence. Inquiry, argument,
and critical thinking become central and valued processes of knowing (Kuhn, 2005).
So far our discussion of adolescent cognitive development has been pretty formal,
rational, and logical. We have looked at thinking like a scientist for several perspectives—
Piaget, Vygotsky, and information processing. We have examined abstract thinking, inductive
and deductive reasoning, inquiry, argumentation, critical thinking, and epistemology—
cold cognition. Partly because Piaget got the ball rolling that way, quite a bit of the research
on adolescents has focused on this kind of “formal” thinking. We have dedicated several
pages to scientific reasoning, inquiry, and argumentation, in part because these are not
“natural” ways of thinking; teachers play a very important role in developing these ways of
knowing. But you know from experience that not all thinking is scientific. What about
everyday thinking? We turn to this question next.

BEYOND REASON: THINKING IN THE REAL WORLD

For years, psychologists focused on rational processes in everyday thinking and decision
making. But these ideas have been challenged. Several theories of how real people make
real decisions in real life point to the role of biases, out-of-awareness processes, short cuts,
fast and frugal thinking, gut feelings, and intuition (Boyer, 2006; Evans, 2008; Gigerenzer,
2007; Klaczynski, 2001, 2004, 2005). These often are called dual process theories because
they describe two modes of thinking—conscious, logical, analytic thinking and out-of-
awareness, emotional, intuitive thinking. Let’s examine the dual process theory of Paul
Klaczynski (2001), who has studied how adolescents make everyday decisions.

Analytic and Heuristic Thinking

As we have seen so far, adolescents are better than children at using formal reasoning. But
adolescents, and adults for that matter, are not always logical or analytical. They often make
quick decisions based on what seems or feels right—they use shortcuts and heuristics.

370
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

Heuristics are “rules of thumb” or intuitive guesses that you can apply quickly. For example,
if we ask you whether a slim, short stranger who enjoys poetry is more likely to be a truck
driver or an Ivy League classics professor, what would you say?
You might be tempted to answer based on your impressions and intuitions about truck
drivers or professors. But consider the odds. With about 10 Ivy League schools and 4 or so
classics professors per school, we have 40 professors. Say 10 are both short and slim, and half
of the 10 like poetry: We are left with 5. But there are at least 400,000 truck drivers in the
United States. If only 1 in every 800 of those truck drivers were short, slim poetry lovers, we
have 500 truck drivers who fit the description. With 500 truck drivers versus 5 professors, it
is 100 times more likely that our stranger is a truck driver (Myers, 2005). But most adoles-
cents and adults would guess he is an Ivy League classics professor, based on what seems in-
tuitively right. Notice if you took the problem out of the context of your stereotypes of truck
drivers and professors and just did the probability calculations, you would be more analyti-
cal and logical. But if you went with your first impressions based on context and experience,
you would be using heuristics and intuition. Table 12.2 contrasts these two kinds of thinking.
So what does this distinction between analytical and heuristic thinking have to do with
adolescent thinking? Klaczynski and others have done many studies with questions like the
truck driver question above and found that even though adolescents can use scientific
thinking, they often don’t. Here is another problem that has been used with adolescents:
Linda is 31 years old, single, outspoken, and very bright. She majored in philoso-
phy. As a student she was deeply concerned with issues of social justice and par-
ticipated in antinuclear demonstrations. Which of the following two alternatives
is more probable?
1. Linda is a bank teller.
2. Linda is a bank teller and active in the feminist movement. (Gigerenzer, 2007,
p. 93)
You may be tempted to use heuristic thinking and choose option 2 because Linda’s interest in
social justice might include feminist causes, but then you probably stopped and thought, the
number of bank tellers who also are feminists has to be smaller than the total number of bank
tellers, so the answer has to be option 1. Only about 30% of middle adolescents (average age
16.3) in Klaczynski’s study made the right choice in problems like these. With questions like
those presented earlier and others, most of the adolescents in the study could use analytical
thinking on some problems to make the correct choice, with older adolescents generally do-
ing better than younger ones; verbal intelligence did not make a difference, but age and years
of education did. In fact, some research demonstrates that mature decision making does not
emerge until the middle twenties (Smetana, Campione-Barr, & Metzger, 2006). Let’s look more
closely at some of the problems that can arise with heuristic thinking.

TABLE 12.2 • Two Kinds of Thinking: Analytic and Heuristic

DEFINITION EXAMPLE USED WHEN COGNITIVE COSTS

Analytic Formal, rational, abstract, Slim, short stranger who Required in school; have Effortful; time
thinking that separates a enjoys poetry is more plenty of time to make consuming; difficult
problem from the likely to be a truck driver decisions; to get the best
immediate situation to because there are more answer
apply general logical of them
rules—scientific

Heuristic/ Informal, based on Slim, short stranger who You need a quick decision; Effortless; quick; easy
Intuitive feelings, biases, enjoys poetry is more to get an OK answer; you
appearances, past likely to be an Ivy League have lots of experience in
experiences; relies on the classics professor because the situation
immediate situation to that’s what they are like
guide gut-feeling
responses

371
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

SOME PROBLEMS WITH HEURISTICS. The mind can react automatically and instantaneously,
but the price we often pay for this efficiency may be bad problem solving, which can be costly.
Making judgments by invoking your stereotypes leads even smart people to make dumb
decisions. For example, we might use representativeness heuristics to make judgments about
possibilities based on our images and stereotypes of what best represents the situation—as in
the truck driver problem—slim, short, poetry loving professors fit our stereotypes.
Adolescents and adults are busy people, and they often base their decisions on what
they have in their minds at the time. When judgments are based on the availability of in-
formation in our memories, we are using the availability heuristic. If instances of events
come to mind easily, we think they are common occurrences, but that is not necessarily the
case; in fact, it is often wrong. People remember vivid stories and quickly come to believe
that such events are the norm, but again, they often are wrong. For example, you may
be surprised to learn the average family in poverty has only 2.2 children (Children’s Defense
Fund, 2005) if you have vivid memories from viewing a powerful film about a large, poor
family. Data may not support a judgment, but belief perseverance, or the tendency to hold
on to our beliefs, even in the face of contradictory evidence, may make us resist change.
The confirmation bias is the tendency to search for information that confirms our ideas
and beliefs: This arises from our eagerness to get a good solution. You have often heard the
saying “Don’t confuse me with the facts.” This aphorism captures the essence of the con-
firmation bias. Most people seek evidence that supports their ideas more readily than they
search for facts that might refute them (Myers, 2005). For example, once you decide to buy
a certain car, you are likely to notice reports about the good features of the car you chose,
not the good news about the cars you rejected.
Our automatic use of heuristics to make judgments, our eagerness to confirm what we
like to believe, and our tendency to explain away failure combine to generate overconfidence.
Students usually are overconfident about how fast they can get their papers written; it
typically takes twice as long as they estimate (Buehler, Griffin, & Ross, 1994). In spite of their
underestimation of their completion time, they remain overly confident of their next predic-
tion. Students are not the only ones—this book took twice as long to write as we first estimated.

BENEFITS OF DUAL PROCESSES. The preceding section makes it sound like heuristic
thinking always is a problem, but that is not the case. There are too many decisions to be
made in a day to be logical and analytical about every one. We often apply heuristics auto-
matically to make quick judgments; that saves us time in everyday problem solving. Heuris-
tics and intuitive thinking often quickly identify a “good enough” decision. You probably
know someone who is immobilized by decisions and never has enough information to act.
That person would benefit from using heuristics to “just do it.”
Luckily, humans can move quickly based on affect and heuristics or more deliberately
based on logic and analysis. In fact, there probably are individual differences in tendencies
to use more affective or rational approaches. Also, some research shows that with increas-
ing experience and expertise, decisions become quicker and seem intuitive, but that is
because the intuition is grounded in years of study and reflection on what works (Gerrand,
Gibbons, Houlihan, Stock, & Pomery, 2008).
Dual-process theories of decision making have been helpful in understanding adoles-
cent risk taking.

Risk Taking
Until recently, most research on adolescents’ decision making about risky behaviors—such
as smoking, drinking, using drugs, or driving recklessly—assumed that these decisions were
rational. The theory was that teenagers weighed the risks and rewards and then decided to
drink—or not. But if we take dual-processing models seriously, we can see there is more to
these decisions than cold cognition. Meg Gerrand and her colleagues (2008) have proposed
a dual-process approach to health risk decision making that describes two modes of think-
ing operating simultaneously—deliberate, systematic, rational thinking and affective,
heuristic, experiential thinking. In the rational mode, adolescents consider what they know
about risks, how their family will react, and other information. On the affective side, images

372
RELATING TO E V E RY A D O L E S C E N T
 Cultural Perspectives on Decision Making
THE STRONG AFRICAN AMERICAN FAMILIES Pro- reactive behavior, so they will be less willing to drink
gram (SAAF) is designed to help parents support their when the social situation is “intoxicating.” Results show
children in avoiding problem drinking. The program that the positive effects of the program are caused
includes both the usual logical information about alco- more by the image components than by the logical,
hol and how to better monitor adolescents, but also has information components (Brody et al., 2006). Table 12.3
a curriculum based on images and heuristics. The goal shows the protective factors the program targets to
is to make children’s mental images of drinkers more increase and the risk factors it seeks to decrease. You
negative and less appealing and also to educate the can see that both information and images are part of the
children about the differences between planned and intervention.

TABLE 12.3 • The Strong African American Families Program: Intervention Target Areas

PROTECTIVE FACTORS TO INCREASE RISK FACTORS TO DECREASE

Caregiver Caregiver
• Age-appropriate expectations of • Harsh or inconsistent discipline
youth • Harsh or indulgent parenting style
• Monitoring skills

Youth Youth
• Positive future orientation • Overestimation of peer substance usage and sexual involvement
• Self-regulation • Poor image of African Americans
• Strong racial identity • Poor emotion regulation
• Acceptance of peer influences

Family Family
• Family cohesiveness • Parent-youth conflict
• Family routines • Poor communication of family rules
• Reinforcement of youth assets • Chaotic family environment
• Racial socialization • Family conflict
• Empathy between youth and parent
• Conflict resolution skills
• Supportive parent-child relationship
• Supportive family involvement

Peer Peer
• Prosocial friends • Negative peer influence
• Skills for resisting negative peer
pressure

Source: Table based on Brody, G. H., Murry, V. M., Gerrard, M., Gibbons, F. X., Molgaard, V., McNair, L., Brown, A. C., Willis, T. A., Spoth,
R. L., Luo, Z., Chen, Y. F. & Neubaum-Carlan, E. (2004). The Strong African American Families Program: Translating research into prevention
programming, Child Development, 75, 900–917. Reprinted with permission from the Center for Family Research, University of Georgia.

and feelings are central. What are kids my age who drink like—popular and cool or rejects
and stupid? If images are more positive, then the adolescent is more willing to drink. When
adolescents find themselves in social situations that make drinking easier—a party with al-
cohol flowing and no adults around—positive images and willingness are more powerful
than rational risk assessment and logic.
Using the dual-process approach as a base, researchers have designed interventions that
target both logic and images. See the Relating to Every Adolescent feature for an example.

373
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

Adolescent Egocentrism
Another characteristic of adolescent everyday thinking is adolescent egocentrism. Unlike
egocentric young children, adolescents do not deny that other people may have different
perceptions and beliefs; they just become very focused on their own ideas. Adolescents
spend much time analyzing their own beliefs and attitudes. This extreme focus on self has
some interesting consequences. Adolescents may decide they are unique; no one has ever
felt or experienced exactly what they do. Like Danielle at the beginning of this chapter, they
may be sure that parents or other adults “just don’t understand!” And those dangerous
consequences of piercing an eyebrow (or smoking, or going to a party where there will be
drinking, or . . .)—those consequences will not happen to me because I am unique!
Adolescent egocentrism also leads to what Elkind (1967, 1985) calls the sense of an
imaginary audience—the feeling that everyone is watching. Thus, adolescents believe
that others are analyzing them: “Everyone noticed that I wore this shirt twice this week.”
“The whole class thought my answer was dumb!” You can see that social blunders or im-
perfections in appearance can be devastating if “everybody is watching.” Luckily, this feel-
ing of being “on stage” seems to peak in early adolescence by age 14 or 15, although in
unfamiliar situations we all may feel our mistakes are being noticed. And maybe they are.
Sometimes the audience is not so imaginary. Adolescents, with their developing abilities to
think more abstractly and their interest in ideals, can be harsh critics—of each other and of
themselves.

DIVERSITY IN ADOLESCENT COGNITIVE

DEVELOPMENT AND SCHOOL ACHIEVEMENT
We saw at the beginning of the chapter that cognitive development becomes increasingly
diversified as adolescents make choices and have different experiences. In this section we
look at two individual characteristics that can influence choices and experiences—gender
and ethnicity—and we explore reasons for differences in school achievement for some
groups of students.

Cognitive Abilities: Does Gender Matter?

From infancy through the preschool years, most studies find few differences between boys
and girls in overall mental and motor development or in specific abilities. During the school
years and beyond, psychologists find no differences in general intelligence on the standard
measures; these tests have been designed and standardized to minimize sex differences.
However, scores on some tests of specific abilities show sex differences (Bruner, Krauss, &
Kunter, 2007).
SEX DIFFERENCES IN SPECIFIC ABILITIES. Girls do better on verbal fluency, writing, and
arithmetic calculation, for example, whereas boys do better on verbal analogies and math
word problems (Spelke, 2005). Girls and boys seem to approach solving problems in dif-
ferent ways. In navigation tasks, for example, boys tend to use geometric solutions (follow
a diagonal path, the street is perpendicular, etc.) and girls rely on landmarks (turn at the
Starbucks). In comparing two visual objects, boys form a mental image and turn it in their
minds, whereas girls tend to compare features of the two objects. In math word problems,
girls use verbal computation and boys spatial imagery, which can give the boys an advan-
tage on timed tests like the math section of the SAT (Gallagher & Kaufman, 2005). But with
instruction, both girls and boys can learn to use these different strategies. Diane Halpern
and her colleagues (2007) summarize the research:
By the end of grade school and beyond, females perform better on assessments of
verbal abilities when assessments are heavily weighted with writing and the
language-usage items cover topics with which females are familiar; sex differences
favoring females are much larger in these conditions than when assessments
of verbal abilities do not include writing. In contrast, males excel on certain
visuospatial-ability measures. (p. 40)

374
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

These differences, though detectable, are small. There are women, like your text author
Anita, who navigate with both geometry and landmarks, whereas her husband is always turned
around and has parallel streets running perpendicular in his mind. There are boys whose math
calculation skills are excellent. The larger concerns are that at the very top levels of achieve-
ment in mathematics, there are more males than females and therefore there are more men
than women in high-level careers in science, engineering, and mathematics. So these differ-
ences in quantitative abilities have received the most attention (Halpern et al., 2007).
There is a caution, however. The scores of males tend to be more variable in general,
so there are more males than females with very high and very low scores on tests (Halpern
et al., 2007; Johnson, Carothers, & Deary, 2008). There also are more boys diagnosed with
learning disabilities, ADHD, and autism. In addition, in most studies of sex differences, race
and socioeconomic status are not taken into account. When racial groups are studied sep-
arately, African American females outperform African American males in high school math-
ematics; however, there is little or no difference in the performance of Asian American girls
and boys in math or science (Grossman & Grossman, 1994; Yee, 1992). Girls in general tend
to get higher grades than boys in mathematics classes (Halpern et al., 2007).

WHY THESE DIFFERENCES? What is the basis for the differences? The answers are complex
and contested. One popular explanation is that from the beginning, males are more oriented
toward objects and girls are more oriented toward people (Connellan et al., 2000). But
Elizabeth Spelke (2005) concluded that thousands of studies of infants over a span of 30 years
have found no male advantage for perceiving, learning, or reasoning about objects. In fact,
“male and female infants perceive and learn about objects in highly convergent ways”
(p. 952). Some researchers argue that evolution has favored spatial and navigational skills in
males because they hunted, followed trails, explored, built shelters and used tools, etc.
(Buss, 1995; Geary, 1995, 1999), whereas other researchers relate these skills to males’ more
active play styles and their participation in athletics (Linn & Hyde, 1989; Newcombe &
Baenninger, 1990; Stumpf, 1995). Cross-cultural comparisons suggest that much of the dif-
ference in visual-spatial and mathematics abilities comes from learning, not biology. Girls in
many countries score as well as or better than boys on quantitative tests. For example, inter-
national studies of 15-year-olds in 41 countries show no sex differences in mathematics for
half of the countries tested (Angier & Chang, 2005). More recently in the 2007 Trends in
International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS),
in eighth grade, on average, girls had higher math
achievement than boys (Mullis, Martin, & Foy, 2009).
However, the International Comparisons in Fourth-
Grade Reading Literacy (Mullis, Martin, Gonzalez, &
Kennedy, 2003) revealed that in 34 countries, fourth
grade boys scored below girls in reading literacy.
Elizabeth Spelke (2005) concludes:
In summary, males and females show some-
what different cognitive profiles when pre-
sented with complex tasks that can be solved
by multiple strategies, but they show equal
performance on tasks that tap the core foun-
dations of mathematical thinking. Moreover,
males and females show equal abilities to
learn advanced, college-level mathematics.
Insofar as mathematical ability is central to
students’ progress in the sciences, males and
females would seem to be equally capable of In the 2007 Trends in International Mathematics and Science
learning science. (p. 955) Study (TIMSS) at the eighth grade, on average, girls had higher
math achievement than boys. However, the International Compar-
In spite of the evidence that males and females are isons in Fourth-Grade Reading Literacy revealed that in 34 coun-
equally capable of learning high-level science and mathe- tries, fourth-grade boys scored below girls in reading literacy.
matics, there are more men than women in high-level Ron Nickel/Corbis RF

375
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

science and mathematics jobs, as we saw earlier. The situation has improved. In 1973, only 6%
of the Ph.D. scientists in academia and business were women; by 2006, the number was 27%.
At the same time, the number of women who were full professors in science had gone from
5% to 20% (Angier, 2009). But men still outnumber women in these jobs. For example, there are
from 7 to 14 times more men than women faculty in science and math at the top universities.
These numbers may only get worse: In 2005, 70% of female high school graduates went to col-
lege, but only 20% of college graduates in engineering were women (Frehill & Di Fabio, 2008).
There is so much interest in preparing students in science, technology, engineering,
and mathematics that we now have an acronym for the fields—STEM, short for (you guessed
it) science, technology, engineering, and mathematics. Many programs focus on STEM edu-
cation, getting more women and other underrepresented groups into STEM majors. As you
can see in Figure 12.2, there are more women than men in some fields, such as agricultural
engineering, but men still dominate in most STEM degrees.
What could explain these disparities? The answers appear to be sex differences in
motivation, life priorities, self-confidence, and interests, as well as differences in vulnera-
bility to stereotype threat, something that can affect the performance of many groups of
students, as we will see later in this chapter (Johnson et al., 2008). Another possibility is
gender bias in teaching.

GENDER BIAS IN TEACHING. Studies showing that adults rated a math paper attributed to
“John T. McKay”a full point higher on a 5-point scale than the same paper attributed to “Joan
T. McKay”suggests that gender discrimination may be a danger in teaching (Angier & Chang,
2005). There has been quite a bit of research on teachers’ treatment of male and female

FIGURE 12.2

WOMEN EARNING STEM DEGREES IN THE UNITED STATES IN 2006

Degrees earned by women in STEM Fields, 2006

70%
BS
MS
60%
PhD
% Degree earners who are women

50%

40%

30%

20%

10%

0%
es

es

es

ry

ce

al

du l

ls

l
vi

ria

ca
ce

tic

ic
m

ia
ic

ic
ist
nc

nc

nc

pa

Ci
ys

ni
en

no
s

st

er
em

tr
i

em
ie

ie

ie

Ph
at

os

ha
ec

at
ci

ro
sc

sc

sc

Ch
st

er
rs

El

ec
Ch

M
In
st
eo
l

al

A
&
ra

te

M
A
ic

G
tu

h
pu
og

at
ul

m
ol

M
ic

Co
Bi
gr

Physical sciences Engineering

A

Source: National Science Foundation. (2007a). Women, minorities, and persons with disabilities in science and
engineering: NSF 07-315. Arlington, VA, National Science Foundation, Division of Science Resources Statistics.

376
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

students. You should know, however, that most of these studies have focused on White stu-
dents, so the results reported in this section hold mostly for White male and female students.
Many studies document what seem to be biases favoring boys. One of the best-
documented findings of the past 25 years is that teachers have more overall interactions and
more negative interactions, but not more positive interactions, with boys than with girls
(Jones & Dindia, 2004). This is true from preschool to college. Teachers ask more questions
of males, give males more feedback (praise, criticism, and correction), and give more
specific and valuable comments to boys. As girls move through the grades, they have less
and less to say. By the time students reach college, men are twice as likely to initiate com-
ments as women (Bailey, 1993; Sadker & Sadker, 1994). The effect of these differences is
that from preschool through college, girls, on the average, receive 1,800 fewer hours of
attention and instruction than boys (Sadker, Sadker, & Klein, 1991). Of course, these differ-
ences are not evenly distributed. Some boys, generally high-achieving White students, receive
more than their share, whereas high-achieving girls receive the least teacher attention.
Not all biases in school favor boys. In the past 10 years in North America, Western
Europe, Australia, and some Asian countries, there have been questions about whether
schools are serving boys well. This concern is fueled by data from many countries that
seems to show underachievement in boys. For example, data from a U.S. government sur-
vey shows the average twelfth grade boy writes at the level of an average eighth grade girl
(Younger & Warrington, 2006). More dramatic accusations include that schools are trying
to destroy “boys’ culture” and force “feminine, frilly content” on boys (Connell, 1996).
Discrimination against girls has ended, the argument runs. Indeed, thanks to fem-
inism, girls have special treatment and special programs. Now, what about the
boys? It is boys who are slower to learn to read, more likely to drop out of school,
more likely to be disciplined, more likely to be in programs for children with
special needs. In school it is girls who are doing better, boys who are in trouble—
and special programs for boys that are needed. (Connell, 1996, p. 207)
One explanation for why boys struggle in school is that the expectations of schooling do
not fit the way boys learn (Gurian & Henley, 2001), particularly African American boys
(Stinson, 2006). Another suggestion is that boys sabotage their own learning by resisting
school expectations and rules to “display their masculinity and get respect”(Kleinfeld, 2005,
p. B6). Critics of the schools suggest that boys need changes such as smaller classes, more
discussions, better discipline, mentoring programs, and more men in their schools—90% of
elementary teachers are female (Svoboda, 2001).
Would single-sex schools help boys and girls learn more? Research in the late 1980s and
early 1990s generally supported the single-sex secondary schools for girls and for African
American and Latino/a students regardless of gender (Lee & Bryk, 1986; Lee & Marks, 1990;
Riordan, 1998). Girls who attended all-girl high schools made greater achievement gains, had
higher educational aspirations, and had more positive attitudes toward academics, and these
advantages followed them to college. The results are even more dramatic for African American
and Latino/a adolescents. These students in single-sex schools averaged almost a year higher
on achievement tests than similar students in coed settings (Riordan, 1990, 1994, 1998).
A current suggestion for making schools more effective for both boys and girls is single-
sex classrooms (Weil, 2008). The research today on this approach from around the world
suggests that teaching boys and girls in separate classes can be have positive effects on stu-
dent learning, motivation, and engagement, but only if certain demanding conditions are
met. Teachers must realize that there are no boy- or girl-specific teaching strategies: Good
teaching is good teaching. Regrouping students by sex does not make teaching easier; in
fact, it can make class management more difficult. To succeed, both teachers and students
must understand that the goal of single-sex classrooms is better learning for everyone in an
atmosphere that supports more open discussions with less concern about making impres-
sions on peers (Younger & Warrington, 2006).
We can consider this research on boys and girls in school in the context of person-
environment fit theory. According to this theory, development and learning are greatest when
the needs and characteristics of the learner fit the characteristics of the learning environment

377
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

(Eccles & Roeser, 2006). The needs of the individual might be identified based on their gen-
der, culture, language, learning abilities or disabilities, or developmental level. For example,
the research on teaching girls in science and mathematics has led to a picture of girl-friendly
classrooms. In these classrooms, learning is cooperative or individualized rather than
competitive. The focus is applied and person-centered rather than highly theoretical or “book-
centered” (Eccles & Roeser, 2006). We are not convinced that these ideas apply only to girls.
The Connecting with Adolescents guidelines provide additional ideas about avoiding
gender bias for all students in your classes. Some are taken from Rop (1997/1998). Another
source of concern for all of us involves achievement gaps between some racial and ethnic
groups.

Ethnic and Racial Differences in School Achievement

A major concern in schools is that some ethnic groups consistently achieve below the
average for all students (Okagaki, 2006; Uline & Johnson, 2005). This pattern of results
tends to hold for all standardized achievement tests, but the gaps have been narrowing over
the past two to three decades.

CONNECTING WITH ADOLESCENTS

Guidelines for Teachers: Avoiding Gender Bias in Teaching
Check to see if textbooks and other materials you are Use gender-free language as much as possible.
using present an honest view of the options open to both Examples
males and females. 1. Make sure you speak of “law-enforcement officer”
Examples and “mail carrier” instead of “policeman” and
1. Identify whether both males and females are portrayed “mailman.”
in traditional and nontraditional roles at work, at leisure, 2. Be sure you name a committee “head” instead of a
and at home. “chairman.”
2. Discuss your analyses with students, and ask them to
help you find sex-role biases in other materials— Provide role models.
magazine advertising, video games, TV programs, and Examples
news reporting, for example. 1. Assign articles in professional journals written by female
research scientists or mathematicians.
Watch for any unintended biases in your own
classroom practices. 2. Have recent female graduates who are majoring in
Examples science, math, engineering, or other technical fields
come to class to talk about college.
1. Do you group students by sex for certain activities? Is
the grouping appropriate? 3. Create electronic mentoring programs for both male and
female students to connect them with adults working in
2. Do you call on one sex or the other for certain answers—
areas of interest to the students.
boys for math and girls for poetry, for example?
3. Monitor your metaphors. Don’t ask students to “tackle Make sure all students have a chance to do complex,
the problem.” technical work.
Examples
Look for ways in which your school may be limiting
the options open to male or female students. 1. Experiment with same-sex lab groups so girls do
Examples not always end up as the secretaries, boys as the
technicians.
1. Find out what advice guidance counselors give to
students in course and career decisions. 2. Rotate jobs in groups or randomly assign
responsibilities.
2. Look into whether there is a good sports program for
both girls and boys.
3. See if girls are encouraged to take advanced placement What if you witness gender bias as a student teacher? See this site
courses in science and mathematics and if boys are for ideas: http://www.tolerance.org/teach/magazine/features.jsp?p⫽
encouraged in English and foreign language classes. 0&is⫽36&ar⫽563#

378
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

Because many students from minority groups are also economically disadvantaged, it
is important to separate the effects of these two sets of influences on school achievement.
For example, in an analysis of National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) mathe-
matics test results, James Byrnes (2003) found that less than 5% of the variance in math test
scores was associated with race, but about 50% of the variance came from differences in
SES, motivation, and exposure to learning opportunities (course work, calculator use,
homework, etc.). Although there still are consistent differences among ethnic groups on
tests of cognitive abilities, most researchers agree that the reasons for these differences are
mainly the product of cultural mismatches and language differences, a result of growing up
in poverty, or the legacy of discrimination.

THE LEGACY OF DISCRIMINATION. When we considered explanations for why low-SES stu-
dents have trouble in school, we listed the low expectations and biases of teachers and fel-
low students. This has been the experience of many ethnic minority students as well. One
suggested solution is desegregation—educating students of different racial and ethnic
groups together. But years of research on the effects of desegregation have mostly shown
that legally mandated integration is not a quick solution to the detrimental effects of cen-
turies of racial inequality. In part because White students left integrated schools as the num-
ber of students of color increased (“white flight”), many urban schools today are more
segregated than they were before the Supreme Court ordered busing and other desegrega-
tion measures. The schools in Los Angeles, Miami, Baltimore, Chicago, Dallas, Memphis,
Houston, and Detroit have fewer than 11% non-Hispanic White students. And in almost
90% of the schools that have mostly African American and Latina/o students, at least half of
the students live in poverty, so racial segregation becomes economic segregation as well
(Ladson-Billings, 2004; Orfield & Frankenberg, 2005). Too often, even in integrated schools,
minority group students are resegregated in low-ability tracks. Simply putting people in the
same building does not mean that they will come to respect each other or even that they
will experience the same quality of education (Ladson-Billings, 2004; Pettigrew, 1998).

FOCUSING ON STRENGTHS. Rather than focusing on achievement gaps, many educators

have called for more research on the successes of African American and Latino/a students.
Berry (2005) studied two middle-school-aged African American boys who were successful
in mathematics. In the lives of those students, Berry found support and high expectations
from family and teachers; positive math experiences in preschool and elementary school;
positive identities as math students; and connections to church and athletic extracurricular
activities. Unfortunately, these factors are not available for all students. Eric Dearing and his
colleagues (2009) studied participation in extracurricular activities for 1,420 predomi-
nantly African American children and found that the likelihood of participating in these ac-
tivities is related to family income, with the poorest children least likely to reap the benefits
of participation.
Berry (2005) encouraged educators and researchers “to focus on the success stories of
those African American men and boys who are successful to identify the strengths, skills,
and other significant factors it takes to foster success” (p. 61). One final theme character-
ized the successful African American boys: Their families had prepared them to understand
and deal with discrimination. Recent research points to an intriguing explanation related to
discrimination for the gaps in performance between many groups—males and females, as
well as African American, Latino/a, and European American students. The explanation is
stereotype threat.

Stereotype Threat
Stereotype threat is “an apprehensiveness about confirming a stereotype” (Aronson, 2002,
p. 282). The basic idea is that when individuals are in situations in which a stereotype
applies, they bear an extra emotional and cognitive burden. The burden is the possibility of
confirming the stereotype, either in the eyes of others or in their own eyes. Thus, when girls
are asked to solve complicated mathematics problems, for example, they are at risk of
confirming widely held stereotypes that girls are inferior to boys in mathematics. It is not

379
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

necessary that the individual even believe the stereotype. All that matters is that the person is
aware of the stereotype and cares about performing well enough to disprove its unflattering
implications (Aronson et al., 1999; Huguet & Régner, 2007). What are the results of stereotype
threat? Recent research provides answers that should interest all parents and teachers.
One review of the research on women, math, and stereotype threat concluded that
very subtle clues that might activate anxiety, such as asking test takers to indicate their
gender on an answer sheet before taking a math test, tend to lower math scores for women,
especially when tests are difficult, the women are moderately identified with the math field,
and being female is an important part of their identity. The differences are small on
average—something like a female with average math ability scoring 450 instead of the
expected average of 500 on an SAT- or GRE-type test. One study estimated that removing
stereotype threat might mean an additional 6% of women getting a passing score on a high-
stakes calculus test (Nguyen & Ryan, 2008; Wout, Dasco, Jackson, & Spencer, 2008). In
other studies, girls in high school and college have scored below boys on a math test when
stereotype threats are present, but the same as boys when these threats are not present
(Smith & Hung, 2008). Just telling the girls that the math test they are about to take does
not reveal gender differences is enough to eliminate any differences.
In a series of experiments, Joshua Aronson, Claude Steele, and their colleagues
demonstrated that when African American or Latino college students are put in situations
that induce stereotype threat, their performance suffers (Aronson, 2002; Aronson &
Steele, 2005; Okagaki, 2006). For example, in an experiment at Stanford University, African
American and White undergraduate subjects were told that the test they were about to
take would precisely measure their verbal ability. A similar group of subjects was told that
the purpose of the test was to understand the psychology of verbal problem solving and
not to assess individual ability. As shown in Figure 12.3, the group of African American
students who believed their ability was being tested solved about one-half as many prob-
lems as the other group of African American students who were not told the test assessed
ability. The performance of European American students was not affected by the threat
conditions.

FIGURE 12.3

THE IMPACT OF STEREOTYPE THREAT ON COLLEGE STUDENTS’

STANDARDIZED TEST PERFORMANCE
When African American college students were told that they were taking a test that would
diagnose their verbal ability (stereotype threat), they solved about one-half as many problems as
another group of African American students who were not told the test would assess ability. The
performance of Caucasian students was not affected by the threat conditions.

14
African Americans
12
Caucasians
Mean items solved
(adjusted by SAT)

10

0
Stereotype threat No stereotype threat

Source: Figure: “The Impact of Stereotype Threat on College Students’ Standardized Test Performance,”
by J. Aronson, M. J. Lustina, M. F. Salinas, and C. M . Steele, in Readings About the Social Animal, 4E,
Elliot Aronson (ed.), Worth Pubilshers, © 1973, 1977, 1981, 1992, 1995.

380
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

All groups, not just minority group students, can be susceptible to stereotype threat.
In another study, the subjects were White male college students who were very strong in
mathematics. One group was told that the test they were taking would help experimenters
determine why Asian students performed so much better than Whites on that particular
test. Another group just took the test. The group that faced the stereotype threat of
confirming that “Asians are better in math” scored significantly lower on the test (Aronson
et al., 1999). The individuals most vulnerable to stereotype threat are those who care the
most and who are most deeply invested in high performance (Ryan & Ryan, 2005). The
pressures of No Child Left Behind testing are likely to increase this vulnerability.
WHAT HAPPENS? Why does stereotype threat affect test performance? Self-handicapping
and anxiety are part of the problem (Delgado & Prieto, 2008; Ryan & Ryan, 2005). When
students are in situations that evoke stereotype threats, such as high-pressure tests, they
tend to adopt self-handicapping strategies such as not trying or procrastinating—they just
want to survive without looking stupid. But because they put off studying or didn’t try, they
are anxious and unprepared during the test. Anxiety and worry interfere with thinking
about math solutions. Two other related explanations are that by increasing anxiety, stereo-
type threat reduces working memory capacity—so students can’t hold as much in their
minds (Okagaki, 2006) and that stereotype threat also decreases interest and engagement
in the task: Why get absorbed in something that will make you look incompetent? (Smith,
Sansone, & White, 2007).
If students continue to develop self-defeating strategies to avoid looking stupid—they
withdraw, claim to not care, exert little effort, or even drop out of school—they psycho-
logically disengage from success and claim “math is for nerds”or “school is for losers.”Once
students define math and science as “uncool,”it is unlikely they will exert the effort needed
for real learning. We cannot say that all differences between boys and girls in math perfor-
mance are due to stereotype threat (Sackett, Hardison, & Cullen, 2005), but the process
probably plays a role. The message for teachers is to help all students see mathematics and
science achievement as part of their identity.
COMBATING STEREOTYPE THREAT. In one study, teachers in rural Texas randomly divided
138 seventh graders into four groups for a computer class. In the classes that got positive
information suggesting intelligence can be improved and everyone can learn math, year-
end math achievement scores improved for the girls (Good, Aronson, & Inzlicht, 2003). So,
believing that intelligence can be improved might inoculate students against stereotype
threat. A book by Carol Dweck (2006) called Mindset: The New Psychology of Success dis-
cusses how a positive mindset of growth and improvement can be learned and will be an
asset throughout life. Other ideas include using role models and emphasizing that if a boy
does better than a girl in math, he probably studied harder or persisted longer. The same
is true for a girl who does better in writing—stress that she may have worked harder or
revised more.
What can teachers do in any school to help close the achievement gap? In many ways
this is a question about person-environment fit theory again (Eccles & Roeser, 2006). How
can we make the environment of the school fit the culture, language, abilities, and values
of the students? How can teachers build on all the cultures in the classroom? Here are three
general teaching principles to guide you in finding answers to these questions.
KNOW YOUR STUDENTS. We must learn who our students are and the legacies they bring
(Delpit, 2003). Nothing you read in a text will teach you enough to understand the lives of
all your students. If you can take other courses in college or read about other cultures, we
encourage you to do it. But reading and studying are not enough. You should get to know
your students’ families and communities. Elba Reyes, a successful bilingual teacher for chil-
dren with special needs, describes her approach:
Usually I find that if you really want to know a parent, you get to know them on
their own turf. This is key to developing trust and understanding the parents’per-
spective. First, get to know the community. Learn where the local grocery store
is and what the children do after school. Then schedule a home visit at a time that

381
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

is convenient for the parents. The home environment is not usually as ladened
with failure. I sometimes observed the child being successful in the home, for ex-
ample, riding a bicycle or helping with dinner. (Bos & Reyes, 1996, p. 349)
Try to spend time with students and parents on projects outside of school. Ask par-
ents to help in class or to speak to your students about their jobs, their hobbies, or the
history and heritage of their ethnic group. In the elementary grades, don’t wait until a stu-
dent is in trouble to have the first meeting with a family member. Watch for and listen to
the ways that your students interact in large and small groups. Have students write to you,
and write back to them. Eat lunch with one or two students. Spend some nonteaching
time with them.

RESPECT YOUR STUDENTS. From knowledge ought to come respect for your students’
learning strengths—for the struggles they face and the obstacles they have overcome. We
must believe in our students (Delpit, 2003). For a child, genuine acceptance is a neces-
sary condition for developing self-esteem. Sometimes the self-image and occupational
aspirations of minority children actually decline in their early years in public school, prob-
ably because of the emphasis on majority culture values, accomplishments, and history.
By presenting the accomplishments of particular members of an ethnic group or by bring-
ing that group’s culture into the classroom (in the form of literature, history, art, music,
or any cultural knowledge), teachers can help students maintain a sense of pride in their
cultural group. This integration of culture must be more than the “tokenism” of sampling
ethnic foods or wearing costumes. Students should learn about the socially and intellec-
tually important contributions of the various groups. There are many excellent references
that provide background information, history, and teaching strategies for different groups
of students (e.g., Banks, 2009; Bennett, 2011; Milner, 2009; Tiedt & Tiedt, 2009).

TEACH YOUR STUDENTS. The most important thing you can do for your students is teach
them to read, write, speak, compute, think, and create—through constant, rigorous, cul-
turally connected instruction (Delpit, 2003). Too often, goals for low SES or minority group
students have focused exclusively on basic skills. Students are taught words and sounds, but
the meaning of the story is supposed to come later. Years ago, Knapp, Turnbull, and Shields
(1990, p. 5) made these suggestions. They are still excellent:
• Focus on meaning and understanding from beginning to end—for example, by ori-
enting instruction toward comprehending reading passages, communicating impor-
tant ideas in written text, or understanding the concepts underlying number facts.
• Balance routine skill learning with novel and complex tasks from the earliest stages of
learning.
• Provide context for skill learning that establishes clear reasons for needing to learn
the skills.
• Influence attitudes and beliefs about the academic content areas as well as skills and
knowledge.
• Eliminate unnecessary redundancy in the curriculum (e.g., repeating instruction in the
same mathematics skills year after year).
And finally, teach students directly about how to be students. In the early grades,
this could mean directly teaching the courtesies and conventions of the classroom: how
to get a turn to speak, how and when to interrupt the teacher, how to whisper, how to
get help in a small group, how to give an explanation that is helpful. In the later grades,
it may mean teaching the study skills that fit your subject. You can ask students to learn
“how we do it in school” without violating principle number two above—respect your
students. Ways of asking questions around the kitchen table at home may be different
from ways of asking questions in school, but students can learn both ways, without
deciding that either way is superior. And you can expand ways of doing it in school to
include more possibilities. The Connecting with Adolescents guidelines give more
ideas for teachers.

382
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

CONNECTING WITH ADOLESCENTS

Guidelines for Teachers: Culturally Relevant Teaching
Experiment with different grouping arrangements gestures, or other responses that are unfamiliar
to encourage social harmony and cooperation. to you.
Examples
1. Try “study buddies” and pairs. Emphasize meaning in teaching.
Examples
2. Organize heterogeneous groups of four or five.
1. Make sure students understand what they read.
3. Establish larger teams for older students.
2. Try storytelling and other modes that don’t require
Provide a range of ways to learn material to written materials.
accommodate a range of learning styles. 3. Use examples that relate abstract concepts to everyday
Examples experiences; for instance, relate negative numbers to
1. Give students verbal materials at different reading levels. being overdrawn in your checkbook.
2. Offer visual materials—charts, diagrams, and models.
Get to know the customs, traditions, and values
3. Provide tapes for listening and viewing. of your students.
4. Set up activities and projects. Examples
1. Use holidays as a chance to discuss the origins and
Teach classroom procedures directly, even ways of doing
meaning of traditions.
things that you thought everyone would know.
Examples 2. Analyze different traditions for common themes.
1. Tell students how to get the teacher’s attention. 3. Attend community fairs and festivals.
2. Explain when and how to interrupt the teacher if Help students detect racist and sexist messages.
students need help. Examples
3. Show which materials students can take and which 1. Analyze curriculum materials for biases.
require permission.
2. Make students “bias detectives,” reporting comments
4. Demonstrate acceptable ways to disagree with or from the media.
challenge another student.
3. Discuss the ways that students communicate biased
Learn the meaning of different behaviors messages about each other and what should be done
for your students. when this happens.
Examples 4. Discuss expressions of prejudice such as anti-Semitism.
1. Ask students how they feel when you correct or praise
them. What gives them this message? For ways to use technology for culturally relevant teaching see:
2. Talk to family and community members and other http://preservicetech.edreform.net/techindicator/culturallyrelevant
teachers to discover the meaning of expressions, pedagogy

CONTEXTS FOR COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT

One theme is especially important for all who work with adolescents: The “good enough”
intellectual environment that supported basic cognitive development during infancy, early
childhood, and the middle childhood years is not good enough to fully develop the ado-
lescents’ cognitive potentials (Kuhn & Franklin, 2006). The thinking and reasoning abilities
and expertise described in this chapter will not happen “naturally”as adolescents grow. Par-
ents, teachers, guides, support, and thoughtfully designed learning experiences are needed.
As in previous chapters, let’s examine the child, now an adolescent, in context.
European American and European adolescents spend less and less time with parents and
more time with peers, but the family remains an important context for child development.
Obviously, peers are another increasingly influential context. Finally, schools and jobs are
two other contexts that shape cognitive development. For all ages, but particularly in the
adolescent years, it is difficult to separate contextual influences on cognitive development
from influences on emotional/social development. With this caution in mind, in this

383
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

chapter we explore families, peers, and the school as contexts for cognitive development.

The Family
As you know by now, quite a bit of research has focused on parenting styles. Diane Baumrind
(1991, 1996) and the other researchers who built on her findings identified four parenting
styles based on the parents’ high or low levels of warmth and control. We described these
styles in earlier chapters, but to review, authoritative parents (high warmth, high control)
set clear limits, enforce rules, and expect mature behavior. But they are warm with their
children and allow more democratic decision making (Hoffman, 2001). Authoritarian
parents (low warmth, high control) seem cold and controlling in their interactions with
their children. The children are expected to be mature and to do what the parent says,
“Because I said so!” Permissive parents (high warmth, low control) are warm and nurtur-
ing, but they have few rules or consequences for their children and expect little in the way
of mature behavior. Rejecting/Neglecting/Uninvolved parents (low warmth, low control)
don’t seem to care at all and can’t be bothered with controlling, communicating, or teach-
ing their children.
In broad strokes, there are differences in adolescents’ social and academic behavior
based on their parents’styles. At least in European American, middle-class families, children
of authoritative parents are more likely to do well in school, be happy with themselves,
and relate well to others. Children of authoritarian parents are more likely to feel guilty or
depressed, and children of permissive parents may have trouble interacting with peers—
they are used to having their way (Spera, 2005; Steinberg, 2005).
Of course, the extreme of permissiveness is indulgence. Indulgent parents cater to
their adolescent’s every whim; perhaps it is easier than being the adult who must
make unpopular decisions. Both indulgent and rejecting/neglecting/uninvolved
parenting styles can be harmful. For example, when 3,407 ninth through twelfth grade
European American students described their parents’ styles and their peer-group ori-
entation, those students, especially girls, who characterized their parents as uninvolved
were more likely to be oriented toward “partyers” and “druggies” who did not endorse
adult values. Boys with indulgent parents were more likely to be oriented toward fun-
cultures such as “partyers” (Durbin, Darling, Steinberg, & Brown, 1993). In contrast,
adolescents who characterized their parents as authoritative (demanding but responsive,
rational, and democratic) were more likely to favor well-rounded crowds who did well in
school, such as “normals” and “brains” (Collins, Maccoby, Steinberg, Hetherington, &
Bornstein, 2000).
There are cultural differences in parenting styles. Even though the authoritative par-
enting style seems to benefit adolescents of all ethnicities and SES levels (Steinberg, 2005),
some researchers believe that the styles discussed above fit the European American, mid-
dle-class culture best. Other cultures should be assessed in ways that fit the meaning and
values of the culture (Smetana et al., 2006). For example, Ruth Chao’s (2001) research on
Chinese parenting style shows that strict parenting fits the Confucian ideal of child-centered
training, and is not like the authoritarian adult-centered punitive style described by Baum-
rind.
Recently, parenting style has been reconceptualized as multidimensional—not just
high to low on control, but high to low on what kind of control? Is the parent focused on
controlling the adolescent’s thoughts and feelings or on controlling his or her behavior? Try-
ing to control thoughts and feelings is more intrusive and is associated with behavior prob-
lems for adolescents. But when parents try to influence behaviors by monitoring their
teen’s activities and friends, the adolescents tend to be better adjusted and higher achiev-
ing in school. More parental involvement and monitoring seem productive in early and mid-
dle adolescence, but older adolescents need more autonomy to make decisions. One group
that may lack adequate parental monitoring at every age is adolescents in very affluent com-
munities where parents are caught up in work and social events and may neglect their ado-
lescents (Smetana et al, 2006).

384
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

Peers
Conventional wisdom claims that during adolescence parents have less and less influence,
but peer influence grows. Is this right? Well, it depends. To understand the power of peers,
we have to look at situations in which the values and interests of parents clash with those
of peers, and then see whose influence dominates. In these comparisons, peers usually win
in matters of style, socializing, and priorities for spending time—fun versus schoolwork, for
example. Parents (and teachers) still are influential in matters of morality, career choice, and
religion. Peers and parents affect different aspects of an adolescent’s life. Of course, parents
often guide their teens in choices of friends, so the parents can have an indirect effect on
peer influences (Harris, 1998; Smetana, 2006). Let’s focus here on peers and cognitive out-
comes such as achievement in school.

CROWDS AND CLIQUES. Think back to high school—did you have friends in any of these
groups: normals, populars, brains, jocks, partyers, stoners, others? What were the main
“crowds” at your school? How did your friends influence you? Laurence Steinberg and his
colleagues have studied the role of parents, peers, and community contexts in school
achievement and identified large peer groups or crowds such as “jocks,”“brains,”“populars,”
and “druggies” that share common behaviors and attitudes (Durbin, Darling, Steinberg, &
Brown, 1993; Steinberg, 1998). Based on a three-year study that surveyed 20,000 students
in nine high schools in Wisconsin and California, Steinberg found that adolescents’ peers
provide incentives for certain activities and ridicule others, which creates a school culture
that affects the way the teachers behave. One in every five students Steinberg studied said
that their friends made fun of people who tried to do well in school. When asked what
crowd they would most like to belong to:
[F]ive times as many students say the “populars” or “jocks” as say the “brains.”
Three times as many say they would rather be “partyers” or “druggies” than
“brains.” And of all the crowds, the “brains”were least happy with who they are—
nearly half wished they were in a different crowd. (Steinberg, 1998, p. 332)
Steinberg concluded that about 40% of the students were just going through the motions of
learning. About 90% had copied someone else’s homework and 66% had cheated on a test
within the last year. Steinberg claims that this lack of investment is due in part to peer pres-
sure because for many adolescents, “peers—not parents—are the chief determinants of
how intensely they are invested in school and how much effort they devote to their educa-
tion” (1998, p. 331). Let’s look more closely at these powerful peer influences.

PEER SUPPORT FOR PEER LEARNING. Today,

students often are expected to collaborate in
peer learning groups (Johnson & Johnson,
2009). In these groups, peers can support or
undermine learning. First, the undermining.
Without careful planning and monitoring by
the teacher, group interactions can hinder
learning and reduce rather than improve social
relations in classes. For example, if there is
pressure in a group for conformity—perhaps
because rewards are being misused or one
student dominates the others—interactions
can be unproductive and unreflective. Miscon-
ceptions might be reinforced, or the worst,
not the best, ideas may be combined to con-
struct a superficial understanding. Students
who work in groups but arrive at wrong
To be a member of a crowd or clique has implications for how you dress,
answers may be more confident that they are
act, and speak; who can be a friend; and what you think about school.
right—a case of “two heads are worse than michaeljung/Shutterstock
one” (Puncochar & Fox, 2004). Also, the ideas

385
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

of low-status students may be ignored or even ridiculed while the contributions of high-
status students are accepted and reinforced, regardless of the merit of either set of ideas
(Anderson, Holland, & Palincsar, 1997).
What about peer support of learning? How can teachers avoid these problems? David
and Roger Johnson (1999) list five elements that define true cooperative learning groups:
• Face-to-face interaction
• Positive interdependence
• Individual accountability
• Collaborative skills
• Group processing
Students interact face-to-face and close together, not across the room. Group mem-
bers experience positive interdependence—they need each other for support, explana-
tions, and guidance. Even though they work together and help each other, members of the
group must ultimately demonstrate learning on their own; they are held individually
accountable for learning, often through individual tests or other assessments. Collaborative
skills are necessary for effective group functioning. Often, these skills, such as giving
constructive feedback, reaching consensus, and involving every member, must be taught
and practiced before the groups begin a learning task. Finally, members monitor group
processes and relationships to make sure the group is working effectively and to learn about
the dynamics of groups. They take time to ask, “How are we doing as a group? Is everyone
working together?”
Research in grades 8 through 12 in Australia found that students in cooperative groups
that were structured to require positive interdependence and mutual helping learned more
in math, science, and English than students in unstructured learning groups (Gillies, 2003).
In addition, compared to students in the unstructured groups, students in the structured
groups also said learning was more fun.
In practice, the effects of learning in a group vary, depending on what actually hap-
pens in the group and who is in it. If only a few people take responsibility for the work,
these people will learn, but the nonparticipating members probably will not. Students who
ask questions, get answers, and attempt explanations are more likely to learn than students
whose questions go unasked or unanswered. In fact, there is evidence that the more a stu-
dent provides elaborated, thoughtful explanations to other students in a group, the more
the explainer learns. Giving good explanations appears to be even more important for
learning than receiving explanations (O’Donnell, 2006; Webb, Farivar, & Mastergeorge,
2002; Webb & Palincsar, 1996). In order to explain, you have to organize the information,
put it into your own words, think of examples and analogies (which connect the informa-
tion to things you already know), and test your understanding by answering questions.
These are excellent learning strategies (King, 1990, 2002).
Good explanations are relevant, timely, correct, and elaborated enough to help the lis-
tener correct misunderstandings; the best explanations tell why (Webb et al., 2002; Webb &
Mastergeorge, 2003). For example, in a middle-school mathematics class, students worked in
groups on the following problem:
Find the cost of a 30-minute telephone call to the prefix 717 where the first
minute costs $0.22 and each additional minute costs $0.13.
The level of explanation and help students received was significantly related to learning; the
higher the level, the more learning. Table 12.4 shows the different levels of help. Of course,
the students must pay attention to and use the help in order to learn. And the help-receiver
also has responsibilities if learning is to go well. For example, if a helper says, “13 times 29,”
then the receiver should say, “Why is it 29?” Asking good questions and giving clear expla-
nations are critical, and usually these skills must be taught.
Often, cooperative learning strategies include group reports to the entire class. If you
have been on the receiving end of these class reports, you know that they can be deadly
dull. To make the process more useful for the audience as well as the reporters, Annemarie
Palincsar and Leslie Herrenkohl (2002) taught the class members to use intellectual roles as

386
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

TABLE 12.4 • Levels of Help in Cooperative Groups

Students are more likely to learn if they give and get higher level help.

LEVEL DESCRIPTION AND EXAMPLE

Highest

6 Verbally labeled explanation of how to solve part or all of the problem (“Multiply
13 cents by 29, because 29 minutes are left after the first minute.”)

5 Numerical rule with no verbal labels for the numbers (“This is 30, so you minus 1.”)

4 Numerical expression or equation (“13 times 29.”)

3 Numbers to write or copy (“Put 13 on top, 29 on the bottom. Then you times it.”)

2 Answer to part or all of the problem (“I got $3.77.”)

1 Non-content or non-informational response (“Just do it the way she said.”)

0 No response

Lowest

Source: From “Productive helping in cooperative groups,” by N. M. Webb, S. H. Farviar, & A. M. Mastergeorge.
Theory in Practice, 41(1), p. 14. Copyright © 2002 by the College of Education, The Ohio State University. All rights
reserved. Reprinted by permission of Taylor & Francis Group, http://www.informaworld.com.

they listened to reports. These roles were based on the scientific strategies of predicting
and theorizing, summarizing results, and relating predictions and theories to results. Some
audience members were assigned the role of checking the reports for clear relationships
between predictions and theories. Other students in the audience listened for clarity in the
findings. And the rest of the students were responsible for evaluating how well the group
reports linked prediction, theories, and findings. Research shows that using these roles
promotes class dialogue, thinking and problem solving, and conceptual understanding
(Palincsar & Herrenkohl, 2002).

Schools (and the Teachers in Them)

How do schools serve as contexts for adolescent cognitive development? Because adoles-
cents spend so much time in schools, we could write pages and pages about this topic—
but we promise to be selective. In this section we will look at person- and
stage-environment fit, how transitions to middle or high school affect students, teachers’
relationships with students, and part-time work.
One way to explore schools as contexts for cognitive development is to apply person-
environment fit theory, discussed earlier in this chapter. When the person’s needs are
developmental, we talk about stage-environment fit theory (Eccles, 2004). This theory
describes the possible effects of a match (or mismatch) between the developmental needs
of adolescents and the opportunities afforded by their social environments, including
schools. But because adolescence is marked by many changes including puberty, the devel-
opment of abstract thinking abilities, shifts in family relationships, and transitions to new
schools—all happening at the same time—what “fits”developmental needs at one point may
not fit a few months later. For example, as they mature, adolescents have increasing needs
for autonomy—the chance to make choices that affect their lives. Do their families, peers,
and schools change in response to the adolescents’ needs for increasing autonomy? Accord-
ing to stage-environment fit theory, when adolescents’ social environments respond to their
changing needs, then positive outcomes are likely. But when parents, schools, or teachers
don’t change or when they respond in ways that conflict with needs, then the adolescent’s
development may be harmed and problems will arise (Gutman & Eccles, 2007).

387
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

TRANSITIONS IN SCHOOL. After elementary school, in the transition to middle school, stu-
dents confront an increased focus on grades and performance as well as more competition
on all fronts—academic, social, and athletic. Just when they are eager to make decisions
and assume more independence, students encounter more rules, required courses, and
assignments. They change from a close connection with one teacher all year to more
impersonal relations with many teachers in many different subjects across the year. Some
researchers have argued that these features of middle school—more rules and regulations
but fewer personal connections with adults—are just the opposite of what these develop-
ing adolescents need. So the stage-environment fit is weak. These developing adolescents
also go from being the most mature and highest status students in a small, familiar elemen-
tary school to being the “babies” in a large, impersonal middle school (Murdock, Hale, &
Weber, 2001; Rudolph, Lambert, Clark, & Kurlakowsky, 2001).
In a policy brief prepared for the Congressional Children’s Caucus, Jacquelynne Eccles
(1999) summarizes the mismatches between needs and social contexts that young adoles-
cents encounter when they move to middle school. These mismatches

. . . seem especially harmful in that they emphasize competition, social compari-

son, and ability self-assessment at a time of heightened self-focus; they decrease
decision-making and choice at a time when the desire for control is growing; they
emphasize lower level cognitive strategies at a time when the ability to use higher
level strategies is increasing; and they disrupt social networks at a time when ado-
lescents are especially concerned with peer relationships and may be in special
need of close adult relationships outside of the home. (p. 2)

In recent years, as educators better understood the developmental needs of young ado-
lescents, they refined a middle school philosophy that contrasts with the junior high school
philosophy of treating younger adolescents as “small” high school students. The National
Middle School Association published a summary of this philosophy called This We Believe:
Keys to Educating Young Adolescents (NMSA, 2010). In the publication they listed 16 attributes
and characteristics of successful schools, summarized in Figure 12.4. You can see that schools
with these characteristics would have a better stage-environment fit for young adolescents.
In the move to high school, students often experience even larger, more bureaucratic
structures and rules. There is little opportunity for students to form the relationships with
adults that support their development. The chance for positive mentoring relationships,
described earlier, is lost (Eccles & Roeser, 2006).

THE STUDENTS’ PERSPECTIVE. Of course, some aspects of the transitions to middle or high
school are attractive: increased freedom, moving from class to class, different teachers, new
friends, and extracurricular options (Akos & Galassi, 2004). But from the students’
perspective, the new social demands of middle or high school also can be scary. You may
remember the fears and concerns you had. Anita was sure she would get lost in her big,
two-story junior high, fumble her locker combination, and be late to class—a fate punish-
able by something horrible, she was sure. Common fears fall into three categories: social
(dealing with older students or bullies, making and keeping friends); procedural (learning
school rules, navigating larger buildings, and Anita’s dreaded locker issues); and academic
(more homework, worries about tough classes—math in particular, pressure to make good
grades, and college admission for high school students).
What are the potential effects of mismatches between adolescents’ needs and the
social environment of middle and high schools? For many adolescents, academic motivation
and achievement decline along with self-efficacy for school. Some students respond to the
pressure to perform and competition for grades by cheating. For other students, soon after
the transition to high school, academic achievement declines again, and they drop out of
school. Those who don’t drop out fall farther behind (Akos & Galassi, 2004; Anderman &
Maehr, 1994; Anderman & Midgley, 2004; Wigfield, Eccles, & Pintrich, 1996).
What can be done to help adolescents make smoother transitions to middle school
and high school? The Connecting with Adolescents guidelines have ideas for parents and
teachers.

388
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

FIGURE 12.4

ESSENTIAL ATTRIBUTES AND CHARACTERISTICS OF SUCCESSFUL SCHOOLS

FOR YOUNG ADOLESCENTS
The National Middle School Association identified 16 attributes and characteristics of successful schools for young adolescents.

16 Characteristics
Curriculum, Instruction, and Assessment
Educators value young adolescents and are prepared to teach them. Value Young Adolescents
Students and teachers are engaged in active, purposeful learning. Active Learning
Essential Attributes Curriculum is challenging, exploratory, integrative, and relevant. Challenging Curriculum
An education for young adolescents must be Educators use multiple learning and teaching approaches. Multiple Learning Approaches
Varied and ongoing assessments advance learning as well as measure it.
Developmentally Responsive Varied Assessments
using the nature of young adolescents as the
foundation on which all decisions are made.
Leadership and Organization
A shared vision developed by all stakeholders guides every decision.
National Middle School Association Shared Vision
Challenging
recognizing that every student can learn and Leaders are committed to and knowledgeable about this age group,
Successful Schools everyone is held to high expectations. educational research, and best practices. Committed Leaders
for Leaders demonstrate courage and collaboration.
Young Adolescents Empowering
providing all students with the knowledge and
Courageous & Collaborative Leaders

Ongoing professional development reflects best educational practices.

skills they need to take control of their lives. Professional Development

Organizational structures foster purposeful learning

and meaningful relationships. Organizational Structures
Equitable
advocating for every student’s right to learn and
providing challenging and relevant learning opportunities. Culture and Community
The school environment is inviting, safe, inclusive, and supportive of all.
School Environment

Every student’s academic and personal development is guided

by an adult advocate. Adult Advocate
Comprehensive guidance and support services meet the needs of young adolescents.
Guidance Services

Health and wellness are supported in curricula, school-wide programs, and related policies.
Health & Wellness

The school actively involves families in the education of their children. Family Involvement
The school includes community and business partners. Community & Business

This chart is based on This We Believe: Keys to Educating Young Adolescents (NMSA 2010). For more information visit us at, www.nmsa.org

Source: From This We Believe: Keys to Educating Young Adolescents, © 2010 National Middle School Association. Reprinted with permission
from National Middle School Association.

TEACHERS: ACADEMIC AND PERSONAL CARING. When researchers ask students to de-
scribe a “good teacher,” three qualities are at the center of their descriptions. Good teachers
have positive interpersonal relationships—they care about their students. Second, good
teachers keep the classroom organized and maintain authority without being rigid or “mean.”
Finally, good teachers are good motivators—they can make learning fun by being creative and
innovative so students learn something (Noguera, 2005; Woolfolk Hoy & Weinstein, 2006).
For the past 15 years, research has documented the value and importance of positive
relationships with teachers for students at every grade level (Davis, 2003). For example, one
of Anita’s doctoral graduates studied middle-school mathematics classes and found that stu-
dents’ perceptions of their teachers’ affective support and caring were related to the effort
they invested in learning math (Sakiz, Pape, & Woolfolk Hoy, 2008). Tamera Murdock and
Angela Miller (2003) found that eighth-grade students’ perceptions that their teachers cared

389
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

CONNECTING WITH ADOLESCENTS

Guidelines for Families and Teachers: Supporting School Transitions
Discuss academic expectations with students. 2. Learn about academic expectations and assignments
Examples that often prove difficult.
1. Without panicking students, show examples of texts and
assignments for the grade they are moving into. Set up supports for transitioning students.
Examples
2. Allow time to discuss “scare stories” students may have
heard. 1. Establish homework hotlines.
2. Offer tutoring programs for entering students staffed by
Teach appropriate time management and study skills upperclassmen in their school.
before and after the transition. 3. Make sure the first weeks allow time for positive
Examples “getting to know you” social activities.
1. Practice using a simple assignment book or computer
calendar.
2. Practice note taking from class or from readings.

Make sure teachers at the sending and receiving schools

are in communication.
Examples Source: Adapted from Akos & Galassi, 2004, available at
1. Get e-mail addresses so you can be in touch with other http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m0KOC/is_4_7/ai_n6033397/
teachers. pg_11?tag⫽content;col1

about them were significantly related to the students’ academic motivation, even after
taking into account the motivational influences of parents and peers.
Students define caring in two ways. One is academic caring—setting high, but rea-
sonable expectations and helping students reach those goals. The second is personal
caring—being patient, respectful, humorous, willing to listen, interested in students’ issues
and personal problems. For higher-achieving students, academic caring is especially impor-
tant, but for students who are placed at risk and often alienated from school, personal car-
ing is critical (Cothran & Ennis, 2000; Woolfolk Hoy & Weinstein, 2006). In fact, in one study
in a Texas high school, the Mexican and Mexican American students saw teacher caring as
a prerequisite for their own caring about school; in other words, they needed to be cared for
before they could care about school (Valenzuela, 1999). Unfortunately, in the same school,
the mostly non-Latino teachers expected the students to care about school before they would
invest their caring in the students. And for many teachers, caring about school meant
behaving in more “middle-class” ways.
These contrasting student and teacher views can lead to a downward spiral of mistrust.
Students withhold their cooperation until teachers “earn it” with their authentic caring.
Teachers withhold caring until students “earn it” with respect for authority and coopera-
tion. Marginalized students expect unfair treatment and behave defensively when they
sense any unfairness. Teachers get tough and punish. Students feel correct in mistrusting,
and become more guarded and defiant. Teachers feel correct in mistrusting and become
more controlling and punitive, and so it goes (Woolfolk Hoy & Weinstein, 2006).
Of course, students need both academic and personal caring. Katz (1999) interviewed
eight Latino immigrant students in a middle school and concluded:
High expectations without caring can result in setting goals that are impossible
for the student to reach without adult support and assistance. On the other hand,
caring without high expectations can turn dangerously into paternalism in which
teachers feel sorry for “underprivileged” youth but never challenge them
academically. High expectations and caring in tandem, however, can make a
powerful difference in students’ lives. (p. 814)

390
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

FIGURE 12.5

HOW MANY HIGH SCHOOL STUDENTS WORK?

From 1997 to 2003, working during school or in the summer steadily increases from freshman to
senior year.

Percent of high school students who worked

during the school year or the following summer
100
Female Male
80

60
Percent

40

20

0
Freshmen Sophomores Juniors Seniors

Source: U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics http://www.bls.gov/opub/ted/2005/apr/

wk4/art04.htm

In short, caring means not giving up on students in addition to demonstrating and teaching
kindness in the classroom (Davis, 2003).

PART-TIME WORK IN SCHOOL. Did you work in high school? If so, you were not alone. As
you can see in Figure 12.5, by senior year over 80% of students have worked at least part time.
Did the job take time away from their education or did the job give them an education—
about effort, punctuality, and office politics? These are some of the arguments for and
against part-time work for adolescents. Even the research has reached contradictory
conclusions, as you can see in the Point/Counterpoint on the next page.

Staying In and Dropping Out of School

Over their lifetime, people without high school degrees earn substantially less than those
who have completed high school, and so they pay less in taxes. They often depend on
public assistance for health care or childcare, and they are more likely to end up in prison
(Barton, 2009). How many students complete high school? This is a much more compli-
cated question than it first appears. Do we mean in North America, or in the world? If the
United States, then in which state or what type of school? Do alterative certifications such
as the GED count as graduation? Every one of these questions has a different answer.
Completing secondary education is not necessarily a goal for youth in every country.
For example, in many countries of Southern Africa, only about 10–20% of adolescents com-
plete secondary school, whereas in most developed countries about 70–80% complete high
school. In some countries such as Japan and Sweden, the graduation rate is closer to 100%
(Cuadra & Moreno, 2005).
In the United States, a recent report by the Educational Testing Service (Barton, 2009)
used multiple data sources to estimate the trends in graduation rates over the past 40 years.
The researchers reached six conclusions:
• The true high school graduation rate is substantially lower than the official rate,
reported for example by the United States Census.
• The rate has been declining over the past 40 years.

391
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

POINT/COUNTERPOINT: Should Teens Work Part Time?

Many high school students work part time. Is this helpful or

䉲
No, working in high school is not a good idea.
harmful? There are both pro and con arguments based on
In the same USA Today article cited above, Jeffrey

COUNTERPOINT
research and common sense.
Arnett, a psychology professor at the University of
Maryland and author of the 2004 book, Emerging
䉲

Yes, working is valuable. Arguments for the value of Adulthood: The Winding Road From the Late Teens
part-time work in high school assert that work gives stu-
POINT

Through the Twenties said, “I personally don’t think it

dents marketable skills, fosters good work habits, and
does them much good . . . and it probably does more
provides knowledge about the real world (Light, 1995).
harm than good. They’re not really preparing
Jeylan Mortimer, a sociology professor and author of
themselves for adult life by having jobs in high school,”
Working and Growing up in America (2005), claims high
Arnett says because “the content of the work itself is
school students learn to deal with supervisors, manage
usually mindless drudgery” (Hagenbaugh, 2005).
time, and handle stress. Many adolescents in other
Other researchers agree that the kind of work most
countries such as Germany have apprenticeships built into
adolescents do in high school really doesn’t teach them
their secondary school curriculum. When USA Today inter-
social or self-regulation skills. Most jobs are low level,
viewed Liz Lange, CEO of Liz Lange Maternity, a designer of
repetitive, and do not allow close ties with adults. Teens
high-end maternity clothes, she described her experiences
mostly interact with teens. Working up to about
working in the beauty marketing department at Revlon at
10 hours per week has little effect on development, but
age 16. “I was analyzing women’s preferences, and relation-
above 10 hours problems arise. Teens are less engaged
ships between their beauty-buying habits, such as lip color
in school and more anxious and depressed, perhaps be-
vs. nail color,” she says. “I learned what it means for me to be
cause they also are getting less sleep, exercise, and good
somewhere every day and be responsible and to interact
nutrition (Arnett, 2009; Sears, Simmering, & MacNeil, 2006;
with others” (Hagenbaugh, 2005).
Steinberg, Fegley, & Dornbush, 1993). In a study of over
12,000 youth from 1979 to 1991, Light (1995) found no ef-
fect of high school work, positive or negative, on wages
earned after high school.

Beware of Either/Or
In reality, it is difficult to untangle the effects of working in
high school from other factors that might affect learning and
life after high school. For example, some students do not
have part-time jobs because they live in impoverished
communities where there are few employment opportunities
(Light, 1995). Living in these areas also is associated with
going to lower quality schools, so which factor matters
most—not working or going to an inferior school? It is clear
that what matters is the type of work adolescents actually
do on the job and how much time is taken away from
© Directphoto.org/Alamy
other productive activities such as school or extracurricular
involvement.

• Graduation rates for minority group students are substantially lower than for the
majority group and have not converged with majority group graduation rates over the
past 35 years.
• The decline in high school graduation rates is among native populations and is not
solely a consequence of increasing proportions of immigrants and minorities in
American society.
• The decline in high school graduation rate explains part of the recent slowdown in
college attendance.
• The pattern of the decline of high school graduation rates by gender helps to explain
the recent increase in male-female college attendance gaps.
These are large trends. Let’s look more closely at the discrepancy between ethnic
groups. Across all the United States in 2007, about 80% of the White students graduated
from high school, compared to 60% of African American students, 62% of Latino/a students,
91% of Asian/Pacific Islanders, and 61% of Native Americans. But again, these are averages

392
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

TABLE 12.5 • Selected State High School Completion Rates (in Percents) 2006–2007, by Race/Ethnicity

AMERICAN INDIAN/ WHITE NON- ASIAN/PACIFIC

STATE TOTAL ALASKA NATIVE HISPANIC BLACK HISPANIC ISLANDER

Alabama 67 61 80 60 62 91

Alaska 69 72 72 59 61 80

Connecticut 82 63 87 71 64 97

Georgia 64 48 69 55 53 95

Iowa 87 59 88 70 71 90

California 71 62 79 58 59 90

Florida 65 65 69 52 62 92

Maine 79 73 78 85 87 100

Nebraska 86 56 90 73 67 98

New Jersey 84 91 88 73 74 100

New Mexico 59 54 69 58 54 84

Ohio 79 68 84 55 66 96

North Dakota 83 53 86 93 62 100

Texas 72 85 99 65 63 99

Source: The total rate is from The Averaged Freshman Graduation Rate for Public High Schools from the Common Core Data: School Years 2002–2005
and 2003–2004, National Center for Education Statistics, table 3, June 2007. The rates by race and ethnicity are from Tables 2 through 5 of the NCES
Common Core Data Base, http://nces.ed.gov/pubs2010/2010313/tables/table_02.asp . Original sources explain reasons for missing data, which include
no report from state, missing data in report, or very small populations.

across all the states. If we look state by state, we see some interesting differences, as you
can see in the sample of states in Table 12.5.
Nevada (not in Table 12.5 because there were no data by race for 2007) has the low-
est overall completion rate (52%), whereas Iowa, Nebraska, Vermont, and Wisconsin all
have rates above 86%. In the other states, completion rates for White students range from
66% in South Carolina to 94% in Wisconsin; for African Americans from 51% in Florida and
South Carolina to 100% in New Hampshire; Latino/a students from 44% in South Carolina
to over 90% in West Virginia and Vermont; and Asian American students from 77% in
Hawaii to 100% in Arkansas, Delaware, Idaho, Illinois, Maine, Missouri, Montana, New
Hampshire, New Jersey, North Dakota, Oklahoma, South Dakota, and West Virginia (NCES,
2009). There probably are multiple reasons for these differences. Some states have many
more students of all ethnicities than other states. Some states have more families in poverty,
more urban schools, less support for education, and other challenges.

What Can Be Done?

So many factors influence students’ staying in or dropping out of school that we can’t
consider all of them. But we can look at three that are under the control of schools and
teachers: teacher quality, instructional practices, and zero tolerance approaches to school
and classroom management.

TEACHER QUALIFICATIONS. In the last 10 years we have seen quite a bit or research on
teacher quality and student learning. Teacher education researcher Linda Darling-
Hammond (2000) examined the ways in which teacher qualifications are related to student

393
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

achievement across states. Her findings indicated that the quality of teachers—as measured
by whether the teachers were fully certified and had a major in their teaching field—was
related to student performance. In fact, measures of teacher preparation and certification
were by far the strongest predictors of student achievement in reading and mathematics,
both before and after controlling for student poverty and English language proficiency.
Michelle Fine and her colleagues interviewed students in some of California’s urban schools
and synthesized research from other studies. They concluded:
The longer students stay in schools with structural problems, high levels of un-
qualified teachers, inappropriate pedagogy, teacher turnover, and inadequate in-
structional materials, the wider the academic gaps between White children and
children of color or wealthy children and poor children, and the more alienated
they become. (Fine, Burns, Payne, & Torre, 2004, p. 2200)
Economists have found similar results (Aaronson, Barrow, & Sander, 2007). But is dropping
out of school related directly to teacher qualifications? There are not many studies on this
question, but research by Cory Koedel (2008) has identified a clear connection between
math teacher qualifications and student graduation rate. So teacher quality, measured in
terms of qualifications, may well be related to students staying in school.

INSTRUCTIONAL PRACTICES. High school students who are deeply engaged in their
classes and feel a sense of belonging are less likely to drop out. What supports engage-
ment? Relationships with parents, teachers, and peers are critical, as we saw earlier in this
chapter (Legault, Green-Demers, & Pelletier, 2006). We can sum up the importance of
relationships and belonging in supporting engaged learning by examining a comment in
the report of the Committee on Increasing High School Students’ Engagement and
Motivation to Learn (2004):
Although learning involves cognitive processes that take place within each indi-
vidual, motivation to learn also depends on the student’s involvement in a web
of social relationships that supports learning. The likelihood that students will be
motivated and engaged is increased to the extent that their teachers, family, and
friends effectively support their purposeful involvement in learning in school.
Thus a focus on engagement calls attention to the connection between a learner
and the social context in which learning takes place. Engaging schools promote
a sense of belonging by personalizing instruction, showing an interest in stu-
dents’ lives, and creating a supportive, caring social environment. (p. 3)
This is the big picture. What about specific practices? Jacquelynne Eccles and Robert
Roeser (2006) reviewed the research on high school students’ motivation to learn and iden-
tified practices that support motivation and engagement, shown in Table 12.6.
All of the strategies and practices we have described so far using person-environment
fit theory and stage-environment fit theory will help to create an engaging learning envi-
ronment for adolescents that should keep them in school. Next we look at one management
policy that seems to encourage dropping out: zero tolerance.

ZERO TOLERANCE. The arguments for zero tolerance, which means that school rules are
strictly enforced without considering circumstances, focus on school safety and the respon-
sibilities of schools and teachers to protect the students and themselves. An Internet search
using keywords [zero tolerance and schools] will locate a wealth of information about
the policy, much of it against it. For example, Oren Dorrell reported this incident in the
November 2, 2009 edition of USA Today:
The most recent high-profile case [of zero tolerance] involved Zachary Christie,
a 6-year-old who was suspended for five days on Sept. 29 after he brought a camp-
ing utensil that was part knife, fork and spoon to Downes Elementary in Newark,
Del. School officials considered it a dangerous instrument and suspended the boy,
adding that he couldn’t return to Downes until he completed at least 45 days at
an alternative school.

394
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

TABLE 12.6 • Practices That Support High School Students’ Motivation to Learn
Jacquelynne Eccles and Robert Roeser (2006) reviewed the research on high school students’ motivation to learn and identified these
practices that support motivation and engagement.

PRACTICE EXAMPLE

In teaching and grading, stress personal improvement rather Have students chart their personal progress.
than social comparisons and competition. Keep portfolios of first attempts, revisions, best work.

Communicate high expectations to all students. Show examples of previous students’ good work.
Return work with ideas for improvement.
Give bonus points for careful revisions.

Make sure all students participate. Don’t let some Develop a system for calling on everyone.
students hide. Have quick work conferences and set goals with each student.

Include hands-on, minds-on activities such as laboratory In math, conduct surveys, then analyze and graph results.
exercises and field-based data collections. Use Internet databases to research questions of interest to
the local community.

Support student autonomy, choices, decision making, Design several different ways to meet a learning objective
and responsibility. (e.g., a paper, a compilation of interviews, a test, a news
broadcast) and let students choose one. Encourage them to
explain the reasons for their choice.
If students choose to work with friends and do not finish a
project because too much time was spent socializing, grade
the project as it deserves and help the students see the
connection between lost time and poor performance.

Makes sure teaching is compatible with students’ cultural Learn from parents about common occupations and interests
and home values. of the families in the school—tie academic objectives to these.
Know who works best in groups and who is better alone.

Focus on meaning, big ideas, and importance of what Have a good rationale for assignments—focus on value.
students are learning. Teach fewer details and more big ideas and themes.

Create positive and supportive relationships with students. Find ways to connect with students outside class in clubs or
extracurricular activities.
Bring in personal interests and learn about student interests.

Create a climate that supports positive peer relationships and Use some cooperative learning activities.
classroom community. Assign popular students as guides for new students.

Source: Based on Eccles, J. S. & Roeser, R. W. (2006). Schools as developmental contexts. In G. A. M. D. Berzonsky (ed.), Blackwell Handbook of
Adolescence (pp. 134–135). Blackwell/Wiley Publishing.

But you know by now not to base your judgments solely on news stories or the
Internet. What does the research say? In 2006, the American Psychological Association set
up a Zero Tolerance Task Force to answer that question (Reynolds et al., 2008). Analyzing
a decade of research, they reached the following conclusions:
• Schools are not any safer or more effective in disciplining students now than before
they instituted zero tolerance.
• The higher rates of suspension caused by zero tolerance have not led to less racial bias
in disciplining students.
• Zero tolerance policies can actually lead to increases in bad behavior that then lead to
higher dropout rates.
In addition, zero tolerance policies can discourage students from informing teachers when
the students learn that a classmate is “planning to do something dangerous.” The zero
tolerance rules get in the way of trusting relationships between teachers and students

395
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

TABLE 12.7 • Improvements and Alternatives to Zero-Tolerance Policies in Schools

IMPROVEMENTS ALTERNATIVES

Be flexible. Take teacher expertise and social context Replace one-size-fits-all discipline strategies with graduated
into account. consequences.

Let teachers who know the students communicate with Focus on prevention and improving school climate and
families when discipline problems arise. belonging.

Carefully define major and minor infractions so all teachers Connect with alienated youth and build relationships with
are on the same page—train everyone in how to handle each teachers.
type of problem.

Reserve zero tolerance for the most serious problems. Train teachers in culturally relevant discipline strategies.

Require school police officers to have training in adolescent Improve communication between home, school, and
development. community.

Source: Adapted from Reynolds et al. (2008). Are zero-tolerance policies effective in the schools? American Psychologist, 63, 852–862.

(Syvertsen, Flanagan, & Stout, 2009). Adolescents need both structure and support, but
zero tolerance policies can create a highly structured, rigid environment that ignores the
need for support. Amy Gregory and Dewey Cornell (2009) suggest that:
Rather than treat structure and support as opposing ends of a continuum
between being tough or soft on students, we recommend that high school safety
reform efforts strive to create learning environments that are both structured and
supportive, so that students will feel safe, yet treated with respect. (p. 111)
The APA Task Force makes a number of recommendations for schools, as you can see in
Table 12.7.

ADOLESCENTS IN A DIGITAL WORLD

Adolescents spend more time online than adults—they are the defining users of the Inter-
net (Valkenburg & Peter, 2009). When we talked about multitasking, you saw that comput-
ers, cell phones, iPods, iPads, video games, DVDs, Wiis, e-mail, texting, and other digital
possibilities have changed life for everyone. For adolescents, doing homework often involves
exchanging messages with friends via e-mail, instant messaging, or cell phones; searching
the Web; and downloading resources—all the time listening to music via an iPod or watch-
ing television (Roberts, Foehr, & Rideout, 2005). As you would expect, older children have
more encounters with computers; 86% of 8- to 18-year-olds had computers in their homes
in 2006 (Roberts, Foehr, & Rideout, 2005). The number probably is larger now.
The most common use of the Internet appears to be searching for information for
school projects, followed by communication with friends (girls tend to communicate with
friends more than boys), but these numbers generally are based on self-report. We are not
sure exactly how students are using the Internet at home (Jackson et al., 2006). In spite of
this widespread use, we have to remember that adolescents are individuals and their
relationships with technology vary from technophilia (love of technology) to technoma-
nia (obsession with technology) to technophobia (fear of technology) (Petrina, Feng, &
Kim, 2008).
As with previous technologies such as the radio and television, parents and educators
have a fear/hope relationship with current digital interactive technologies. They fear the
harm that lurks in violent video games, sedentary Web surfing, online predators, and inap-
propriate Internet content, but they also have high hopes for the learning possibilities of
new technologies (Houston, 2004).

396
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

Technology-Rich Learning Environments: TREs

With all this technology, there is growing interest in technology-rich learning environments
or TREs. These environments include virtual worlds, computer simulations that support
problem-based learning such as the River of Life Challenge described below, intelligent
tutoring systems, educational games, audio recordings, hand-held wireless devices, and
multimedia environments—to name just a few. There are debates about whether technology-
rich learning environments should teach students directly (as in expert tutoring systems) or
support the learning of students (as in problem-based learning simulations). These argu-
ments mirror the debates about teachers as “sages on the stage” or “guides by the side.” As
you can imagine, supporters of Piaget’s and Vygotsky’s theories favor TREs that scaffold stu-
dent learning and engagement—giving students more control over their own learning.
TREs can situate learning in authentic contexts and support the social construction of
knowledge by providing models and coaching as well as support for collaboration. In fact,
students can collaborate with peers around the world (Lajoie & Azevedo, 2006; Pea &
Maldonado, 2006).
In a computer simulation called the River of Life Challenge (Sherwood, 2002), stu-
dents meet Billy and his lab partner Suzie, who are analyzing the quality of water from a lo-
cal river. Suzie is concerned that Billy’s conclusions are careless and incomplete. The Legacy
League, a multiethnic group of characters who raise questions and direct Billy and Suzie to
resources so they can research the answers using the STAR Legacy Cycle, challenges Billy to
research in more depth. The phases of the cycle are: encounter the challenge, generate
ideas, consider multiple perspectives, research and revise your ideas, test your mettle
(check your understanding), and go public about your conclusions. Undergraduate science
education students who used this simulation improved their graph-reading skills as well as
their conceptual understanding of several topics such as the composition of air and classes
of organisms in a river ecosystem (Kumar & Sherwood, 2007).
Let’s look at these phases more closely as they might take place in an upper-level sci-
ence class (Klein & Harris, 2007).
1. The cycle begins with an intriguing challenge to the whole class. For example, in
biomechanics it might be “Assume you are a living cell in a bioreactor. What things
will influence how long you live?” or “Your grandmother is recovering from a bro-
ken hip. In which hand should she hold the cane to help her balance?” The ques-
tion is framed in a way that makes students bring to bear their current knowledge
and preconceptions.
2. Next, students generate ideas to compile what they currently know and believe using
individual, small group, or whole group brainstorming or other activities.
3. Multiple perspectives are added to the process in the form of outside experts (live, on
video, or from texts), Web sites, magazine or journal articles, or a CD on the subject.
In the river challenge above, the Legacy League guided Billy and Suzie to explore mul-
tiple perspectives.
4. Students go deeper to research and revise. They consult more texts or hear class lec-
tures, all the while revising ideas and perhaps journaling about their thinking.
5. Students test their mettle by getting feedback from other students or the teacher about
their tentative conclusions. Some formative (ungraded) tests might check their under-
standing at this point.
6. Students go public with their final conclusions and solutions in the form of an oral
presentation, poster/project, or final exam.
Project-based science is a videodisc-based learning environment similar to problem-based
learning that focuses on the middle grades (Krajcik & Czerniak, 2007).

Effects on Learning
There is evidence that using computers—especially games that require multiple activities,
visual attention, imagery, and fast action—supports the development of visual skills, as long
as the tasks fit the student’s level of ability (Subrahmanyam, Greenfield, Kraut, & Gross,

397
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

2001). But does computer use support academic learning? The answer is complex and even
surprising. After reviewing hundreds of studies, including five other research reviews,
Roschelle et al, (2000) concluded that there were no strong conclusions. Using computer
tutorial programs appeared to improve achievement test scores for K–12 students, but sim-
ulations and enrichment programs had few effects—perhaps another example of the rule is
that when you teach and test specific skills, students learn the skills. Computers may be
more useful in improving mathematics and science than other subjects. Like any teaching
tool, computers can be effective if used well, but just being on a computer will not auto-
matically increase academic achievement. Roschelle and colleagues concluded that com-
puters are more likely to increase achievement if they support the basic processes that lead
to learning: active engagement, frequent interaction with feedback, authenticity and real-
world connection, and productive group work (Jackson et al., 2006). See the Connecting
with Adolescents guidelines for more ideas.

Assistive Technology
Technology provides tools that change the lives of many people with disabilities. Consider
this observation by Dr. Frank Bowe:
I’ve been deaf since I was 3. When watching TV, hearing people had to stop and
explain to me what was going on. If someone telephoned me, somebody else
took the call. . . . Now I have a fax machine . . . I’m
on the Internet . . . I have regular communications
with people who are blind, people who are both deaf
and blind, and it’s all completely accessible to me.
(Scherer, 2004, p. 147)
The Individuals with Disabilities Act (2004) requires that
all students eligible for special education services must be con-
sidered for assistive technology. Assistive technology
is any product, piece of equipment, or system that is used to
increase, maintain, or improve the functional capabilities of
individuals with disabilities (Goldman, Lawless, Pellegrino, &
Plants, 2006). For students who require small steps and many
repetitions to learn a new concept, computers are the perfect
patient tutors, repeating steps and lessons as many times as
necessary. A well-designed computer instructional program is
engaging and interactive—two important qualities for students
who have problems paying attention or a history of failure that
has eroded motivation. For example, a math or spelling pro-
gram might use images, sounds, and game-like features to main-
tain the attention of a student with an attention-deficit disorder.
Interactive digital media programs teach hearing people how
to use sign language. Many programs do not involve sound, so
students with hearing impairments can get the full benefit from
the lessons. Students who have trouble reading can use pro-
grams that will “speak” a word for them if they touch the
unknown word. With this immediate access to help, the stu-
dents are much more likely to get the reading practice they
need to prevent falling farther and farther behind. Other
A communication board helps this adolescent with devices actually convert printed pages and typed texts into
cerebral palsy interact with his therapist. The board is spoken words for students who are blind or others who bene-
mounted on his wheelchair so it is easily accessible. fit from hearing information. For the student with a learning
Through the use of electronic and nonelectronic disability and illegible writing, word processors produce per-
devices, Alternative and Augmentative Communication fect penmanship so the ideas can finally get on paper. Once
(AAC) provides alternate methods for communicating
the ideas are recorded, the student can reorganize and improve
needs, feelings, ideas, and information. © Jeff Greenberg/
his or her writing without the agony of rewriting by hand
Alamy
(Hallahan, Kauffman, & Pullen, 2009).

398
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

CONNECTING WITH ADOLESCENTS

Guidelines for Teachers and Families: Using Computers
TEACHERS timekeeper. The navigator attends a 10-minute to
20-minute training session in which the facilitator
• If you have only one computer in your classroom: provides an overview of the basics of particular software.
Provide convenient access. Navigators cannot touch the mouse. Driver roles are
Examples rotated.
1. Find a central location if the computer is used to display 2. Facilitator Model —6 students per computer: the
material for the class. facilitator has more experience, expertise, or training—
serves as the guide or teacher.
2. Find a spot on the side of the room that allows seating
and view of the screen, but does not crowd or disturb 3. Collaborative Group Model —7 students per computer:
other students if the computer is used as a workstation Each small group is responsible for creating some
for individuals or small groups. component of the whole group’s final product. For
example, one part of the group writes a report, another
Be prepared. creates a map, and a third uses the computer to gather
Examples and graph census data.
1. Check to be sure software needed for a lesson or
assignment is installed and working. • No matter how many computers you have
in your classroom:
2. Make sure instructions for using the software or doing
the assignment are in an obvious place and clear. Select appropriate programs that encourage learning,
3. Provide a checklist for completing assignments. creativity, and social interaction.
Examples
Create “trained experts” to help with computers. 1. Encourage two students to work together rather than
Examples having children work alone.
1. Train student experts, and rotate experts. 2. Check the implicit messages in programs. For example,
2. Use adult volunteers—parents, grandparents, aunts and some drawing programs allow children to “blow up”
uncles, older siblings—anyone who cares about the their projects if they don’t like them, so instead of
students. solving a problem, they just destroy it. Tsantis et al.
(2003) recommend a recycle metaphor instead of a
Develop systems for using the computer. “blow it up” option.
Examples 3. Look for programs that encourage discovery,
1. Make up a schedule to insure that all students have exploration, problem solving, and multiple responses.
access to the computer and no students monopolize
the time. PARENTS AND TEACHERS
2. Create standard ways of saving student work.
Monitor adolescents as they work at computers.
• If you have more than one computer in your classroom: Examples
Plan the arrangement of the computers to fit your 1. Make sure computers are in areas where an adult can
instructional goals. observe them.
Examples 2. Discuss why some programs or websites are off limits.
1. For cooperative groups, arrange so students can cluster
Keep adolescents safe as they work at computers.
around their group’s computer.
Examples
2. For different projects at different computer stations,
1. Teach adolescents to shield their identity on the Internet
allow for easy rotation from station to station.
and monitor any “friends” they may be communicating
Experiment with other models for using computers. with.
Examples 2. Install filtering software to protect children from
inappropriate content.
1. Navigator Model — 4 students per computer: One
student is the (mouse and keyboard) driver, another
is the “navigator.” “Back-seat driver 1” manages the For more ideas about older students, see
group’s progress and “back-seat driver 2” serves as the http://www.internet4classrooms.com/one_computer.htm

399
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

With these tremendous advances in technology have come new barriers, however.
Many computers have graphic interfaces. Manipulating the programs requires precise
“mouse movements,”as you may remember when you first learned to point and click. These
maneuvers are difficult for students with motor problems or visual impairments. The
information available on the Internet often is unusable for students with visual impairments.
Researchers are working on the problem—trying to devise ways for people to access the in-
formation nonvisually, but the adaptations are not perfected yet (Hallahan, Kauffman, &
Pullen, 2009). Tools can help, but also pose challenges themselves. Describing assistive
tools for writing, Charles MacArthur (2009) sums up the situation:
For example, word processing removes concerns with handwriting, but requires
typing, which may slow text production and take attention away from the con-
tent of writing, unless the student has developed fluent typing skills. Dictating to
a tape-recorder removes concerns about the mechanics of writing, but imposes
a new burden on working memory because the user cannot see the text already
written. Search tools on the Internet greatly expand the amount of information
available to use in our writing, but impose tremendous challenges for critical eval-
uation of information. Whether a new tool will increase or decrease the overall
cognitive burden depends on the skills of an individual student and the quality of
training. (p. 2)
The bottom line? As we saw earlier, word processing can help struggling writers if the writ-
ers have good typing skills and have been taught how to revise and improve their writing
(MacArthur, 2009).
For gifted students, computers can be a connection with databases and computers in
universities, museums, and research labs. Computer networks allow students to work on
projects and share information with others across the country. It is also possible to have
gifted students write programs for students and teachers. Quite a few principals rely on
their students to make the technology in the school work. These are just a few examples of
what technology can do. One current trend is universal design—considering the needs of
all users in creating living and learning environments. The goal of universal design is to cre-
ate products and environments—buildings, stairs, furniture, fixtures, tools, cooking uten-
sils, learning programs, websites—that are usable by everyone regardless of age or ability
(Pisha & Coyne, 2001). The future promises to hold even more possibilities for technology-
supported learning.

 SUMMARY AND KEY TERMS

• Adolescent Language Development: Connections Piaget and Vygotsky
During adolescence, young people use language and mem- According to Piaget, at around the
ory, metacognitive abilities, and contextual factors to explain age of 11 or 12, children develop for-
themselves to others and create a coherent life—a part of mal operations—a new way of reasoning that involves “think-
their identity. They also use special language registers such as ing about thinking” or “mental operations on mental
“mallspeak” to connect with friends. As the United States and operations.” Quite a bit of research on adolescent and adult
other countries become more diverse, there are increasing thinking focuses on deductive and inductive reasoning. De-
numbers of adolescents who speak two languages. For those ductive reasoning moves from the general assumption to the
in the United States who are limited in their English profi- specific, whereas inductive reasoning moves from specific to
ciency, there are two approaches to bilingual education— general. A main characteristic of formal operational thinking
transition programs that introduce English as early as possible is a specific type of deductive reasoning called hypothetical-
and native-language maintenance instruction that seeks to deductive reasoning in which the focus of thinking can shift
maintain and develop the first language while teaching the from what is to what might be, including reasoning about
second, so that adolescents become balanced bilinguals— counterfactual premises. Other cognitive abilities that de-
proficient in both languages. velop during adolescence are systematic reasoning about

400
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

combining multiple variables and scientific reasoning using and emotions often win the day. Adolescent egocentrism, the
inquiry to identify causes. Schooling is central in developing extreme focus on self that leads to feelings of uniqueness and
these kinds of reasoning abilities. Piaget’s critics note that the belief in an imaginary audience, plays a role, too.
people can reason formally only in some areas, but Piaget
himself acknowledged that formal operational thinking might • Diversity in Adolescent Cognitive Development
apply only in particular content areas or domains. and School Achievement
Vygotsky also identified a level of abstract thinking be- There appear to be some gender differences in cognitive abili-
yond concrete thought. He distinguished between spontaneous ties, but they are small. Women perform better on assessments
and scientific concepts and noted that schooling is important to of verbal abilities when the assessments are heavily weighted
develop the latter. Vygotsky also stressed the importance of cul- with writing and the language-usage items cover topics with
tural tools such as language and technology. Educators debate which females are familiar; males excel on certain visuospatial-
the values of tools such as calculators and spell checkers in de- ability measures. Males also are more extreme in their scores—
veloping cognitive abilities. Two current educational applica- more males than females score at the very high and very low
tions of Vygotsky’s idea of guided participation and scaffolding ends of many cognitive tests. Some explanations claim evolu-
are cognitive apprenticeships and reciprocal teaching. tion or participation in sports has favored spatial and naviga-
tional skills in males. Others point to gender discrimination on
• Information Processing: Metacognition schooling. There are cultural differences, however, and research
and Scientific Thinking indicates males and females show equal abilities to learn ad-
Information processing approaches to cognitive development vanced, college-level mathematics and are equally capable of
in adolescence emphasize the ability to inhibit responses, learning science, even though there are fewer women in STEM
focus attention, and control impulses that interfere with careers. Single-sex schooling is one suggestion for dealing with
information processing goals. All of these capabilities allow biases against both boys and girls, but to be valuable, the
adolescents to improve in their metacognitive skills and teaching in these schools must fit the needs of the students.
knowledge—they can be more strategic and “in control” of There are persistent differences in the achievement of
their own thinking. A hallmark of adolescence is the emer- European American, Latino/a, and African American students,
gence and strengthening of this executive functioning. One mostly due to cultural mismatches and language differences,
challenge to this functioning is multitasking—something that growing up in poverty, or the legacy of discrimination. Rather
adolescents often believe they can handle, but that often than focus on problems, teachers can focus on students’
harms learning and performance. ADHD is another challenge strengths, help them cope with stereotype threat, and engage
experienced by many adolescents that requires skillful teach- in culturally relevant practices in order to know, respect, and
ing. Teachers also can help students develop inquiry and teach their students well.
argumentation skills, by teaching memory support and orga-
nization strategies and encouraging collaboration. Even with • Contexts for Cognitive Development
good support, it is difficult for adolescents to stop focusing on Main contexts for cognitive development in adolescence
what they believe and listen to their opponents’ arguments. include the family, peers, and school. In European American,
Adolescents’ beliefs about knowledge—whether they are middle-class families, children of authoritative parents are
realists, absolutists, multiplists, or evaluativists—affect their more likely to do well in school, be happy with themselves, and
beliefs about the value of critical thinking. relate well to others. Children of authoritarian parents are
more likely to feel guilty or depressed, and children of permis-
• Beyond Reason: Thinking in the Real World sive parents may have trouble interacting with peers. Both
Dual process theories of decision making describe two modes indulgent and rejecting/neglecting/uninvolved parenting
of thinking—conscious, logical, analytic thinking and out-of- styles can be harmful. Recently, parenting style has been
awareness, emotional, intuitive thinking. There are advantages reconceptualized as multicultural and multidimensional, but
and disadvantages for both modes if used exclusively or inap- for most adolescents, more parental involvement and moni-
propriately. Analytic decision making takes time and ignores toring seem productive in early and middle adolescence; older
emotions. Heuristic thinking can involve dangers such as using adolescents need more autonomy to make decisions. Adoles-
representativeness heuristics to make judgments about possi- cents often adopt the attitudes toward and investment in
bilities based on images and stereotypes of what best repre- schooling of their clique or crowd. In classrooms, peers can be
sents the situation. The availability heuristic is based on powerful supports for learning in well-designed and carefully
instances of events that come to mind easily. Belief persever- implemented cooperative learning strategies.
ance (the tendency to hold on to our beliefs), and confirmation Stage-environment fit theory helps us understand how
bias (the tendency to search for information that confirms our schools can meet the developmental needs of adolescents, es-
ideas) also can harm good decision making. On the positive side, pecially as they make transitions from elementary to middle and
heuristics thinking can often quickly identify a “good enough” middle to high school. The challenge is to provide strong adult
decision. These analytic and heuristic decision-making modes support and caring relationships along with increasing opportu-
explain some of the risky decisions of adolescents. In the rational nities for autonomy. In adolescence, the problem of dropping out
mode, adolescents consider what they know about risks, how becomes a concern. When schools do not meet the needs of de-
their family will react, and other information. On the affective side, veloping adolescents, students are more likely to drop out. Qual-
images and feelings are central. When the context is right— ified teachers who use appropriate instructional and managerial
a party with alcohol flowing and no adults around—images practices are more likely to keep students engaged in school.

401
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

• Adolescents in a Digital World computers—especially games that require multiple activities,

The most common use of the Internet appears to be search- visual attention, imagery, and fast action—supports the de-
ing for information for school projects, followed by communi- velopment of visual skills, as long as the tasks fit the student’s
cation with friends (girls tend to communicate with friends level of ability. Research so far shows that using computer tu-
more than boys). In learning, technology-rich learning envi- torial programs appears to improve achievement test scores
ronments or TREs include virtual worlds, computer simula- for K–12 students, but simulations and enrichment programs
tions that support problem-based learning, intelligent have few effects. In contrast, assistive technologies and uni-
tutoring systems, educational games, audio recordings, hand- versal design provide access and learning support for adoles-
held wireless devices, and multimedia environments. Using cents with disabilities and learning challenges.

 KEY TERMS
adolescent egocentrism executive functioning registers
argumentation formal operations representativeness heuristics
assistive technology heuristics semilingual
availability heuristic hypothetical-deductive reasoning stage-environment fit theory
belief perseverance inductive reasoning stereotype threat
cognitive apprenticeship limited-English-proficient (LEP) technology-rich learning environments
confirmation bias metacognitive skills (TREs)
deductive reasoning person-environment fit theory universal design
dual process theories reciprocal teaching

 THE CASEBOOK
ADOLESCENT DECISION MAKING
“You just don’t get it! This is important and I’M GOING TO DO Her parents had tried reasoning with Danielle, listing the rea-
IT!” Danielle slammed the door to make perfectly clear her sons why this was a bad idea. They told her it would interfere with
intention to get her eyebrow pierced. getting a “good job at a respectable place.” They warned Danielle
Her parents stared at each other. They couldn’t believe that her grandparents would be “horrified and embarrassed.”
that their seemingly sensible daughter was so insistent about They showed her an article from the newspaper about the dangers
piecing any part of her body. Danielle argued that she was a of piercing. They tried negotiating/bribing. Nothing worked.
senior in high school—“an adult”—and should be allowed to When everything failed, Danielle’s parents forbid her
make her own decisions about her own body. She listed the from piercing or tattooing anything and threatened severe
friends who had this or that body part pierced or tattooed, punishments. She responded by screaming “You just don’t
“and their parents were OK with it.” She showed them pictures of understand!” They were “hopeless, out of touch, controlling,”
celebrities and models. She told them how safe it was. Nothing and would “ruin her life.” Then she left, hurling the proclama-
worked. tion, “I’M GOING TO DO IT.”

WHAT WOULD THEY DO?

Here is how some professionals in several fields responded: up front—maybe agree she can do it in two months if she’s still
interested. Instruct her to find 2–3 businesses where she could
JILL SULLIVAN—Math, Grades 9–11 get her eyebrow pierced, the cost, what’s involved in the
Northside College Prep High School, Chicago, Illinois procedure, if it’s painful, and how permanent it is. My hope
After all the preventive tactics that Danielle’s parents have would be that in learning more, she chooses to not go
tried, I would try agreement as it is often effective in stopping through with it or finds it prohibitively expensive. I spent less
arguments. My theory is that if Danielle knows her parents are than 2 minutes looking at some results to “eyebrow pierced
okay with getting the piercing, she might just lose her desire Chicago” and quickly learned that there are some after-care
to do it. Thus, I would ask Danielle to research online or piercing steps—a possible deterrent and something I’d never
through friends how one actually goes about getting her thought of and she might not have either. The important thing
eyebrow pierced and report back. In essence, let her feel is to create the opportunity for Danielle to change her mind
ownership and independence by putting her in charge of the without losing face. Teenagers crave fairness, so ideally the
adult “next step” of investigating options to make an guidelines you set come across that way and she feels like it
educated decision. I would also establish a “waiting period” was a just process.

402
 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

ELAINE S. BOOTHBY—AP Literature, Grade 12 shouldn’t. In the 80s, if a teenage boy wanted to pierce his ear,
South River High School, Edgewater, Maryland his parents would again have made all the arguments about why
Many states still require written consent for piercing and/or tat- he shouldn’t. In the 90s and 2000s, if a teenage boy or girl wanted
tooing under state statutes; in most states, 18 is the viable age, a tattoo, the parents would have made more than enough argu-
not senior status in high school. In some religions it is still con- ments against it. If parents forbid teens from making this type of
sidered a form of body mutilation and therefore forbidden. decision, it might deter them for a short time period; however,
However, in high school, many students, teachers, and staff they will find a way to express their new-found identity.
have some body art. I have seen parents take such a hard line The parental role in this identity crisis is to assist their
that students will move out to “prove” to the parents that they teen in making informed decisions and to lend support in that
can be independent. Rather than steps as drastic as this, a con- decision-making. After all, most long-haired, tattooed, and
versation to determine just what the piercing may represent to pierced young adults have found a way to reverse the effects
Danielle should take place. Perhaps being recognized in other of these decisions in later life or have found a place in society
ways with adult responsibility can assure her that she is being where those markings do not deter their progress.
seen by her parents as no longer a child.
HOLLY FITCHETTE––French Teacher, Grades 9–11
In some cases the parent knows the church position on
Fleming Island High School, Fleming Island, Florida
this and may want to discuss this with Danielle, but most likely
a small compromise of a piercing can be mutually agreed to, Danielle’s parents may be fighting a losing battle. Once
perhaps as an experiment that Danielle may outgrow. Con- Danielle turns 18, she will indeed be able to make the decision
frontation like this must generate conversation and dialogue to to pierce or tattoo her body without her parents’ consent. I
find out the real issue in question. think her parents should try a different tactic. The more they try
to control Danielle’s behavior, the more she may choose to
CATHY BLANCHFIELD—English/Language Arts, rebel. By calmly discussing what kind of piercing Danielle
Grades 10 and 12 wants, Danielle is likely to remain more open to her parents’
Duncan Polytechnical High School, Fresno, California input and concerns. Even the state acknowledges that Danielle
It is common knowledge that adolescents, especially 17- to is old enough to have some control over these decisions.
19-year-olds, are creating their own identities. This is the time Instead of issuing ultimatums, her parents could try reasoning
when teens make decisions about who they are and what ide- with Danielle about when it may be appropriate for her to
ologies they want to embrace. No matter what their parents remove her brow ring. Her parents could also negotiate with
have taught, adolescents want to make their own decisions. her about the size or location of a potential tattoo. Since
Danielle’s case is typical, as is her parents’ response. In fact, Danielle’s parents are primarily concerned with her safety, they
Danielle’s parents have managed to appeal to her logic, emo- could help her research to find the safest place in her commu-
tions, and ethics, but all to no avail. nity to have it done. When Danielle’s parents have made it clear
Every generation has this parent–adolescent struggle. In to her that it is her safety and well-being that concerns them
the 60s, if a teenage male wanted to grow his hair to his shoulders, most, Danielle will likely be more open to their rational input in
his parents would have made all the arguments about why he this decision and others in her future.

Now go to MyEducationLab at www.myeducationlab.com,

where you can:
• Find the instructional objectives for this chapter in the Study
Plan.
• Take a quiz as a part of the Study Plan to self-assess your mas-
tery of chapter content. The program generates an individu-
alized Study Plan based upon your answers to the quiz.
• Complete Activities and Applications to assist you in deep-
ening your understanding of important chapter concepts.
• Apply what you have learned through Building Teaching
Skills, exercises that guide you in trying out skills and strate-
gies you will use in professional practice.

403
404
 Social Emotional
Development
IN Adolescence

From Chapter 13 of Child and Adolescent Development, 1/e. Anita Woolfolk. Nancy E. Perry.
Copyright © 2012 by Pearson Education. All rights reserved.
405
 Social Emotional
Development
IN Adolescence
 THE CA SEBOOK

WHAT WOULD YOU DO?

PRIVACY VERSUS PROTECTION FOR TEENS
The library at Alder Woods Secondary School has become a popular hangout for
students ages 13 to 17. It has a large bank of computers equipped with state-of-
the-art software for searching and researching. At the moment, students pretty
much have unlimited access to the Internet and all it has to offer. This is a bit of a
concern for the librarians who can’t possibly monitor all the activities of the kids
who drop in before, during, and after school hours. Also, they feel torn—even if
they could monitor the goings on or limit access in some way to sites that are
potentially problematic, should they? Is it their responsibility? Is it an invasion of
the right to privacy that teenagers hold very dear? How can concerned adults
strike the right balance between granting privacy and protecting youth from
harm that can come from using the Internet?

CRITICAL THINKING
• What characteristics of teenagers make them particularly vulnerable to some
dangers on the Internet?
• How should adults/caregivers approach this problem? Should they restrict
access, or monitor activities, teach coping strategies, and exercise trust?
• How can adults respect the privacy rights of adolescents—their growing
need/desire to take care of themselves and make their own decisions—while
protecting them from potential harm? And what should teenagers reasonably
expect from the adults in their lives concerning privacy?

406
Soema Abdullaeva, Age 12—Tajikistan

 OVERVIEW AND OBJECTIVES

G. Stanley Hall (1904), one of the founders of child and developmental psychology, described
adolescence as a time of “storm and stress.” This description may resonate with your experience or
reflect your apprehensions about teaching and parenting teens. But is adolescence as tumultuous as
it is made out to be? Are conflict, mood swings, and risky behavior the exception or the rule for the
majority of teens? We discussed the dramatic physical and cognitive changes that take place during
adolescence, and it’s true these changes are associated with increased conflict with parents and
other authority figures, mood disruptions, and increased risk-taking behavior (Arnett, 1999).
However, it’s also true that most adolescents pass through this period without getting into excessive
trouble, and they experience a healthy deepening of self-awareness and friendships, not to mention
the excitement (and heartbreak) of romantic relationships. We begin this chapter with a description
of the changes in self-concept and search for identity that are strongly associated with this
developmental period and often linked to discussions of storm and stress. Next, we examine
adolescents’ relationships with peers and parents, and observe how these and other factors are
implicated in their decisions about how to behave. We look at adolescents’ social lives in school as
well as some extreme challenges experienced by a small proportion of youth. Finally, we end with a
brief discussion of the transition out of adolescence and into adulthood. By the time you finish this
chapter you should be able to:

Objective 13.1 Describe processes by which adolescents search for identity and identify factors that
support or challenge this search.
Objective 13.2 Identify a set a threats to adolescents’ well-being and explain what makes teens
vulnerable to them.

407
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

Objective 13.3 Describe the range and role of peer relationships in adolescents’ lives.
Objective 13.4 Connect qualities of parent–adolescent relationships to low levels of conflict during
the teen years.
Objective 13.5 Synthesize the research on secrecy and disclosure in parent–adolescent
relationships.
Objective 13.6 Relate qualities of schools to adolescents’ school adjustment and attachment.
Objective 13.7 Discuss issues associated with the emergence of serious mental illness during
adolescence.
Objective 13.8 Create a portrait of young adults in contemporary, technologically advanced
societies.

THE SEARCH FOR IDENTITY

Issues of Identity
According to Erikson (1950), the most important developmental task for adolescents is the
search for identity, resulting in a complex answer to the question, “Who am I?” Although
children have been developing a sense of self from infancy, adolescents’ increased ability to
think abstractly about personal characteristics, interests, and the future makes identity is-
sues a central focus for them. Moreover, biological and social pressures to think and behave
more like adults (e.g., to become sexually active; to consider occupational goals, social and
political values, and religious beliefs) motivate adolescents to consider who they are and
who they want to be.
Erikson viewed the crisis for teenagers as one of identity versus role confusion. Most
adolescents resolve this crisis with a healthy degree of exploration. They try out different
roles or “possible selves.” They explore the possibilities and consequences of displaying dif-
ferent characteristics in different settings with different groups and reconsider goals their
parents, and perhaps, teachers, set for them, typically accepting some and rejecting others.
In the end, most adolescents successfully negotiate this crisis and emerge with a secure
sense of self. Often, they remain connected to the values they’ve learned, but not bound by
them (Chandler et al., 2003).
Ericson (1968) recognized that many socialization factors influence
OUTLINE  identify formation, which can make the process more difficult for some
The Casebook––Privacy versus groups of adolescents than for others. For example, youth from diverse
Protection for Teens: What cultural groups may receive multiple and mixed messages that affect their
Would You Do? identity formation. Almost all teens experience some periods of uncer-
Overview and Objectives tainty about who they are and what they want to do with their lives. How-
ever, for some adolescents, lack of direction and self-doubt are extreme
The Search for Identity and can be associated with personality and behavior problems. For these
Who Am I, and How Do I Like Myself? individuals, unsuccessful resolution of their identity crisis may result in de-
pression, substance abuse, delinquency, and even suicide.
Storm and Stress
Relationships with Peers Marcia: Building on Erikson
Parenting Adolescents James Marcia (1966, 1993) expanded on Erikson’s theory of identity
formation. Specifically, he focused on two processes Erikson deemed es-
Life in School
sential to achieving a mature identity: exploration and commitment.
Challenges for Adolescents Exploration refers to the process by which adolescents consider and try
Emerging Adulthood out alternative beliefs, values, and behaviors in an effort to determine
which will give them the most satisfaction. Commitment refers to individ-
Summary and Key Terms uals’ choices concerning political and religious beliefs, for example, usu-
The Casebook––Privacy versus ally as a consequence of exploring the options. Marcia conducted studies
Protection for Teens: What Would of male college students’ career choices and beliefs about politics and reli-
They Do? gion; from this research he identified four categories of identity status that

408
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

TABLE 13.1 • Marcia’s Theory of Identity Development

COMMITMENT STATUS IDENTITY STATUS

IDENTITY IDENTITY IDENTITY

ACHIEVED FORECLOSED DIFFUSED MORATORIUM

Exploration/In — — Not exploring, not Actively exploring

process committing alternatives

Committed Result of healthy Result of commitment — —

exploration and without exploration
decision making

Source: Based on: J. E. Marcia. (1980). Criteria for identity statuses. In J. Adelson (Ed.), Handbook of Adolescent Psychology (p. 159). New York: John
Wiley & Sons.

arise from four patterns of exploration and commitment. His theory is represented in
Table 13.1 and summarized below.
According to Marcia, identity achievement is the result of healthy exploration and
decision making regarding identities involved in occupations, political and religious affilia-
tions, and relationships. It is associated with higher levels of achievement, morality, and in-
timacy than the other statuses in Marcia’s framework (Adams, Berzonsky, & Keating, 2006).
Identity foreclosure occurs when adolescents make commitments without exploring
options. Sometimes this happens because commitments are handed down to them (e.g., the
expectation that a son or daughter will continue in the family business). It may also be re-
flected in a youth’s decision to join a strict religious cult or radical political cell; in this case,
the individual embraces expectations handed down from the cult or cell without exploring
options. Foreclosure is characteristic of individuals who have a high need for approval and
low levels of autonomy (Adams, Berzonsky, & Keating, 2006). Alternatively, identity diffusion
refers to a state in which adolescents are not exploring identity alternatives, or making com-
mitments. Teens with this status are often described as apathetic or aimless, lacking moti-
vation to succeed in school, hold down a job, or maintain healthy and lasting relationships.
As indicated above, role confusion and identity diffusion are common experiences in most
adolescents’ lives for brief periods. However, parents and teachers need to attend to the ex-
tent and duration of these statuses because prolonged role confusion or identity diffusion
can signal more serious social and emotional problems. Finally, adolescents who are actively
exploring identity alternatives but have yet to make a commitment are in moratorium. In
complex modern societies, a moratorium on major life commitments is not only common,
but considered healthy. For example, youth are encouraged to delay making important and
potentially lifelong commitments and to explore their options by going to college, travel-
ing, or joining the military.
Other researchers have replicated and extended Marcia’s studies in different domains
of experience (e.g., family life, friendships, and dating). A consistent finding across studies
is that from adolescence into adulthood, identity achievement increases and diffusion
decreases (Goossens, 2001; Grotevant & Cooper, 1998; Kroger, 2003). In general, identity
development is a lifelong process that begins in infancy and continues through old age; for
most people, this process is far more gradual and less traumatic than Erikson’s term crisis
implies. Importantly, identity achievement in adolescence does not mean that one’s identity
will remain stable throughout adulthood. (Consider the likelihood that modern day teens
will change careers, homes, communities, and partners at least once during their adult
lives.) More typically, identity development happens in segments and is recursive, so people
may reconsider and reorganize or completely change aspects of their identity over time.
Ideally, a person who develops a healthy identity early on can adapt more easily to
changes—voluntary or not—that require identity development across the lifespan.
Because identity achievement is such an important goal in adolescence, much atten-
tion has been given to factors that help or hinder its attainment. We examine some of these
factors next.

409
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

WHO AM I, AND HOW DO I LIKE MYSELF?

Adolescent Self-Concept
Children’s sense of self continues to become more complex and differentiated during ado-
lescence. Likely this is the result of their more advanced thinking abilities and exposure to
more diverse social contexts. According to Harter’s research (1998, 1999, 2006), there is a
proliferation of selves in adolescence: self with mother, father, friends, and romantic part-
ners, as well as self as student, athlete, musician, worker, etc. Whereas children tend to de-
scribe themselves in terms of five domains, including cognitive ability, athleticism, behavior,
social competence, and physical appearance, adolescents further differentiate their de-
scriptions of cognitive abilities to include scholastic achievements, intellectual abilities, and
creativity, and their benchmarks for social competence include close friendships, romantic
relationships, and job competence (see Table 13.2).
Along with this increasingly differentiated view of self comes the ability to think about
self in conflicting ways, depending on the setting and circumstance. For example, it’s not
uncommon for adolescents to describe themselves as successful in some contexts (e.g., “At
school, I’m pretty intelligent . . . I get better grades than most . . .”) and not successful in
others (e.g., “Sometimes I’m really stupid . . . I act really dumb and say things that are sim-
ply stupid.”), or as an extrovert with close friends and as an introvert with people they don’t
know. (Examples are from Harter, 2006, p. 531.) Many of these self-descriptions represent
abstractions that integrate categories of attributes that younger children use to describe
themselves (e.g., “I’m pretty intelligent” reflects the integration of labels such as smart,
curious, and creative).
At first, these abstractions are highly compartmentalized—being intelligent at school
is quite distinct from being smart in other contexts (Harter, 2006). Therefore, young ado-
lescents may appear unaware of or unconcerned about the seeming contradictions in their
self-descriptions across different roles (student, daughter, friend) and settings (school,
home, at a party). However, in middle adolescence, such contradictions become a big con-
cern. According to Fischer (1980), once adolescents are able to make comparisons across
abstractions, they become aware of and concerned about inconsistencies (e.g., “I don’t
understand how I can switch so fast from being cheerful with my friends, then coming
home and feeling anxious, and then getting frustrated and sarcastic with my parents,” from
Harter, 2006). The question, “Who is the REAL me?” arises and there is a desire to “bring

TABLE 13.2 • Self-Concept Differentiation in Adolescence

SELF-CONCEPT DOMAINS EXAMPLES OF ADOLESCENTS’ SELF-DESCRIPTIONS

Scholastic achievement I do school work quickly. I do well in school.

Intellectual ability I’m just as smart as other people.

Athletic competence I am good at new sports.

Behavioral conduct I don’t get into trouble. I act the way I am supposed to act.

Close friendships I share things with my close friends.

Romantic appeal I believe that I am fun and interesting on dates.

Job competence I have the skills to succeed at a part-time job.

Physical appearance I like the way I look.

Source: Based on Harter, S. (1999). The Construction of Self. New York: Guilford. Renick-Thomson, N. &
Zand, D. H. (2002). The Harter Self-Perception Profile for Adolescents: Psychometrics for an early adolescent,
African American sample. International Journal of Testing, 2, 297–310. Renick, N. T. & Zand, D. H. (2002). The Harter
Self-Perception Profile for Adolescents: Psychometrics for an early adolescent, African American sample.
International Journal of Testing, 2, 297–310.

410
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

self-attributes into harmony with one another” (Harter, 2006, p. 542). But harmony is not
always easy or even possible. Especially in modern and technologically advanced societies,
where youth can present or re-present themselves in many different, perhaps contradictory,
roles to many different audiences (e.g., using technology and a whole host of social net-
working tools), achieving self-coherence is a difficult task. And for minority youth, the chal-
lenges associated with understanding and integrating multiple selves is exacerbated by their
need to reconcile multiple selves in multiple worlds—some populated with members of
their own ethnic group (family, friends) and others populated with members of the major-
ity culture (teachers, classmates, employers, and co-workers).
Two other characteristics of middle adolescents are associated with considerable dis-
tress. Middle adolescents tend to be preoccupied with what others think of them, and con-
tradictory messages from different groups of significant others (e.g., parents, peers, popular
culture) can lead to confusion and conflict about which characteristics to adopt (Harter,
2006). Moreover, adolescents can distinguish between what they perceive are characteris-
tics of their “real” versus “ideal” selves. In contrast to young children, who often conflate
their actual characteristics with those they’d like to have, adolescents can recognize a dis-
crepancy between their current level of achievement and what they would like to achieve
in the future. When the discrepancy between real and ideal states is small, most adolescents
maintain good feelings about themselves. They can set goals and identify actions that will
lead to improvement. In contrast, when the discrepancy between real and ideal selves
appears impossible to bridge, self-esteem can suffer.

Adolescent Self-Esteem
Self-esteem refers to the subjective, evaluative sense of self, and positive self-evaluations
(i.e., high self-esteem) are associated with positive outcomes, such as scholastic achieve-
ment, popularity, and a general sense of happiness and well-being. In adolescence, positive
self-regard is generally thought to protect youth against negative outcomes, such as school
failure and dropout, delinquency, early sexual behavior, alcohol and drug abuse, and de-
pression (Harter, 2006; Mann, Hosman, Schaalma, & deVries, 2004; Salazar et al., 2004).
However, there are exceptions. Some youth who report high self-esteem engage in bullying
and high-risk behavior, and some become gang leaders (Baumeister et al., 2003; Costello &
Dunaway, 2003; Damon, 1995). According to Harter (2006), these youth typically have
other characteristics, in addition to self-reported self-esteem, that are more closely linked
with such behavior (narcissism, low empathy, and high sensitivity to rejection). Therefore,
their engagement in aggressive and antisocial behavior may reflect efforts to enhance self-
esteem and win the approval of peers.
Like self-concept, self-esteem becomes more differentiated as school-age children
experience success and failure in a variety of domains and in comparison to peers.

Jeremy’s self-image. In adolescence, social comparisons and the opinions of significant others still influence self-esteem.

ZITS © 2010 Zits Partnership, King Features Syndicate.

411
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

This differentiation continues during adolescence when youth tend to report differences in
self-esteem across relational contexts (e.g., with parents, teachers, classmates). Also, early
adolescents (ages 11 to 13) continue to experience a decline in self-esteem as they become
increasingly concerned with the opinions of others and social comparison information be-
comes even more salient in the environments in which they find themselves (Harter, 2006;
Shapka & Keating, 2005).

TRANSITIONS AND SELF-ESTEEM. Jackie Eccles and her colleagues (Eccles & Midgley,
1989; Eccles, Midgley, & Adler, 1984; Wigfield & Eccles, 2002) argue that differences in em-
phases from elementary to middle and junior high schools are in part responsible for the
observed decline in students’ perceptions of academic competence. For example, com-
pared to elementary school, middle and high schools place far greater emphasis on grades
and other results from competitive activities. Moreover, whereas students in elementary
schools are encouraged and praised for effort, performance in middle and junior high
schools often is attributed to ability, leaving those who perform poorly with the interpreta-
tion that they lack ability or intelligence. Eccles and others (e.g., Harter, 2006) point out the
mismatch between the school environment and the needs of adolescents; it would seem
more prudent to downplay social comparisons at a time in development when individuals
are at their most self-conscious. The mission of the National Middle School Association
(NMSA, 2010) is to create school environments that better meet the social emotional as well
as academic needs of this age group. This organization has identified 16 characteristics of
successful middle schools, which emphasize developmentally and individually responsive
school organizations, policies, curricula, instruction, and assessments.

INDIVIDUAL DIFFERENCES IN SELF-ESTEEM. Harter (1999, 2006) cautions that focusing

on mean levels of change during transitions to high school and college can mask individual
differences in self-esteem. Her research identified three groups: those whose self-esteem in-
creased, decreased, or stayed the same. Increased self-esteem was associated with greater
perceived competence in subjects considered important and higher levels of perceived so-
cial acceptance in the new setting, whereas decreased self-esteem was associated with per-
ceived declines in performance in valued subjects and reported reductions in social
support. Research also indicates that the magnitude of declines may be related to the tim-
ing of the school shift and pubertal change (Brooks-Gunn, 1988; Simmons & Blyth, 1987).
Apparently, changing schools between sixth and seventh grades is more detrimental to self-
esteem than changing schools a year later. Similarly, early transitions coinciding with early
maturing are associated with greater declines in self-esteem, especially for girls. Finally,
there are inter- and intra-individual differences in the stability of self-evaluations. Individu-
als who are more sensitive to evaluative events and who rely overmuch on external sources
for self-esteem are likely to experience greater fluctuations. Also, the dramatic physical,
cognitive, and social changes adolescents experience can be overwhelming and can lead to
changes in self-esteem over time and across domains and relationships.

INCREASING SELF-ESTEEM IN ADULTHOOD. Fortunately, both global assessments of

self-worth and domain-specific self-evaluations tend to become more positive from middle
adolescence into adulthood (Harter, 2006; Shapka & Keating, 2005). Increases are associ-
ated with increased autonomy (e.g., having more opportunities to choose courses and
activities in which success is likely) and increased role-taking ability, which leads to
increased opportunities to present oneself in a positive light in a variety of situations.
Moreover, most youth emerge from adolescence understanding that they possess a core set
of characteristics that remain fairly consistent across time and settings. They are able to or-
ganize qualities that seem inconsistent or incongruent into a set of higher order abstrac-
tions. For example, older adolescents can reconcile the fact that they behave differently
with friends than they do with strangers or older adults; they might describe this difference
as the ability to adapt to varying social situations. In addition, they are less concerned about
what others think of them and more realistic about their futures.
Next, we examine some key aspects of identity formation: gender identity, sexual
identity and sexual orientation, and ethnic identity.

412
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

Gender Identity
We defined gender identity as the sense of being male or female, and the beliefs
one holds about gender roles and attributes. We also described how gender identity is an
important part of children’s self-concept and a powerful source of self-esteem. From the time
they understand they are a boy or a girl and know what it means to be a boy or girl, most
children show preferences for looking like, behaving like, and playing with same-sex peers.
Children, especially boys, who do not conform to gender norms often are ostracized by peers
and even adults. With age, children’s knowledge of gender stereotypes increases, but they
think more flexibly about them, recognizing that stereotypes are products of societal values
and accepting a wider range of “normal,” at least up to adolescence. Some research suggests
adolescents again go through a period of gender intensification, a decline in flexibility that
reflects adolescents’ enhanced self-consciousness and increased awareness of social norms
and expectations concerning masculinity and femininity (Barnett & Rivers, 2004; Galambos,
2004; Ruble et al., 2006). However, other studies have not found declines in flexibility, except
in particular domains, and more so in males than in females (Fredericks & Eccles, 2002;
Harter, 2006).
We examine two domains in which gender norms are salient and associated with iden-
tity and self-esteem: physical appearance and academic/career aspirations.
PHYSICAL APPEARANCE. Boys consistently give themselves higher ratings in physical do-
mains, such as physical appearance and athletic ability, than girls, who feel most confident
about their social competencies (Harter, 2006; Ruble et al., 2006; Shapka & Keating, 2005).
Importantly, physical appearance is the strongest predictor of global self-worth, with
correlations ranging from .66–.82 (Harter, 2006). Therefore, not
surprisingly, adolescent boys rate their global self-concept and
self-esteem more positively than adolescent girls. Standards for
physical appearance reflect societal and cultural beliefs about
what is attractive, and research has clearly shown that these
standards have an impact on individuals’identity and self-esteem
(Harter, 1999, 2006; Kiang & Harter, 2004). Teenagers, with
their heightened self-consciousness and desire for social ap-
proval, are particularly aware of and concerned about prevailing
standards for physical appearance (Harter, 2006), and physical
appearance is a strong predictor of popularity, especially for girls
(LaFontana & Cillessen, 2002; Xie, Li, Boucher, Hutchins, &
Cairns, 2006).
For many decades, the perceived ideal for females in North
America, and in many societies around the world, has been tall,
thin, and ample-breasted women who have pretty faces and
great hair, and who wear stylish and sexy clothes. For many
girls, the goal of meeting such standards is unrealistic, and a sig-
nificant proportion of adolescent girls express dissatisfaction
with their physical appearance (Harter, 2006; Ruble et al.,
2006). 85% of young women worry about how they look and
50–88% of adolescent girls are dissatisfied with their body size
and shape (Croll, 2005). Unfortunately, the distance between
real and ideal physical selves causes many girls considerable
emotional distress and is linked to serious mental health con-
cerns, including depression, suicide, and severe eating disor-
ders (Harter, 2006; Ruble et al., 2006; Stice & Bearman, 2001;
Stice & Whitenton, 2002). Early-maturing females are particu-
larly at risk for experiencing low self-esteem regarding body
image because they tend to be shorter and heavier than girls Standards for physical appearance reflect societal and
who mature later. Also, many are unprepared for and cope in- cultural beliefs about what is attractive, and research
appropriately with the attention their developing bodies attract has clearly shown that these standards have an impact
on individuals’ identity and self-esteem. © Marco Secchi/
(e.g., becoming sexually active, engaging in extreme forms of
Alamy
dieting).

413
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

Historically, males have had more leeway concerning standards for physical appear-
ance, and popularity for boys has been associated more with what they can do (e.g., ath-
letic ability) than with what they look like. Also, judgments about men’s attractiveness have
been based on money, status, and power, in addition to physical appearance (Harter, 2006).
Moreover, most adolescent boys express satisfaction with the changes in their bodies (i.e.,
changes that signal masculinity), and early maturity in boys is associated with popularity and
positive self-regard (Harter, 2006). Some later-maturing boys experience lower self-esteem
because they tend to be smaller—less muscular and less able to compete athletically—than
their peers. This makes them feel they are not meeting up to the stereotype for their gen-
der (Harter, 2006; Ruble et al., 2006).
The finding that boys rate their physical appearance more highly than girls is very ro-
bust; it has been replicated across countries and cultures (Harter, 2006), and it persists
through the college years, even among athletes. Crocker and Ellsworth (1990) studied per-
ceptions of appearance and athletic ability in college students majoring in physical educa-
tion. In their study, female physical education students reported perceptions of greater
athletic ability than a normative sample of girls. In fact, their ratings of athletic ability did not
differ significantly from those of males in the same program. However, their ratings of phys-
ical appearance continued to be significantly lower than those of their male counterparts.
One powerful source of influence about standards for male and female physical ap-
pearance is the media. Teenagers are bombarded with images (e.g., via movies, magazines,
TV, the Internet) that promote “good”looks reflecting the ideal we described above, and tar-
get audiences are becoming younger and younger all the time. Peer pressure, particularly
conversations about appearance, and maternal pressure to lose weight also are associated
with body dissatisfaction (Carlson Jones, 2004; Ricciardelli & McCabe, 2001). Greater em-
phasis needs to be placed on developing more realistic standards for physical appearance
and setting goals that promote overall health and physical fitness.

ACADEMIC AND CAREER ASPIRATIONS. When we reviewed research concerning

boys’ and girls’ self-concepts and self-esteem in academic domains; we noted that differ-
ences emerge early and are fairly consistent over time, especially within gender-stereotyped
domains (Wigfield & Eccles, 2001; Wigfield et al., 1997). Popular belief holds that boys do
better in math and science than girls, and research consistently indicates boys have higher
self-concepts and self-esteem in these domains (Frome, Alfeld, Eccles, & Barber, 2006;
Jacobs et al., 2002; Simpkins, Davis-Kean, & Eccles, 2006). However, achievement data in
recent years indicates girls’ performance in math and science courses is similar to that of
boys (and sometimes girls do better), and girls’ ratings of the importance of these subject
areas also is similar to that of boys. Differences between the sexes do appear in their ratings
of intrinsic interest for these subject areas. For example, Simpkins and her colleagues found,
on average, that high school boys in their study attached greater personal significance to
math and science course work and took more math and science courses than did high
school girls. Their findings are consistent with other research indicating girls continue to
be underrepresented in academic programs and careers involving math, science, and
technology (Eccles, 2007; Frome et al., 2006, 2008), and this is cause for concern, given the
increased reliance of the new economy on math, science, and technology.
Frome and her colleagues (2006) examined stability and change in the career aspirations
of 104 women participating in the Michigan Study of Adolescent Life Transitions (MSALT).
The career aspirations of these women were assessed in grade 12 and again at age 25. In the
study, male-dominated occupations had 30% or fewer women in their workforce and included
the fields of engineering and architecture and the profession of airline pilot. At age 25, 82% of
the women reported changes in their career aspirations, with 55% changing to more neutral
occupations (e.g., accounting, pharmacy) and 27% changing to female-dominated occupations
(nursing, secretarial). When asked to give reasons for their change in aspirations, women in
the study cited a desire for more flexibility in the workplace (e.g., daycare availability,
scheduling flexibility) and low intrinsic value for the physical sciences. Women want to be
successful in their careers, but they also want to have a family, and many still perceive the need

414
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

to make a choice between career and family in occupations that continue to be dominated by
men. In the Frome et al. study, women who stayed in male-dominated occupations typically
held jobs that involved fewer hours of work each year, they expressed higher levels of intrin-
sic value for their work, and they reported lower desire for a family-flexible job.
Eccles’s (2007, 2009) analyses indicate the main source of sex differences in choosing
careers in the natural sciences or engineering is a fundamental difference in the intrinsic
value boys and girls attach to these occupations as opposed to a difference in aptitude or
perceived competence. Many girls want careers that will enable them to fulfill humanistic
and helping values, and they believe falsely that careers in the natural sciences or engi-
neering will not support these values. According to Eccles, if we want to increase the num-
ber of females entering these fields, we need to provide them with better information about
the nature of these occupations, along with a full range of options, so they can make more
informed decisions about careers that fit their personal values and identities as well as their
short- and long-term goals—and the earlier the better. Along these lines, the Connecting
with Adolescents guidelines offer some ideas about how to encourage young women’s
participation in the fields of math and science.

CONNECTING WITH ADOLESCENTS

Guidelines for Families and Teachers: Encouraging Young Women to
Participate in Math- and Science-Related Courses and Careers

Encourage and build girls’ confidence in taking high-level Prove that many male-dominated careers are compatible
courses in math and sciences. with family goals.
Examples Examples
1. Help teenage girls develop positive attitudes 1. Hold workshops or presentations that introduce teenage
about math, technology, and science by devising girls to the wide range of employment opportunities in
comprehensive evaluation-of-project outcomes the field of science and information technology.
that are sensitive to the needs of female 2. Arrange career-awareness days or fairs that focus on
students. women in technology, math, and science.
2. Design activities around girls’ interests, and encourage 3. Invite role models to discuss how they balance career
the use of advanced technology applications that are and family.
more relevant to girls.
3. Offer extra support for girls by working systemati- Look for opportunities for girls to engage in math
cally through complex math and science and science activities outside of school.
problems. Examples
4. Encourage girls to participate in math- and science- 1. Enroll girls in summer camps and extracurricular
related contests and competitions. programs that allow them to become involved in
hands-on science-related activities.
Show girls real role models. 2. Have programs in which girls can participate to earn
Examples certificates or badges in math, science, and computers.
1. Ensure that there are female teachers in the math- and 3. Set up all-girl science and math clubs to raise awareness,
science-related subjects, so that female students have and recruit girls to participate in promoting the
role models to look up to. development of technology skills.
2. Ask female students from senior grade levels to mentor 4. Arrange girls’ gatherings during lunchtime to let them
younger students and encourage cooperative learning share their experiences and challenges in math and
approaches. science classes.
3. Show videos that highlight female high flyers in math,
science, and technology fields to assure girls that the Source: Adapted from Frome, P. M., Alfeld, C. J., Eccles, J. S., &
Barber, B. L. (2006). Why don’t they want a male-dominated job?
possibility of success in science, engineering, and
An investigation of young women who changed their occupational
math-related careers exists. aspirations. Educational Research and Evaluation, 12(4), 359-372.
4. Allow students to job-shadow female role models in the http://www.miamisci.org/great/
math, science, and technical fields. http://www.charityguide.org/volunteer/fifteen/math-science.htm

415
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

What about boys? What is their self-concept and self-esteem in domains traditionally
thought of as dominated by females? In general, girls report higher ability beliefs and greater
interest than boys in subjects involving reading and language arts (Durik, Vida, and Eccles,
2006; Harter, 2006; Ruble et al., 2006). Therefore, it’s not surprising that girls report read-
ing more for pleasure than boys. In terms of actual performance, the research findings are
mixed. Some studies favor females (e.g., Phillips, Norris, Osmond, & Maynard, 2002), but
others report small or no sex differences (e.g., Hyde & Linn, 1988), and still others indicate
differences on particular literacy-related tasks and activities (Baker & Wigfield, 1999). Durik
and her colleagues (2006) examined such differences in relation to high school boys’ abil-
ity beliefs and valuing of literacy coursework and activities. In their study, girls valued read-
ing and English more than boys, in terms of both intrinsic interest and importance, and they
performed better on reading and writing tasks. Girls also reported reading for pleasure more
than boys. Interestingly, the boys’ ratings of self-concept were similar to those of the girls,
and they reported taking a similar number of courses relating to language arts and literacy
in high school. The researchers suggest that similar ratings of self-concept may reflect boys’
tendency to overestimate and girls’tendency to underestimate their abilities—the net effect
is ratings close together. That boys and girls take similar numbers of language arts courses
in high school is likely unavoidable, even if boys value them less, since most academic pro-
grams and careers require reading and writing skills.

Sexual Orientation
Sexual orientation reflects a person’s preferences for sexual partners. Typically, people who
are attracted to members of the opposite sex identify as heterosexual, whereas people who
are attracted to members of the same sex identify as homosexual, gay, or lesbian. Some peo-
ple are bisexual—they are attracted to both sexes. Sexual orientation does not always align
with sexual behavior, especially during adolescence when teens engage in many forms of
sexual activity, regardless of their sexual orientation (Ruble et al., 2006). For example, it’s
common for gay and lesbian youth to have heterosexual experiences prior to defining their
sexuality, and it’s not uncommon for heterosexual youth to engage in homosexual behav-
iors with same-sex partners (Savin-Williams & Diamond, 1999). Also, sexual orientation
does not always align with gender identity or perceived gender roles (Hines, 2004). For ex-
ample, some women appear quite masculine in the way they dress, and they engage in ac-
tivities not typically associated with their sex (e.g., they become construction workers or
body builders), but still are heterosexual. Similarly, the term metrosexual was coined to de-
scribe contemporary men, typically city dwellers, who are interested in fashion and “in
touch with their feminine side.”However, gender atypical behavior is more likely in children
who later identify as homosexuals than in children who are heterosexual, and retrospective
reports from homosexual adults indicate they had more cross-gendered interests during
childhood than their heterosexual peers (Baily & Zucker, 1995; Ruble et al., 2006).

ORIGINS OF ORIENTATIONS. Sexual attractions begin to emerge around age 10, but this
varies by sex, culture, and sexual orientation (Herdt & McClintock, 2000; Ruble et al.,
2006). Much of the research on the development of sexual orientation has focused on sex-
ual minorities and their progression from awareness of same-sex attractions in late child-
hood/early adolescence through a period of testing and exploration, and finally to
identifying as a homosexual, disclosing this identity to others, and becoming involved in
same-sex relationships in late adolescence/early adulthood (Ruble et al., 2007; Troiden,
1993). This progression is more typical in men than in women, and it appears to be more
of a process than an event (i.e., most individuals, whether heterosexual or homosexual,
don’t recall a particular point in time when their sexual orientation crystallized). Also
mentioned earlier, there is much debate about the origins of sexual orientation. Is
the greater influence nature or nurture? As is true with most forms of development, the
evidence points to an interaction between biology and environment. Research examining
genetic, hormonal, and brain structural links to sexual orientation offer strong evidence
for a biological component (Ruble et al., 2006), but biology can influence temperament,
which can influence beliefs and feelings. Also, a search for identity can drive behavioral

416
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

changes: Children and youth who question their sexuality may

engage in gender-atypical behavior and, consequently, develop
self-concepts consistent with their developing notions of sexual
minorities (Carver, Egan, & Perry, 2004).

EXPERIENCES. Researchers estimate that between 5% and

13% of the population is homosexual (Savin-Williams, 2006),
but these statistics may not be accurate because many gay and
lesbian individuals hide their sexual orientation for fear they
will be rejected by their families, friends, and communities. In
fact, many gay and lesbian youth are ostracized and victimized
at school and in their communities (D’Augelli, 2003; D’Augelli,
Pilkington, & Hershberger, 2002), which has led to tragic out-
comes for some youth. Such verbal and physical abuse places
these youth at higher risk for experiencing serious social and
mental health problems (e.g., depression, hopelessness, sub-
stance abuse, prostitution, and suicide) than their heterosexual
peers (D’Augelli, 2003; Udry & Chantala, 2002). As one exam-
ple, Jaheem Herrera committed suicide at age 11 after sustained
teasing from peers. He told his mother, “They keep telling me
this gay word . . . I’m tired of hearing it . . .” (Simon, 2009). For-
tunately, having a supportive family, feeling comfortable about
their sexual orientation, and participating in gay, lesbian, and
bisexual support groups can protect these youth from such
negative outcomes.
In general, adolescents with same-sex attractions have the
same needs and concerns as all teenagers and although many
suffer in their formative years, most emerge from adolescence
with positive self-concepts and a sense of optimism about their Youth become aware of same-sex attractions in late
childhood/early adolescence, about the same time all
future (Diamond & Savin-Williams, 2003).
youth develop romantic and sexual attractions.
© Image Source/Alamy
Ethnic Identity
Whereas Erikson’s theory of identity formation focused on the development of personal
identity (“Who am I? Who will I be in the future?”), social identity theories focus on how
individuals identify with social groups and the processes associated with ethnic group mem-
bership (Pahl & Way, 2006; Tajfel & Turner, 1986). Along these lines, ethnic identity refers
to an individual’s sense of belonging to an ethnic group and being affiliated with the beliefs
and behaviors that reflect ethnic group membership.

A MODEL OF ETHNIC IDENTITY FORMATION. Jean Phinney (1989) proposed a 3-stage model
of ethnic identity development, extending from Marcia’s model of personal identity formation:
1. Unexamined. In early adolescence, individuals may have unexamined positive or neg-
ative attitudes toward their ethnic group. They may be unidentified or prematurely
identified as a member of an ethnic group. At this point, they are experiencing a kind
of ethnic identity diffusion (French, Seidman, Allen, & Aber, 2006).
2. Moratorium or search. By middle adolescence, youth are typically exploring aspects
of their ethnicity. Advances in cognitive development, exposure to more diverse
groups of peers (e.g., high schools often are more ethnically and racially diverse than
elementary schools), and/or specific “encounters” (e.g., exposure to prejudice or dis-
crimination) may trigger explorations, which are believed critical for reaching the
third stage (Cross, 1995; French et al., 2006; Pahl & Way, 2006).
3. Achieved or committed. Older adolescents become more secure in their personal and
social identities, and exploration decreases as they identify with and become commit-
ted to an ethnic group. Typically, this stage is accompanied by strong feelings of
affirmation and belonging (Pahl & Way, 2006).

417
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

The search for an ethnic identity can give rise to competing and ambivalent feelings,
especially for minority youth who must integrate what can be contrasting viewpoints—
those of their their cultural group and those of the majority group—into a unified sense of
self. Even adolescents in remote, fairly traditional communities are influenced by domi-
nant, typically Western cultures (e.g., through access to television and the Internet). Lene
Arnett-Jensen (2003, citing an anthropological study by Condon, 1988) described changes
in Inuit adolescents from the Canadian Arctic that were the result of government inter-
ventions and access to Western media. Traditionally, these youth had been socialized by
their families and spent much of their time ice fishing and hunting, but now they spend
most of their time outside the family environment (e.g., in school and peer groups), and
fishing and hunting have become recreational activities. Boys have taken up hockey
and have begun to brag about their sports ability. This stands in stark contrast to traditional
Inuit culture, which discourages calling attention to personal skills and accomplishments.
Often teens are torn between the values of their cultural communities and what they per-
ceive to be advantages in the majority culture. In Jensen’s own research (1998), she found
that young adults in India were split on the value of arranged versus love marriages, arguing
that arranged marriages make sense “within a traditional Indian worldview that empha-
sizes duty to family, respect for elders, and behaving according to one’s station in life,” but
not within the context of globalization that emphasizes Western values, including freedom
of choice and individual rights (p. 192).
How do such identity issues get resolved? Phinney (1996) proposed four outcomes to
ethnic identity exploration:

1. Assimilation. The individual identifies with the majority culture and rejects his or her
ethnic culture.
2. Marginal. The individual lives within the majority culture but feels alienated from it.
3. Separated. The individual identifies with his or her ethnic culture and rejects the
majority culture.
4. Bicultural. The individual identifies with both the minority and the majority culture.

Research conducted in the United States indicates resolutions to this commitment issue vary
across ethnic groups (Chavous et al., 2003; Phinney, DuPont, Espinosa, Revill, & Sanders,
1994). For example, European American youth typically identify themselves as assimilated,
whereas African American and Latino youth more frequently perceive they are separated, and
Mexican and Asian American adolescents are the most likely to perceive they are bicultural.

INFLUENCES ON ETHNIC IDENTITY. Parents have an important impact on adolescents’eth-

nic identity formation. Secure ethnic identities are fostered in families in which parents
openly discuss ethnic issues with their adolescents and model and promote a sense of pride
in their heritage, participation in their ethnic community, and strategies for coping with
discrimination (Hughes et al., 2006). In some cases, ethnic identity issues can be a source
of tension between parents and adolescents. For example, Phinney, Kim, Ossorio, and
Vilhjalmsdottir (2002) asked adolescents from four ethnic groups to reason about scenar-
ios that described common disagreements between teens and their parents (e.g.,
disagreements about doing chores and dating) and found differences in the teens’ re-
sponses were related to culture and development. European American youth shifted from
an emphasis on exercising personal autonomy in middle adolescence (ages 14 to 17) to
considering the views and feelings of their parents in late adolescence and early adulthood
(ages 18 to 22). Armenian and Mexican American youth shifted in the opposite direction;
they showed more consideration for parents’ values during middle adolescence and
asserted more autonomy in late adolescence. Korean American adolescents tended to
show consideration for their parents’ point of view throughout adolescence. According to
Arnett-Jensen (2003), ethnic identity formation is especially complex when adolescents are
exposed to multiple cultures and when their heritage culture represents a minority culture.
She also argues that a universal path to ethnic identity development cannot be assumed in
a world of globalization (p. 194).
The education system also can have a profound influence on ethnic identity formation.
Earlier, we alluded to the ways in which government schools have changed the developmental

418
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

trajectories of Inuit children in the Canadian

Arctic. In fact, governments have a long history
of creating residential schools that separated
First Nations, or Aboriginal children, in Canada
from their families, their culture, and their lan-
guage. Today, many universities are develop-
ing teacher education programs and preparing
teachers who have a First Nations heritage.
The goal is to prepare teachers who will either
return to teach in their First Nations commu-
nities or provide high-quality, culturally sensi-
tive instruction to First Nations learners in
multi-ethnic public schools across the country.
Research conducted in the United States sup-
ports this goal. For example, one study found
Native American youth who attended schools
with predominantly Native American student
bodies formed a stronger sense of ethnic Native American youth who attended schools with predominantly Native
American student bodies formed a stronger sense of ethnic identity than
identity than those who attended schools in
those who attended schools where they were in the minority. © Ed Kashi/
which they were in the minority (Lysne & Levy,
CORBIS All Rights Reserved
1997). Another study showed how complex
rituals and rights of passage can connect adolescents (in this case, females) to their culture
and lead to optimal ethnic identity formation (Markstrom & Iborra, 2003).

DISCRIMINATION AND IDENTITY. Exposure to prejudice and discrimination is another

powerful influence on adolescents’ ethnic identity formation. In fact, some research indi-
cates that being the recipient of overt acts of discrimination provides a powerful incentive
to explore one’s ethnic identity, and may contribute to higher levels of affirmation for and
belonging to a cultural group (Cross, 1971; French, Seidman, Allen, & Aber, 2006; Pahl &
Way, 2006). However, there also is evidence linking perceived discrimination to decreased
self-esteem and increased symptoms of depression (Greene, Way, & Pahl, 2006). It appears
that discrimination by peer groups has a stronger influence on these outcomes than dis-
crimination by adults, perhaps because discrimination by peers is similar to peer rejection,
which has a strong negative association with teens’ psychosocial adjustment. Discrimina-
tion by adults may be more strongly linked to other kinds of outcomes, such as academic
achievement and career aspirations.
Some adolescents who experience discrimination form an oppositional identity: they
commit to an identity in opposition to what they perceive is the collective identity of the
dominant group (Fordham & Ogbu, 1986; Ogbu, 2004). As a way of protecting their self-
esteem, they devalue domains in which their ethnic group is expected to do poorly. Much
of the research about oppositional identity formation has focused on African American
youth and has been used to explain their diminished motivation for school and achievement
compared with that of other ethnic groups (e.g., European and Asian American youth), but
any minority group who experiences status problems can form a collective identity in
opposition to what they perceive is the collective identity of the dominant group (Chavous
et al., 2003; Graham & Taylor, 2002; Ogbu, 2004).

STORM AND STRESS

There is evidence that some degree of storm and stress is typical during adolescence, at least
in North America for adolescents in the middle-class majority culture (Arnett, 1999). This is
not surprising, given the many personal changes and transitions adolescents are experiencing,
and the complex task of forming an identity in the context of all this change. In this section,
we focus on two aspects of storm and stress that characterize the teen years: mood disruptions
and risky behavior. A third aspect of what characterizes this period of life as stormy and stress-
ful is increased conflict with parents, which is addressed in the section on parenting adoles-
cents. Individual differences as well as differences across cultures will also be discussed.

419
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

Mood Disruptions
Is adolescence a time of temperamental volatility? In studies of mood, adolescents do report
greater extremes and more changes in mood than either preadolescents or adults (Arnett,
1999). Moreover, in longitudinal studies, negative affect has been found to increase from
early to middle adolescence and then decrease during late adolescence and early adulthood
(Buchanan, Eccles, & Becker, 1992; Natvig, Albrektsen, & Qvarnstrom, 2003; Seiffge-
Krenke & Gelhaar, 2008). Adolescents report feeling self-conscious, embarrassed, awk-
ward, nervous, lonely, and ignored more often than adults do (Arnett, 1999), and they give
lower ratings to items that reflect feeling great, proud, and in control, and higher ratings to
items associated with depressed mood. According to Arnett, the result is an “overall defla-
tion of childhood happiness as childhood ends and adolescence begins” (p. 321).
Of course, adolescents vary in the extent to which they experience mood disruptions.
Girls tend to be more prone to negative mood and mood swings than boys (Arnett, 1999),
and some research indicates youth from ethnic minority groups have lower levels of life sat-
isfaction and happiness than other groups of teens (Brown, Wallace, & Williams, 2001). In
Brown and his colleagues’study, which included a national sample of American high school
students, the majority of adolescents reported they were satisfied with their lives and happy.
However, African American youth reported lower levels of life satisfaction and happiness
than their European American and Hispanic peers.
What accounts for differences in mood and levels of happiness in adolescents? Re-
search points to a variety of factors, including low popularity with peers, low self-esteem,
poor school performance, and school alienation (Arnett, 1999; Furnham & Cheng, 2000;
Natvig et al., 2003). With regard to school, Natvig and her colleagues found that perceived
support from teachers (i.e., positive ratings of items indicating teachers “treat me fairly” or
are “interested in me as a person”) increased the odds of feeling happy. This signals the im-
portant role of teacher–student relationships in the lives of adolescents, a topic we will re-
turn to in the section titled “Life at School.” Furnham and Cheng examined the relationship
between parenting styles and adolescent happiness. These researchers found authoritative
parenting styles were associated with positive outcomes for adolescents, including higher
self-esteem and general happiness. In particular, they found authoritative parenting was as-
sociated with higher levels of self-esteem in boys, which was related to their self-reported
happiness. Interestingly, boys were more likely than girls to characterize the parenting they
received as authoritarian, and mothers’ self-reports about their parenting concurred with
the boys’ opinions. Girls who reported authoritarian or permissive parenting styles de-
scribed lower levels of self-esteem and happiness.
Finally, Olsson, Fahlen, and Janson (2008) asked children and youth (ages 7 to 19) in
Sweden to describe in their own words what made them anxious or unhappy. Early ado-
lescents (ages 11 to 13) attributed these feelings to “angry and shouting parents,” parents
being away from home often, economic hardship in the family, peer problems, and bullying
in school. For 14- to 16-year-olds, “feeling deserted and disliked by parents, teachers, and
peers” was stressful and, in late adolescence (ages 17 to 19), stress was attributed to absent
or uninterested adults, boring weekends, and abundant homework. When asked what
adults might do to make teens feel better, adolescents of all ages consistently requested
more choice for leisure time activities, more time with parents, increased attention to and
respect for their thoughts and opinions, more action against bullying in school, and more
attention to youth who are obviously unhappy.

Risky Behavior
As we described in Chapter 11, adolescence is the period in life associated with the highest
rates of risky behavior (i.e., behavior that has the potential to harm self or others). Accord-
ing to Ronald Dahl (2004, p. 3):
Adolescence presents a striking paradox with respect to overall health statistics.
This developmental period is marked by rapid increases in physical and mental
capabilities . . . Compared to young children, adolescents are stronger, bigger, and

420
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

faster . . . achieving maturational improvements in reaction time, reasoning

abilities, immune function, and capacities to withstand cold, heat, injury, and
physical stress. In almost every measureable domain, this is a developmental
period of strength and resilience.
However, Dahl goes on to claim: “. . . despite these robust maturational improvements . . . ,
overall morbidity and mortality rates increase over 200% during the same interval of time”
(italics are from the original).
What accounts for this paradox? Although teenagers have better reasoning abilities and
decision-making skills than children, in situations where emotions flare or peers exert pres-
sure, they may have difficulty thinking and behaving responsibly. Cognitively, they may un-
derstand potential consequences of risky behavior, but become overwhelmed by emotions
and/or their desire to seek experiences that lead to high-intensity feelings (Dahl, 2004; Sun-
stein, 2008). Like Arnett (1999), Dahl cautions against characterizing all youth as “impulsive
and hot-headed,”citing research findings that up to 80% of adolescents go through these “tu-
multuous” times without major difficulties; in addition, those engaged in high-risk behavior
during adolescence typically have a history of problem behaviors and impulsivity during
early and middle childhood. However, it is important to focus attention on the significant mi-
nority of youth who do get into trouble, because adolescence is a time when one’s life course
and habits are set. Lifetime problems with nicotine, drugs and alcohol, personal relation-
ships, and failure to acquire knowledge and skills that support productive work and careers
may stem from risky adolescent explorations and experimentation.
Smoking, drugs and alcohol, fast driving, and sex have been threats to the well-being
of teenagers for many decades. Today, teens also face a number of significant threats
through their use of new technologies.

New Media, New Risks

Electronic media is pervasive in the lives of youth. Through access to the Internet, satellite
TV, cell phones, iPods, and video game systems, it is estimated that the average American
teen spends about 5 hours each day consuming screen media (Carnagey, Anderson, &
Bartholow, 2007). A recent report from Pew Internet & American Life Project indicates ap-
proximately 90% of adolescents can access the Internet in their homes (Lenhart, 2009), and
63% report they go online daily. Internet access also is available to teens in most schools and
libraries, and more than 70% of youth own cell phones, many types of which also give them
access to the Internet. How are adolescents using the Internet? They are doing research for
school assignments; surfing websites to find out about movies, TV shows, and music
groups; shopping; and, of course, social networking (Lenhart, 2009; Nielson Company,
2009; Wartella, Caplovitz, & Lee, 2004). Boys are more likely to use the Internet for fun and
games, buying and selling things, and making Web pages than girls, who use the Internet
for information seeking and communication more than boys.

DANGERS IN SOCIAL NETWORKING. Along with the undeniable benefits of accessible, ad-
vanced technologies, it’s hard not to also be aware of the threats to safety and overall well-
being that are associated with teens’ use of new media. Herein lies the conundrum the
teachers and librarians were struggling with in this chapter’s Casebook. Even though recent
research has quashed the myth that Internet use leads to social isolation and loneliness,
there is concern that children and youth who already are socially isolated and lonely are
more likely to interact with strangers on the Internet than well-adjusted youth, who tend to
limit their social networking activities to their everyday peers (Wartella et al., 2004). More-
over, posting photos and personal profiles on social networking sites such as Facebook and
Twitter increases the likelihood of being contacted by a stranger online (Lenhart, 2009).
Finally, a posting that seems harmless or “hip” during high school or college has the poten-
tial to come back to haunt you in your adult life (e.g., former Miss California 2009, Carrie
Prejean, was stripped of her crown when topless photos of her hit the Internet), and recall
that adolescents, in the thrill of the moment, may not make the best judgments concerning
behaviors that can affect their reputation, not to mention job prospects, long term.

421
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

ADVERTISING. Another potential threat on the Internet comes from advertisers. According
to Wartella et al. (2004), the deluge of advertising in online environments raises two impor-
tant issues concerning children and youth. First, advertisers often ask for personal informa-
tion in exchange for merchandise or even gifts and, increasingly, websites contain cookies and
other “intelligent agents” that track and catalogue the interests and habits of online visitors.
As a result, companies may have elaborate profiles of users without their giving permission
or even having knowledge the profiles exist. A survey of parents (Annenberg Public Policy
Centre, 2000) found many were not aware that websites could gather personal information
without asking permission, and children and youth were much more willing than parents to
say it was OK to provide personal and family information to commercial websites in exchange
for goods and/or services. Their naïveté in this regard makes them easy prey for Internet scam-
mers who use such information to take advantage of consumers. Second, online advertising
often is integrated in the content of a branded environment. The separation between content
and commercials that is usually clear on television is not required on the Internet. Advertis-
ing can be inconspicuously embedded in websites, or advertisers can blatantly devote entire
websites to opportunities for children and youth to interact with the products they’re selling.
Wartella and her colleagues claim this leads to unfair and deceptive advertising practices.
ADDICTED TO THE INTERNET? Is it possible to become addicted to the Internet? There is
evidence indicating some youth use technology and the Internet excessively and display
characteristics of Internet “dependence” or addiction (Greenfield, 1999; Kim et al., 2006;
Lin & Tsai, 2002). For example, Kim and colleagues administered the Internet Addiction
Scale (see Young, 1998 for the original English version) to 1,573 high school students in
Korea. This assessment indicated 1.6% of their sample, or 25 students, had an Internet
addiction (e.g., compulsive use and withdrawal, interference in personal relationships, and
effects on commitments for school and work), and a further 38% (almost 600 students) ex-
hibited characteristics that put them at risk for developing an Internet addiction. Similarly,
Lin and Tsai identified 88 “dependent”Internet users in a group of 753 high school students
in Taiwan. Compared to non-dependent users, these students spent more time online and
reported significantly more negative influences on their daily lives and relationships. These
students also scored higher on overall sensation seeking and disinhibition than the non-
dependent users, suggesting that individuals who are at risk for addictions generally also are
at risk for excessive Internet involvement.
VIDEO VIOLENCE. Much of the research concerning the impact of new technologies on the
social and emotional development of children and youth focuses on their use of violent
video games. In general, the findings indicate statistically significant, but small (e.g., r ⫽ .15
or .19), positive correlations between using violent interactive media and aggressive
behavior (Anderson & Bushman, 2001; Carnagey et al., 2007; Wartella et al., 2004).
Specifically, use of violent video games has been linked to increases in aggressive cognition,
affect, and behavior; physiological arousal; and a decrease in prosocial behavior. One study
examined the desensitizing effects of violent media on helping others (Bushman & Anderson,
2009). In this study, college students played either violent or nonviolent video games for
20 minutes and then completed a questionnaire. While they were completing the ques-
tionnaire, a fight was staged outside the lab and one person was injured. On average, stu-
dents who had played the violent game took longer (over 450% longer) to help the injured
victim than students who played the nonviolent game. Moreover, students who played the
violent game were less likely to notice the fight and rated it less serious than those who
played the nonviolent game, which prevented them from helping the victim. Of course,
these findings should be kept in perspective. Not all individuals who interact with violent
video games become violent themselves (Olson, Kutner, & Warner, 2008), and, as was true
about television viewing, some research indicates youth with more overall risk factors are
more likely to commit violent acts after playing violent video games (Anderson, Shibuya, &
Ihori et al., 2010; Bushman, Rothstein, & Anderson, 2010).
Clearly, adolescents are engaged in numerous activities that have risks associated with
them. What can adolescents do to protect themselves, and how can parents, teachers, and
other adults help?

422
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

Exercising Self-Control
Being a responsible adult requires the development and exercise of self-control over thoughts
and actions (i.e., emotion and behavior control). During adolescence this often requires the
inhibition and modification of behaviors—despite strong emotions—to avoid terrible conse-
quences (Dahl, 2004). Adolescents must learn to navigate and negotiate complex social sit-
uations, online and face to face, often without the direct support of parents or another adult
caregiver—but recall from Dahl that “adolescence proves to be a difficult time to develop
positive abilities to use strategies, make plans, set goals, learn the social rules, and navigate
ambiguous situations as the cognitive and emotional systems are integrated” (p. 18).
So how can adults help? One way to support teens is to provide the right balance of
monitoring and interest and to scaffold their development of skills and strategies for self-
control. Monitoring is one of the most important things parents, teachers, coaches, and other
responsible adults can do for teens. According to Ann Masten and colleagues (Masten &
Shaffer, 2006; Shaffer, Burt, Obradovic, Herbers, & Masten, 2009), adult monitoring of
adolescents’ activities is all too frequently and prematurely withdrawn. Effective scaffolding
should be gradually faded, so that adolescents are increasingly able to make decisions for
themselves, but not put in situations that they are not ready and able to handle. The
Connecting with Adolescents guidelines describe ways to monitor adolescents’ interac-
tions with media and offer some solutions for this chapter’s Casebook.
Another way to support teens is to provide opportunities for positive “high intensity”
experiences. Risky behavior is not the only way to activate the high intensity feelings that
are so appealing for adolescents (Dahl, 2004). It also is possible to ignite high levels of

CONNECTING WITH ADOLESCENTS

Guidelines for Families, Teachers, and Other Professionals:
Protecting Adolescents from Harm from Media

Set a good example and limit the use of media. 2. Shop for games with adolescents; steer them away from
Examples games that involve violence and toward games that
1. Be critical and discriminating users of media, because allow them to have fun and learn.
your habits and preferences provide powerful role
models for adolescents. Help teenagers to be critical consumers of the
2. Share your viewing decisions with teenagers. Internet.
3. Limit the time spent on various media at home. Examples
4. Seek out useful websites and other resources, and share 1. Help teenagers understand that not all information on
information about them with adolescents. the Internet is reliable and true. Help them to analyze
the information they find there.
Spend time with teenagers selecting appropriate 2. Help teenagers understand the consequences of
media offerings. posting personal information on the Internet.
Examples 3. Teach them the steps they must take to protect
1. Locate television programs, video games, and Internet themselves from bullying, sexual abuse, and offensive
websites that can provide occasions for discussing language.
values, beliefs, and moral issues with teenagers. 4. Monitor the sites that are popular among teenagers
2. Treat TV watching, game playing, and Internet browsing in order to understand the trends that are engaging
as family activities. Find programs that the whole family them.
can enjoy.

Help teenagers seek alternative entertainment. Source: Adapted from http://www.parentstv.org/ptc/

Examples parentsguide/main.asp
1. Help teenagers develop interests in other meaningful http://www.advocatesforyouth.org/index.php?option
activities, such as sports or music. ⫽com_content&task⫽view&id⫽1293&Itemid⫽206

423
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

passion to pursue goals in academic, sport, music, and social service domains. Therefore,
adults should look for ways to support adolescents’ engagement in activities that are both
healthy and rewarding.

Storm and Stress Across Cultures

Not all cultures experience adolescent storm and stress to the same degree. Schegel and
Barry (1991) studied 186 traditional cultures around the world and found less evidence of
storm and stress among adolescents in these societies than is reported in Western cultures.
According to Schegel and Barry, expectations concerning adolescent autonomy may, in
part, account for observed differences between cultures. In Western cultures that value in-
dividualism, we take for granted that adolescents will become increasingly independent as
they progress through the teen years. However, conflicts arise when adolescents want to
gain independence at a quicker pace, or over a wider range of activities, than the adults in
their lives are prepared to grant them. Arnett (1999) agrees conflicts often arise when adults
try to regulate the pace of adolescents’ growing independence. Of course, parents, teach-
ers, and other adult caregivers typically are motivated to “put on the brakes”out of concern
that too much autonomy too soon will lead to participation in risky behavior. In traditional
cultures, which tend to be more interdependent, adolescents’ striving for independence is
less likely to be a source of conflict between adolescents and their adult caregivers.
However, there can be other sources of storm and stress in traditional cultures (Arnett,
1999). In ethnographies of traditional cultures, adolescence is often referred to as a chal-
lenging time. In particular, problems for adolescent boys are more likely to occur in cultures
in which they are excluded from activities with men than in cultures in which boys take
part in men’s activities (Schegel & Barry, 1991). Also, with increasing globalization, youth
in traditional cultures have access to Western media and are influenced by Western culture.
This can be a source of conflict between them and the more traditional adults in their lives.
Similarly, the degree of storm and stress adolescents from minority cultures in the United
States experience appears to increase with the number of generations the adolescent’s fam-
ily has been in America (Arnett, 1999; Steinberg, 1996). Nevertheless, so-called storm and
stress among adolescents is more common among youth in Western majority cultures than
it is among youth from traditional cultures (Arnett, 1999; Bradford et al., 2004).

RELATIONSHIPS WITH PEERS

Continuing the trend they started in middle childhood, adolescents spend increasing
amounts of time with peers, and these relationships become increasingly important sources
of social and emotional support. Parents often worry about the influence peers will have
on their teenagers. Will peers pressure their teenagers to use drugs, skip school, or engage
in sexual and delinquent activities? Research has tended to highlight the negative influence
of friends during adolescence as well (Crosnoe, Cavanagh, & Elder Jr., 2003). What is the
reality? Do peers get a bad rap?

From Peer Groups to Peer Culture

Most adolescents belong to a peer group, and different groups of adolescents identify with
different social values and norms for behavior, sometimes referred to as peer culture. These
groups may identify a set of “rules” concerning how to dress, talk, style hair, and interact
with others, and they may determine which activities, music, or other students are in or out
of favor. For example, when Jessica, a popular high school student, was asked to explain
the rules that her group lives by, she had no trouble:
OK. No. 1: clothes. You cannot wear jeans any day but Friday, and you cannot
wear a ponytail or sneakers more than once a week. Monday is fancy day—like
black pants or maybe you bust out with a skirt. You have to remind people how
cute you are in case they forgot over the weekend. No. 2: parties. Of course we
sit down and discuss which ones we’re going to because there is no point in
getting all dressed up for a party that’s going to be lame. (Talbot, 2002, p. 28)

424
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

These peer cultures encourage conformity to the group rules. When another girl in Jessica’s
group wore jeans on Monday, Jessica confronted her: “Why are you wearing jeans today?
Did you forget it was Monday?” (Talbot, 2002, p. 28). Jessica explained that the group had
to suspend this “rebel” several times, not allowing her to sit with them at lunch.
Of course, not all aspects of peer cultures are bad or cruel. The norms in some groups
are positive and support healthy lifestyles and achievement in school. Two types of groups
are especially prominent in adolescent peer culture: cliques and crowds.

CLIQUES. Cliques are relatively small, friendship-based groups ranging in size from 3 to a
dozen (Rubin et al., 2005). Cliques exist in childhood and adulthood, but adolescent cliques
distinguish themselves in terms of their standards for group membership and degree of
“cliquishness”(Collins & Steinberg, 2006). During childhood and early adolescence, cliques
typically include peers of the same sex and age who share common interests and engage in
similar activities. Cliques serve adolescents’emotional and security needs by providing a sta-
ble social context in which group members know each other well and form close friend-
ships (Brown, 2004; Henrich, Brookmeyer, Shrier, & Shahar, 2006). Adolescents can belong
to more than one clique. For example, most adolescents belong to a friendship clique, but
individuals also may belong to cliques in the clubs and organizations to which they belong
(after school clubs, church groups). During adolescence, clique membership helps to es-
tablish individuals’ status in the social hierarchy of high schools (Collins & Steinberg, 2006).

CROWDS. Associating with crowds occurs during early and middle adolescence (Collins &
Steinberg, 2006; Rubin et al., 2005). As the term implies, crowds are larger than cliques,
less intimate, and more loosely organized. In fact, members of a crowd may or may not in-
teract directly with one another. However, crowds provide opportunities for adolescents to
expand their peer network beyond their clique(s), meet new people, and explore new iden-
tities (Tarrant, 2002). Crowds are reputation-based; that is, they are distinguished from one
another by the attitudes and activities their members share (Rubin et al., 2005). Members
of particular crowds typically share clothing styles, use similar language, smoke or don’t
smoke, and achieve or don’t achieve in school. These choices influence both how others
view them (e.g., “jocks,” “brains,” “partyers”) and how they view themselves.
Status and self-esteem are associated with crowd membership. For example, members
of high-status crowds—jocks—typically have higher self-esteem than members of relatively
lower-status crowds (Prinstein & LaGreca, 2002).
Furthermore, the stigma placed on individuals
who are associated with particular crowds typi-
cally channels their relationship, even dating,
patterns such that they may be prevented
from making new friends, exploring new
identities, or changing crowd membership.
Crowds become far less prominent in late ado-
lescence. According to Collins and Steinberg
(2006, p. 1022), “crowds may serve as an iden-
tity ‘way station’ or placeholder during the pe-
riod between individuation from parents and
establishment of a coherent personal identity.”
Interestingly, adolescents who are relatively
more confident in their identity tend not to
value crowd affiliations as much as those who
are still exploring, and by high school, many
adolescents believe affiliations with particular
crowds stifle their identity and self-expression
Crowds are reputation-based. Members of particular crowds typically
(Collins & Steinberg, 2006). Crowds begin to
share clothing styles, use similar language, smoke or don’t smoke,
dissolve as late adolescents begin to focus more achieve or don’t achieve in school. Kiselev Andrey Valerevich/Shutterstock
on close friendships and romantic relationships.

425
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

Peer Pressure
During adolescence, the pressure to conform, or “be like” peers, can be strong (Brown,
Bakken, Ameringer, & Mahon, 2008). Peer pressure refers to the influence peers have on
one’s attitudes and behaviors, including attitudes about school, clothing and hairstyles,
movies and music. In general, peer pressure has a negative connotation, but peers can pres-
sure for good or bad (Lacourse, Nagin, Trembly, Vitaro, & Claes, 2003). How does peer pres-
sure work? Denise Kandel (1978) identified two key processes in a now seminal study of
adolescents’drug use, educational goals, and delinquency. Selection is the process by which
adolescents choose friends and peer groups. Typically, they target individuals and groups
who have traits and characteristics similar to their own, or peers they would like to emulate
or be like (e.g., teenagers with academic aspirations seek out other high-achieving teens).
Once selections have been made, the process of socialization begins. Within peer groups,
attitudes and behaviors are modeled and reinforced. The socialization of destructive and de-
viant behavior is a concern for adults as they observe the power of peer cultures in the lives
of adolescents; research has shown how deviancy can be socialized in the context of peer
relationships (Blanton & Burkley, 2008; Kandel & Chen, 2000). Thomal Dishion and col-
leagues (Dishion & Patterson, 2006; Piehler & Dishion, 2007) claim that deviancy training
occurs when peer groups talk favorably about breaking rules and engaging in delinquent
behavior. They observed that “deviant talk” among peers ages 13 and 14 predicted smok-
ing, drug and alcohol use, and violent behavior by age 15 or 16 (Dishion, McCord, & Poulin,
1999). Peer pressure is strongest during early and middle adolescence when teenagers are
trying to establish identities separate from their parents. By late adolescence, increased au-
tonomy and the establishment of personal identity makes teenagers depend less on peers
and feel more confident to make their own decisions and develop their own style.

Friendships
Friendship is important in the lives of adolescents. In fact, adolescents report that friends
are their most important resource outside their family, and relationships with friends are
consistently implicated in adolescents’ overall competence and well-being (Brown, 2004;
Collins & Steinberg, 2006). Poor-quality friendships in adolescence are associated with neg-
ative outcomes, including loneliness, depression, and decreased productivity in school and
work settings. In contrast, high-quality friendships are important protective factors for ado-
lescents with emotional problems and adolescents experiencing problems at home (Collins
& Steinberg, 2006; Laible, Carlo, & Raffaelli, 2000). Adolescents who are rejected by peers
participate less in school activities, so their achievement suffers; they are more likely to
drop out of school and may even evidence more problems as adults. For example, rejected
aggressive adolescents are more likely to commit crimes as they grow older (Buhs, Ladd, &
Herald, 2006; Coie & Dodge, 1998; Fredricks, Blumenthal, & Paris, 2004). Thus, helping
adolescents make and keep friends is a valuable investment.
Friendships continue to deepen during adolescence. Specifically, adolescents con-
tinue to regard companionship and shared interests as important in friendships, but they
also expect commitment and intimacy (Collins & Steinberg, 2006). This is particularly true
for girls. More so than younger children, adolescents share secrets, empathize, and cooper-
ate with their friends (Collins & Steinberg, 2006; Eisenberg, Fabes, & Spinrad, 2006). Also,
they understand one another better, and this increased sense of mutuality and reciprocity
increases trust, respect, and support in their relationships. Conflicts continue to be more
common among friends than acquaintances (Collins & Steinberg, 2006). However, when
conflicts occur, adolescents are more skilled at resolving them, and the conflicts are less
likely to disrupt the relationship.
Adolescent girls are more interested in close friendships, and they report more intimacy,
prosocial support, and esteem support in their friendships than do boys (Collins & Steinberg,
2006). Also, teenage girls are more concerned with loyalty in friendships, more likely to desire
exclusivity in relationships, and more anxious about the potential for rejection (Johnson,
2004). Such closeness to friends may also account for some negative features of adolescent

426
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

girls’friendships (Collins & Steinberg, 2006; Benenson & Christakos, 2003). For example, ado-
lescent girls’ friendships tend to be of shorter duration than boys’ friendships, and girls are
more likely than boys to report actions that have harmed existing friendships and instances
of friendships ending. It seems the emotional intensity of girls’ friendships creates potential
for frustration and disappointment, and this can increase the risk for depression and internal-
ized distress when friendships end (Collins & Steinberg, 2006). Boys, on the other hand, con-
tinue to focus on shared activities. These differences also are evident in early dating and
romantic relationships.

Romantic Relationships
In the United States, 25% of 12-year-olds report having had a romantic relationship. By age
18, this statistic increases to 70% (Carver, Joyner, & Udry, 2003; Collins & Steinberg, 2006).
On average, girls begin dating before boys do (girls at 12 or 13 years of age; boys about a
year later). At first, dating and romantic coupling are supported through peer networks—
all-girl and all-boy cliques come together, and partners are typically chosen on the basis of
membership in what has become a mixed-gender peer group (Connolly, Furman, &
Konarski, 2000). Dating at this stage typically occurs as small groups of couples engaging in
dating activities (e.g., going to a movie or a school dance). Later, when adolescents can drive
and parents ease up on curfews and supervision, adolescents depend less on peer networks
and spend more time as separate couples. Increasingly, partners are chosen on the basis of
physical attraction, personal qualities, and common interests (Bouchey & Furman, 2003).
Most early romances do not last beyond adolescence, but these relationships can be
formative in the lives of teenagers. For example, most adults who survived them would agree
their adolescent romances offered important life lessons, and high-quality romantic relation-
ships during adolescence are positively associated with the development of romantic self-
concept and general self-worth (Collins & Steinberg, 2006). However, adolescents involved
in romantic relationships experience more conflict and more extreme mood swings than
other adolescents, and early dating and sexual activity are associated with problem behavior
and social and emotional difficulties. In general, it appears extremes of dating—too early, too
much, not at all—are associated with problems (Brown, 2004). For example, high rates of
dating are associated with depression and lower academic achievement, whereas not dating
at all is associated with depression, excessive dependence on parents, and deficient social
skills (Quatman, Sampson, Robinson, & Watson, 2001; Seiffge-Krenke, 1997).

BOYS AND GIRLS AND ROMANCE. There is evidence that boys and girls have different at-
titudes about dating and romantic relationships (Leaper & Anderson, 1997; Underwood &
Rosen, 2009). Boys tend to focus on the sexual aspects of dating and the physical attrac-
tiveness of their partners, whereas girls look for opportunities for closeness and communi-
cation (Furman & Wehner, 1997; Shulman & Seiffge-Krenke, 2001). Similarly, adolescent
boys emphasize physical gratification over intimacy in early sexual encounters and view
these sexual experiences in terms of conquest, status, and recreation (Hendrick & Hendrick,
1995; Martin, 1996). In contrast, girls are more focused on intimacy and relationship issues
and, therefore, more likely to have their first sexual experience in the context of an
emotional relationship. Also, girls are more likely to report conflicted feelings about sex:
They feel happy and excited about their relationship, but guilty and anxious about its
physicality (Brooks-Gunn & Paikoff, 1997).

SEXUAL MINORITY STATUS AND ROMANCE. Sexual minority adolescents often are slower
to begin dating and develop romantic attachments. They may be unsure of their sexual ori-
entation or reluctant to acknowledge it for fear of ridicule (Savin-Williams, 2003). In fact,
they may date and have relationships with members of the opposite sex just to fit in. In one
study of more than 3,000 adolescents in grades 9 through 12 (Garofalo, Wolf, Wissow,
Woods, & Goodman, 1999), only 0.5% self-disclosed their gay or lesbian status. Similarly,
recall that in Maguen et al.’s (2002) retrospective study, young adults (age 20) reported

427
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

knowing that they were interested in same-sex relationships

long before they disclosed their preferences to anyone. Lesbian
youth, in particular, are unlikely to have their first same-sex
relationship until later in adolescence (Savin-Williams &
Diamond, 2004).

CULTURE AND ROMANCE. Culture also influences the onset

of dating, romantic relationships, and sexual intercourse. In
Western industrialized societies, for example, most adoles-
cents report having had sex by age 18 (Guttmacher Institute,
2006), but some ethnic groups report having sexual inter-
course earlier than others. For example, African American
youths’ first sexual encounters tend to occur earlier than
either their Caucasian American or Latino peers. In contrast,
in Middle Eastern cultures, especially those that are heavily
influenced by Islamic traditions, adolescents have far fewer
opportunities for dating and couples are more closely moni-
tored by parents (Mahdi, 2003).

THE INFLUENCE OF PARENTS, PEERS, AND PARTNERS. Finally,

parents, peers, and partners can influence the initiation of
sexual relationships (Brown, 2004; Collins & Steinberg, 2006).
Peers who are sexually active set social norms and may en-
courage others to engage in sexual relations. However, peers
also can be influential in teenagers’ decisions to wait for sex.
Recall our discussion of virginity pledges. Partners can exert
pressure, too. For example, girls who date early often date
older males (Abma, Martinez, Mosher, & Dawson, 2004). In
In Middle Eastern cultures, especially those that are
these relationships, they may feel pressured to have sexual in-
heavily influenced by Islamic traditions, adolescents
tercourse to maintain the relationship. Parents and other adult
have far fewer opportunities for dating and couples
are more closely monitored by parents. Superstock
caregivers have an important role to play in mediating these in-
Royalty Free fluences. Adults who communicate permissive attitudes about
sex may encourage early sexual activity. However, there is dan-
ger in being overly controlling, too—teenagers may rebel. When adolescents enjoy close
relationships with parents and can talk openly with them (or other caregivers) about dat-
ing and romance, they often postpone sexual activity or at least behave responsibly in
their sexual interactions (Doyle, Brendgen, Markiewicz & Kamkar, 2003). Adults some-
times feel awkward talking with teenagers about sex. The Connecting with Adolescents
guidelines offer some strategies for engaging in free and frank discussions about dating,
romance, and sex.

Relating to Peers through Technology

One way in which adolescence for today’s teenagers is remarkably different than their par-
ents’ and teachers’ experience is the extent to which they can connect with one another,
even when they are not together. Let’s look at the ways teenagers are using technology to
relate to peers.

SOCIAL NETWORKING. According to a recent Nielsen survey (2009), “member communi-

ties,” which include social networks and blogs, consistently rank among the top categories
for media use by teens. Currently, MySpace and Facebook “are critical elements of the teen
experience.” Also, the survey indicates teenagers are prolific online publishers, with 67% of
teenage responders indicating they update their pages at least once each week. Interestingly,
mobile phones are the equipment of choice for much of adolescents’ online socializing (see
Figure 13.1). Seventy-seven percent of adolescent respondents indicated they own their own
phones. Another 11% reported that they borrow one frequently, leaving only 12% of teenagers
mobile free. And teenagers use text messaging and MMS/picture messaging at incredible

428
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

CONNECTING WITH ADOLESCENTS

Guidelines for Families and Teachers: Discussing Dating, Romance, and Sex
Develop honest and open environments for discussion. 2. Assure adolescents that you will always support them,
Examples no matter what happens.
1. Find a safe and comfortable setting, so both parents and 3. Be sensitive and monitor teens’ activities, but never
adolescents feel easy about opening a discussion about become overly intrusive or invade their privacy.
dating and sexuality.
Take active roles in the lives of teens.
2. Invite adolescents to participate in the conversations,
Examples
and be open to their opinions.
1. Be proactive about initiating positive conversations with
3. Communicate in a non-threatening manner, and help
teens about a variety of issues; do not wait until conflicts
adolescents understand the responsibilities associated
erupt.
with certain actions.
2. Never talk down to them; treat them respectfully.
Adapt an authoritative style of communication. 3. Know their interests, and engage in activities for fun and
Examples enjoyment.
1. Combine warmth with firmness, and be consistent 4. Have a sense of humor.
about discipline. Be clear about your standards
and expectations concerning dating, romance, Source: Adapted from http://www.camh.net/tips_for_parents_teens
and sex. .html http://www.sexualityandu.ca/parents/role-3.aspx

FIGURE 13.1

MOBILE COMMUNICATION USE AMONG U.S. TEENS 13–17

Teen mobile
borrowers
11%

Non–mobile
teens
12%

Mobile teens
77%

Source: Nielsen Company, (2009). How teens use media. A Nielsen report on the myths and realities of
teen media trends. http://en-us.nielsen.com/main/insights/consumer_insight/August2009/breaking_
teen_myths, p. 8. Used with permission.

429
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

FIGURE 13.2
AVERAGE NUMBER OF MONTHLY TEXTS AND PHONE CALLS
MADE BY U.S. TEENS 13–17

3500
3000 2899

2500 2272
1959
2000 1742
1514
1500
904 1051
1000 857
435
500 286 280 240 238 231 239 203 191
255
0
Qtr 1 Qtr 2 Qtr 3 Qtr 4 Qtr 1 Qtr 2 Qtr 3 Qtr 4 Qtr 1
2007 2007 2007 2007 2008 2008 2008 2008 2009

Number of calls sent/received Number of billed SMS sent/received

Source: Nielsen Company, (2009). How teens use media. A Nielsen report on the myths and realities of teen media
trends. http://en-us.nielsen.com/main/insights/consumer_insight/August2009/breaking_teen_myths, p. 8. Used with
permission.

rates! Figure 13.2 shows how this trend has been increasing in recent years. According to
the survey, the average American mobile phone user sent or received 2,899 text messages
each month during the first quarter of 2009. This compares to 191 voice calls. More than half
of these users indicated they prefer text messaging to calling and 34% reported it was the
reason they got their phone.
Unfortunately, there are some negative trends in adolescents’ social networking. We
examine two such trends next.

CYBERBULLYING. Here is how one 13-year-old girl described her experience with
cyberbullying—the practice of using computers and other electronic media to intentionally
inflict harm on another person:
“I was talking to 2 girls who used to be my friends. Then (they) went on a chat I
was also talking on and started saying horrible things about me. They used my
screen name and everything. They even told one of my guy friends that I liked
him since the day we met and he stopped talking to me. I was both depressed
and angry. I wanted to die. I wanted to leave everything behind. I blocked them
and signed off the Internet” (from Hinduja & Patchin, 2008).
As indicated in this example, cyberbullying can include publicly humiliating someone in an
online chat room, harassing someone through email or text messages, or posting content
(could be pictures, text, or a movie) about a person on a website. According to Sameer Hin-
duja and Justin Patchin (2009; Patchin & Hinduja, 2006), two leading researchers in this
area, these forms of bullying are about as prevalent as traditional forms of bullying, and at
least as damaging to victims. Cyberspace is a powerful medium for bullies. They may be
emboldened by electronic media because they can remain virtually anonymous, using tem-
porary email accounts or pseudonyms in chat rooms: It takes less courage to hurt a peer or
damage his or her reputation when you don’t need to deal with them face to face. Fur-
thermore, bullies can get their message to a much larger audience; because many Internet
forums are unsupervised, bullies worry less about being observed by adults. Finally, it is
harder for victims to avoid bullies who now have capabilities to harass them 24-7 with per-
sistent phone calls or text messages.
For victims, the consequences of cyberbullying can be devastating and long lasting.
According to Hinduja and Patchin (2007, 2008), these negative experiences can undermine

430
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

adolescents’ freedom to use online resources, ruin their reputations for years to come, and
cause serious emotional and psychological harm. They are associated with problems in
school and delinquent behavior offline. Therefore, it is not surprising that cyberbullying is
at the forefront of behavioral agendas in many schools and communities. Another related be-
havior is getting the attention of parents, educators, and the legal profession too: “sexting.”

SEXTING. Sending sexually explicit content, including photos or text messages, over the
Internet is sexting. According to a report from the National Campaign to Prevent Teen and
Unplanned Pregnancy, 39% of teenagers (ages 13 to 19) have sent sexually suggestive mes-
sages via text messages, IM, or email, and 20% have posted nude or semi-nude photos or
videos of themselves. Teenagers may be engaging in sexting “as a joke” or as a way of flirt-
ing, but for legal authorities, this is serious business. In an article for the New York Times,
Riva Richmond (March, 2009) explains:

It is illegal under federal and state child-porn laws to create explicit images of a mi-
nor, possess them or distribute them. These laws were drafted to address adult
abuse of minors but it turns out they don’t exempt minors who create and distrib-
ute images, even if the pictures are of them (making them, presumably, the victims).

More than a few teens are finding themselves in trouble with the law as a result of their
sexting behavior. For example, three teenage girls in Pennsylvania who allegedly sent nude or
semi-nude photos to three of their male classmates were charged with manufacturing, dis-
seminating, or possessing child pornography, and the boys were charged with possession
(wpxi.com, January, 2009). Another teenage girl in Florida was convicted of similar offenses.
Parents, educators, and child/youth advocates are very concerned. Is punishment by law the
right solution? Conversations about the merits of criminalizing this very risky behavior are just
beginning among parents, educators, members of the legal profession, and advocacy organi-
zations, such as Family Online Safety. While they deliberate, what can parents and other care-
givers do to protect adolescents engaged in sexting? The National Campaign to Prevent Teen
and Unplanned Pregnancy suggests adults emphasize the following points with teenagers:
• Don’t assume anything you send or post is going to remain private.
• There is no changing your mind in cyberspace—anything you send or post will never
truly go away.
• Don’t give in to pressure to do something that makes you uncomfortable, even in
cyberspace.
• Consider the recipient’s reaction. Just because a message is meant to be fun doesn’t
mean the person who gets it will see it that way.
• Nothing online is truly anonymous. If someone knows you by screen name, online pro-
file, phone number, or email address, they can probably find you if they try hard enough.
After all this, it is easy to see why adolescence is the period of children’s lives parents
are most nervous and apprehensive about (Pasley & Gecas, 1984; Steinberg & Silk, 2002).
Are these fears rational? We examine this topic next.

PARENTING ADOLESCENTS
In part, parents’ concern is rational. With the possible exception of toddlerhood, adoles-
cence brings with it more rapid and remarkable physical, cognitive, and social transforma-
tions than any other period in development. However, parents’anxiety also is fueled by what
Steinberg and Silk (2002) refer to as “widespread and erroneous stereotypes.” Specifically,
they critique the plethora of popular books and articles suggesting that “surviving,” rather
than “thriving” adolescence is the goal, and contrasting “cuddly” infants with “spiteful and
problem-ridden teenagers.” So what’s the truth about parent–adolescent relationships?
Although it is true that adolescence is a time of significant change and adjustment in
parent–child relationships, the vast majority of adolescents continue to feel close to their
parents during this time, enjoy spending time with them, value their opinions, and respect
them as authority figures (Arnett, 1999; Holmbeck, Friedman, Abad, & Jandasek, 2006;

431
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

Steinberg & Silk, 2002). Moreover, tensions in most parent–adolescent relationships tend to be
about mundane issues, such as personal appearance, dating, and curfews, not about core values,
work, education, religion, and politics (Arnett, 1999; Smetana, 1988; Steinberg & Silk, 2002).
Nevertheless, Steinberg and Silk stress the importance of “establishing a new equilibrium.”
Typically, this requires a renegotiation of the parent–child relationship and, for parents, adjusting
how they relate to, discipline, and guide their children, who are now adolescents.

Redefining the Parent–Child Relationship

We have already discussed the profound physical changes associated with puberty and ado-
lescence and how these changes affect the way adolescents view themselves and how they
are treated by others. Also, we know that adolescence is associated with increases in nega-
tive affect (i.e., moodiness). These changes may influence the way teenagers behave toward
their parents and they may lead parents to over- or underestimate their adolescents’ needs
and capabilities (Steinberg & Silk, 2002). Similarly, changes in adolescents’ cognitive abilities
can alter the interpersonal dynamic between parents and teenagers. Adolescents think more
like adults. They are able to think abstractly, and their reasoning becomes more multidi-
mensional and relativistic. According to Steinberg and Silk, adolescents bring a new cogni-
tive frame to family discussions. They want to be treated more like adults, and they want a
greater say in discussions about family affairs and decision-making. They may challenge the
way the family currently functions to make decisions, perhaps questioning the rules and rea-
sons for them. Such challenges can be hard for parents to take: They may interpret these chal-
lenges as their child rejecting their values and questioning their judgment as parents. They
may feel hurt when (not if) their adolescents criticize the things they say and do. These ten-
sions create emotional distance between parents and adolescents, which often is reflected
in increased negative and decreased positive interactions (Flanner, Torquati, & Lindemeier,
1994). However, such distancing is a normal feature of the parent–adolescent relationship,
even in species other than humans (Steinberg, 1989), and it typically doesn’t weaken the par-
ent–child bond established in earlier years.
Adolescence is marked by increased independence and a greater need for privacy.
Especially in Western industrialized societies, adolescents expect fewer restrictions and
increased opportunities for autonomy and self-management (Arnett, 1999; Steinberg & Silk,
2002). Adolescents spend less time with their families and, as we saw in the previous sec-
tion, their relationships with peers become more important and influential, and less subject
to parental control. Moreover, adolescents have more “free” time, and much of this time is
spent in activities that are not supervised by adults. They also have greater mobility than
they did as children (e.g., they can take public transit, or drive once they are 16 years old).
Although adolescents tend to welcome this newfound freedom, it gives parents cause for
concern. In particular, parents worry about their ability to monitor and control their
adolescents’ behaviors, and fear for their adolescents’ safety (e.g., they worry about their
involvement in taking drugs, drinking alcohol, engaging in sexual activity, social network-
ing, and surfing the Internet). Parents also may find it difficult to adjust to the fact that their
adolescents prefer peers as confidants and choose to spend time with peers over partici-
pating in family activities. In particular, parents may find it difficult to cope with their
adolescents’ first romantic or sexual relationships.

HOW SHOULD PARENTS RESPOND? Steinberg and Silk (2002) acknowledge that adoles-
cence tests the boundaries of trust in the parent–adolescent relationship, but highlight the
need for parents to strike a balance between granting autonomy and maintaining control.
They argue parents must give teens some freedom to make decisions about how, where,
and with whom to spend their unstructured and unsupervised time. However, some con-
cern is warranted, as research demonstrates that antisocial behavior is more common
among adolescents who spend large amounts of time in unstructured and unsupervised ac-
tivities (Masten, 1999; Osgood, Wilson, O’Malley, Bachman, & Johnston, 1996). Research
also indicates that well-adjusted youth have parents who know where they are and what
they are doing most of the time (Pettit, Bates, Dodge, & Meece, 1999; Steinberg & Silk,
2002). Ideally, parents foster independence and self-control in their adolescents (starting

432
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

from an early age), but also monitor their activities so they know
what they are doing and that they are safe. They strike the right
balance between respecting their teenagers’right to privacy and
protecting them from risks associated with the teenage years.
In general, adolescents raised by authoritative parents are
more socially competent and emotionally well adjusted than
adolescents whose parents are characterized as authoritarian,
permissive, or neglectful (Peterson, 2005; Rubin et al., 2004;
Steinberg & Silk, 2002). Authoritative parents are warm and re-
sponsive, and nurture autonomy, but they also have high expec-
tations and set and enforce rules for their children. Adolescents
who experience this combination of warmth, autonomy support,
and structure tend to be more responsible, self-assured, and suc-
cessful in school than those who do not (Parker & Benson, 2004;
Steinberg & Silk, 2004). They also are less likely to experience
anxiety and depression, and are less likely to become involved in
problem behaviors (Lau, Litrownik, Newton, Black, & Everson,
2006; Rubin et al., 2004). These teenagers are likely to have se-
cure attachments with parents, which increases the probability
that parents will continue to have a strong positive influence on
their behavior (Ducharme, Doyle, & Markiewicz, 2002; Laible,
Carlo, & Raffaelli, 2000), even when peer influence is at its
strongest. Evidence linking authoritative parenting to healthy
adolescent development has been found in countries all over the
world and in studies across a wide range of ethnicities, cultures,
social strata, and family structures (Steinberg & Silk, 2002).
Authoritative parents are likely to use inductive forms of
Research demonstrates that antisocial behavior is
discipline; that is, they use logical reasoning and persuasion to
more common among adolescents spending large
appeal to adolescents’ desire to do the right thing. According to
amounts of time in unstructured and unsupervised
Peterson (2005), induction helps adolescents to understand activities. © Adrian Sherratt/Alamy
why rules are necessary and why certain behavior is unaccept-
able. Also, through discussion, parents engaged in inductive dis-
cipline help their adolescents to make adjustments and amend wrongdoings. Steinberg and
Silk (2002) agree that the verbal give and take that characterizes parent–adolescent inter-
actions in authoritative households fosters reasoning ability and moral judgment, which
helps teenagers to make good decisions when they are away from their families. Moreover,
the nurturance and involvement that typify authoritative parenting make adolescents more
receptive to what adults have to say. Inductive discipline communicates confidence in ado-
lescents’ desire and ability to make good choices and legitimizes parents’ authority without
engendering hostility, which is associated with problem behavior (Buehler, 2006). Finally,
inductive discipline is associated with positive social values, high self-esteem, and good
school performance (Amato & Fowler, 2002; Aunola, Stattin, & Nurmi, 2000). In contrast,
discipline that is harsh and punitive can lead to hostility, open disregard for parents’ au-
thority, and involvement in problem behaviors (Benderet al., 2007).

MONITORING AND SUPERVISION. Parental monitoring and supervision are linked to social
and emotional adjustment throughout childhood and especially in adolescence (Crouter &
Head, 2002). Specifically, low levels of parental monitoring are associated with high levels
of problem behavior, including conduct problems and delinquency, substance use, early
sexual activity, and problems at school (Crouter & Head, 2002; Masten, 1999; Smetana,
2008; Steinberg & Silk, 2002). According to Crouter and Head, most measures of parental
monitoring are actually measures of parents’ knowledge about what their adolescents do
when not under direct parental supervision, where they do it, and with whom. But how do
parents gather this information without engaging in overly intrusive behaviors, such as
tracking and surveillance? Mainly, parents rely on what their teenagers tell them. In addition,

433
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

sensitive parents are good at noticing and listening when their adolescents are around.
However, parents cannot become or remain knowledgeable if adolescents are unwilling to
share information with them, or if they deliberately omit or lie about crucial information.
Therefore, recent research about parental monitoring (parental knowledge) has focused
on disclosure and secrecy in parent–adolescent relationships (Jensen, Arnett, Feldman, &
Cauffman, 2004; Marshall, Tilton-Weaver, & Bosdet, 2005; Smetana, Villabos, Rogge, &
Tasopoulos-Chan, 2010; Tasopoulos-Chan, Smetana, Yau, 2009).
Jensen and her colleagues (2004) studied high school and college students’ percep-
tions about the acceptability of lying to parents under a variety of conditions. They found
lying to parents was quite common among the adolescents and emerging adults in their
study; it was perceived as an acceptable a way to assert autonomy. Figure 13.3 shows the
range of issues about which high school and college students lie to their parents. Boys lied
more frequently than girls, and adolescents lied more frequently than emerging adults in
this study. In other studies (e.g., Perkins & Turiel, 2007), adolescents have reported views
of lying as morally wrong, and lying has been associated with greater tolerance for deviant
or delinquent behavior (Engles et al., 2006). Tasopoulos-Chan et al. (2009) extended the
research on lying to examine other strategies adolescents might use to “manage information.”
They studied various methods of nondisclosure used by Chinese, Mexican, and European
American adolescents in interactions with parents (e.g., avoiding the topic, omitting infor-
mation, “only tell if asked”). Also, they examined whether and how disclosure practices var-
ied as a function of the kind of information to be shared (e.g., information about moral issues
and social conventions versus information viewed as personal and up to the individual to
decide). Their findings indicate that across ethnic groups, adolescents used avoidance and

FIGURE 13.3
COMPARING FREQUENCY FOR HIGH SCHOOL AND COLLEGE STUDENTS
LYING TO THEIR PARENTS ABOUT A WIDE RANGE OF ISSUES

80
High school College
70

60

50
Percent

40

30

20

10

0
Friends Alcohol/drugs Parties Money Dating Sex
Issues

Source: With kind permission from Springer Science ⫹ Business Media: Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 33(2), The
Right to Do Wrong: Lying to Parents Among Adolescents and Emerging Adults, 2004, p. 106, by Jensen, L. A., Arnett,
J. J., Feldman, S. S., & Cauffman, E.

434
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

partial disclosure (only tell if asked) more than either full disclosure or lying. In fact, lying
was relatively infrequent, regardless of the information to be shared, when examined in the
context of other strategies for nondisclosure. Chinese American youth concealed informa-
tion by partially disclosing it more than adolescents from other ethnic groups. European and
Mexican American youth were more likely to disclose information of a personal nature to
mothers than to fathers, perhaps reflecting more distant relationships with fathers than
mothers in these groups. Girls disclosed more than boys, and boys were more likely to lie
to parents than were girls. Overall, disclosure was associated with adolescents’ reports of
stronger ties to family, more trust in parents, and less problem behavior. Alternatively, lying
was associated with more depressed mood. Table 13.3 shows how adolescents reason about
whether and what to disclose to parents.
What predicts adolescent disclosure versus secrecy? Primarily, research indicates
parental knowledge develops in the context of a harmonious and trusting parent–adolescent
relationship (Crouter & Head, 2002; Smetana, 2008; Smetana et al., 2010; Steinberg & Silk,
2002). Specifically, disclosure is more common among adolescents whose parents are
authoritative and who do not engage in activities that would lead to parental disapproval.
Moreover, parental acceptance is associated with disclosure, whereas disagreement and
conflict is associated with greater secrecy on the part of teenagers. According to Smetana,
most adolescents feel obligated to disclose information and activities for which they perceive
the parent has legitimate authority to regulate. Both adolescents and parents perceive that
teenagers are obligated to disclose behavior that affects one’s safety, comfort, or health, but
view as discretionary the disclosure of information pertaining to personal issues, such as
what they spend their money on or how they spend their time. Adolescents’ sense of obli-
gation to disclose information about peers falls somewhere in the middle. Smetana empha-
sizes that most parents know less than they think they do: “Even in good relationships
parents overestimate their adolescents’ disclosure, particularly at middle adolescence

TABLE 13.3 • Adolescent Reasoning about Disclosing Information about Their Whereabouts and Activities

THEME DEFINITION EXAMPLES

Jurisdiction Decision to inform parent is founded upon whether “When you’re within town and visiting friends or
activities are under the jurisdiction of the going to the library or to a store”
adolescent (i.e., nearby, shorter period of time) or “When it’s night, when they don’t know who I’m
parent (i.e., far away, longer period of time) going with, when I go somewhere I’ve never
been before”

Social support Decision to inform parent is associated with “. . . when my mother needed me to babysit my
support such as protection from safety or sister I would give the number where I was”
assistance with daily tasks. Social support may be “When there is a potential for danger. For example,
from the parent to the adolescent or vice versa if I’m going hiking in the woods they should
know exactly where I am in case I get hurt or
something”

Ask me no Information is conveyed only if the parent asks; “only if they wanted to know”
questions, tell not conveyed if parent doesn’t ask “if they are going to check [on where I am]”
you no lies

Sort of tell Parent is provided with partial information as to the “When they won’t let me go, we don’t explain
adolescent’s whereabouts and activities exactly where I’m going”
“For example, if I’m out with friends they don’t
need to know where. At least they know I’m out
and will be back later”

Tell or else Adolescent conveys whereabouts and activities to “If I don’t tell them I get into big trouble”
avoid consequences of parent not being informed “The consequences [of not telling] are too high”

Source: Reprinted from Journal of Adolescence, 28, Marshall, S. K., Tilton-Weaver, L. C., & Bosdet, L. Information management: Considering
adolescents’ regulation of parental knowledge, p. 642. Copyright 2005, with permission from Elsevier.

435
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

and with regard to peers” (p. 22). Moreover, according to Masten (1999; Masten & Shaffer,
2006), many parents withdraw monitoring and supervision before adolescents are mature
enough to cope with the complex social situations in which they find themselves, leaving
youth vulnerable to a wide range of risk factors. For these reasons, parents and other adults
need to work hard to build relationships with teenagers that include trust, security, and easy
communication.

Coping with Conflict

As indicated previously, tensions between most parents and adolescents are not serious
enough to cause a dramatic deterioration in their relationships during the adolescent years.
In fact, only 5–10% of parents and adolescents who enjoy positive relationships during
childhood develop serious relationship problems during adolescence (Lamb & Lewis, 2005;
Steinberg, 1990; Steinberg & Silk, 2002). Therefore, although some emotional distance and
minor but persistent squabbling is typical, frequent, high-intensity fighting is not a normal
part of adolescence. In general, conflict between parents and adolescents increases in
frequency during early adolescence, reaches a peak in intensity during middle adolescence,
and then declines in late adolescence as teenagers come to value the restrictions their
parents place on them, and parents come to respect the authority and jurisdiction of their
maturing youth (Arnett, 1999; Laursen, Coy, & Collins, 1998; Steinberg & Silk, 2002).
Smetana and her colleagues (1996; Yau & Smetana, 2003) have found similar patterns
of interaction in both Western and non-Western nations (e.g., Hong Kong and China). For
example, in a study of families in the United States and Hong Kong, Smetana (1996) identi-
fied three patterns of parent–adolescent conflict. She labeled the largest group of families
the “frequent squabblers.” Their relationships were typical in that they involved high rates
of mildly intense conflict. A second, smaller group of families was characterized as “placid.”
In these families, conflict was rare, perhaps because they had successfully renegotiated
their relationships already. Finally, a third group of families was characterized as “tumul-
tuous.” These families reported frequent conflict that was extreme in its affective intensity.
According to Smetana, adolescents from these families are most at risk for experiencing
problems with adjustment.
Overall, few effects on parent–adolescent conflict have been linked to the sex of
teenagers. Sons and daughters report similar amounts of closeness and conflict with
parents, and it appears they interact with parents in very similar ways (Hauser et al., 1987;
Hill & Holmbeck, 1987; Youniss & Ketterlinus, 1987). However, some research indicates
mothers and fathers relate to male and female adolescents differently (Collins & Russell,
1991; Lamb & Lewis, 2005; Steinberg, 1990; Steinberg & Silk, 2002). On average, mothers
who spend more time with their teenagers and adolescents report feeling closer to them
and more comfortable talking with them about problems and emotional issues. Mother–
adolescent relationships are characterized as more intense in general, including not only
greater closeness but also more frequent and intense conflict. Fathers are perceived as more
distant authority figures. Father–adolescent interactions are more likely to revolve around
recreational activities and goal-oriented tasks (e.g., schoolwork). Father–daughter relation-
ships are characterized as particularly distant, which can be hard for fathers who enjoyed a
very close relationship with their daughters during childhood. Adolescent boys ask fathers
for support more often than do daughters, but father–son relationships are not as intimate
as mother–son relationships.
Finally, the effects of conflict on parent–adolescent relationships over the short and
long term appear to have less to do with the content of the conflict than how it is managed
and resolved. Many conflicts between adolescents and their parents end because one party
gives in or walks away (Laursen & Collins, 1994; Smetana & Gaines, 1999; Steinberg & Silk,
2002; Yau & Smetana, 2003), as opposed to both parties engaging in a process of produc-
tive problem solving. Steinberg and Silk argue that mild conflict presents an opportunity
for parents and adolescents to review their expectations for one another and renegotiate
their relationships. In fact, in families in which members are invited to express their points
of view and disagreements with one another are tolerated, adolescents are more assertive
and have more advanced skills for conflict resolution. Importantly, these benefits are only

436
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

realized in parent–adolescent relationships that have a high degree of harmony and

cohesion (Steinberg & Silk, 2002). Parent–adolescent conflict is associated with negative
outcomes for adolescents when it occurs in the context of an already hostile relationship
(Buehler, 2006).

LIFE IN SCHOOL
More and more research is pointing to the importance of adolescents’ positive experiences
at school for promoting healthy social and emotional development (Eccles & Roeser, 2003;
Pittman & Richmond, 2007; Suldo, Shaffer, & Riley, 2008). Specifically, satisfaction in school
is associated with good conduct in school, positive relationships with peers and teachers,
motivation for learning, self-efficacy for learning, academic achievement, good overall men-
tal health, and global life satisfaction (i.e., positive perceptions of one’s quality of life). How-
ever, adolescence is a time for school transitions—from elementary to middle school and
then to high school—and these transitions can prove challenging for teenagers who already
are coping with profound personal (physical, cognitive, and emotional) changes.

Adjusting to Middle and High School

Although school transitions can negatively affect academic performance, behavior, and self-
esteem, even in adolescents generally regarded as well adjusted, the disruption is typically
temporary (Collins & Steinberg, 2006). Most adolescents adapt to changing schools over
time, especially when they have stable and supportive family and peer relationships and the
new schools are responsive to their needs (Eccles, 2004; Roeser et al., 2000). The students
to worry about are those who have pre-existing problems and vulnerabilities. Adolescents
with a history of academic, social, and/or emotional problems have greater difficulty adapt-
ing to middle and high school than students whose experiences in school have been pri-
marily positive (Anderman, 1998; Collins & Steinberg, 2006; Murdock, Anderman, &
Hodge, 2000). Middle schools and high schools tend to be more impersonal than elemen-
tary schools, and this can make adjustment to the new environment particularly difficult for
students with few social supports either inside or outside of school. Finally, students in
poor, inner city neighborhoods are more likely to experience negative outcomes associated
with transitions, including falling grades and declines in motivation and self-esteem.
In the sections on adolescent self-concept and self-esteem, we described the general de-
cline in students’self-evaluations as they advance through school and linked them to failure on
the part of middle and high schools to meet the developmental needs of adolescents. In par-
ticular, Eccles and her colleagues (Eccles, 2004; Roeser et al., 2000; Wigfield & Eccles, 2002)
have criticized schools’increased emphasis on grades and social comparisons at a period in life
when individuals are most self-conscious and self-critical. Also, they argue that middle and high
school teachers often trust students less and want to control them more. This creates a mis-
match between what adolescents want (greater autonomy) and what schools provide (control).
Collins and Steinberg (2006) argue that the same factors that influence positive ado-
lescent adjustment at home also influence adjustment at school. Specifically, they assert that
schools need to be both responsive and demanding (i.e., authoritative contexts), and teach-
ers need to be supportive and firm, maintaining high, well-defined standards for behavior
and academic work. In these contexts, students are more satisfied in school and have
stronger bonds to school. They are more motivated for learning, have higher rates of
achievement, and are less likely to engage in problem behavior (Collins & Steinberg, 2006;
Eccles, 2004; Ryan & Patrick, 2001; Way & Pahl, 2001). In contrast, students in classrooms
that emphasize grades, social comparisons, and teacher control tend to be less motivated
for learning and more anxious about school.

School Attachment
School attachment, also referred to as school connectedness and school belonging,
describes the extent to which students feel accepted, valued, respected, supported, and
included in their schools (Goodenow, 1993; Shochet, Dadds, Ham, & Montague, 2006).

437
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

A common measure of school attachment first appeared in the National Longitudinal Study
of Adolescent Health (Bearman, Jones, Udry, 1997). Items such as “I feel close to people at
this school”and “I feel like I am part of this school”provide a “school connectedness score”
for adolescents who complete the survey. Researchers then correlate this score with other
information they have about the adolescents (e.g., age, sex, ethnicity, SES) and their schools
(e.g., urban, ethnically diverse), and a wide range of positive and negative outcomes (e.g.,
academic achievement, motivation for learning, social and emotional functioning). Al-
though qualities of specific relationships (e.g., teacher–student, student–student) are asso-
ciated with school attachment, this construct implies something beyond relationships and
includes feelings of commitment to an institution and a sense of belonging to a larger com-
munity (Pittman & Richmond, 2007). Ideally, all students, from preschool through college
should feel “attached”to their schools, but Goodenow stressed the importance of school at-
tachment during adolescence, when teenagers are relying less on their families for support
and more on extra-familial connections for individuation.
School attachment was originally studied as a critical factor relating to school re-
tention and dropout (Wehlage, Rutter, Smith, Lesko, & Fernandez, 1989), but has been
subsequently positively linked to school performance and adjustment, motivation for
learning, self-esteem, self-regulation, expectations for future success, general well-being,
and global life satisfaction (L. H. Anderman & Freeman, 2004; Shochet et al., 2006; Suldo
et al., 2008). In addition, low levels of school attachment have been linked to low self-
esteem, higher rates of delinquency, and engagement in behavior that poses a significant
health risk, including smoking, alcohol and drug use, and early sexual activity (Bond
et al., 2007; Dornbusch, Erickson, Laird, & Wong, 2001; Henry & Slater, 2007). In one
study (Wilson, 2004), school connectedness was considered alongside school size, eth-
nic makeup, performance, and climate as a predictor of violent behavior and aggressive
victimization. Relative to all these influences, disconnection from school was the great-
est predictor of these violent outcomes. Similarly, Mulvey and Cauffman (2001) linked
school attachment to a belief in the fairness of school rules and discipline, and found
these beliefs were more powerful in lowering school violence than zero-tolerance
policies. Finally, research investigating the relationship between school attachment and
mental health has demonstrated a strong correlation between poor school attachment
and mental health concerns, such as depression, anxiety, and deficits in overall func-
tioning. Thus, research demonstrates a clear and important role for school attachment
in the lives of adolescents.
Research also indicates that students who are members of ethnic minority groups,
sexual minority groups, low SES groups, disability groups, and low-achievement groups
are particularly at risk for school “disconnectedness” (Bonny, Britto, Klostermann,
Hornung, & Slap, 2000; Galliher, Rostosky, & Hughes, 2004; Pittman & Richmond, 2007).
Attending urban schools, not being involved in extracurricular activities, having “declin-
ing health status” (judged by the number visits to the school nurse), and being younger or
older than classmates also are risks for feeling less connected to schools (Bonny et al.,
2000). Conversely, school attachment appears to buffer “at risk” youth from many of the
negative outcomes listed here. Sanchez, Colon, and Esparza (2005) examined relation-
ships between school attachment and academic outcomes in 143 Latino adolescents in
grade 12. For these youth, school attachment was positively correlated with effort, moti-
vation for learning, and attendance in school. Similarly, Kia-Keating and Ellis (2007) found
that school belonging was associated with lower levels of depression and higher levels of
self-efficacy in a group of adolescent refugees from Somalia. Finally, school attachment is
associated with lower rates of internalizing and externalizing problems, better GPA, and
more positive attitudes toward school in adolescents from low SES communities (Pittman &
Richmond, 2007).
Not surprisingly, students form positive attachments to schools they perceive are
supportive and caring environments with professionals who are interested in their
learning progress and general well-being (L. H. Anderman, 2003; Gomez & Ang,
2007; Vieno, Santinello, Pastore, & Perkins, 2007). Gomez and Ang identify several

438
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

CONNECTING WITH ADOLESCENTS

Guidelines for Schools: What Schools Can Do to Foster
Students’ School Attachment

Involve students in planning. 3. Help adolescents to identify a reliable and close

Examples relationship with at least one adult in school.
1. Involve students in developing classroom rules, devising
suitable table and seating arrangements in classrooms, Be supportive to meet students’ needs.
assemblies, and concerts, and so on. Examples
2. Invite ideas and perspectives from all cultural and 1. Be sensitive to students’ needs, and provide
social groups. extra resources and assistance to ensure academic
3. Make time for negotiating tasks and evaluation standards. success.
4. Encourage students to speak up for themselves and be 2. Provide support to students grappling with challenges,
assertive. and assure them that they can meet their high hopes
for school performance.
Foster close relationships with students.
3. Set up after-school sports clubs or musical instrument
Examples
practice sessions to support students with different
1. Engage in ongoing communication with parents, interests.
teachers, and students. Such relationships build rapport
and collaboration.
2. Accept the values of all youths, and be sure to treat Source: Adapted from http://www.heretohelp.bc.ca/publications/
everyone fairly. schools/alt/1

contextual factors that are key for “positive youth development” in school, including
the presence of positive adults, positive places, and positive opportunities for social and
emotional development. According to Gomez and Ang, positive adults recognize and
support adolescents’ need for ongoing support and connectedness to others. They make
themselves available and cheer students on, celebrating successes and offering encour-
agement in the face of failures, while setting healthy boundaries and realistic
expectations. Positive places have clearly articulated sets of rules and regulations that
members of the community need to follow, and they place a priority on managing bul-
lying and aggression. Also, positive places allow for age-appropriate levels of autonomy
and self-regulation, so students are involved in decision-making and governance. They
share responsibility for ensuring their school is a safe and caring environment for every-
one in it. Finally, positive opportunities for social and emotional development include ac-
tivities and programs that promote what Gomez and Ang refer to as the “six Cs” of
positive youth development: competence, confidence, connections, character, caring,
and contribution to society. The Connecting with Adolescents guidelines offer spe-
cific ideas about what schools can do to foster students’ school attachment.

CHALLENGES FOR ADOLESCENTS

We have seen throughout this chapter that adolescence poses some significant challenges
for most individuals. In this section, we examine some less common, more extreme chal-
lenges that are associated with the emergence of mental illness in adolescents. Research in-
dicates that half of all lifetime cases of mental illness appear by age 14 (NIMH, 2009; NCCP,
2009). Table 13.4 lists factors that put adolescents at risk for experiencing mental illness,
alongside factors that are associated with mental health. Depression and anxiety disorders
continue to be the most common forms of mental illness in adolescence, and they place
youth at risk for attempting or completing suicide.

439
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

TABLE 13.4 • Risk and Protective Factors for Experiencing Mental Illness

RISK FACTORS PROTECTIVE FACTORS

Biological

Exposure to toxins (e.g., tobacco, alcohol) in pregnancy Age-appropriate physical development

Genetic tendency to psychiatric disorder Good physical health
Head trauma Good intellectual functioning
Hypoxia at birth and other birth complications
HIV infection
Malnutrition
Substance abuse
Other illnesses

Psychological

Learning disorders Ability to learn from experiences

Maladaptive personality traits Good self-esteem
Sexual, physical, emotional abuse and neglect High level of problem-solving ability
Difficult temperament Social skills

Social

Family Inconsistent care-giving Family attachment

Family conflict Opportunities for positive involvement in family
Poor family discipline Rewards for involvement in family
Poor family management
Death of a family member

School Academic failure Opportunities for involvement in school life

Failure of schools to provide appropriate environment Positive reinforcement from academic achievement
to support attendance and learning Identity with school or need for education
Inadequate or inappropriate provision of education attainment
Bullying

Community Transitions (e.g., urbanisation) Connectedness to community

Community disorganisation Opportunities for leisure
Discrimination and marginalisation Positive cultural experiences
Exposure to violence Positive role models
Rewards for community involvement
Connection with community organisations

Source: Reprinted from The Lancet, 369, Patel, V., Fisher, A., & McGorry, P. Mental health of young people: A global public-health challenge, p. 642.
Copyright 2005, with permission from Elsevier.

Suicide
Suicide is the third leading cause of death among older adolescents, accounting for 12.3% of
all adolescent deaths each year (CDC, 2008; NCCP, 2009; Thompson, Kuruwita, & Foster,
2009). Figure 13.4 shows the rates of adolescent suicide by age, gender, and ethnicity. You
can see that the rate of suicide death is higher for boys than for girls. However, it is important
to note that non-fatal, self-inflicted injuries, many of which are suicide attempts, are more
common in girls. In general, the rate of suicide in youth from minority groups is lower than it
is in White/non-Hispanic populations. However, some minority groups, including youth with
disabilities and youth who are gay or lesbian are more vulnerable than others (Galliher et al.,
2004; Wilson, Deri Armstrong, Furrie, & Walcot, 2009). Suicide among Aboriginal youth is
alarmingly high compared with that of other groups, and this finding is true in other countries
around the world, including Australia and Canada. In 2006, Health Canada estimated the rates
of suicide for First Nations youth were five to seven times that for non-Aboriginal youth, and
among the highest in the world for Inuit youth (11 times the national average).

440
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

FIGURE 13.4

RATES OF ADOLESCENT SUICIDE BY AGE, GENDER, AND ETHNICITY

Suicide rates by age and gender, ages 10–18, 2006

0.17
Ages 10 to 12
0.69

1.82
Ages 13 to 15
3.69

2.63
Ages 16 to 18
10.99

0 2 4 6 8 10 12
Deaths per 100,000

Suicide rates by race/ethnicity and gender, ages 10–18, 2006

Asian/ 1.15
Pacific islander 3.77

1.35
Hispanic
3.23

Black/ 0.65
Non-hispanic 3.43

White/ 1.74
Non-hispanic 6.08

American Indian/ 9.73

Alaskan native 19.98

0 5 10 15 20
Deaths per 100,000
Females Males

Source: National Center for Children in Poverty. (2009). Adolescent mental health in the United States. New York:
NY: Schwarz, S. W.

Suicide typically is a response to life problems—problems that parents and teachers

may dismiss. Therefore, it is important to watch for warning signs, such as changes in eat-
ing or sleeping habits, weight, grades, disposition, activity level, or interest in friends.
Adolescents at risk sometimes suddenly give away prized possessions such as electronic
gadgets, CDs, clothing, or pets. They may seem depressed or hyperactive and may say
things like “Nothing matters any more,” “You won’t have to worry about me any more,” or
“I wonder what dying is like.” They may start missing school or quit doing work. Thoughts
of suicide, referred to as suicidal ideation, are not uncommon during adolescence, but any
thoughts or actions that could result in harm to self should be taken seriously and
addressed immediately.
Adult caregivers who suspect a potential for suicide should talk to the adolescent
directly. It is a myth that people who talk about suicide do not complete suicide. In fact,
approximately 80% of suicide completions are preceded by one or more suicide attempts,

441
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

and individuals who attempt suicide are 38–40 times more likely to complete suicide than
individuals with no history of attempts (Thompson et al., 2009). One feeling shared by
many people who attempt suicide is that no one really takes them seriously, so remember,
“A question about suicide does not provoke suicide. Indeed, teens (and adults) often expe-
rience relief when someone finally cares enough to ask” (Range, 1993, p. 145). Ask about
specifics, and take the adolescent seriously. Also, be aware that teenage suicides often oc-
cur in clusters. Cluster suicides occur when several members of a group attempt or commit
suicide within a relatively short time frame, perhaps in response to a classmate’s suicide or
a suicide that has been widely publicized (Joiner, 1999; Rice & Dolgin, 2002). Finally, the
link between adolescents’ use of antidepressants and an increased risk for suicide is unclear
(Markowitz & Cuellar, 2007; Sammons, 2009), but hotly debated, and the Food and Drug
Administration (FDA, 2004) has recommended caution in the use of pharmaceuticals to
treat childhood and adolescent depression. This debate highlights a need for close moni-
toring (i.e., medical supervision) of adolescents being treated for depression and other men-
tal illnesses.
Two groups of adolescents at particular risk for suicide include adolescents with schiz-
ophrenia and adolescents with bipolar disorder. We examine these disorders next.

Schizophrenia
Nigel’s first inkling that something was different about him occurred just after high
school graduation. He and his family entered a sailboat race, but there was no wind
on the day of competition. “An urge in me thought that maybe if I prayed hard
enough, I could somehow make the wind blow and make our sailboat win the race.”
He closed his eyes and began to gesture with his hands . . . “That was the first clue.”

Tammy started experiencing symptoms of schizophrenia when she was

14 years old. “One time I had a friend over and we were watching television and
I got a message from the TV. I said to him, ‘Can you please get out.’ . . . I thought
he was part of a conspiracy and the message on the television was telling me he
was part of the conspiracy. I kicked him out and then I barricaded my doors.”
Source: Canadian Press. (2008).
Schizophrenia is a chronic and severely disabling brain disorder that affects approximately
1% of the general population. It affects men and women similarly and occurs at similar rates
in all ethnic groups around the world (NIMH, 2006). Symptoms associated with schizo-
phrenia typically emerge during late adolescence and early adulthood; however, cases of
schizophrenia have been diagnosed in children as young as age 5. Problems in diagnosing
child and adolescent onset schizophrenia often occur because early symptoms are confused
with normal development in childhood (e.g., a rich fantasy life) or other mental illnesses in
adolescents (e.g., depression), or because the symptoms are attributed to other factors,
such as alcohol and drug abuse (Findling, 2008; Hollis, 2000).
The symptoms of schizophrenia fall into three broad categories (Children, Youth, and
Women’s Health Service, 2009; NIMH, 2006; Wozniak, et al., 2008):
• Positive symptoms are easy to spot because they include behaviors and changes in
thought processes not seen in healthy people, including hallucinations, delusions (e.g.,
paranoia or delusions of grandeur), thought disorders, and disorders of movement.
Positive symptoms can come and go, and can be severe or hardly noticeable, depend-
ing on whether a person is receiving treatment. When individuals are experiencing
these changes in thought processes, they are said to be experiencing “acute psychosis.”
• Negative symptoms include reductions in normal emotional and behavioral states. For
example, individuals with schizophrenia often are described as having flat affect (e.g.,
they don’t show happiness or sadness when these emotions seem appropriate) and
loss of drive (e.g., they are not motivated to complete day-to-day tasks, such as cook-
ing and cleaning, or even taking a shower and changing their clothes). Sometimes
these symptoms make the individuals appear lazy, but these behaviors are part of the

442
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

illness. In addition, these individuals may become socially withdrawn because they are
afraid someone will harm them or they worry they will not be able to interact well
with others because of their disease.
• Cognitive symptoms include problems with executive functions, such as planning, or-
ganizing, and evaluating, difficulties sustaining attention, slower processing speed and
problems with working memory (e.g., individuals with schizophrenia may have diffi-
culty holding relevant information in mind as they complete a task or make a decision).
As you can imagine, these symptoms make it difficult for people with schizophrenia to
lead a normal life—to work and go to school, to cultivate and maintain relationships—and
they are the cause of a great deal of emotional distress. The rates of depression and substance
abuse are higher among adolescents with schizophrenia than they are for the general popu-
lation, and adolescents who have schizophrenia are at higher risk for suicide (NIMH, 2006;
Stenager & Qin, 2008). The cause of schizophrenia is believed to be a combination of genetic,
biochemical, and environmental factors (Children, Youth, and Women’s Health Service,
2009; NIMH, 2006). Whereas the risk of developing schizophrenia is 1 in 100 for members
of the general population, the risk is increased to 1 in 10 for people with a parent or sibling
with the disorder; having a twin with schizophrenia increases the risk to between 40%
and 65%. Research also links schizophrenia to an imbalance of chemical reactions in the brain.
Specifically, neurotransmitters that enable brain cells to communicate with one another are
thought to be involved. Finally, stress may trigger symptoms of the illness in vulnerable peo-
ple. Stressful events (e.g., tensions in the family, anxiety about school) are often associated
with the first signs of the illness; however, it can be difficult to discern whether the tensions
precede or supersede the illness (Children, Youth, and Women’s Health Service, 2009).
Schizophrenia is a chronic illness (like diabetes or high blood pressure), so there is no
cure. However, many people with schizophrenia find their illness responds well to treat-
ment; with appropriate treatment, they are able to resume independent, productive, and
satisfying lives. Primarily, schizophrenia is treated with antipsychotic medications. In addi-
tion, counseling and family support can be invaluable in helping individuals to manage and
cope with their disease. Because schizophrenia is a chronic disorder, it requires constant
management (NIMH, 2006), and it is very important for people with schizophrenia to take
their medication regularly for as long as their doctors prescribe, so they experience fewer
“positive” symptoms. This is where a support network (i.e., parents, medical professionals,
professional case workers, teachers, and friends) can help.
Sometimes people with schizophrenia do not take their medication because they be-
lieve they no longer need it (the medication makes them feel well), or they don’t like the
side effects. Also, disordered thought processes and the use of other substances can inter-
fere with treatment regimes (e.g., they may forget to take their medication). Medical pro-
fessionals can help by seeing these patients regularly, asking them how their treatment
regime is working, being sensitive to their complaints about side effects, and changing or
modifying medications to increase their quality of life. Other caregivers can help by moni-
toring the manifestation of symptoms and helping their loved ones and friends to develop
strategies to ensure they take their medications regularly (e.g., initiate a calendar routine or
use pill boxes labeled with the days of the week). Finally, working hard to maintain positive
relationships is crucial. For example, one group of researchers studied interactions between
parents and adolescents with schizophrenia and found positive interactions, characterized
by warmth and positive remarks from parents, decreased negative symptoms and enhanced
social functioning in youth with the disease (O’Brien et al., 2008). The Connecting with
Adolescents guidelines at the end of this section offer ideas about how adults can support
adolescents with serious mental illnesses, such as schizophrenia and bipolar disorder.

Bipolar Disorder
Sometimes Sophie finds even brushing her teeth too much of an effort. At times
like these, she locks herself away, telling everyone she’s busy, so they won’t know
she hasn’t gotten out of bed all day. “I never used to worry about it; I thought,

443
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

‘That’s just me.’ . . . And other people, when they saw me up—excited and exu-
berant, partying all night, never sleeping—thought, ‘That’s just Sophie.’”
(Source: MailOnline, 2009)
Now she knows those extreme emotional highs and lows occur because she has a manic-
depressive illness, also known as bipolar disorder. Like schizophrenia, bipolar disorder typ-
ically develops during adolescence or early adulthood (more than half of all cases begin
before age 25), although it can develop during childhood or even late in life (NIMH, 2008).
It is a serious brain disorder that causes unusual and extreme shifts in mood, energy, and ac-
tivity levels, and, as we saw in Sophie’s case, it can affect people’s ability to carry out their
daily tasks. Bipolar disorder can be difficult to spot when its symptoms first emerge; the
symptoms may seem like separate problems as opposed to parts of one large problem. Also,
people are more likely to seek treatment when they feel depressed, so bipolar disorder may
first be diagnosed as depressive disorder. For these reasons, people may suffer with bipolar
disorder for several (or many) years before it is accurately diagnosed and effectively treated.
This is unfortunate because bipolar disorder usually becomes worse if not treated (i.e.,
episodes become more frequent and severe), and, untreated, it can cause serious personal,
social, and school/work-related problems, including impulsive acts of aggression, self-injury,
substance abuse, and suicide (Child & Adolescent Bipolar Foundation (CABF), 2007; NIMH,
2008). One of the most formidable barriers to adolescents seeking help or mental health
care is the stigma associated with mental illness. We discuss this topic further in the
Relating to Every Adolescent feature.
Table 13.5 lists symptoms associated with bipolar disorder. These symptoms can be
more severe in children and youth than in adults (CABF, 2007; NIMH, 2008). For example,
young people tend to have symptoms and switch moods more often than adults with the
disease. Mood changes, or “mood episodes,” refer to periods of mania—an overly joyful or
excited state, depression, or mixed mania and depression. Children and teenagers with
bipolar disorder are more likely to experience mixed mood episodes than adults with the
illness (NIMH, 2008).
As was the case for schizophrenia, researchers agree bipolar disorder likely is the result
of both biological and environmental factors. The illness tends to run in families—children
whose parents or siblings have bipolar disorder are 4 to 6 times more likely to develop the
illness than children with no family history of the disease (NIMH, 2008; Nurnberger &

TABLE 13.5 • Symptoms of Bipolar Disorder in Children and Teens

SYMPTOMS OF MANIA OR A MANIC SYMPTOMS OF DEPRESSION OR A DEPRESSIVE

EPISODE INCLUDE: EPISODE INCLUDE:

Mood Changes Mood Changes

• A long period of feeling overly happy or acting silly • A long period of feeling worried, sad, and empty.
in a way that’s unusual. • Loss of interest in activities once enjoyed.
• Extremely irritable mood, agitation, or “wired.” • Feel guilty and worthless.

Behavioral Changes Behavioral Changes

• Talking very fast about lots of different things. • Changing eating, sleeping, or other habits.
• Having a very short temper and being easily distracted. • Thinking of death or suicide, or attempting suicide.
• Having trouble sleeping and being restless. • Feeling tired, having little energy and no interest in fun
• Having an unrealistic belief in one’s abilities. activities.
• Behaving impulsively and taking part in a lot of • Complaining about pain a lot, like stomachaches and
pleasurable and risky behaviors (such as impulsive headaches.
sex and spending sprees). • Being restless and irritable.
• Having problems concentrating, remembering, and making
decisions.

Source: National Institutes of Mental Health. (2008). Bipolar disorder.

444
RELATING TO E V E RY A D O L E S C E N T
 The Stigma Associated with Mental
Illness and Mental Health Care
ANITA CHANDRA AND CYNTHIA MINKOVITZ (2007) friends would react negatively if they learned that some-
studied youths’ perceptions of mental health, how these one their age was seeking or receiving mental health
views are shaped, and how they affect adolescents’ services; they indicated the individual likely would be
willingness to seek mental health services when needed. teased or avoided.
Specifically, they interviewed 57 eighth grade students This is an area where adults can make a difference.
attending two public middle schools in a mid-Atlantic Students in the Chandra and Minkovitz study who felt
state. The topics addressed in the interviews included comfortable talking to parents about mental health is-
youths’ personal experiences with mental illness and sues held more positive views about seeking help for
mental health services; experiences of family members or such issues. Unfortunately, many of these adolescents re-
other people in their social networks; knowledge and ported their parents’ belief that mental health concerns
attitudes about mental illness; and willingness to seek should not be discussed outside their homes. Similarly,
mental health care when needed. teachers’ concern for students’ mental health informed
Almost 90% of the students reported an experi- more positive attitudes about mental illness and seeking
ence with a mental health issue that affected their mental health care.
attitudes about confronting mental health problems. The British Columbia Schizophrenia Society (2010,
Some adolescents reported a positive and beneficial p. 32) offers the following suggestions for addressing the
experience, but the majority described negative experi- stigma associated with mental health concerns:
ences in which either they or someone they knew had
been dissatisfied with the services received. They de- • learn as much as you can about mental illness and
scribed feeling “offended” or “dismissed” (Chandra & mental health care;
Minkovitz, p. 767). The researchers also noted that the • share your knowledge with your children/students;
students who had limited or inaccurate knowledge
• dispel the myths;
about mental illness voiced more negative attitudes to-
ward individuals with mental health disorders and the • be sensitive to the challenges children and families
use of mental health services. They talked more about face when someone they love has a mental illness;
negative stereotypes and a lack of hope or options for and
individuals with serious mental illnesses. Many students • listen to youth with mental illness who say don’t just
did not feel comfortable talking about mental health tolerate me, don’t be afraid of me, and don’t expect
issues with peers—“these revelations were rare and less of me just because I have an illness you don’t
minimally discussed” (p. 774). The majority perceived understand.

Foroud, 2000). Also, studies using MRI technology indicate the brains of children with bipo-
lar disorder may develop differently than other brains. For example, Gogtay and colleagues
(2007) found similar patterns of brain activity and development in children with bipolar dis-
order and children with multidimensional impairment—a disorder causing symptoms that
overlap with bipolar disorder and schizophrenia. Linking patterns of brain development to
risks for developing mood disorders may help scientists to predict who is at risk for devel-
oping them and to design better treatments for managing, and perhaps preventing, the
disease (NIMH, 2008).
Currently, the most effective treatment plans combine medication and psychotherapy.
In particular, it is important for medications to be monitored and maintained. Children
respond differently to medications, and the dosage and type of medications may need to be
changed as children grow and develop, or experience side effects—it is not a one size fits
all solution forever. In therapy, children can learn about their illness and learn to manage
their behavior. One study taught adolescents to reshape negative thinking to shield them-
selves from depression (Garber et al., 2009). Therapy that includes family members builds

445
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

CONNECTING WITH ADOLESCENTS

Guidelines for Families, Teachers, and Other Professionals: Creating
Multifaceted Approaches to Working with Adolescents with Mental Illnesses

Establish networks of support. Strengthen support networks.

Examples Examples
1. Find community workshops and seminars for 1. Identify the needs of the different sectors, and be flexible
families to help them learn about treatments about the treatments and services that meet those needs.
available for teenagers suffering from mental 2. Always keep in mind that work with adolescents with
illness. mental illness must be constructive and collaborative.
2. Educate students in school about the meaning of 3. Create supportive environments for the adolescents by
illnesses and the importance of acceptance and maintaining a hopeful attitude.
tolerance. 4. Encourage families and teachers to seek help.
3. Develop coping skills for families, teachers, and 5. Ensure that help and information are easily accessible.
adolescents, both at home and in school. Take action
together to solve problems. Source: Adapted from http://www.acf.hhs.gov/programs/fysb/
4. Develop realistic expectations of adolescents with content/aboutfysb/yes_mentalhealth.htm
mental illnesses. http://www.aamft.org/families/Consumer_Updates/Schizophrenia.asp

stronger bonds among family members and improves coping strategies, communication,
and problem solving (NIMH, 2008). Schools and teachers also can help. Bipolar disorder can
affect school attendance; alertness and concentration; sensitivity to light, noise, and stress;
and motivation and energy for learning (CABF, 2007). Transitioning to new schools and
teachers or returning from prolonged absences, even vacations, can increase symptoms.
Teachers and parents need to collaborate to address the needs of children and youth with
bipolar disorder. Like any other disability or chronic illness, mental illness entitles students
to accommodations that address their exceptional learning needs.
Depression and anxiety disorders, schizophrenia, and bipolar disorder present serious
threats to some adolescents’ health and well-being. With treatment, however, these adolescents
can lead healthy, happy, and productive lives. It really helps when adults and adolescents work
together, and when solutions are multifaceted and family, school, and community based. The
Connecting with Adolescents guidelines offer some ideas for accomplishing this.

EMERGING ADULTHOOD
Adolescence is a time of profound changes—physical, cognitive, social, and emotional—
that can be accompanied by conflict and uncertainty. However, for most young people, ado-
lescence also is an wonderfully exciting time of life: Their bodies grow taller and stronger
and awaken sexually; their minds develop in ways that allow them to think more deeply and
quickly than before; and they feel satisfied with most of their relationships most of the time.
But what’s on the other side of adolescence? What’s in store for teenagers emerging from
adolescence into adulthood?

Issues of Identity
According to Erikson (1950), the primary psychosocial task for early adults is one of de-
veloping intimate relationships. This includes finding a life partner and forming a family
apart from the one in which we grew up. However, Salkind (2004) argues that it also in-
cludes striving for intimacy in non-romantic relationships. In essence, intimacy in adult-
hood refers to the development and maintenance of deep, meaningful relationships in a
variety of forms.

446
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

In Erikson’s theory, the crisis of early adulthood is one of intimacy versus isola-
tion. Establishing intimate relationships requires the ability to trust others and share
feelings, beliefs, values, and goals. Adults who don’t achieve intimacy in their relation-
ships are likely to feel left out and lonely (Salkind, 2004). If they are unable to commu-
nicate or share feelings with others, they may be ostracized and isolated throughout the
remainder of their lives. In addition, intimacy requires a degree of autonomy and a clear
sense of identity. Teenagers who don’t resolve their crisis of identity during adoles-
cence may enter adulthood with a sense of role diffusion. They may be unprepared for
intimacy and, as a consequence, experience only superficial and primarily unsuccessful
relationships.
Traditionally, early adulthood has been perceived as a time for taking on more re-
sponsibility and gaining independence from parents. In contemporary technologically ad-
vanced societies, however, this is becoming less the norm (Arnett, 2007; Eccles et al.,
2003). In these societies, success in adulthood typically requires advanced education. As a
result, young adults are delaying marriage and childbearing, living with parents longer, and
relying on them for financial support. Perhaps this is why they have been referred to as the
“Peter Pan” generation in the popular media. More commonly, today’s adolescents and
emerging adults are referred to as “Generation Y” or “Millennials.” We conclude this chap-
ter with a look at some of their unique characteristics and how they differ from previous
teenage cohorts.

Who Is Generation Y?
The timelines for Generation Y vary, but range from the early 1980s through to 2003 (Bibby,
2009; Howe & Radner, 2009; Strauss & Howe, 2000; 2003). They are today’s teenagers and
early adults. Popular culture portrays them as sheltered, perhaps too much, by their parents
(late “Boomers” and “Generation Xers”), giving them unrealistic expectations and making
them overly demanding at school and in the workplace. Stephanie Armour, a columnist for
USA Today, characterized Millennials as “young, smart, brash . . . wear[ing] flip-flops to the
office and listen[ing] to iPods at their desks . . . want[ing] to work, but [not wanting] work
to be their lives”(2005, June). Is this a fair assessment? The Point/Counterpoint addresses
this issue.
One characteristic that makes the Millennials unique among other generations of
teenagers is their relationship with technology. Also dubbed “Net Gen,” teenagers today
have been immersed in technology throughout their lives. Recall from earlier in this chap-
ter how prevalent computers and other technologies are in adolescents’ homes, schools,
and communities (Lenhart, 2009; Nielsen, 2009), as well as the wide range of uses to which
they are put (e.g., Net Gen uses computers, cell phones, and other media to read and study,
stay in touch with parents, socialize with friends, and entertain themselves). The popular
perception is that teenagers today are constantly “connected”—that technology is inte-
grated in all aspects of their lives. They have been characterized as experiential learners and
proficient multitaskers whose technological skill far outstrips that of many of today’s teach-
ers and employers (Bennett, Maton, & Kervin, 2008). Writing about his 10-year-old son, the
VP of Sony Pictures Television, had this to say: “Our ‘Chief Technology Officer’ can play an
online game while seamlessly chatting in a forum, downloading music, watching TV, and
talking on the telephone. He doesn’t have a short attention span, he has a ‘shared’ attention
span”(p. 11-11). He goes on to say, “Technology is a huge force shaping the way Millennials
consume as well as ‘commune’ with media.” His advice to employers, “Get a Millennial
makeover.”
Bennett et al. (2008) are more cautious. Their review of research about how adoles-
cents and young adults access and use technology offers a more diverse view of its role in
their lives. They conclude that access, interest, and skills vary within Generation Y, perhaps
as much they do across generations. Also, it is important to note that much of the research
on the generations refers to findings in Western and/or technologically advanced societies;
young people’s experiences with technology may be very different in various parts of the
world. However, one thing is certain: Technology is not going anywhere, and the teenagers

447
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

POINT/COUNTERPOINT: What’s the Truth about Generation Y?

Some people perceive that members of Generation Y have


Gen Yers exude confidence and their assertive-
had the most child-centered upbringing ever (Armour, 2005)
ness is refreshing. Neil Howe and Reena Nadler’s

COUNTERPOINT
and, as a result, have been pampered and programmed
(2009) research debunks many popular myths about to-
since toddlerhood. These young people have high self-
day’s teenagers and young adults, and puts a more pos-
esteem, which is sometimes perceived as a sense of entitle-
itive spin on adjectives used to describe them. They
ment. Other people admire Gen Yers’ “speak-your-mind”
characterize Generation Y as confident and productively
philosophy and believe their values are just what they should
goal oriented. “This generation exudes a ‘yes we can’ op-
be. Which view is closest to reality?
timism about their futures” (p. 11), but they also believe
reaching their goals is dependent on their hard work.


Gen Yers exude a sense of entitlement that can Generation Y wants to excel in school and in the work-
seem disrespectful. Armour (2005) offers insights place. As students, they support standardized testing
POINT

from the perspective of employers as well as more ma-

and high standards, believing the best cure for boredom
ture employees, some of whom perceive that this new
is a tougher curriculum. They look for measureable
generation of workers is both high performance and
achievements and advancement in the workplace, but
high maintenance. This is a generation that grew up
they are group-oriented, team players. They have more
questioning their parents, so they are not afraid to ques-
traditional values than the generations immediately pre-
tion their employers. According to Armour, this can be ir-
ceding them. They are more civic minded, more involved
ritating for the 50-year-old employer who wants to say,
in politics, and more committed to monogamy, marriage,
“Do it and do it now.” Generation Y is used to receiving con-
and parenthood. They listen to their parents’ advice and share
stant feedback from parents, teachers, and coaches—they ex-
their tastes in music and clothing.
pect to be told how they are doing, and regularly. Many have
Another survey of Canadian teenagers (ages 15 to 19)
lived a privileged existence, relative to previous genera-
yielded findings consistent with Howe and Nadler’s re-
tions—they seem surprised they have to work for money, or
search. Reginald Bibby, a sociologist at the University of
to get the corner office. And, for colleagues who have spent
Lethbridge, recently surveyed adolescents about their be-
20, 30, 40 years doing the same tasks in the same occupation
liefs, values, and behavior as part of Project Teen Canada
and who have organized personal and family life around work
(Bibby, Russell, & Rolheiser, 2009), which has surveyed Cana-
schedules, Generation Y’s preference for “flexible” employ-
dian youth in 1984, 1992, 2000, and 2008. The latest find-
ment in which tasks vary and opportunities for telecommuting
ings indicate teenagers today are drinking, smoking, and
and working part time are available seems like a lack of
using illegal drugs less than previous generations, and they
commitment.
are more likely to be virgins and hold traditional views on
commitment, love, and long-term relationships. In an inter-
view with Maclean’s magazine (2009), Bibby attributed these
findings to increased efforts to educate parents and teens
about health and safety and increases in secular morality, but
he also emphasized the role of the family.
Certainly, Generation Y is different than any that have
come before. However, it appears that despite adult angst
over their attitudes and behavior, these young adults may be
more independent and productive, and may balance ideal-
ism and pragmatism better than their Generation X and
iStockphoto.com

Baby Boomer parents (Brownstein, 2009). According to

Brownstein, “This generation, like all others, will have its fail-
ures and blind spots. It is emerging at a grim moment. But it
is arriving with an invigorating ethic of responsibility and a
refreshingly practical bent” (p. 3–3).

of tomorrow (aka “digital natives”) are likely to be even more vested in new technologies
(whatever they may be) than the teenagers of today. Born between 1995 and 2009, they will
always have lived in a world in which computers are commonplace, and they will be the
first generation whose parents embrace new technologies with them. Educators and
employers, make way for Generation Z.

448
 SUMMARY AND KEY TERMS
• The Search for Identity The search for an ethnic iden-
Erikson believed the most important developmental task for tity can give rise to competing and
adolescents is the search for identity. Most adolescents try out ambivalent feelings, especially for
different roles and most emerge with a secure sense of self, minority youth who must integrate
although the process is more difficult for some than for others contrasting viewpoints into a unified self. Secure ethnic
(e.g., especially adolescents from diverse cultural groups who identities can be fostered in families, but ethnic identity issues
receive mixed messages concerning identity). Some adoles- can be a source of tension between parents and teenagers, es-
cents’ lack of direction and self-doubt is extreme, which can pecially when youth value aspects of a majority culture that con-
lead to serious problems, including depression, substance flict with their family’s traditional views. Also, discrimination has
abuse, even suicide. a powerful influence on ethnic identity, sometimes enhancing
Marcia focused on exploration and commitment, and youths’ sense of belonging to a cultural group, but other times
identified four categories of identity status that result from leading to decreased self-esteem and increased psychosocial
these activities: identity achievement, identity foreclosure, problems.
identity diffusion, and moratorium. In general, identity achieve-
ment increases and diffusion decreases from adolescence to • Storm and Stress
adulthood, but identity development is a lifelong process. For Some degree of storm and stress is typical during adoles-
most individuals, this process is more gradual and less trau- cence. For example, adolescents report greater extremes and
matic than the term “crisis” implies. more changes in mood than preadolescents and adults do.
They report more negative affect and give lower ratings to
• Who Am I, and How Do I Like Myself? questionnaire items that reflect feeling great, proud, and in
Adolescents may describe themselves in conflicting ways, de- control. Girls are more prone to negative moods and mood
pending on the setting and circumstances, and these contra- swings than boys, and ethnic minority youth report lower lev-
dictions can be a source of concern for them: “Who is the els of life satisfaction and happiness than other groups of
REAL me?” Adolescents also are concerned with what others teenagers. Popularity with peers, self-esteem, school perfor-
think of them, and mixed messages from different groups of mance, and school alienation are associated with adolescents’
significant others can leave them confused about which moods. Perceived support from teachers is associated with
characteristics to adopt. Adolescents recognize the dis- happiness, as are authoritative parenting styles.
crepancy between their real and their ideal selves and, if this Adolescence also is the period in life associated with the
discrepancy is large, self-esteem can suffer. In general, positive highest rates of risky behavior. Risky behaviors, such as smok-
self-esteem protects youth against negative outcomes; how- ing, using drugs and alcohol, driving dangerously, and en-
ever, some adolescents report high self-esteem, but engage gaging in unsafe sex, have long been threats to the well-being
in high-risk and antisocial behaviors. Self-esteem tends to of adolescents. Today, new technologies create new threats.
decline in early adolescence, but increases again from middle Teenagers may interact with strangers through social net-
adolescence to adulthood, as adolescents become less con- working sites, post or give away information that should
cerned about what others think of them and more realistic remain private, form an unhealthy dependence on techno-
about their future. logical tools, or be negatively influenced by their exposure to
Boys consistently rate themselves higher in physical do- violence in video games. Experiences during the teen years
mains than girls do. This finding is robust across countries and offer opportunities for developing self-regulation. Adults can
cultures and persists through the college years, even among help by providing the right balance of monitoring and interest
athletes. Also, boys continue to have higher self-concepts and plus scaffolding skills and strategies for self-control. Also,
self-esteem in math and science than do girls. Girls have lower adults can encourage adolescents to get involved in activities
interest and career aspirations in these domains. They want that ignite high intensity feelings, but are healthy and reward-
careers that fulfill humanistic and helping values and perceive ing (e.g., involvement in sports, music, or social service). Im-
that careers in science and engineering do not address these portantly, storm and stress is not extreme for most teenagers,
goals. Girls report higher ability beliefs and greater interest in and is more common in Western majority cultures that em-
subjects involving language arts than do boys. Findings con- phasize independence than in traditional cultures that value
cerning sex differences in actual performance in these do- interdependence.
mains are mixed.
Sexual orientation does not always align with sexual be- • Relationships with Peers
havior, or with gender identity or perceived gender roles. Peer relationships become increasingly important sources
Many sexual minority youth hide their sexual orientation, of social and emotional support during adolescence. Most
fearing rejection from family, friends, and communities. adolescents belong to a peer group, and different groups
These youth have been ostracized and victimized at school have different peer cultures, which can promote positive or
and in the community, putting them at higher risk than their negative behavior. Cliques are small, friendship-based
heterosexual peers for experiencing serious social and men- groups with common interests, and adolescents can belong
tal health problems. to more than one clique. Crowds are larger than cliques, less

449
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

intimate and organized, and more reputation-based. Status Similarly, inductive discipline communicates confidence in
and self-esteem are associated with crowd membership, adolescents’ desire and ability to make good choices. In con-
and crowds are most influential during early and middle trast, harsh discipline can lead to hostility and open disregard
adolescence. In late adolescence, crowds hold less promi- for parents’ authority.
nence as teenagers focus more on close friendships and Low levels of parental monitoring are associated with
romantic relationships. high levels of problem behavior, including conduct prob-
Adolescents report that friends are their most important lems, delinquency, substance use, early sexual activity, and
resource outside their family. Poor quality friendships in ado- problems at school. Parents who monitor effectively gather
lescence are associated with negative outcomes, including information about what their adolescents do without engag-
loneliness, depression, and decreased productivity in school ing in overly intrusive behaviors. Mainly, they rely on what
and work settings. In contrast, high-quality friendships are teenagers tell them. Adolescents’ willingness to disclose in-
important protective factors for adolescents with emotional formation to parents has been linked to harmonious and
problems and adolescents experiencing problems at home. trusting parent–adolescent relationships as well as to the
Girls are interested in close friendships and report more inti- kind of information to be shared. Teenagers feel obliged to
macy, prosocial support, and esteem support in their friend- reveal information that threatens their health or safety, but
ships than do boys. However, girls’ friendships tend to be of not information about personal issues or their peers. Most
shorter duration than boys’ friendships, and more likely to in- parents know less than they think they do, and many with-
volve conflict. draw monitoring and supervision before adolescents are
High-quality romantic relationships are positively asso- ready to cope with the complex situations in which they find
ciated with romantic self-concept and general self-worth, but themselves.
adolescents involved in romantic relationships experience Conflict between parents and adolescents tends to in-
more conflict and more extreme mood swings than other crease in frequency during early adolescence, reach a peak in
adolescents. Dating early, too much, or not at all are associ- intensity during middle adolescence, and then decline in late
ated with problems. Boys tend to focus on sexual aspects of adolescence. Sons and daughters report similar amounts of
dating, whereas girls are more focused on intimacy and rela- closeness and conflict with parents, but relationships with
tionship issues and are more conflicted about sex. Sexual mi- mothers are characterized as closer and more intense than
nority youth often are slower to begin dating and develop relationships with fathers, who often are perceived as distant
romantic relationships, perhaps reflecting uncertainty or fear authority figures. Father–daughter relationships during ado-
of being ridiculed. Cultural and family values also influence lescence are characterized as particularly distant. The long-
the onset of dating, romantic relationships, and sexual inter- term effects of conflict on parent–adolescent relationships
course, as do peers and partners. appear to have less to do with the content of the conflict than
Today, teenagers connect with one another through so- how it is managed and resolved. When parent–adolescent re-
cial software and other media. Unfortunately, there are some lationships are positive, mild conflict presents an opportunity
negative trends in adolescents’ social networking, including to review expectations with one another and renegotiate the
cyberbullying and sexting. Bullies may be emboldened by relationship.
electronic media because they can remain anonymous and
get their message to a much larger audience. The conse- • Life in School
quences for victims can be devastating and long lasting, un- Adolescence involves transitions from elementary to middle
dermining their freedom to use online resources, ruining their and middle to high school. Most adolescents adjust to these
reputations, and causing serious emotional and psychological new environments, especially when family and friends are
harm. Similarly, sexting—sending sexually explicit material supportive and schools are responsive to their needs. Stu-
over the Internet—can have serious consequences for both dents with histories of academic, social and/or emotional
perpetrators and victims, and it’s illegal. problems, and students in poor neighborhoods have a more
difficult time. Middle and high schools tend to emphasize
• Parenting Adolescents
grades and social comparisons more than elementary
Most adolescents continue to feel close to their parents, but schools. Often these schools are less personal, and teachers
some distancing is a normal feature of the parent–adolescent trust students less and want to control them more, which cre-
relationship. Adolescents want to be treated more like ates a mismatch between what adolescents want and
adults. They also want more independence and privacy, es- schools provide. Experts argue that schools should be au-
pecially in Western societies. Parents worry about their abil- thoritative contexts in which teachers are supportive but
ity to monitor and control their adolescents’ behavior, and maintain high, well-defined standards for behavior and aca-
fear for their safety. Authoritative parenting and inductive demic work. In these contexts, students have stronger bonds
discipline continue to be effective approaches to parenting. with school, and high levels of school attachment are associ-
Adolescents who experience warmth, autonomy support, ated with positive outcomes, including higher rates of
and structure tend to be responsible, self-assured, and suc- achievement, greater motivation for learning, and fewer
cessful in school, and less likely to experience anxiety and de- problem behaviors.
pression, or become involved in problem behavior. When Students who are low achieving or members of ethnic
attachment between parents and teenagers is strong and or sexual minority groups are at risk for school “disconnect-
secure, parents continue to influence adolescents’ behavior. edness.” Attending urban schools, not being involved in

450
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

extracurricular activities, experiencing health problems, and or they may not like its side effects. Medical professionals and
being younger or older than classmates also make youth feel caregivers need to work collaboratively to support individuals
less connected to school. Conversely, school attachment ap- with this illness, and positive relationships with friends and
pears to buffer youth from negative outcomes, such as low family members are crucial.
self-esteem and risky and delinquent behavior. Students form Like schizophrenia, bipolar disorder typically emerges
positive attachments to schools they perceive care about their during adolescence or early adulthood. It can be difficult to
learning and general well-being, so fostering positive spot when it first emerges because symptoms may be per-
teacher–student relationships and creating caring communi- ceived as separate problems as opposed to different aspects
ties continue to be important. Characteristics of caring of one problem. Also, people are more likely to seek treat-
schools include positive adults, positive places, and positive ment when they are depressed, so the disorder may be mis-
opportunities. diagnosed as depression. Children with the disorder tend to
have symptoms and switch moods more often than adults,
• Challenges for Adolescents and they are more likely to experience mixed mood episodes
Half of all lifetime cases of mental illness appear by age 14. than adults. As was true with schizophrenia, sources of the ill-
Suicide and anxiety disorders continue to be the most com- ness are believed to be both biological and environmental.
mon forms of mental illness in adolescence. Suicidal ideation The most effective treatments combine medication and psy-
is not uncommon during adolescence, but thoughts or actions chotherapy, and the use of medications needs to be closely
that could result in self-harm should be taken seriously and ad- monitored. Moreover, strong family bonds and support from
dressed immediately. Some groups of adolescents are at friends, schools, and the community improve outcomes for in-
higher risk for suicide, including Aboriginal youth and youth dividuals with this illness.
with other forms of mental illness, such as schizophrenia and
bipolar disorder. • Emerging Adulthood
Schizophrenia is a chronic brain disorder that typically Traditionally, early adulthood has been perceived as a time for
emerges during late adolescence or early adulthood. Symp- taking on more responsibility and gaining independence from
toms fall into three broad categories—positive, negative, and parents. In contemporary, technologically advanced societies,
cognitive—and may be difficult to recognize in young children however, young adults are putting off marriage and childbear-
or confused with other illnesses and behaviors in adolescence. ing and living with parents longer. Popular culture portrays
Schizophrenia has been linked to genetic, biochemical, and “Millennials” as sheltered and overly demanding, but survey
environmental factors. It is a chronic illness, so there is no cure, research characterizes them as confident and productively ori-
although treatment with antipsychotic medications and ented. Surveys also indicate they are more conservative than
counseling can be effective. Sticking to the treatment regime the generations immediately preceding them. Their access to
is important, and this can be challenging. People with schizo- and uses of technology also set them apart from preceding
phrenia may perceive that they do not need their medication, generations.

 KEY TERMS
bipolar disorder heterosexual positive symptoms
bisexual homosexual schizophrenia
cluster suicides identity achievement school attachment
cognitive symptoms identity diffusion selection
commitment identity foreclosure sexting
cyberbullying moratorium sexual orientation
deviancy training negative symptoms socialization
ethnic identity oppositional identity suicidal ideation
exploration peer culture
gender intensification peer pressure

451
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

 the Casebook
PRIVACY VERSUS PROTECTION FOR TEENS
The library at Alder Woods Secondary School has become a during, and after school hours. Also, they feel torn—even if
popular hangout for students ages 13 to 17. It has a large bank they could monitor the goings on or limit access in some way
of computers equipped with state-of-the-art software for to sites that are potentially problematic, should they? Is it their
searching and researching. At the moment, students pretty responsibility? Is it an invasion of the right to privacy that
much have unlimited access to the Internet and all it has to of- teenagers hold very dear? How can concerned adults strike
fer. This is a bit of a concern for the librarians who can’t possi- the right balance between granting privacy and protecting
bly monitor all the activities of the kids who drop in before, youth from harm that can come from using the Internet?

WHAT WOULD THEY DO?

Here’s how some professionals in several fields responded: various situations, why some may not be appropriate, and
why revealing too much about themselves can have danger-
JILL SULLIVAN—Math, Grades 9–11
ous results.
Northside College Prep High School, Chicago, Illinois
Students need to be able to make informed decisions,
At my high school, we have to abide by district-level controls. and where better can they learn this information but in high
Both students and teachers alike know that if you try to visit school? At the same time, it is our responsibility to keep them
certain sites such as Facebook or YouTube, you will instead get safe by monitoring their activities and restricting potentially
a pop-up blocker with both an audible and a written warning. dangerous decisions. Social websites are not private, so per-
It seems to work pretty well, although sometimes an ad on a sonal information should remain limited. We can still encour-
page of legitimate educational content will set it off. The age private emails and activities, but with the caveat that in any
largest controversy is over educational videos that happen to work place, including school, those emails can be accessed, so
be on YouTube since the whole site is blocked. Not surpris- all activity should remain legal and appropriate. I have wit-
ingly, many students have figured out workarounds. I think it’s nessed adolescents learning these principles and becoming
fine for schools to limit some of the content just as they do with informed Internet users.
books. In other words, the library already has chosen a subset
of printed educational material to make available. so the Inter- ELAINE S. BOOTHBY—AP Literature, Grade 12
net is not necessarily different. And, many students have Inter- South River High School, Edgewater, Maryland
net access at home and can get to all content there. I imagine
The technical ability of adults to monitor computer use through
that elementary schools will have to start teaching Internet us-
an overseeing program is standard operating procedure in
age guidelines since by the time students get to high school
most high schools. This ability assures that students are not in
(ages 13–17 in this scenario), they will have already spent con-
jeopardy by exposing too much information about themselves
siderable time online.
or by accessing materials not appropriate in school or library
CATHY BLANCHFIELD—English/Language Arts, sector use. Since taxpayers are affording computer services, it
Grades 10 and 12 is inherent that adults actively and carefully scrutinize use.
Duncan Polytechnical High School, Fresno, California Students’ natural curiosity makes them easy prey to pred-
For sure, teenagers can access almost any site they wish in a ators. This monitoring of web use is not a breech of trust, as the
non-school setting. However, I don’t know of a school that has public has a right to have its young people protected by public
not purchased a filter of some sort to limit access to Internet servants. In the home, parents should also monitor Facebook
sites for a variety of reasons: sexual content, illegal content, and other public sites because college entrance offices and fu-
and predator access to underage students, to name a few. As ture employers are doing just that and parents should be aware
adults in the lives of adolescents, we must protect them from of the public face that their children are presenting to the world.
their own vulnerabilities.
HOLLY FITCHETTE––French Teacher, Grades 9–11
As a public school, we must make sure that students
cannot put themselves into harmful situations where they Fleming Island High School, Fleming Island, Florida
might have few or no defenses. Teenagers make split-second Teens are especially susceptible to dangers found on the
decisions on the computer that might result in an unwanted, Internet because they believe they are too mature to require
harmful situation. That said, I believe that as adults in their the input and protection of the adults around them. In my
lives we must teach them about both the advantages and opinion, the Internet is not a safe place for teens without adult
dangers of the Internet. We can and must instruct them in supervision. There are laws in place that protect minors
decision processes that involve which sites should be used in from purchasing pornography, tobacco, alcohol, firearms, etc.

452
 SOCIAL EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN ADOLESCENCE

Unfortunately, when teenagers have unrestricted Internet ac- it is the job of parents to make the decision whether to allow
cess, they are unprotected minors who have access to material access to those sites that may be controversial. In the mean-
and individuals from whom they require protection. If I were a time, I think the school should make sure it is providing a safe
school librarian in such a situation, I would raise the red flag in education for students and not allowing them to get into dan-
my school and district. I think the school or school district gerous situations on the Internet. I think the school district
should make the joint determination of what kinds of materials should filter these sites so that parents can make the call on
should be unavailable to students in a school setting. I feel that their own.

Now go to MyEducationLab at www.myeducationlab.com,

where you can:
• Find the instructional objectives for this chapter in the Study
Plan.
• Take a quiz as a part of the Study Plan to self-assess your mas-
tery of chapter content. The program generates an individu-
alized Study Plan based upon your answers to the quiz.
• Complete Activities and Applications to assist you in deep-
ening your understanding of important chapter concepts.
• Apply what you have learned through Building Teaching
Skills, exercises that guide you in trying out skills and strate-
gies you will use in professional practice.

453
454
 GLOSSARY
abstinence-only (AO) education: A form of asthma: An inflammation of the airways— behaviorism: Explanations of learning that
sex education that teaches that in all cases, the tubes that carry air in and out of focus on external events as the cause of
sex should be delayed until marriage. The lungs—that interferes with breathing. changes in observable behaviors.
only information provided about birth
ataxic CP: A type of cerebral palsy that belief perseverance: The tendency to
control typically is that these methods are
affects balance and coordination. hold on to beliefs, even in the face of
not very effective.
contradictory evidence.
athetotic CP: A type of cerebral palsy that
accommodation: The process of altering bilingualism: Speaking two languages.
causes uncontrolled, slow body movements
existing schemes or creating new ones in
and affects the entire body. binge eating: Eating an amount of food that
response to new information.
attachment: A term that describes the is definitely larger than most people would
action research: Systematic observations or consume in a similar period of time, with a
emotional bond between infants/toddlers
tests of methods conducted by teachers or lack of control over eating.
and the adults who care for them.
schools to improve teaching and learning for
their students. attention: Focus on a stimulus; also, the bioecological model: Bronfenbrenner’s
awareness of and interest in phenomena. theory describing the nested social and
adolescent egocentrism: The assumption cultural contexts that shape development.
that everyone else shares one’s thoughts, attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder
Every person develops within a microsystem,
feelings, and concerns; adolescents become (ADHD): The current term for disruptive
inside a mesosystem, embedded in an
very focused on their own ideas. behavior disorders marked by overactivity,
exosystem, all of which are a part of the
excessive difficulty sustaining attention, or
aggressive behavior: Behavior that is macrosystem of the culture. All development
impulsiveness.
intended to hurt others or damage property. occurs in and is influenced by the time
authoritarian parents: Parents who are high period—the chronosystem.
altruistic empathy: Empathy that occurs
in control and low in warmth and bipolar disorder: A manic-depressive illness
when a child stops her own activity to help a
responsiveness. They set firm limits and characterized by extreme emotional highs
distressed child who is farther away.
expect children will follow orders because and lows.
amenorrhea: The cessation of a woman’s they say so, often without an explanation or
normal menstrual cycle. negotiation. bisexual: Individuals who are attracted to
both sexes.
anorexia nervosa: Self-starvation. authoritative parents: Parents who are high
in warmth, but also exert firm control. They blastocyst: The ball of cells that results after
anoxia: A lack of oxygen to the fetus that, cell divisions in the zygote.
monitor their children closely, set clear
depending on its severity, may or may not
standards, and have high expectations for blended families: Parents, children, and
lead to brain damage.
behavior. stepchildren merged into families through
APGAR: A rating system that determines remarriages.
autism: A developmental disorder of
the level of intervention that an infant might
communication and perception identified body image: An individual’s dynamic
need and the infant’s response to
before age 3. perception of his or her body—how it looks,
intervention.
autism spectrum disorders: A range of feels, and moves.
appropriating: Taking in and using ways of
disorders in social communication and body mass index (BMI): A measure of body
acting and thinking provided by the culture
interactions from mild to major, fat that evaluates weight in relation to height
and by the more capable members of the
accompanied by restricted, repetitive and can be calculated using either English or
group.
patterns of behavior, interests, and metric units.
argumentation: The process of debating a activities.
claim with someone else, supporting your bulimia nervosa: Binge eating followed by
automaticity: The ability to perform purging, fasting, or excessive exercise.
position with evidence and understanding,
thoroughly learned tasks without much
and then refuting your opponent’s claims caesarean section: The surgical removal of
mental effort.
and evidence. the infant from the uterus.
autonomy: Independence.
assessment bias: The qualities of an case study: The intensive study of one
assessment instrument that offend or unfairly availability heuristic: Judging the likelihood person or one situation.
penalize a group of students because of the of an event based on what is available in
central executive: The part of working
students’ gender, SES, race, ethnicity, etc. your memory, assuming those easily
memory that is responsible for monitoring
remembered events are common.
assimilation: Fitting new information into and directing attention and other mental
existing schemes. aversive: Irritating or unpleasant. resources.
assisted learning/guided participation: balanced bilingualism: People who are cerebral palsy (CP): A disorder that affects
Providing strategic help in the initial stages equally fluent in two languages. muscle tone, movement, and motor skills.
of learning, gradually diminishing as
behavioral genetics: A field that seeks child development: The study of human
students gain independence.
to understand the extent to which growth and change in the physical,
assistive technology: Devices, systems, and characteristics that vary from individual cognitive, emotional, social, and per-
services that support and improve the to individual are the result of genetic sonality realms from conception through
capabilities of individuals with disabilities. versus environmental variation. adolescence—about to age 20.

From Glossary of Child and Adolescent Development, 1/e. Anita Woolfolk. Nancy E. Perry.
Copyright © 2012 by Pearson Education. All rights reserved.
455
 GLOSSARY

childcare/day care: The care of children collective self-esteem: Self-esteem that is crystallized intelligence: The ability to
outside the home for a large portion of the influenced by the qualities of the groups to apply the problem-solving methods
day, generally arranged for working parents. which an individual belongs. appropriate in your cultural context.
chromosomes: Chemical segments that commitment: Individuals’ choices cultural tools: The real tools (computers,
exist within the nucleus of cells and consist concerning political and religious beliefs, scales, etc.) and symbol systems (numbers,
of 23 pairs of elongated bodies, each for example, usually as a consequence of language, graphs) that allow people in a
comprising thousands of segments. exploring the options. society to communicate, think, solve
problems, and create knowledge.
circumcision: A medical procedure that community-based research: Research that
removes the foreskin on the penis. is conducted by, with, and for communities. culturally relevant pedagogy: Excellent
teaching for students of color that includes
classical conditioning: The association of compensation: The principle that changes
academic success, developing/maintaining
automatic responses with new stimuli. in one dimension can be offset by changes
cultural competence, and developing a critical
classification: Grouping objects into in another dimension.
consciousness to challenge the status quo.
categories. comprehensive sex education (CSE): Sex
culture: The knowledge, values, attitudes,
clinical interview: A research approach that education programs that encourage
and traditions that guide the behavior of a
uses open-ended questioning to probe abstinence, but also include information
group of people and allow them to solve the
responses and follow up on answers. about birth control to prevent pregnancy
problems of living in their environment.
and condoms to prevent STDs.
cluster suicides: A situation in which several culture-fair/culture-free test: A test without
members of a group attempt or commit concrete operations: Mental tasks that are
cultural bias.
suicide within a relatively short time frame, tied to concrete objects and situations.
curvilinear: A relationship between two
perhaps in response to a classmate’s concussion: A trauma-induced alteration in
variables that changes at different points.
suicide or a suicide that has been widely mental status that may or may not involve a
publicized. loss of consciousness. cyberbullying: The practice of using
computers and other electronic media to
co-constructed process: A social process in confirmation bias: Seeking information that intentionally inflict harm on another person.
which people interact and negotiate (usually confirms our choices and beliefs, while
verbally) to create an understanding or to ignoring disconfirming evidence. debrief: The process of explaining to
solve a problem. All participants shape the research participants what was done and why.
conjunctives: Words followed by information
final product. decentering: Focusing on more than one
that is consistent with the overall message.
co-dominance: Occurs when the alleles of aspect at a time.
consequences: Events that follow an action.
the gene (the members of a pair or series of deductive reasoning: Drawing conclusions
genes that occupy a specific position on a conservation: The principle that some by applying rules or principles; logically
specific chromosome) are expressed equally, characteristics of an object remain the same moving from a general rule or principle to a
or when one is stronger, yet does not mask despite changes in appearance. specific solution.
the effects of the other. constructive play: A type of play that is deferred imitation: The ability to remember
coactions: Joint actions of nature and more goal oriented than functional play; it and imitate after a period of time.
nurture, or heredity and environment, emerges after children figure out how things
dependent variable: The factor in the
working together in interactions to produce work and understand the effects of their
experiment you are trying to predict; the
growth and development. actions.
one that might change when you apply the
cochlear implant: A surgically implanted context: The total setting or situation that treatment (manipulate the independent
electronic device that provides a sense of surrounds and interacts with a person or variable).
sound. event.
depression: A condition characterized by
code-switching: Moving between two continuous development: A gradual, persistent negative moods and lack of
languages or language forms. continuing process of increase (or decrease) interest or pleasure in life.
in abilities, knowledge, skills, strength, or
cognitive apprenticeship: A relationship in development: Orderly, adaptive changes
other aspects of physical, cognitive, and
which a less experienced learner acquires we go through from conception to death.
social development—“more of the same.”
knowledge and skills under the guidance of
developmental crisis: A specific conflict
an expert. controversial children: Children who have
whose resolution prepares the way for the
mixed reviews from peers because they
cognitive development: Changes in next stage.
display a combination of positive and
problem solving, memory, language,
negative social behaviors. developmental science: The multidisciplin-
reasoning, and other aspects of thinking.
ary study of human growth and change from
correlations: Statistical descriptions of how
cognitive symptoms: Problems associated conception until death, often called lifespan
closely two variables are related; indicates both
with schizophrenia that involve executive development.
the strength and the direction of a relationship
functions, such as planning, organizing, and
between two events or measurements. developmental systems theories:
evaluating; difficulties sustaining attention;
Explanations of development and human
slower processing speed; and problems with critical periods: A time during which certain
diversity that focus on understanding
working memory. types of learning or development must take
change by studying interactions in the
cohort: A group of people who share the place or they will not happen at all.
different ecological systems of human life.
same historical context because they were cross-modal abilities: The ability to
developmentally appropriate practices
born during the same time period. coordinate two or more senses.
(DAP): Educational materials and practices
collective monologue: A form of speech in cross-sectional studies: Studies in which that are adapted to fit the emotional,
which children in a group talk, but do not different age groups are compared at the physical, and cognitive characteristics and
really interact or communicate. same time. needs of children at different stages.

456
 GLOSSARY

deviancy training: Learning that occurs in logical, analytic thinking and out-of- ethnic identity: An individual’s sense of
peer groups when members talk favorably awareness, emotional, intuitive thinking. belonging to an ethnic group and the beliefs
about breaking rules and engaging in ecological validity: The extent to which and behaviors that reflect ethnic group
delinquent behavior. the situations, methods, settings, and membership.
deviation IQ: Score based on a statistical procedures in an experiment are consistent ethnicity: A cultural heritage shared by a
comparison of an individual’s performance with real life. group of people.
with the average performance of others in ectoderm: The embryonic layer of cells that ethnographic methods: A descriptive
that age group. will become the major organs and the approach to research that focuses on life
dialect: A variation of language spoken in a nervous system, skin, and hair. within a group and tries to understand the
particular region that is characterized by its meaning of events to the people involved.
educationally blind: Individuals who have
own distinct grammar, vocabulary, and 20/200 vision. ethology: The study of how behaviors adapt
pronunciation. to support the survival of animals, including
egocentric: The assumption that others
differentiation: The process of humans.
experience the world the way you do.
specialization of embryonic cells to perform executive functioning: The neuro-
particular functions. elaborative rehearsal: Keeping information
psychological skills that we need to plan,
in working memory by associating it with
digital divide: The disparities in access to focus, remember, and rethink.
something else you already know.
technology between poor and more affluent expanded core curriculum: A body of
students and families. embryo: The implanted blastocyst up
knowledge and skills that addresses the
through the eighth week after conception.
dilation: The first stage of the birth process unique disability-specific needs of children
in which the mother experiences uterine embryonic stem cells: Cells derived from with visual impairments.
contractions at 10- to 15-minute intervals, embryos developed during in vitro
experimentation: A research method in
and ends when the cervix is fully dilated fertilization that were not implanted, and
which variables are manipulated and the
(10 cm or about 4 inches) so that the fetus’s donated to research.
effects are recorded.
head can pass through it. emergent literacy: The skills and
explicit memory: Long-term memories that
discipline: Any attempts parents make to knowledge, usually developed in the
involve deliberate or conscious recall.
change the behavior or attitudes of their preschool years, that are the foundation for
the development of reading and writing. exploration: The process by which
children to conform to what they and society
adolescents consider and try out alternative
deem appropriate. emotional self-regulation: The quality that
beliefs, values, and behaviors in an effort to
discontinuous development: Leaps and enables individuals to remain focused on
determine which will give them the most
changes resulting in qualitatively different goals, even in the face of difficult and
satisfaction.
stages of development. stressful circumstances. It involves effortful,
voluntary control of emotions, attention, and expressive vocabulary: The words a person
disequilibrium: In Piaget’s theory, the “out- behavior. can use appropriately in speaking or writing.
of-balance” state that occurs when a person
emotional/social development: Changes expulsion: The second stage of the birth
realizes that his or her current ways of
over time in an individual’s feelings, process that begins as the fetus’s head
thinking are not working to solve a problem
personality, self-concept, and relations with passes through the cervix into the vagina
or understand a situation.
other people. and ends when the baby emerges from the
disjunctives: Words (such as but) that prepare mother’s body.
the listener for information that is inconsistent empathy: The ability to understand what
another person is feeling, and, as a extended families: Family members such as
or out of keeping with previous statements.
consequence, experience the same or grandparents, aunts, uncles, and cousins
display rules: Standards for conduct and the similar emotions. living in the same household, or at least in
appropriate expression of emotions. daily contact with each other, cooperating to
empirical: Based on data.
take care of children.
distributive justice: A concern with
endocrine system: A system of glands that
distributing or sharing materials fairly. external validity: The extent to which the
each secrete a type of hormone to regulate
results found in a study might generalize to
DNA: Deoxyribonucleic acid; a self-replicating the body.
groups or settings not studied.
material that is present in nearly all living
endoderm: The embryonic layer of cells
organisms. It is the main constituent of fast-mapping: A strategy toddlers use for
that will become the internal glands,
chromosomes and carries genetic information. learning words in which they connect a word
digestive tract, lungs, urinary tract, pancreas,
to its meaning after just one exposure.
domain-specific knowledge: Information and liver.
that is useful in a particular situation or that fetal alcohol spectrum disorder (FASD):
English language learners (ELLs): Students The child’s symptoms of poor motor skills,
applies mainly to one specific topic.
whose primary or heritage language is not attention problems, and below normal
dominant-recessive inheritance: The English. intellectual performance due to the mother’s
inheritance of one gene for each trait from
entity view of ability: The belief that ability alcohol consumption during pregnancy.
each parent.
is a fixed characteristic that cannot be fetal alcohol syndrome (FAS): The most
doula: A person trained in supporting changed. severe type of FASD, in which babies are
women through labor and delivery.
epigenesis: A molecular mechanism that likely to display excessive irritability,
Down syndrome (trisomy 21): A condition describes how the environment affects the hyperactivity, seizures, and tremors.
that results when a child inherits all or part of way genes express themselves. fetus: Name given to the embryo after all
an extra 21st chromosome. of the body’s structures have begun to form;
equilibration: The search for mental balance
dual process theories: Theories that between cognitive schemes and information the fetal period lasts from the ninth week
describe two modes of thinking—conscious, from the environment. to the fortieth week.

457
 GLOSSARY

fine motor skills: Small muscle movements information, which influences how children heuristics: A general strategy used in
that are more limited and controlled (e.g., think and behave. attempting to solve problems; “rules of
eating with a fork or spoon, tying shoelaces, gender segregation: Children’s preference thumb” or intuitive guesses that you can
cutting with a pair of scissors). for playing with same-sex peers. apply quickly.
fluid cognition: All-purpose cognitive highly active antiretroviral therapy
genderlects: Different way of talking for
processing that involves holding and (HAART): An aggressive treatment package,
males and females.
working with verbal and visual information in usually two or three different drugs, that
working memory in order to plan and move generalizing: Applying findings to a wider suppresses the replication of the virus,
toward goals. group than those studied. strengthens the immune system, and
generativity: A sense of concern for future controls the progression of HIV.
fluid intelligence: Mental efficiency and
reasoning ability. generations. homosexual: Individuals who are attracted
genes: The parts of DNA that tell cells which to members of the same sex.
Flynn effect: Because of better health,
smaller families, the need to deal with proteins to make. hormones: Chemical substances that affect
increased complexity in the environment, genetic counseling: A forum for helping cells throughout the body.
and more and better schooling, IQ test prospective parents assess the likelihood hostile aggression: Behaviors that are
scores are steadily rising. of their children developing hereditary intended to harm another person, including
food security: Consistent access to defects. physical or verbal assaults and direct or
sufficient quantities of food. indirect confrontation.
genetics: The study of heredity—how
formal operations: Reasoning that involves human beings inherit traits from their hypothesis/hypotheses: A prediction about
thinking about thinking or mental operations ancestors. the relationship between variables.
on mental operations, e.g., mental tasks germ cells: Cells involved in reproduction hypothetical-deductive reasoning: A formal
involving abstract thinking and coordination (i.e., ova, sperm, or their precursors). operations problem-solving strategy in
of a number of variables. which an individual begins by identifying all
gestation: The period of pregnancy.
fraternal twins (dizygotic twins): Occur the factors that might affect a problem and
when two sperm fertilize two ova. gifted children: Very bright, creative, and then deduces and systematically evaluates
talented children. specific solutions.
full-term: Refers to a fetus that is born
about 40 weeks after the mother’s last glands: Small organs, part of the endocrine id, ego, and superego: Freud’s terms for
menstrual period. system, that produce hormones. the three elements of personality––the
childlike id that demands immediate
functional magnetic resonance imaging goodness of fit: A term used to describe
satisfaction, the superego that is the
(fMRI): A procedure that uses radio waves in how well the caregiver’s temperament
conscience telling what should be done,
a strong magnetic field to measure the small matches the child’s temperament or how
and the reality-minded ego that navigates
metabolic changes that take place in areas caregivers understand, accept, and work
how to satisfy the id without offending
of the brain that are active. with the child’s temperament.
the superego.
functional play: A description of how infants graduated extinction: Extinction with
identical twins (monozygotic twins): Occur
and toddlers are drawn to toys on the basis parental presence. Parents can remain in
when a single fertilized ovum splits during
of how they look or what noises they make children’s bedrooms until they fall asleep,
the first two weeks after conception,
and play with them to find out what they do but still ignore their bedtime-resistant
resulting in two zygotes.
and how they work. Also referred to as behavior.
sensorimotor play. identity achievement: The result of healthy
gross motor skills: The movement of the
exploration and decision-making regarding
funds of knowledge: The understandings large muscle groups.
identities involved in occupations, political
and skills developed over generations that habituation: The tendency for the infants to and religious affiliations, and relationships.
families need to function. diminish their attention and reduce their identity diffusion: A state in which
g: General intelligence; mental energy. responses to stimuli over time with repeated adolescents are not exploring identity
exposure. alternatives or making commitments.
gender: The social and psychological
dimensions of being male or female. handedness: Individuals’ preference for identity foreclosure: Occurs when
using one hand or another to perform adolescents make commitments without
gender constancy: Children’s understanding
one-handed tasks. exploring options.
of the biologically based permanence of
gender. heritability: A statistical calculation that is identity principle (Piaget): Principle that a
used to estimate the proportion of observed person or object remains the same over time.
gender identity: The sense of self as male
variance of a behavior that can be ascribed Also, the complex answer to the question:
or female as well as the beliefs one has
to genetic differences within a particular “Who am I?”
about gender roles and attributes.
population.
gender intensification: Adolescents’ implantation: The process of the blastocyst
heritage language: The language spoken in attaching to the endometrial tissue lining of
decline in flexibility, which reflects
a student’s home or by older members of the uterus.
their enhanced self-consciousness and
the family.
increased awareness of social norms and implicit memory: Knowledge that we are
expectations concerning masculinity heteronomous: The fairly rigid moral not conscious of recalling, but that
and femininity. reasoning of young children—the influences behavior or thought without
perception that rules are unchangeable and our awareness.
gender schema theory: The assumption
should be adhered to strictly.
that as children interact with the world, they imprinting: The tendency of some animals
form organized cognitive structures, or heterosexual: Individuals who are attracted to attach to the first nurturing figure they
schemas that include gender-related to members of the opposite sex. observe after they are born.

458
 GLOSSARY

incremental view of ability: The belief that intellectual disabilities: Significantly below- currently proficient in using the language
ability is a set of skills that can be changed; average intellectual and adaptive social in school.
ability is controllable and potentially always behavior, evident before age18. long-term memory: The component of
expanding. intelligence: The ability or abilities to memory where all that we know is
independent variable: The variable in an acquire and use knowledge to solve permanently stored.
experiment that is altered or manipulated; problems and adapt to the world.
longitudinal studies: Research that collects
the treatment. internalize: The behavior that occurs when information on the same participants over
Individualized Family Service Plan (IFSP): children adopt external standards as their own. time, often over many years.
A document the family and professionals intimacy: In Erikson’s theory, intimacy refers low birth weight: Babies who are born
develop together. This plan includes the to a willingness to relate to another person weighing below 5-1/2 pounds.
goals for the child’s development and the on a deep level, to have a relationship
supports/services that the child and family low vision: Individuals who have some
based on more than mutual need.
need to achieve them. useful vision between 20/70 and 20/200.
intrauterine growth restriction: Poor
inductive discipline: Emphasizes positive, maintenance rehearsal: Keeping
growth of the fetus in the uterus.
prosocial behavior and involves information in working memory by repeating
strategies such as reasoning, negotiating, iron deficiency anemia: A decrease in it to yourself.
explaining, and even eliciting input from the number of red blood cells due to lack
of iron. male gametes: Male sperm cells.
children.
keyword method: A system of associating maturation: Genetically influenced, naturally
inductive reasoning: Formulating general occurring changes over time.
new words or concepts with similar-sounding
principles based on knowledge of examples
cue words and images. meiosis: A form of cell production in which
and details.
Klinefelter’s syndrome: A condition in the new cells receive only half of the original
industry, or industriousness: A characteristic chromosomal material of the parent cell.
which a male is conceived with more than
associated with children’s drive for mastery.
one X chromosome in addition to his menarche: The first menstrual period in girls.
Children who successfully master valued
Y chromosome (1 in 750 male births are XXY).
skills feel competent and satisfied. Industry is mesoderm: The embryonic layer of cells
reflected in individuals' eagerness to engage laboratory/structured observation: Setting that will become the muscles, bones,
in productive work. up a structured, somewhat controlled circulatory system, heart, blood, gonads,
environment in a laboratory or other muscles, and skeleton.
infant-directed speech: A type of speech
situation so that the research participants
used with young infants that has more metacognition: Knowing about how your
encounter tasks or situations the researcher
intonation, repeated words, shorter own cognitive processes work and using that
wants to study.
sentences, and a higher pitch than adult- knowledge to reach your goals.
directed speech. language explosion: Toddlers’ rapid learning
of words between 12 and metacognitive skills: Skills to self-regulate
information processing: The human mind’s based on knowledge about our own thinking
18 months.
activity of taking in, storing, and using processes.
information. latchkey kids: A term used to refer to
children who care for themselves on a metalinguistic awareness: An
initiative: The willingness to begin new understanding about one’s own use of
regular basis.
activities and explore new directions. language.
late effects: Treatment effects that may not
inside-out skills: The emergent literacy skills microgenetic approach: The detailed
show up until months or even years after
of knowledge of graphemes, phonological observation and analysis of changes in a
treatment; they range from mild to severe.
awareness, syntactic awareness, phoneme- cognitive process as the process unfolds
grapheme correspondence, and emergent late-preterm babies: Infants who are born over a several day or week period of time.
writing. between 34 and 36 weeks gestation.
minority group: A group of people who
insight: The sudden realization of a solution; lateralization: The specialization of the two
have been socially disadvantaged—not
in Sternberg’s triarchic theory of intelligence, hemispheres of the brain.
always a minority in actual numbers.
the ability to deal effectively with novel learned helplessness: The expectation,
mitosis: A process in which two identical
situations. based on previous experiences with a lack
cells are produced by one cell that has
Institutional Review Boards, or IRBs: of control, that all of one’s efforts will lead
divided.
Individuals who evaluate every study to failure.
involving human subjects conducted at mnemonics: Systematic procedures for
learning communities: Groups of teachers
universities and other research institutions improving memory; also, the art of memory.
and students who care about and support
such as hospitals or mental health one another to learn. They share goals and mobility: People’s ability to move safely and
agencies. values and have a group identity. efficiently in their environment.
instructional conversation: A situation in learning disability: Disorders that involve moral dilemmas: Hypothetical situations
which students learn through interactions central processing problems and affect the that ask people to make difficult decisions
with teachers and/or other students. ability to understand or use spoken or and then justify them.
instrumental aggression: Aggression that is written language, do mathematical moral imperatives: Universally accepted
inadvertent—more likely the result of having calculations, coordinate movements, or rules of conduct that apply even when
a specific goal and poor self-control than direct attention. authority figures aren’t present to punish
having malicious intent—and may not target leukemias: Blood cell cancers, and brain those who break them and laws don’t exist
a particular person. and central nervous system tumors. to prohibit behavior that goes against them.
integrity: A sense of self-acceptance and limited English proficient (LEP): Students moral realism: Young children’s belief that
fulfillment. who are learning English and are not rules are absolute and cannot be changed.

459
 GLOSSARY

moral reasoning: Reasoning that involves Neonatal Behavioral Assessment Scale oxytocin: A powerful smooth muscle
making judgments about the rightness or (NBAS): A subtle and specific measure of stimulant hormone that causes receptors in
wrongness of certain acts. the neonate’s health, neurological well- the uterus to respond and contract.
being, and behavior.
moral relativism: Children’s advanced parental warmth: A description of how
understanding that people can agree to neural tube: The precursor to the brain and responsive parents are to the needs of their
change rules if they want to and that what is spinal cord that forms at about 21 days after children (i.e., how supportive, nurturing,
important is that all participants in an activity conception. compassionate, and caring they are and to
understand and operate according to the neuromotor impairments: A type of what extent they put the needs of their
same set of rules. disability that involves the central nervous children ahead of their own).
moratorium: The process by which system. parenting styles: Different combinations of
adolescents actively explore identity night terrors: Partial arousal from the high and low parental warmth and high and
alternatives, without committing to one deepest phase of non-REM sleep. Children low parental control.
identity. are not fully awake during night terrors. peer culture: The social values and norms
multiples: The term used to refer to more nightmares: Scary dreams that occur during for behavior that different groups of
than one developing fetus in a given REM sleep. adolescents share.
pregnancy.
non-embryonic adult stem cells: Cells that peer groups: Social groups formed on the
mutations: Random changes in the chemical are not embryonic that can grow into basis of shared interests and values; they are
structure of one or more genes that lead to different types of cells. typically composed of children of the same
the production of a different phenotype and age, sex, race/ethnicity, as well as other
nuclear family: A mother and father (or a
may or may not be harmful. commonalities (e.g., achievement levels,
single parent) along with biological,
popularity, athleticism).
mutual best friend: A child who adopted, or stepchildren living in the same
reciprocates a “best” friend nomination. household. peer pressure: The influence peers have on
each other’s attitudes and behaviors.
mutual exclusivity: The assumption that object permanence: The belief that an object
each object in the world belongs in just one continues to exist when it is out of sight. peer review: The evaluation and screening
category, so it has just one label. open adoption: An arrangement in which of a research report or other scholarly work
the biological and adoptive parents share by carefully chosen reviewers who are experts
mutualism: A theory that suggests in the
information and, in some cases, interact in the area. To be published in refereed
beginning of cognitive development,
directly. journals, a manuscript must pass peer review.
humans have many unrelated cognitive
processes such as short-term memory or operant conditioning: Learning in which permissive parents: Parents who are
reaction time. Over time, these processes voluntary behavior is strengthened or warm, but have little control. They fail to
work together to the mutual benefit of each weakened by consequences or antecedents. set standards or enforce rules for their
other and the problem-solving capabilities children and avoid conflict and
of the developing individual. operations: Actions a person carries out by confrontation.
thinking them through instead of literally
myelination: The growth of neural fibers performing the actions. person-environment fit theory: According
and the coating of the fibers with fatty to this theory, development and learning are
myelin that increases brain efficiency, oppositional identity: A commitment to an greatest when the needs and characteristics
particularly in the parts of the brain involved identity in opposition to what an individual of the learner fit the characteristics of the
with memory. perceives is the collective identity of the learning environment.
dominant group.
naturalistic observation: The observation of person-first language: Referring to people
orientation: People’s ability to establish their
children or adults in their natural setting as “with a disability” because they are
position in relation to their environment.
they go about their lives. individuals first and the disability is just a
orthopedic impairment: A type of disability part of who they are.
negative correlation: A relationship
that involves the skeletal system (bones,
between two variables in which a high value perspective-taking ability: The ability to
joints, and associated muscles).
on one variable is associated with a low value imagine what other people are thinking or
on the other. An example is height and the osteoporosis: A disease that involves feeling.
distance from the top of the head to the serious loss of bone density and leaves
phenotypic characteristics: Observable
ceiling. bones fragile and at risk for breaking.
traits that are influenced by conditions
negative reinforcement: Strengthening other race effect: The ability of infants to present in the environment, both before and
behavior by removing an aversive stimulus distinguish only faces of races that are in after birth, which influence cell division and
when the behavior occurs. their own visual environment. activation.
negative symptoms: Symptoms associated outside-in skills: The emergent literacy skills phenylketonuria: A genetic disorder
with schizophrenia that reflect reductions in of language, narrative, conventions of print, characterized by a lack of ability to produce
normal emotional and behavioral states and emergent reading. the enzyme that allows metabolism of
(e.g., flat affect and loss of drive). ova: Female egg cells. phenylalanine (which is found in many foods,
including milk), resulting in microencephaly
neglected children: Children who have few overlapping wave theory: A model of how
(abnormal smallness of the brain), congenital
peer nominations of any kind. children move from less to more adaptive
heart disease, and severe mental retardation.
strategies, by trying, discarding, retrying,
neo-Piagetian theories: More recent
and adapting strategies over time. phobias: Irrational fears that persist and
theories that integrate findings about
significantly affect functioning.
attention, memory, and strategy use with overregularize: The application of a rule of
Piaget’s insights about children’s thinking syntax or grammar in situations where the rule phonemic awareness: The knowledge that
and the construction of knowledge. does not apply, e.g., “the bike was broked.” words are made up of sounds in a sequence.

460
 GLOSSARY

phonological loop: Part of working memory; premature: A fetus that is born before knowledge and skills necessary to move to
a holding system for verbal/sound 37 weeks’ gestational age. the next level of schooling—usually
information. prenatal: Literally, “before birth.” The time administered in preschool or kindergarten.
phonology: The study of how sounds period between conception and birth, receptive vocabulary: The words a person
function in a language system. typically 38 weeks. can understand in spoken or written words.
physical development: Changes in body preoperational: The stage before a child reciprocal teaching: A method of
structure and function over time. masters logical mental operations. supporting reading comprehension that
involves four strategies: questioning,
placenta: The sac that nourishes and presentation punishment: Decreasing the
summarizing, clarifying, and predicting.
protects the embryo. chances that a behavior will occur again by
presenting an aversive stimulus following the reflexes: Involuntary movements of infants
plasticity: A term that refers to the way the
behavior; also called Type I punishment. that support their survival.
brain can reorganize in response to
environmental stimuli and experience. pretend play: Children’s use of objects and registers: Ways of speaking that fit specific
toys symbolically and integrating them in social situations.
Poly-X syndrome: Condition in which a
female is conceived with more than two imaginary scenarios; promotes abstract and reinforcer: Any event that follows a behavior
X chromosomes (1 in 1,000 births). creative thinking. and increases the chances that the behavior
primary sex characteristics: Physical will occur again.
Polycystic Ovary syndrome (PCOS):
Condition in which women have high levels characteristics that are directly involved with rejected children: Children who are actively
of certain hormones, may be infertile, and reproductive organs. disliked by peers; they may be aggressive,
have cysts on their ovaries. primitive reflexes: Reflexes that have immature, socially unskilled, or socially wary
developed in humans over many thousands and withdrawn.
polygenetic: Characteristics caused by
multiple gene actions (e.g., height, weight, of years and include the grasping, moro, relational aggression: Behavior whose goal
and skin color). babinski, and tonic-neck reflexes. is to damage a peer’s social status and/or
private speech: Children’s self-talk, which relationships.
popular children: Children who are well
liked by their peers. They may achieve their guides their thinking and action. Eventually reliability: The consistency of test results.
social status by engaging in either prosocial these verbalizations are internalized as silent removal punishment: Decreasing the
or antisocial behavior. inner speech. chances that a behavior will occur again by
population: The total group of interest in a production deficiency: Failing to produce a removing a pleasant stimulus following the
research study; the group to which the strategy when it would be useful, even behavior; also called Type II punishment.
investigator hopes the results will apply though you know the strategy. representativeness heuristics: Judging
(e.g., parents of twins, low-birth-weight prosocial: A term that is used to describe the likelihood of an event based on how
infants, etc.). helping, being cooperative, comforting, well the event matches your prototypes—
positive bedtime routine: A routine that responding to peer cries, and displaying what you think is representative of the
includes familiar and relaxing activities that empathy behaviors; voluntary behavior that category.
children come to associate with bedtime. is intended to benefit other people. reversibility: A characteristic of Piagetian
positive correlation: A relationship between proximal empathy: Empathy that includes logical operations—the ability to think
two variables in which the two increase or those times when a child does not cause a through a series of steps, then mentally
decrease together. An example is calorie second child’s distress, but chooses to help reverse the steps and return to the starting
intake and weight gain. the peer. point; also called reversible thinking.
positive reinforcement: The strengthening pruning: The mechanisms by which the brain reversible thinking: Thinking backward,
of behavior by presenting a desired stimulus becomes more finely tuned and functional. from the end to the beginning.
after the behavior. sample: A selected portion of the entire
psychoanalysis: The approach to therapy
positive symptoms: Behaviors and changes that Freud developed to help patients population of interest. The sample is used to
in thought processes not seen in healthy discover, talk about, and understand estimate likely relationships among variables
people, including hallucinations, delusions, emotional conflicts from childhood, buried in the population.
thought disorders, and disorders of in their unconscious. scaffolding: Support for learning and
movement. problem solving. The support could be
psychosocial: A description of the relation
positron emission tomography (PET): of the individual’s emotional needs to the clues, reminders, encouragement, breaking
A method of localizing and measuring brain social environment. the problem down into steps, providing an
activity using computer-assisted motion example, or anything else that allows the
puberty: All the processes involved that student to grow in independence as a
pictures of the brain.
make a person capable of reproduction. learner.
post-industrial: Societies in which most
punishment: A process that weakens or schemas: Ideas and actions that infants
people make a living in the service sector or
suppresses behavior. develop through exploring and learning.
using information technologies, not in
manufacturing or farming. race: A social category that is defined on schemes: Mental systems or categories of
the basis of physical characteristics such as perception through exploring and learning.
power assertion: Parents’ attempts to stop
skin color or hair texture.
behavior by making demands or threats, or schizophrenia: A chronic and severely
by withdrawing privileges. rapid eye movement (REM) sleep: The disabling brain disorder that affects
pragmatics: The rules for when and how stage of sleep during which dreams take approximately 1% of the general population.
to use language to be an effective place. school attachment: The extent to which
communicator in a particular context or readiness testing: Assessment procedures students feel accepted, valued, respected,
culture. used to determine if children have the supported, and included in their schools.

461
 GLOSSARY

script: A schema or expected plan for the sex-linked inheritance: Certain genetic source monitoring: Remembering the
sequence of steps in a common event such as effects that are linked to particular genes source of information, and where you
buying groceries or ordering take-out pizza. located on the sex chromosomes. encountered the information.
secondary sex characteristics: Physical sexting: The practice of sending sexually spastic CP: A type of cerebral palsy that
characteristics that are not needed for explicit content, including photos or text causes muscles to stiffen and makes
reproduction, but are still markers of mature messages, over the Internet. movement difficult. It can affect just one side
males or females. of the body, both legs, or both arms and legs.
sexual orientation: Individuals’ attractions
secular trend: The trend for menarche and to members of the same sex, the opposite speech reading: An oral approach to
other events in puberty to be experienced sex, or both sexes. communication and education, also called
earlier with each new generation. lip reading.
short-term memory: A component of the
selection: The process by which adolescents memory system that holds information for sperm: A male gamete cell that is
choose friends and peer groups. about 20 seconds. composed of a head, a flagellum, and a cap
self-concept: Our integrated view of the containing enzymes that facilitate infiltration
sickle cell anemia: A severe blood disorder
attributes, abilities, and attitudes that into the egg.
in which there is a chronic deficiency in
define us. distribution of oxygen in the blood. spermarche: The first sperm ejaculation
self-conscious emotions: Feelings such as for boys.
sign language and signed English: Visual
pride, envy, guilt, and shame that are linked spermatogenesis: The process of
languages; manual approaches to
to other and self-evaluations. maturation of sperm cells.
communication.
self-corrective empathy: Empathy that stage-environment fit theory: A theory that
sleep associations: Any conditions children
occurs when one child causes another child describes the possible effects of a match
have come to connect with falling asleep
distress and then tries to help, seemingly to (or mismatch) between the developmental
(e.g., rocking or nursing until they fall
make amends, or at least to comfort the needs of the individual and the
asleep).
other child. opportunities afforded by social
small-for-gestational-age (SGA): Babies
self-efficacy: A person’s sense of being able environments, including schools.
that are born too small (under 5-1/2 pounds)
to deal effectively with a particular task.
because of slow growth as fetuses, even standard extinction: The process of putting
self-esteem: The self-evaluative part of the though they are delivered close to their due children to bed and then ignoring
self-concept; the judgments children make date. disruptions (e.g., not attending to their
about their overall self-worth. crying, tantrums, calls to parents) until
social cognitive theory: A theory that adds eventually, they fall asleep on their own.
self-organization: Patterns and orders that concern with cognitive factors such as
emerge from the interactions of the beliefs, self-perceptions, and expectations states: Cyclic periods of infant arousal,
components in a complex system. to social learning theory. activity, and sleep.
self-regulation: Our ability to voluntarily Statistically significant: Something that is
social construction: An idea or concept that
control our thoughts and actions to achieve not likely to be a chance occurrence.
has been invented and/or accepted by a
personal goals and cope with environmental
group of people. stereotype threat: The extra emotional and
contingencies.
social conventions: Generally understood cognitive burden that your performance in an
semilingual: A lack of proficiency in any academic situation might confirm a stereotype
rules about how one should act; often they
language; speaking one or more languages that others hold about you; apprehensiveness
reflect cultural norms.
inadequately. about confirming a stereotype.
social learning theory: A theory that
semiotic function: The ability to use steroids: Commercially produced drugs
emphasizes learning through observation
symbols—language, pictures, signs, or related to male sex hormones that are used
and the interaction of person (beliefs,
gestures—to represent actions or objects legally to treat some diseases, but more
cognitions, emotions, etc.), environment,
mentally. often illegally to build muscle mass and
and behavior in determining human
sensitive periods: A time during which thoughts and actions. strength.
certain types of plasticity are dominant in strategy: A general plan or set of plans to
the brain and certain types of learning or socialization: The process by which
attitudes and behaviors are modeled and achieve a goal.
development are most likely to occur or
occur most easily. reinforced. suicidal ideation: Thoughts of suicide.
sensory memory: The system that holds sociobiology: The multidisciplinary study of surfactin: A substance that normally coats
sensory information very briefly. human and animal social behaviors that the lungs of the fetus during the last three to
considers the survival value of the four weeks of pregnancy to prevent them
sequential studies: Studies that combine behaviors as explanations for from collapsing.
longitudinal and cross-sectional research by development.
examining different age groups and then survival reflexes: Reflexes such as the
following those groups as they develop sociocultural theory: A theory that breathing, rooting, sucking and swallowing,
across time. emphasizes the role in development and and eye blink reflexes that ensure neonates
learning of society, culture, context, will be able to breathe, find the nipple, eat
seriation: The arranging of objects in
interpersonal interaction, and time period. by sucking, and protect their eyes.
sequential order according to one aspect,
such as size, weight, or volume; he process socioeconomic status (SES): An individual’s sympathy: Feeling sorry or concerned for
of making an orderly arrangement from relative standing in the society based on another person because he or she is
large to small or vice versa. income, power, background, and prestige. experiencing negative emotions.
sex: The biological differences between somatic cells: Cells in the body other than syntagmatic-paradigmatic shift: In language
boys and girls, men and women. germ cells. development, the change from organizing

462
 GLOSSARY

words by what might come next (syntagmatic transition and functional skills: The skills variable: Any factor, characteristic, or event
associations such as “beach—ball”) to needed to prepare a student to live and that can change or vary.
organizing by meaning (paradigmatic work in the community.
vernix: A white cheesy substance that
associations such as “beach, sand, ocean”).
triangulation: The seeking of multiple covers the fetus, which protects the skin
syntax: The order of words in phrases or perspectives, for example, by gathering from chapping during the time the fetus
sentences. data from multiple sources (observation, lives in fluid.
tabula rasa: Latin for “blank slate”; Locke’s interviews, diaries, etc.) or using multiple very low birth weight: Babies who are
idea that children are blank slates and their investigators to make interpretations. born weighing below 1,500 grams or
development is molded by experience, triarchic theory of successful intelligence: approximately 3.3 pounds.
education, training, etc. A three-part description of the mental visual acuity: Refers to the sharpness of
technology-rich learning environments abilities (utilizing thinking processes, coping vision.
(TREs): Digital environments created to with new experiences, and adapting to
context) that lead to more or less intelligent visual perception: Includes attention to
support learning, including virtual worlds, and processing of visual information.
computer simulations that support problem- behavior.
based learning, intelligent tutoring systems, visual sketchpad: A part of working
Turner’s syndrome: A condition in which
educational games, audio recordings, hand- memory; a holding system for visual and
a female is conceived with only one
held wireless devices, and multimedia spatial information.
X chromosome rather than two (occurs
environments. approximately 1 in 2,500 female births). well-being: A sense of happiness, health,
temperament: Unique characteristics of comfort, and security.
Type 2 Diabetes: A chronic condition that
children that influence how they react to affects the way the body metabolizes sugar withdrawal of love: A situation that
environmental stimuli. Temperament (glucose). occurs when parents attempt to gain
includes the dimensions of emotionality, compliance from children by withholding
sociability, and activity level. umbilical cord: A cord that connects the affection or ignoring or rejecting them.
embryo to the placenta and delivers oxygen
teratogen: Any disease, drug, or other and nutrients into the embryo’s bloodstream working memory: The information that you
environmental agent that can harm a from the mother. are focusing on at a given moment.
developing embryo or fetus.
uninvolved parents: Parents who are neither X-linked diseases: Single gene disorders
theory: In science—concepts and relations warm nor in control. They put little effort that reflect the presence of defective genes
that explain and predict phenomena in the into parenting and often are more focused on the X chromosome.
world. on their own needs than the needs of their zone of proximal development (ZPD): The
theory of mind: Children’s understandings children. phase at which a child can master a task if
about the nature of thinking and mental given appropriate help and support; the
universal design: Considering the needs
states—their knowledge that other people area between his or her current
of all users in the creation of living and
have minds, thoughts, feelings, beliefs, and development level—where the child can
learning environments, such as architectural
desires that may be different than their own. solve problems independently—and
features, new tools, learning programs, or
theory of multiple intelligences: In the level of development that the
websites.
Gardner’s theory of intelligence, a person’s child could achieve with support from
universal language learner: Infants’ ability others.
eight separate abilities: logical-
at birth to learn any language.
mathematical, linguistic, musical, spatial, zygote: A diploid cell with 46 chromosomes
bodily-kinesthetic, interpersonal, validity: The degree to which a test created by the fusion of male and female
intrapersonal, and naturalist. measures what it is intended to measure. cell nuclei.

463
464
 REFERENCES
AAIDD. (2010). Definition of intellectual disability. AGI. (2006). Facts on American teens’ sexual and Amato, P. R. (2000). The consequences of divorce
Retrieved from http://www.aamr.org/content_ reproductive health. Retrieved from http://www for adults and children. Journal of Marriage and
100.cfm?navID⫽21 .guttmacher.org/pubs/fb_ATSRH.html the Family, 62, 1269–1287.
AAN Report of the Quality Standards Subcommittee. Ainsworth, M. D. S. (1989). Attachments beyond Amato, P. R. (2001). Children of divorce in the
(1997). Neurology, 10, 350–357. infancy. American Psychologist, 44, 709–716. 1990s: An update of the Amato and Keith
AAP Committee on Injury, Violence, and Poison Ainsworth, M. D. S., Blehar, M. C., Waters, E., & (1991) meta-analysis. Journal of Family
Prevention. (2003). Poison treatment in the Wall, S. (1978). Patterns of attachment: A Psychology, 15, 355–370.
home. Pediatrics, 112, 1182–1185. psychological study of the strange situation. Amato, P. R., & Fowler, F. (2002). Parenting
Aaronson, D., Barrow, L., & Sander, W. (2007). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. practices, child adjustment, and family
Teachers and student achievement in the Akos, P., & Galassi, J. P. (2004). Middle and high diversity. Journal of Marriage & Family, 64(3),
Chicago public high schools. Journal of Labor school transitions as viewed by students, 703–716.
Economics, 25, 95–135. parents, and teachers, Professional School Amato, P. R., & Gilbreth, J. G. (1999). Nonresident
Abma, J. C., Martinez, G. M., Mosher, W. D., & Counseling, 7(4), 212–221. fathers and children’s well being: A meta-
Dawson, B. S. (2004). Teenagers in the United Alasker, F. D., & Olweus, D. (1992). Stability of analysis. Journal of Family Psychology, 15,
States: Sexual activity, contraceptive use, and global self-evaluations in early adolescence: 355–373.
childbearing. National Survey of Family Growth, A cohort longitudinal study. Journal of Ambert, A. M. (2005). Divorce: Facts, causes and
24, 1–48. Research on Adolescence, 2, 123–145. consequences. Retrieved from http://www
Abramowicz, J. S., Barnett, S. B., Duck, F. A., Albee, G. W. (2002). Interactions among scientists .vifamily.ca/library/cft/divorce_05.html#
Edmonds, P. D., Hynynen, K., & Ziskin, M. and policymakers: Challenges and Canadian
(2008). Fetal thermal effects of diagnostic opportunities. American Psychologist [Special American Academy of Child & Adolescent
ultrasound. Journal Ultrasound Medicine, 27, Issue], 57, 161–122. Psychiatry. (2004). AACAP recommends
541–559. Alberto, P., & Troutman, A. C. (2006). Applied monitoring research and access in
Ackerman, B. P., & Brown, E. D. (2006). Income behavior analysis for teachers: Influencing antidepressant use: Workforce Support Critical.
poverty, poverty co-factors, and the adjustment student performance (7th ed.). Upper Saddle Retrieved from http://www.aacap.org/
of children in elementary school. In R. V. Kail River, NJ: Prentice-Hall/Merrill. press_releases/2004/0915.htm
(Ed.), Advances in child development and Alessandri, S. M., & Lewis, M. (1993). Parental American Academy of Family Physicians. (2009).
behavior (Vol. 34, pp. 91–129). New York, NY: evaluation and its relation to shame and pride Cerebral palsy in children. Retrieved from
Elsevier. in young children. Sex roles, 29, 335–343. http://familydoctor.org/online/famdocen/
Ackerman, B. P., Brown, E. D., & Izard, C. E. (2004). Alexander, K., & Entwistle, D. (1998). Achievement home/children/parents/special/birth/901.html
The relations between contextual risk, earned in the first two years of school: Patterns and American Academy of Pediatrics. (1999).
income, and the school adjustment of children processes. Monographs of the Society for Trampolines at home, school, and recreational
from economically disadvantaged families. Research in Child Development, 53 centers. Pediatrics, 103(5), 1053–1056.
Developmental Psychology, 40, 204–216. (Serial No. 218). American Academy of Pediatrics. (2005). Policy
ADA. It’s’ about eating right: Balanced meals. Alexander, P. A. (1996). The past, present, and statement. Breastfeeding and the use of human
Retrieved from http://www.eatright.org/Public/ future of knowledge research: A reexamination milk. Retrieved from http://aappolicy
content.aspx?id⫽6745 of the role of knowledge in learning and .aappublications.org/cgi/content/full/
Adams, G. R., Berzonsky, M. D., & Keating, L. instruction. Educational Psychologist, 31, pediatrics;115/2/496
(2006). Psychosocial resources in first-year 89–92. American Academy of Pediatrics. (2006). The
university students: The role of identity All About Vision. (2010). General vision and eye Apgar score. Retrieved from http://aappolicy
processes and social relationships. Journal of news. Retrieved from http://www.allaboutvision .aappublications.org/cgi/content/full/
Youth and Adolescence, 35(1), 78–88. .com/conditions/eye-news.htm#earlyscreening pediatrics;117/4/1444
Adolph, K. E. (2009). Perceptual learning. Allen, K. L., Byrne, S. M., Blair, E. M., & Davis, E. A. American Academy of Pediatrics, Council on Sports
Retrieved from http://www.psych.nyu.edu/ (2006). Why do some overweight children Medicine and Fitness and Council on School
adolph/research1.php experience psychological problems? The role Health. (2006). Active healthy living: Prevention
Adolph, K. E., & Avolio, A. M. (2000). Walking of weight and shape concern. International of childhood obesity through increased physical
infants adapt locomotion to changing body Journal of Pediatric Obesity, 1, 239–247. activity. Pediatrics, 117, 1834–1842.
dimensions. Journal of Experimental Alliance for Children. (September 12, 2000). American Academy of Pediatrics, Task Force on
Psychology: Human Perception & Performance, Children and computers: A call for action. Infant Positioning and SIDS. (1992). Positioning
26(3), 1148–1166. Alloway, T. P., Gathercole, S. E., & Pickering, S. J. and SIDS [published correction appears in
Adolph, K. E., & Eppler, M. A. (2002). Flexibility (2006). Verbal and visuo-spatial short-term Pediatrics, 90(2):264 and Pediatrics, 89(6),
and specificity in infant motor skill acquisition. and working memory in children: Are they 1120–1126.
In J. W. Fagen & H. Hayne, Progress in infancy separable? Child Development, 77, American Academy of Pediatrics, Task Force on
research (Vol. 2, pp. 121–169). Hillsdale, NJ: 1698–1716. Sudden Infant Death Syndrome. (2005). The
Erlbaum. Al-Obaidi, A. K., Budosan, B., & Jeffrey, L. (2010). changing concept of sudden infant death
Adoph, K. E., Karasik, L. B., & Tamis-LeMonda, S. Child and adolescent mental health in Iraq: syndrome: Diagnostic coding shifts,
(2010). Motor skill. In M. Bornstein (Ed.), Current situation and scope for promotion of controversies regarding the sleeping
Handbook of cross-cultural developmental child and adolescent mental health policy. environment, and new variables to consider in
science, Vol. 1, Domains of development across Intervention, 8(1), 40–51. reducing risk. Pediatrics, 116(5), 1245–1255.
cultures (pp. 61–88). New York, NY: Taylor & Amartya, S. (2003). Missing women—revisited: American Cancer Society. (2009). Childhood
Francis. Reduction in female mortality has been cancer: Late effects of cancer treatment.
Adzick, N. S., & Kitano Y. (2003). Fetal surgery for counterbalanced by sex selective abortions. Retrieved from http://ww3.cancer.org/docroot/
lung lesions, congenital diaphragmatic hernia, British Medical Journal, 327, 1297–1299. CRI/content/CRI_2_6x_Late_Effects_of_
and sacrococcygeal teratoma. Seminars in Amato, P. R. (1999). Children of divorced parents Childhood_Cancer.asp
Pediatric Surgery, 12, 154–167. as young adults. In E. M. Hetherington (Ed.), American Dietetic Association [ADA]. (nd). It’s’
AGI. (2002). Teenagers’ sexual and reproductive Coping with divorce, single parenting, and about eating right: Balanced meals. Retrieved
health: Developed countries. Retrieved from remarriage: A risk and resiliency perspective from http://www.eatright.org/Public/content
http://www.guttmacher.org/pubs/fb_teens.html (pp. 147–163). Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. .aspx?id⫽6745

From References of Child and Adolescent Development, 1/e. Anita Woolfolk. Nancy E. Perry.
Copyright © 2012 by Pearson Education. All rights reserved.
465
 REFERENCES

American Dietetic Association. (2008, June). Anderson, P. J., & Graham, S. M. (1994). Issues in moral domain models. Child Development, 75,
Position of the American Dietetic Association: second-language phonological acquisition 987–1002.
Nutrition guidance for healthy children ages 2 to among children and adults. Topics in Language ASHA [The American Speech-Language-Hearing
11 years. Journal of the American Dietetic Disorders, 14, 84–100. Association]. (2010). Hearing screening.
Association, 108, 1038–1047. Anderson, S. W., Bechara, A., Damasio, H., Retrieved from www.asha.org
American Federation for the Blind. (2010). The Tranel, T., & Damasio, A. R. (1999). Impairment Ashcraft, M. H. (2006). Cognition (3rd ed.). Upper
expanded core curriculum for blind and VI in social and moral behaviour and early damage Saddle River, NJ: Prentice-Hall.
children and youths. Retrieved from http://www in the prefrontal cortex. Nature Neuroscience, Ashcraft, M. H., & Radvansky, G. A. (2009).
.afb.org/Section.asp?SectionID⫽44&TopicID⫽ 2, 1032–1037. Cognition (4th ed.). Upper Saddle River, NJ:
189&SubTopicID⫽4&DocumentID⫽2117 Angier, N. (2009, January 20). In ‘Geek Chic’ and Prentice-Hall.
American Heart Association. (2010). Table: Dietary Obama, new hope for lifting women in science. Askell-Williams, H., & Lawson, M. (2001). Mapping
recommendations for children. Retrieved The New York Times, p. D1. students’ perceptions of interesting class
from http://www.americanheart.org/presenter Angier, N., & Chang, K. (2005, January 24). Gray lessons. Social Psychology of Education, 5,
.jhtml?identifier⫽3033999 matter and the sexes: Still a scientific gray area. 127–147.
American Printing House for the Blind. (2009). The New York Times, p. A1. Aslin, R. N., & McMurray, B. (2004). Where babies
Distribution of eligible students. Retrieved from Anglin, J. M. (1993). Vocabulary development. look: An overview of methods for assessing
http://www.aph.org/fedquotpgm/dist09.html. Monographs of the Society for Research in visual fixations and eye movements in young
American Psychiatric Association. (2010). DSM-5 Child Development, 58(165). infants. Infancy, 6(2), 155–163.
development. Available online at http://www APA. (2009). Sexual orientation and homosexuality. ASRM [American Society of Reproductive
.dsm5.org/Pages/Default.aspx. Retrieved from http://www.apahelpcenter.org/ Medicine]. (2009). Frequently asked questions
American Psychological Association. (2000). articles/article.php?id⫽31 about infertility. Retrieved from http://www
Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental APA. (2010). American Psychiatric Association .asrm.org/Patients/faqs.html#Q6
disorders (4th ed., text revision). Washington, DSM-5 development: Eating disorders. Astington, J. W., & Dack, L. A. (2008). Theory of
DC: Author. Retrieved from http://www.dsm5.org/ mind. In M. M. Haith & J. B. Benson (Eds.),
Anderman, E. M. (1998). The middle school ProposedRevisions/Pages/EatingDisorders.aspx Encyclopedia of infant and early childhood
experience: Effects on math and science Apgar, V. (1953). A proposal for a new method of development (Vol. 3, pp. 343–356). San Diego,
achievement of adolescents with LD. Journal evaluation of the newborn infant. Anesth Analg, CA: Academic Press.
of Learning Disabilities, 31, 128–139. 32, 260–267. Astington, J. W., & Gopnik, A. (1988). Knowing
Anderman, E. M., & Maehr, M. L. (1994). Armour, S. (2005, June 11). Generation Y: They’ve you’ve changed your mind: Children’s
Motivation and schooling in the middle grades. arrived at work with a new attitude. USA Today. understanding of representational change.
Review of Educational Research, 64, 287–310. Retrieved from http://www.usatoday.com/ In J. W. Astington, P. L. Harris, & D. R. Olson
Anderman, E. M., & Midgley, C. (2004). Changes in money/workplace/2005-11-06-gen-y_x.htm (Eds.), Developing theories of mind
self-reported academic cheating across the Arnett, J. J. (1999). Adolescent storm and stress, (pp. 193–206). New York, NY: Cambridge
transition from middle school to high school. reconsidered. American Psychologist, 54, University Press.
Contemporary Educational Psychology, 29, 317–326. Atkinson, R. C., & Shiffrin, R. M. (1968). Human
499–517. Arnett, J. J. (2007). Emerging adulthood: What is memory: A proposed system and its control
Anderman, L. H. (2003). Academic and social it, and what is it good for? Child Development processes. In K. Spence & J. Spence (Eds.), The
perceptions as predictors of change in middle Perspectives, 1, 68–73. psychology of learning and motivation (Vol. 2,
school students’ sense of school belonging. Arnett, J. J. (2009). Adolescence and emerging pp. 89–195). New York, NY: Academic Press.
Journal of Experimental Education, 72, 5–23. adulthood: A cultural approach (4th ed.). Atkinson, R. K., Levin, J. R., Kiewra, K. A.,
Anderman, L. H., & Freeman, T. M. (2004). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice-Hall/Pearson. Meyers, T., Atkinson, L. A., Renandya, W. A., &
Students’ sense of belonging in school. In Aronson, J. (2002). Stereotype threat: Contending Hwang, Y. (1999). Matrix and mnemonic
M. L. Maehr & P. R. Pintrich (Eds.), Motivating and coping with unnerving expectations. In text-processing adjuncts: Comparing and
students, improving schools, vol. 13: The legacy J. A. D. Cordova (Ed.), Improving education: combining their components. Journal of
of Carol Midgley (advances in motivation and Classic and contemporary lessons from Educational Psychology, 91, 242–257.
achievement) (pp. 26–64). New York, NY: psychology (pp. 279–301). New York, NY: Atwell, P. (2000). Beyond the digital divide
Elsevier. Academic Press. [Working paper No. 164]. New York, NY: Russell
Anderson, C. A., Berkowitz, L., Donnerstein, E., Aronson, J., Lustina, M. J., Good, C., Keough, K., Sage Foundation.
Huesmann, L. R., Johnson, J. D., Linz, D., . . . Steele, C. M., & Brown, J. (1999). When White Au, K. H. (1980). Participation structures in a
Wartella, E. (2003). The influence of media men can’t do math: Necessary and sufficient reading lesson with Hawaiian children: Analysis
violence on youth. Psychological Science in the factors in stereotype threat. Journal of of a culturally appropriate instructional event.
Public Interest, 4, 81–110. Experimental Social Psychology, 35, 29–46. Anthropology and Education Quarterly, 11,
Anderson, C. A., & Bushman, B. J. (2001). Media Aronson, J., & Steele, C. M. (2005). Stereotypes 91–115.
violence and the American public: Scientific and the fragility of human competence, Au, T. K., Knightly, L. M., Jun, S., & Oh, J. S.
facts versus media misinformation. American motivation, and self-concept. In E. E. C. Dweck (2002). Overhearing a language during
Psychologist, 56(6–7), 477–489. (Ed.), Handbook of competence and childhood. Psychological Science, 13, 238–243.
Anderson, C. A., Shibuya, A., Ihori, N., Swing, E. L., motivation (pp. 436–456). New York, NY: Aunola, K., Stattin, H., & Nurmi, J. (2000).
Bushman, B. J., Sakamoto, A., & Saleem, M. Guilford. Adolescents’ achievement strategies, school
(2010). Violent video game effects on Arseneault, L., Moffitt, T. E., Caspi, A., Taylor, A., adjustment, and externalizing and internalizing
aggression, empathy, and prosocial behavior in Rijsdijk, F. V., Jaffee, S. R., Ablow, J. C., & problem behaviors. Journal of Youth and
Eastern and Western countries. Psychological Measelle, J. R. (2003). Strong genetic effects Adolescence, 29(3), 289–306.
Bulletin, 136, 151–173. doi:10.1037/a0018251 on cross-situational antisocial behaviour among Ausubel, D. P. (1963). The psychology of
Anderson, C. W., Holland, J. D., & Palincsar, A. S. 5-year-old children according to mothers, meaningful verbal learning. New York, NY:
(1997). Canonical and sociocultural approaches teachers, examiner-observers, and twins’ self- Grune and Stratton.
to research and reform in science education: reports. Journal of Child Psychology and Ausubel, D. P. (1977). The facilitation of
The story of Juan and his group. Elementary Psychiatry, 44, 832–848. meaningful verbal learning in the classroom.
School Journal, 97, 359–384. Arsenio, W. F., & Fleiss, K. (1996). Typical and Educational Psychologist, 12, 162–178.
Anderson, E. R. (1999). Sibling, half-sibling, and behaviorally disruptive children’s understanding Avgitidou, S. (2001). Peer culture and friendship
step-sibling relationships in remarried families. of the emotional consequences of sociomoral relationships as contexts for the development
Monographs of the Society for Research in events. British Journal of Developmental of young children’s pro-social behavior.
Child Development, 64(4), 101–126. Psychology, 14, 173–186. International Journal of Early Years Education,
Anderson, J. R. (1995). Cognitive psychology Arsenio, W. F., & Lemerise, E. A. (2004). 9(2), 145–152.
and its implications (4th ed.). New York, NY: Aggression and moral development: Aviezar, O., Sagi, A., Joels, T., & Ziv, Y. (1999).
Freeman. Integrating social information processing and Emotional availability and attachment

466
 REFERENCES

representations in kibbutz infants and their trying to hear children. In B. J. Biddle, Barkley, R. A. (2006). Attention-deficit
mothers. Developmental Psychology, 35, T. L. Good, & I. F. Goodson (Eds.), The hyperactive disorder: A handbook for diagnosis
811–821. international handbook of teachers and teaching and treatment. (3rd ed.). New York, NY:
Aydt, H., & Corsaro, W. A. (2003). Differences in (pp. 769–818). Dordrecht, the Netherlands: Kluwer. Guilford.
children’s construction of gender across culture: Ball, H. L. (2002). Reasons to share: Why parents Barnard-Brak, L. (2008). Academic red-shirting
An interpretive approach. The American sleep with their infants. Journal of Repro & among children with learning disabilities.
Behavioral Scientist, 46, 1306–1325. Infant Psychology, 20(4), 207–221. Learning Disabilities: A Contemporary Journal,
Azzam, A. M. (2006, April). A generation immersed Balleyguier, G. (1991). The development of 6, 43–54.
in media. Educational Leadership, 92–93. attachment according to the temperament of Barnett, L. M., van Beurden, E., Morgan, P. J.,
Baddeley, A. (2006). Working memory: An the newborn. Psychiatric Enfant, 34(2), 641–647. Brooks, L. O., & Beard, J. R. (2009). Childhood
overview. In S. J. Pickering (Ed.), Working Bandstra, E. S., Vogel, A. L., Morrow, C. E., Xue, L., motor skill proficiency as a predictor of
memory and education. New York, NY: Elsevier. & Anthony, J. (2004). Severity of prenatal adolescent physical activity. Journal of
Baek, H. J. (2002). A comparative study of moral cocaine exposure and child language Adolescent Health, 44, 252–259.
development of Korean and British children. functioning through age seven years: A Barnett, R., & Rivers, C. (2004). Same difference:
Journal of Moral Education, 31, 374–391. longitudinal latent growth curve analysis. How gender myths are hurting our
Baghurst, P. A., McMichael, A. J., Wigg, N. R., Substance Use and Abuse, 39(1), 25–59. relationships, our children, and our jobs. New
Vimpani, G. V., Robertson, E. F., Roberts, R. J., & Bandura, A. (1965). Influence of models’ York, NY: Basic Books.
Tong, S.-L. (1992). Environmental exposure to reinforcement contingencies on the acquisition Baron, L. J. (2007). Contemporary issues in youth
lead and children’s intelligence at age of seven of imitative responses. Journal of Personality sport. New York, NY: Nova Science.
years: The Port Pirie cohort study. New England and Social Psychology, 1, 589–595. Baron, R. A. (1998). Psychology (4th ed.). Boston,
Journal of Medicine, 327, 1279–1284. Bandura, A. (1977). Social learning theory. MA: Allyn & Bacon.
Bagnato, S., Grom, R., & Haynes, L. (2003). Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Barr, R. G., Rivara, F. P., Barr, M., Cummings, P.,
Alternative designs for community-based Bandura, A. (1986). Social foundations of thought Taylor, J., Lengua, L. J., & Meredith-Benitz, E.
research: Pittsburgh’s Early Childhood Initiative. and action. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. (2009). Effectiveness of educational materials
The Evaluation Exchange, 9(3), 6–7. Bandura, A. (1997). Self-efficacy: The exercise of designed to change knowledge and behaviors
Bailey, J. M., & Pillard, R. C. (1991). A genetic control. New York, NY: Freeman. regarding crying and Shaken-Baby Syndrome in
study of male sexual orientation. Archives of Bandura, A. (2006a). Towards a theory of human mothers of newborns: A randomized, controlled
General Psychology, 48(12), 1089–1096. agency. Perspectives on Psychological Science, trial. Pediatrics, 123(3), 972–980.
Bailey, J. M., & Zucker, K. J. (1995). Childhood 1, 164–180. Barrash, J., Tranel, D., & Anderson, S. W. (2000).
sex-typed behavior and sexual orientation: Bandura, A. (2006b). Autobiography. M. G. Acquired personality disturbances associated
A conceptual and quantitative review. Lindzey & W. M. Runyan (Eds.) A history with bilateral damage to the ventromedial
Developmental Psychology, 31, 43–55. of psychology in autobiography (Vol. IX, prefrontal region. Developmental
Bailey, S. M. (1993). The current status of gender pp. 42–75). Washington, DC: American Neuropsychology, 18, 355–381.
equity research in American schools. Psychological Association. Barros, R. M., Silver, E. J., & Stein, R. E. K. (2009).
Educational Psychologist, 28, 321–339. Bandura, A., Ross, D., & Ross, S. A. (1963). Imitation School recess and group classroom behavior.
Bailey, U. L., Lorch, E. P., Milich, R., & Charnigo, R. of film-mediated aggressive models. Journal of Pediatrics, 123(2), 431–436.
(2009). Developmental changes in attention Abnormal and Social Psychology, 66, 3–11. Barrouillet, P., Bernardin, S., & Camos, V. (2004).
and comprehension among children with Bandura, A., Ross, D., & Ross, S. A. (1963). Time constraints and resource sharing in adults’
attention deficit hyperactivity disorder. Child Vicarious reinforcement and imitative learning. working memory spans. Journal of
Development, 80, 1842–1855. Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 67, Experimental Psychology: General, 133,
Baker, C. (1993). Foundations of bilingual 601–607. 83–100.
education and bilingualism. Clevedon, England: Banerjee, N. (2000, April 14). Rodniki journal: Barton, P. E. (2009). Chasing the high school
Multilingual Matters. Bloodsuckers of old are poised for a comeback. graduation rate: Getting the data we need and
Baker, J., Grant, S., & Morlock, L. (2008). The New York Times on the web. using it right (Policy Report). Princeton, NJ:
The teacher-student relationship as a Banks, J. A. (1993). Multicultural education: Educational Testing Service.
developmental context for children with Characteristics and goals. In J. Banks & Bartsch, K., & Wellman, H. M. (1995). Children talk
internalizing or externalizing behaviour C. M. Banks (Eds.), Multicultural education: about the mind. New York, NY: Oxford
problems. School Psychology Quarterly, Issues and perspectives (2nd ed., pp. 2–26). University Press.
23, 3–15. Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon. Battistich, V., Solomon, D., & Delucci, K. (1993).
Baker, L., & Wigfield, A. (1999). Dimensions of Banks, J. A. (2002). An introduction to multicultural Interaction processes and student outcomes in
children’s motivation for reading and their education (3rd ed.). Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon. cooperative groups. Elementary School Journal,
relations to reading activity and reading. Banks, J. A. (2008). Introduction to multicultural 94(1), 19–32.
Reading Research Quarterly, 34(4), 452–477. education (4th ed.). Boston: Allyn & Bacon/ Battistich, V., Solomon, D., Watson, M., & Schaps,
Bakerman, R., Adamson, L. B., Koner, M., & Merrill. E. (1997). Caring school communities.
Barr, R. G. (1990). !Kung infancy: The social Banks, J. A. (2009). Teaching strategies for ethnic Educational Psychologist, 32, 137–151.
context of object exploration. Child studies (8th ed.). Boston: Allyn & Bacon. Battle, J. (2002). Longitudinal analysis of academic
Development, 61, 794–809. Banks, J. A., & McGee Banks, C. A. (Eds.). (2009). achievement among a nationwide sample of
Bakermans-Kraneburg, M. J., van Ijzendoorn, M. H., & Multicultural education: Issues and Hispanic students in one- versus dual-parent
Bradley, R. H. (2005). Those who have, receive: perspectives. San Francisco, CA: John Wiley & households. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral
The Matthew effect in early childhood intervention Sons. Sciences, 24, 430–447.
in the home environment. Review of Educational Barber, B. K. (2002). Reintroducing parental Bauer, P. J. (2006). Event memory. In D. Kuhn &
Research, 75, 1–26. psychological control. In B. K. Barber (Ed.), R. S. Siegler (Eds.), Cognition, perception, and
Baldwin, A. L., Baldwin, C., & Cole, R. E. (1990). Intrusive parenting: How psychological control language (6th ed., Vol. 2, pp. 373–425). New
Stress-resistant families and stress-resistant affects children and adolescents (pp. 3–13). York, NY: John Wiley & Sons.
children. In J. Rolf, A. S. Masten, D. Cicchetti, Washington, DC: American Psychological Bauman, A., Schoeppe, S., & Lewicka, M. (2005).
K. H. Nuechterlein, & S. Weintraum (Eds.), Risk Association. Review of best practice in interventions to
and protective factors in the development of Bargh, J. A., & Chartrand, T. L. (1999). The promote physical activity in developing
psychopathology (pp. 257–280). New York, NY: unbearable automaticity of being. American countries. Geneva, Switzerland: World Health
Cambridge University Press. Psychologist, 54, 462–479. Organization.
Baldwin, J. M. (1895). Mental development in the Barkin, S., Scheindlin, B., Edward, H., Richardson, Baumeister, R. F. (1998). Inducing guilt. In J. Bybee
race and the child: Methods and processes. I., & Finch, S. (2007). Determinants of parental (Ed.), Guilt and children (pp. 127–138). San
London, England: MacMillan. discipline practices: A national sample from Diego, CA: Academic Press.
Ball, D. L. (1997). What do students know? Facing primary care practices. Clinical Pediatrics, 46, Baumeister, R. F., Campbell, J. D., Krueger, J. I., &
challenges of distance, context, and desire in 64–69. Vohs, K. D. (2003). Does high self-esteem cause

467
 REFERENCES

better performance, interpersonal success, palsy aged 1 to 15 years. Developmental Berndt, T. J, Hawkins, J. S., & Jiao, Z. (1999).
happiness, or healthier lifestyles? Psychological Medicine and Child Neurology, 49, 751–756. Influences of friends and friendships on
Science in the Public Interest, 4, 1–44. Bee, H. (1981). The developing child (3rd ed.). adjustment to junior high school. Merrill-Palmer
Baumrind, D. (1966). Effects of authoritative New York, NY: Harper & Row. Quarterly, 45, 13–41.
parental control on child behavior. Child Beebe-Frankenberger, M., Bocian, K. L., Berrueta-Clements, J. R., Schweinhart, L. J.,
Development, 37, 887–907. MacMillan, D. L., & Gresham, F. M. (2004). Barnett, W. S., & Weikart, D. P. (1987). Effects
Baumrind, D. (1971). Current patterns of parental Sorting second grade students with academic of early educational intervention on crime &
authority. Developmental Psychology, 4, 1–103. deficiencies: Characteristics differentiating delinquency in adolescence & early adulthood.
Baumrind, D. (1972). An exploratory study of those retained in grade from those promoted In J. D. Burchard & S. N. Burchard (Eds.),
socialization effects on black children: Some to third grade. Journal of Educational Prevention of delinquent behavior
black-white comparisons. Child Development, Psychology, 96, 204–215. (pp. 220–240). Newbury Park, CA: Sage.
43, 261–267. Behne, T., Carpenter, M., Call, J., & Tomasello, M. Berry, R. Q., III. (2005). Voices of success: Descriptive
Baumrind, D. (1973). The development of (2005). Unwilling versus unable: Infants’ portraits of two successful African American male
instrumental competence through socialization. understanding of intentional action. middle school mathematics students. Journal of
In A. D. Pick (Ed.), Minnesota Symposium on Developmental Psychology, 41(2), 328–337. African American Studies, 8(4), 46–62.
Child Psychology (Vol. 7, pp. 3–46). Behrman, R. E., & Kliegman, R. M. (2002). Nelson Best, J. R., Miller, P. H., & Jones, L. L. (2009).
Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota essentials of pediatrics (4th ed.). Orlando, FL: Executive functions after age 5: Changes and
Press. W.B. Saunders. correlates. Developmental Review, 29, 180–200.
Baumrind, D. (1991). Effective parenting during Bell, L. A. (1989). Something’s wrong here and it’s Betancourt, H., & Lopez, S. R. (1993). The study
early adolescent transitions. In P. Cowan & not me: Challenging the dilemmas that block of culture, ethnicity, and race in American
E. Hetherington (Eds.), Family transitions girls’ success. Journal of the Education of the psychology. American Psychologist, 48,
(pp. 111–164). Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. Gifted, 12, 118–130. 629–637.
Baumrind, D. (1991). The influences of parenting Bell, S. M., & Ainsworth, M. D. (1972). Infant crying Bethell, C., Reuland, C. H. P., Halfon, N., & Schor,
style on adolescent competence and and maternal responsiveness. Child E. L. (2004). Measuring the quality of preventive
substance use. Journal of Early Adolescence, Development, 43(4), 1171–1190. and developmental services for young children:
11, 56–95. Belluck, P. (2010, February 16). Wanted: Volunteers, National estimates and patterns of clinicians’
Baumrind, D. (1996). The discipline controversy all pregnant. The New York Times, p. D1⫹. performance. Pediatrics, 113, 1973–1983.
revisited. Family Relations, 45, 405–414. Belsky, J. (2002). Quantity counts: Amount of Better Brains for Babies (BBB). (2007). Retrieved
Baumrind, D. (2005). Patterns of parental authority childcare and children’s socioemotional from http://www.bbbgeorgia.org/
and adolescent authority. New Directions for development. Journal of Developmental and Bhatia, T. K., & Richie, W. C. (1999). The bilingual
Child and Adolescent Development, Behavioral Pediatrics, 23, 167–170. child: Some issues and perspectives. In
doi:10.1002/cd.128 Belsky, J., Weinraub, M., Owen, M., & Kelly, J. F. Handbook of child language acquisition. San
Baumrind, D., Larzelere, R. E., & Cowan, P. A. (2001, April). Quantity of childcare and problem Diego, CA: Academic Press.
(2002). Ordinary physical punishment: Is it behavior. Society for Research in Child Bialystok, E. (1999). Cognitive complexity and
harmful? Comment on Gershoff (2002). Development, Minneapolis, MN. attentional control in the bilingual child. Child
Psychological Bulletin, 128, 580–589. Bender, H. L., Allen, J. P., McElhaney, K. B., Development, 70, 636-644.
Bayliss, D. M., Jarrold, C., Baddeley, A. D., Antonishak, J., Moore, C. M., Kelly, H. B., & Bialystok, E. (2001). Bilingualism in development:
Gunn, D., & Leigh, E. (2005). Mapping the Davis, S. M. (2007). Use of harsh physical Language, literacy, and cognition. New York,
developmental constraints on working memory discipline and developmental outcomes in NY: Cambridge University Press.
span performance. Developmental Psychology, adolescence. Development and Bialystok, E., Majumder, S., & Martin, M. M. (2003).
41, 579–597. Psychopathology, 19(1), 227–242. Developing phonological awareness: Is there a
BBC. (2008). Premature babies “need cuddles.” Benderly, L. (2000). Book review of Are We bilingual advantage? Applied Linguistics, 24,
Retrieved from http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/ Hardwired?: The role of genes in human 27–44.
health/7417316.stm behavior. Genome Network News. Bibby, R. W. (2009). The most sensible generation
BBC News World Edition. (28 June, 2004). Scans Benenson, J. F., & Christakos, A. (2003). The in years. Maclean’s, 122 (13), 4-4.
uncover secrets of the womb. greater fragility of females’ versus males’ closet Bibby, R. W. (2009, May). Restless gods and
BC Early Hearing Program. (2008). Report on same-sex friendships. Child Development, restless youth: An update on the religious
program start-up and implementation 74(4), 1123–1129. situation in Canada. Presented at the Annual
2005–2008: A sound start for BC babies. Bennett, C. I. (2011). Comprehensive multicultural Meeting for the Canadian Sociological
Retrieved from http://www.phsa.ca/NR/ education: Theory and practice (7th ed.). Association, Ottawa, Ontario.
rdonlyres/8705F38C-7EA6-4320-B1AC- Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon. Bibby, R. W., Russell, S., & Rolheiser, R. (2009).
2B2E4F399023/0/BCEHPProgressReport2.pdf Bennett, S., Maton, K., & Kervin, L. (2008). The The emerging millennials: How Canada’s
Bearman, P., Jones, J., & Udry, J. R. (1997). The “digital natives” debate: A critical review of the newest generation is responding to change
National Longitudinal Study on Adolescent evidence. British Journal of Educational and choice. Lethbridge, Canada: Project
Health: Research design. Chapel Hill, NC: Technology, 39(5), 775–786. Canada Books.
Carolina Population Center. Berger, S. E., Adolph, K. E., & Lobo, S. A. (2005). Bigler, R. S., & Liben, L. S. (1992). Cognitive
Beaton, A. A. (2003). The nature and determinants Out of the toolbox: Toddlers differentiate mechanisms in children’s gender stereotyping:
of handedness. In K. Hugdahl & R. J. Davidson wobbly and wooden handrails. Child Theoretical and educational implications of a
(Eds.), The asymmetrical brain (pp. 105–158). Development, 76(6), 1294–1307. cognitive-based intervention. Child
Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Berger, S. E., Theuring, C., & Adolph, K. E. (2007). Development, 63(6), 1351–1363.
Beauchamp, G. K., & Mennella, J. A. (2009). Early How and when infants learn to climb stairs. Binfet, T. (1995, Winter). Sixth and seventh grade
flavor learning and its impact on later feeding Infant Behavior and Development, 30, 36-49. students’ reactions to moral dilemma
behavior. Journal of Pediatric Gastroenterology Berk, L. E., & Spuhl, S. T. (1995). Maternal discussions. Moral Development and Education
and Nutrition, 48(1), S25–30. interaction, private speech, and task SIG Newsletter, 3(1), 4.
Bech, B. H., Nohr, E. A., Vaeth, M., Henriksen, T. B., & performance in preschool children. Early Binfet, T. (2004). It’s all in their heads: Reflective
Olsen, J. (2005). Coffee and fetal death: A Childhood Research Quarterly, 10, 145–169. abstraction as an alternative to the moral
cohort study with prospective data. American Berko, J. (1958). The child’s learning of English discussion group. Merrill-Palmer Quarterly, 50,
Journal of Epidemiology, 162(10), 983–990. morphology. Word, 14, 150–177. 181–201.
Beck, I. L., & McKeown, M. G. (2007). Increasing Berliner, D. C. (2002). Educational research: The Biringen, Z. (2000). Emotional availability:
young low-income children’s oral vocabulary hardest science of all. Educational Researcher, Conceptualization and research findings.
through rich and focused instruction. 31(8), 18–20. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 70,
Elementary School Journal, 107, 251–271. Berndt, T. J. (2004). Children’s friendships: Shifts 104–114.
Beckung, E., Carlsson, G., Carlsdotter, S., & over a half-century in perspectives on their Bjorklund, D. F. (2004). Special issue: Memory
Uvebrant, P. (2007). The natural history of gross development and effects. Merrill-Palmer development in the new millennium.
motor development in children with cerebral Quarterly, 50, 206–223. Developmental Review, 24, 343–346.

468
 REFERENCES

Bjorklund, D. F. (2005). Children’s thinking: reasoning and altruistic behavior. Merrill-Palmer assessment prior to and following sports-
Cognitive development and individual Quarterly, 30, 349–367. related concussion during childhood: A case
differences (4th ed.). Belmont, CA: Thompson- Bogartz, R. S., Shinskey, J. L., & Speaker, C. J. study. Neurocase, 14(3), 239–248.
Wadsworth. (1997). Interpreting infant looking: The event Bowkers, A., Gabdois, S., & Cornock, B. (2003).
Bjorklund, D. F., Brown, R. D., & Bjorklund, B. R. set ⫻ event set design. Developmental Sports participation and self-esteem: Variations
(2002). Children’s eyewitness memory: Changing Psychology, 33, 408–422. as a function of gender and gender role
reports and changing representations. In Bogin, B. (2001). The growth of humanity. New orientation. Sex Roles, 49, 47–58.
P. G. N. Ohta (Ed.), Lifespan development of York, NY: Wiley-Liss. Bowlby, J. (1960a.) Grief and mourning in infancy
human memory. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Boldizar, J. P., Perry, D. G., & Perry, L. C. (1989). and early childhood. The Psychoanalytic Study
Bjorklund, D. F., & Rosenblum, K. E. (2002). Outcome values and aggression. Child of the Child, 15, 9–52.
Context effects in children’s selection and use Development, 60, 571–579. Bowlby, J. (1960b.). Separation anxiety.
of simple arithmetic strategies. Journal of Bond, L., Butler, H., Thomas, L., Carlin, J., International Journal of Psycho-Analysis,
Cognition and Development, 3, 225–242. Glover, S., Bowes, G., & Patton, G. (2007). 41(2–3), 89–113.
Black, J. E. (1998). How a child builds a brain: Social and school connectedness in early Bowlby, J. (1961). Separation anxiety: A critical
Some lessons from animal studies of neural secondary school as predictors of late teenage review of the literature. Journal of Child
plasticity. Preventive Medicine, 27, 168–171. substance use, mental health, and academic Psychology and Psychiatry, 1(16), 251–269.
Black, S. (2006). Fostering the right relationships. outcomes. Journal of Adolescent Health, Bowlby, J. (1969/1982). Attachment and loss, Vol. 1:
American School Board Journal, 193(12), 40, 9–18. Attachment. New York, NY: Basic Books.
50–52. Bond, M. H. (1993). Emotions and their expression Bowlby, J. (1979). The making and breaking of
Blair, C. (2002). School readiness: Integrating in Chinese culture. Journal of Nonverbal affectional bonds. London, England: Tavistock.
cognition and emotion in a neurobiological Behavior, 17, 245–262. Bowlby, J. (1988). Clinical applications of
conceptualization of children’s functioning at Bonnano, R. A., & Hymel, S. (2006, May). Witnessing attachment theory. A secure base. London,
school entry. American Psychologist, 57, bullying: Assessing exposure and negative England: Routledge.
111–127. consequences. The Annual International Boyer, T. W. (2006). The development of
Blair, C. (2006). How similar are fluid cognition and Conference on Promoting Relationships and risk-taking: A multi-perspective review.
general intelligence? A developmental Eliminating Violence, Ottawa, Ontario. Developmental Review, 26, 291–348.
neuroscience perspective on fluid cognition as Bonny, A. E., Britto, M. T., Klostermann, B. K., Boyle, M. H., Georgiades, K., Mustard, C., &
an aspect of human cognition. Main article with Hornung, R. W., & Slap, G. B. (2000). School Racine, Y. (2007). Neighborhood and family
commentaries. Behavioral and Brain Sciences, disconnectedness: Identifying adolescents at influences on educational attainment: Results
29, 109–160. risk. Pediatrics, 106(5), 1017–1021. from the Ontario Child Health Study Follow-Up
Blake, J. (1989). Family size and achievement. Bono, M., & Stifter, C. (2003). Maternal attention- 2001. Child Development, 78, 168–189.
Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. directing strategies and infant-focused Bradford, K., Barber, B. K., Olsen, J. A., Maughan,
Blakemore, J. E. O. (2003). Children’s belief about attention during problem solving. Infancy, 4, S. L., Erickson, L. D., Ward, D., & Stolz, H. E.
violating gender norms: Boys shouldn’t look like 235–250. (2004). A multi-national study of interparental
girls, and girls shouldn’t act like boys. Sex Borg, M. G. (1998). Secondary school teachers’ conflict, parenting, and adolescent functioning.
Roles, 48, 411–419. perception of pupils’ undesirable behaviors. Marriage & Family Review, 35(3), 107–137.
Blakemore, S., & Firth, U. (Eds.). (2005). The British Journal of Educational Psychology, Brandone, A. C., & Wellman, H. M. (2009). You
learning brain: Lessons for education. Malden, 68, 67–79. can’t aways get what you want: Infants
MA: Blackwell Publishing. Borse, N. N., Gilchrist, J., Dellinger, A. M., understand failed goal-directed actions.
Blakemore, S.-J., & Choudhury, S. (2006). Rudd, R. A., Ballesteros, M. F., & Sleet, D. A. Psychological Science, 20(1), 85–91.
Brain development during puberty: State (2008). CDC childhood injury report: Patterns Brannon, L. (2002). Gender: Psychological
of the science. Developmental Science, of unintentional injuries among 0–19 year olds in perspectives (3rd ed.). Boston, MA: Allyn &
9(1), 11–14. the United States, 2000–2006. Atlanta (GA): Bacon.
Blakemore, S.-J., & Frith, U. (2005). The learning Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Bransford, J. D., Brown, A. L., & Cocking, R. R.
brain: Lessons for education: A précis. National Center for Injury Prevention and Control. (2000). How people learn: Brain, mind,
Developmental Science, 8, 459–461. Bortfeld, H., Morgan, J. L., Golinkoff, R. M., & experience, and school. Washington, DC:
Blanton, H., & Burkley, M. (2008). Deviance Rathbun, K. (2005). Mommy and me: Familiar National Academy Press.
regulation theory: Applications to adolescent names help launch babies into speech stream Braungart-Rieker, J. M., Garwood, M. M.,
social influence. In M. J. Prinstein & K. A. Dodge segmentation. Psychological Science, 16, Powers, B. P., & Wang, X. (2001). Parental
(Eds.), Understanding peer influence in children 298–304. sensitivity, infant affect, and affect regulation:
and adolescents (pp. 94–123). New York, NY: Bos, C. S., & Reyes, E. I. (1993). Conversations with Predictors of later attachment. Child
Guilford. a Latina teacher about education for language- Development, 72, 252–270.
Blatchford, P., Baines, E., & Pellegrini, A. (2003). minority students with special needs. Brayden, R. (2008, February 1). Trampoline safety.
The social context of school playground games: Elementary School Journal, 96, 344–351. Retrieved from Pediatric Advisor website:
Sex and ethnic differences and changes over Bouchard, T. J., Jr., Lykken, D. T., McGue, M., http://www.med.umich.edu/1libr/pa/pa_
time after entry to junior high. British Journal of Segal, N. L., & Tellegen, A. (1990). Sources of trampinj_pep.htm
Developmental Psychology, 21, 481–505. human psychological differences: The Brazelton, B., & Nugent, J. K. (1995). The Neonatal
Block, J., & Robins, R. W. (1993). A longitudinal Minnesota Study of Twins Reared Apart. Behavioral Assessment Scale. Cambridge,
study of consistency and change in self-esteem Science, 250, 223–228. MA: Mac Keith Press.
from early adolescence to early adulthood. Bouchard, T. J., Jr., & McGue, M. (2003) Genetic Brazelton Institute. (2008). Understanding the
Child Development, 64, 909–923. and environmental influences on human baby’s language. Retrieved from http://www
Bloom, B. S. (1985). Developing talent in young psychological differences. Journal of .brazelton-institute.com/intro.html
people. New York, NY: Ballantine Books. Neurobiology, 54, 4–45. Brehaut, J. C., Miller, A., Raina, P., & McGrail, K. M.
Bloom, B. S., Sosniak, L. A., Sloane, K. D., Bouchey, H. A., & Furman, W. (2003). Dating (2003). Childhood behavior disorders and
Kalinowski, A. G., Gustin, W. C., & Monsaas, J. A. and romantic experiences in adolescence. In injuries among children and youth: A
(1985). Developing talent in young people. G. R. Adams & M. Berzonsky (Eds.), The population-based study. Pediatrics, 111(2),
New York, NY: Ballantine Books. Blackwell handbook of adolescence. Oxford, 262–269.
Bloom, L. (1998). Language acquisition in its UK: Blackwell Publishers. Brendgen, M., Wanner, B., & Vitaro, F. (2006).
developmental context. In W. Damon (Ed.), Bouchey, H. A., & Harter, S. (2005). Reflected Verbal abuse by the teacher and child
Handbook of child psychology (Vol. 2, appraisals, academic self-perceptions, and adjustment from kindergarten through grade 6.
pp. 309–370). New York, NY: Wiley. math/science performance during early Pediatrics, 117, 1585–1598.
Bloom, P. (2002). How children learn the meanings adolescence. Journal of Educational Brendgen, M., Wanner, B., Vitaro, F.,
of words. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Psychology, 97, 673–686. Bukowski, W. M., & Tremblay, R. E. (2007).
Blotner, R., & Bearison, D. J. (1984). Developmental Boutin, D., Lassonde, M., Robert, M., Vanassing, P., & Verbal abuse by the teacher during childhood
consistencies in socio-moral knowledge: Justice Ellemberg, D. (2008). Neurophysiological and academic, behavioral, and emotional

469
 REFERENCES

adjustment in young adulthood. Journal of timing. In Melvin D. Levine & E. R. McAnarney Blackwell handbook of childhood cognitive
Educational Psychology, 99, 26–38. (Eds.), Early adolescent transitions (pp. 101–121). development (pp. 412–439). Malden,
Brenner, J. S., & Council on Sports Medicine and Lexington, MA: Lexington Books. MA: Blackwell.
Fitness. (2007). Overuse injuries, overtraining, Brooks-Gunn, J. (1989). Adolescent sexual Buchanan, C. M., Eccles, J. S., & Becker, J. B.
and burnout in child and adolescent athletes. behavior. American Psychologist, 44(2), (1992). Are adolescents the victims of raging
Pediatrics, 119(6), 1242–1245. 249–257. hormones? Evidence for activational effects of
Brice, A. E. (2002). The Hispanic child: Speech, Brooks-Gunn, J. (2003). Do you believe in hormones on moods and behavior at
language, culture, and education. Boston, MA: magic? What can we expect from early adolescence. Psychological Bulletin, 111(1),
Allyn & Bacon. childhood intervention programs? Society 62–107.
Brice, A. E., & Brice, R. G. (2009). Language for Research in Child Development Social Buckhalt, J. A., Wolfson, A. R., & El-Sheikh, M.
development: Monolingual and bilingual Policy Report, 17(1). (2009). Children’s sleep and school psychology
acquisitions. Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon. Brooks-Gunn, J., & Paikoff, R. (1997). Sexuality and practice. School Psychology Quarterly, 24,
British Columbia Schizophrenia Society. (2010). developmental transitions during adolescence. 60–69. doi:10.1037/a0014497
How you can help: A toolkit for families. In J. Schulengerg & J. L. Maggs (Eds.), Health Budd, K., Carson, E., Garelick, B., Klein, D.,
Retrieved from http://www.bcss.org/2010/03/ risks and developmental transition during Milgram, R. J., Raimi, R. A., Schwartz, M., . . .
resources/family-friends/family-toolkit/. adolescence (pp. 190–129). New York, NY: Wilson W. S. (2005). 10 Myths about math
Britner, P. A., Balczar, F. E., Bechman, E. A., Blinn- Cambridge University Press. education and why you shouldn’t believe them.
Pike, L., & Larose, S. (2006). Mentoring special Brophy, J. (2004). Motivating students to learn Retrieved from http://nychold.com/myths-
youth populations. Journal of Community (2nd ed.). Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. 050504.html
Psychology, 34, 747–763. Brown, B. B. (2004). Adolescents’ relationships with Buehler, C. (2006). Parents and peers in relation to
Brody, G. H. (2004). Siblings’ direct and indirect peers. In R. M. Lerner & L. Steinberg (Eds.), early adolescent problem behavior. Journal of
contributions to child development. American Handbook of adolescent psychology (2nd ed., Marriage & Family, 68(1), 109–124.
Psychological Society, 13, 124–126. pp. 363–394). Hoboken, NJ: Wiley. Buehler, C., & Gerard, J. M. (2002). Marital conflict,
Brody, G. H., Murray, V. M., Gerrard, M., Gibbons, Brown, B. B., Bakken, J. P., Ameringer, S. W., & ineffective parenting, and children’s and
F. X., McNair, L., Brown, A. C., Wills, T. A., . . . Mahon, S. D. (2008). A comprehensive adolescents’ maladjustment. Journal of
Chen, Y. (2006). The Strong African American conceptualization of the peer influence Marriage & Family, 64, 78–92.
Families Program: Prevention of youths’ high- process in adolescence. In. M. J. Prinstein & Buehler, R., Griffin, D., & Ross, M. (1994). Exploring
risk behavior and a test of a model of change. K. A. Dodge (Eds.), Understanding peer the “planning fallacy”: Why people
Journal of Family Psychology, 20(1), 1–11. influence in children and adolescents underestimate their task completion times.
Brody, L. (1999). Gender, emotion and the family. (pp. 17–44). New York, NY: Guilford. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,
Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Brown, T. N., Wallace, J. M., & Williams, D. R. 67, 366–381.
Broidy, L. M., Nagin, D. S., Tremblay, R. E., (2001). Race-related correlates of young adults’ Bugental, D. B., Ellerson, P. C., Lin, E. K., Rainey,
Brame, B., Dodge, K. A., Fergusson, D., subjective well-being. Social Indicators B., Kokotovic, A., & O’Hara, N. (2002). A
Horwood, J. L, . . . Vitaro, F. (2003). Research, 53, 97–116. cognitive approach to child abuse prevention.
Developmental trajectories of childhood doi:10.1023/A:1007190226538 Journal of Family Psychology, 16, 243–258.
disruptive behaviors and adolescent Brownstein, R. (2009, February). Millennial tremors. Buhs, E. S., Ladd, G. W., & Herald, S. L. (2006).
delinquency: A six-site, cross-national study. National Journal, p. 3-3. Retrieved from Peer exclusion and victimization: Processes that
Developmental Psychology, 39, 222–245. http://web.ebscohost.com/ehost/detail?vid⫽2& mediate the relation between peer group
Bronfenbrenner, U. (1970, November). Who cares hid⫽12&sid⫽ab476cc6-0fa5-4ea5-ba93- rejection and children’s classroom engagement
for America’s children? Keynote address e2c646f6e052%40sessionmgr4&bdata⫽JnNpd and achievement? Journal of Educational
delivered at the Annual Conference of the GU9ZWhvc3QtbGl2ZQ%3d%3d#db⫽a9h&AN⫽ Psychology, 98(1), 1–13.
National Association for the Education of 36557459. Bupa Health Information Team. (2009). Caring
Young Children, Boston, Massachusetts. Bruck, M., Ceci, S. J., & Hembrooke, H. (2002). The for your child’s teeth. Retrieved from http:// hcd2.
Bronfenbrenner, U. (1979). The ecology of human nature of children’s true and false narratives. bupa.co.uk/fact_sheets/html/child _dental.html
development: Experiments by nature and Developmental Review, 22, 520–554. Burack, J. A., Flanagan, T., Peled, T., Sutton, H. M.,
design. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Bruder, C. E., Piotrowski, A., Gijsbers, A. A., Zygmuntowicz, C., & Manly, J. T. (2006). Social
Press. Andersson, R., Erickson, S., de Ståhl, T. D., perspective-taking skills in maltreated children
Bronfenbrenner, U., & Evans, G. W. (2000). Menzel, U., . . . Dumanski, J. (2008). and adolescents. Developmental Psychology,
Developmental science in the 21st century: Phenotypically concordant and discordant 42, 207–217.
Emerging theoretical models, research designs, monozygotic twins display different DNA copy- Burgess, S., Hecht, S., & Lonigan, C. (2002).
and empirical findings. Social Development, 9, number-variation profiles. American Journal of Relations of the home literacy environment
115–125. Human Genetics. 82(3), 763–771. (HLE) to the development of reading-related
Bronfenbrenner, U., McClelland, P., Wethington, E., Bruner, J. S., Goodnow, J. J., & Austin, G. A. abilities: A one-year longitudinal study. Reading
Moen, P., & Ceci, S. (1996). The state of (1956). A study of thinking. New York, NY: Research Quarterly, 37, 408–426.
Americans: This generation and the next. New Wiley. Bushman, B. J., & Anderson, C. A. (2009). Effects
York, NY: Free Press. Brunner, M., Krauss, S., & Kunter, M. (2008). of violent video games on aggressive
Bronfenbrenner, U., & Morris, P. A. (2006). The Gender differences in mathematics: Does the behavior, aggressive cognition, aggressive
bioecological model of human development. In story need to be rewritten? Intelligence, 36(5), affect, physiological arousal, and prosocial
W. Damon & R. M. Lerner (Eds.), Handbook of 403–421. behavior: A meta-analytic review of the
child psychology: Theoretical models of human Bryant, B. K. (1982). Sibling relationships in middle scientific literature. Psychological Science,
development (6th ed., Vol. 1, pp. 793–827). childhood. In M. E. Lamb & B. Sutton-Smith 12(5), 353–359.
Hoboken, NJ: Wiley. (Eds.), Sibling relationships (pp. 87–122). Bushman, B. J., Rothstein, H. R., & Anderson, C. A.
Bronson, M. (2000). Self-regulation in early Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. (2010). Much ado about something: Violent
childhood: Nature and nurture. New York, NY: Bryant, B. K. (1985). The neighbourhood walk: video game effects and a school of red herring:
Guilford. Sources of support in middle childhood. Reply to Ferguson and Kilburn (2010). American
Brook, J. S., Zheng, L., Whiteman, M., & Brook, D. Monographs of the Society for Research Psychological Association, 136, 182–187.
(2001). Aggression in toddlers: Associations in Child Development, 50(Serial no. 210), doi:10.1037/a0018718
with parenting and marital relations. Journal of 1–116. Buss, D. M. (1995). Psychological sex differences:
Genetic Psychology, 162(2), 228–241. Bryant, B. K. (1992). Sibling caretaking: Providing Origin through sexual selection. American
Brooks, R., & Meltzoff, A. N. (2005). The emotional support during middle childhood. In Psychologist, 50(164–168).
development of gaze following and its relation F. Boer & J. Dunn (Eds.), Children’s sibling Butler, R. (1998). Age trends in the use of social
to language. Developmental Science, 8(6), relationships: Developmental and clinical issues and temporal comparison for self-evaluation:
535–543. (pp. 55–70). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. Examination of a novel developmental
Brooks-Gunn, J. (1988). Antecedents and Bryant, P., & Nunes, T. (2004). Children’s under- hypothesis. Child Development, 69,
consequences of variations in girls’ maturational standing of mathematics. In U. Goswami (Ed.), 1054–1073.

470
 REFERENCES

Butler, R. W., & Haser, J. K. (2006). Neurocognitive http://www.lung.ca/protect-protegez/tobacco- Contemporary intellectual assessment:
effects of treatment for childhood cancer. tabagisme/second-secondaire/children- Theories, tests, and issues (pp. 122–130). New
Mental Retardation and Developmental enfants_e.php York, NY: Guilford.
Disabilities Research Reviews, 12, 184–191. Canadian Press. (2008, May 23). More education Carson, D. K., Klee, T., Perry, C. K., Muskina, G., &
Bynner, J. (2005). Rethinking the youth phase needed about schizophrenia in teen years: Donaghy, T. (1998). Comparisons of children
of the life course: The case for emerging Experts. CBC News. Retrieved from http://www with delayed and normal language at 24
adulthood? Journal of Youth Studies, 8, 367–384. .cbc.ca/health/story/2008/05/23/schizophrenia- months of age on measures of behavioral
Byrnes, D. A. (1989). Attitudes of students, teens.html difficulties, social and cognitive development.
parents, and educators toward repeating Cannon, M. (2009). Contrasting effects of maternal Infant Mental Health Journal, 19, 59–75.
a grade. In L. A. Shepard & M. L. Smith (Eds.), and paternal age on offspring intelligence. Carver, K., Joyner, K., & Udry, J. R. (2003).
Flunking grades: Research and policies PLoS Med 6(3): e1000042. National estimates of adolescent romantic
on retention (pp. 108–131). Philadelphia, PA: Canter, L., & Canter, M. (1992). Lee Canter’s relationships. In P. Florsheim (Ed.), Adolescent
Falmer Press. Assertive Discipline: Positive behavior romantic relations and sexual behavior
Byrnes, J. P. (2001). Minds, brains, and education: management for today’s classroom. Santa (pp. 23–56). Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum.
Understanding the psychological and Monica, CA: Lee Canter and Associates. Carver, P. R., Egan, S. K., & Perry, D. G. (2004).
educational relevance of neuroscientific Capatides, J., Collins, C. C., & Bennett, L. (1996). Children who question their heterosexuality.
research. New York, NY: Guilford. Peer interaction in toddlers: Parallel play Developmental Psychology, 40(1), 43–53.
Byrnes, J. P. (2003). Factors predictive of revisited. Paper presented at the conference Carver, P. R., Yunger, J. L., & Perry, D. G. (2003).
mathematics achievement in White, Black, and Ask the child: Why, when, and how? Teacher’s Gender identity and adjustment in middle
Hispanic 12th graders. Journal of Educational College, Columbia University, New York. childhood. Sex Roles, 49, 95–109.
Psychology, 95, 316–326. Cappuccio, F. P., Taggart, F. M., Kandala, N. B., Case, R. (1985). Intellectual development: Birth to
Byrnes, J. P. (2006). Cognitive development during Currie, A., Peile, E., Stranges, S., & Miller, M. A. adulthood. New York, NY: Academic Press.
adolescence. In G. Adams & M. D. Berzonsky (2008). Meta-analysis of short sleep duration Case, R. (1992). The mind’s staircase: Exploring the
(Eds.), Blackwell handbook of adolescence and obesity in children and adults. Sleep, 31, conceptual underpinnings of children’s thought
(pp. 227–246). Malden, MA: Blackwell 619–626. and knowledge. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum.
Publishing. Carey, S. (1985). Are children fundamentally different Case, R. (1992). The role of the frontal lobes in the
Byrnes, J. P., & Fox, N. A. (1998). The educational thinkers and learners from adults? In J. W. Segal & regulation of cognitive development. Brain and
relevance of research in cognitive neuroscience. R. Glasser (Eds.), Thinking and learning skills Cognition, 20, 51–73.
Educational Psychology Review, 10, 297–342. (Vol. 2, pp. 485–517). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. Case, R. (1998). The development of conceptual
Cahill, L. (2005). His brain, her brain. Scientific Carey, S. (1999). Sources of conceptual change. structures. In D. Kuhn & R. S. Siegler (Eds.),
American Magazine, 292(5), 40–47. In E. K. Scholnick, K. Nelson, S. A. Gelman, & Handbook of child psychology: Vol. 2:
Cairns, R. B., & Cairns, B. D. (2006). The making of P. H. Miller (Eds.), Conceptual development: Cognition, perception, and language
developmental psychology. In R. M. Lerner Piaget’s legacy (pp. 293–308). Oxford, England: (pp. 745–800). New York, NY: Wiley.
(Ed.), Theoretical models of human Clarendon Press. Casenhiser, D., & Goldberg, A. E. (2005). Fast
development (6th ed., Vol. 1, pp. 89–165). New Carlson, E. A., & Sroufe, L. A. (1995). Contribution mapping between a phrasal form and meaning.
York, NY: Wiley. of attachment theory to developmental Developmental Science, 8.
Caldwell, B. M., & Bradley, R. H. (1984). Home psychopathology. In D. Cicchetti & D. Cohen Casey, B. J., Getz, S., & Galvan, A. (2008). The
observation for measurement of the (Eds.), Developmental psychopathology: Vol. 1. adolescent brain. Developmental Review, 28,
environment. Little Rock, AR: The University of Theory and methods (pp. 581–617). Oxford, 62–77.
Arkansas. England: Wiley. Casey, B. M., McIntire, D. D., & Leveno, K. J.
Caldwell, B. M., & Bradley, R. H. (1994). Carlson, S. M., & Taylor, M. (2005). Imaginary (2001). The continuing value of the Apgar score
Environmental issues in developmental follow-up companions and impersonated characters: for the assessment of newborn infants. The New
research. In S. L. Friedman & H. C. Haywood Sex differences in children’s fantasy play. England Journal of Medicine, 7(344), 467–471.
(Eds.), Developmental follow-up (pp. 235–256). Merrill-Palmer Quarterly, 51, 93–118. Cassell, J., Huffaker, D., Tversky, D., & Ferriman, K.
San Diego, CA: Academic Press. Carlson Jones, D. (2004). Body image among (2006). The language of online leadership:
Calkins, S. D., & Johnson, M. C. (1998). Toddler adolescent girls and boys: A longitudinal study. Gender and youth engagement on the Internet.
regulation of distress to frustrating events: Developmental Psychology, 40, 823–835. Developmental Psychology, 42, 436–449.
Temperamental and maternal correlates. Infant Carnagey, N. L., Anderson, C. A., & Bartholow, B. D. Castek, J., & Bevans, J. (in press). Reading
Behavior and Development, 21, 379–395. (2007). Media violence and social neuroscience: adventures online: Five ways to introduce the
Cameron, C. E., & Hagen, J. W. (2005). Women in New questions and new opportunities. Current new literacies of the Internet through children’s
child development: Themes from the SRCD Directions in Psychological Science, 16, 178–182. literature. The Reading Teacher.
Oral History Project. History of Psychology, 8, Carnegie Corporation. (1996). Report on Cattell, R. B. (1963). Theory of fluid and crystallized
289–316. education for young children 3–10 years intelligence: A critical experiment. Journal of
Campbell, A., Shirley, L., & Caygill, L. (2002). Sex- of age. New York, NY: The Carnegie Educational Psychology, 54, 1–22.
typed preferences in three domains: Do two- Corporation. Cattell, R. B. (1998). Where is intelligence? Some
year-olds need cognitive variables? British Carney, R. N., & Levin, J. R. (2000). Mnemonic answers from the triadic theory. In J. J. McArdle
Journal of Psychology, 93, 203–217. instruction, with a focus on transfer. Journal of & R. W. Woodcock (Eds.), Human cognitive
Campbell, F. A., Pungello, E. P., Miller-Johnson, S., Educational Psychology, 92, 783–790. abilities in theory and practice (pp. 29–38).
Burchinal, M., & Ramey, C. T. (2001). The Carpenter, M., Akhtar, N., & Tomasello, M. (1998). Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum.
development of cognitive and academic Fourteen- through 18-month-old infants Caughy, M. O. (1996). Health and environmental
abilities: Growth curves from an early childhood differentially imitate intentional and accidental effects on the academic readiness of school-
education experiment. Developmental actions. Infant Behavior & Development, 21, age children. Developmental Psychology, 32,
Psychology, 37, 231–242. 315–330. 515–522.
Canadian Association of the Deaf. (2007). Position Carpenter, S. (2000). In the digital age, experts Cavanaugh, M., & Walsh, N. (2009). How the deaf
statement on cochlear implants. Retrieved pause to examine the effects on kids. Monitor community is dealing with cochlear implants.
from http://www.cad.ca/en/issues/cochlear_ on Psychology, 31(11), 48–49. Retrieved from the KPBS website: http://www
implants.asp Carr, M., Kurtz, B. E., Schneider, W., Turner, L. A., & .kpbs.org/news/2009/nov/03/how-deaf-
Canadian Fitness and Lifestyle Research Institute. Borkowski, J. G. (1989). Strategy acquisition community-dealing-cochlear-implants/
(2008). Kids CAN PLAY! Encouraging children and transfer among American and German Cavill, S., & Bryden, P. (2003). Development of
to be active at home, at school, and in their children: Environmental influences on handedness: Comparison of questionnaire and
communities. Retrieved from http://www.cflri metacognitive development. Developmental performance-based measures of preference.
.ca/eng/statistics/surveys/documents/ Psychology, 25, 765–771. Brain Cognition, 53, 149–151.
CANPLAY_2008_b1.pdf Carroll, J. B. (1997). The three-stratum theory Cazden, C. B. (1988). Classroom discourse: The
Canadian Lung Association. (2007). Smoking and of cognitive abilities. In D. P. Flanagan, language of teaching and learning. Portsmouth,
tobacco: Second-hand smoke. Retrieved from J. L. Genshaft, & P. L. Harrison (Eds.), NH: Heinemann.

471
 REFERENCES

CBC Segment A. (2006, March). On Morning Chandler, M. J., Lalonde, C. E., Sokol, B. W., & Children’s Defense Fund. (2005). Child poverty.
Show. Hallett, D. (with Marcia, J. E.). (2003). Personal Retrieved from http://www.childrensdefense
CBC Segment B. (2006, March). On As It Happens. persistence, identity development, and suicide: .org/familyincome/childpoverty/default.aspx
CBS News. (2002 November 8). Choosing your A study of Native and Non-Native North Children’s Defense Fund. (2008). Data. Retrieved
baby’s gender. American adolescents. Monographs of the from http://www.childrensdefense.org/
CDC [Centers for Disease Control and Prevention]. Society for Research in Child Development, child-research-data-publications/data/state-
(2003). Physical activity levels among children 68(2, Serial No. 273). data-repository/cits/children-in-the-states-
aged 9–13 years—United States, 2002. Chandra, A. (2010). Children on the home front: 2008-unitedstates.pdf
Retrieved from http://www.cdc.gov/mmwr/ The experiences of children from military Children’s Hospital Boston. (2005–2009). Birth
preview/mmwrhtml/mm5233a1.htm families. RAND Corporation. Retrieved from defects and congenital abnormalities. Retrieved
CDC. (2005). Births, marriages, divorces, and http://www.rand.org/pubs/testimonies/2010/ from http://www.childrenshospital.org/az/
deaths: Provisional data for 2004. Retrieved from RAND_CT341.pdf. Site479/mainpageS479P0.html
http://www.cdc.gov/nchs/fastats/divorce.htm Chandra, A., & Mikovitz, C. S. (2007). Factors that Children’s Hospital Boston. (2005–2010). Sports
CDC. (2006). Revised recommendations for HIV influence mental health stigma among 8th grade injury statistics. Retrieved from http://www
testing of adults, adolescents, and pregnant adolescents. Journal of Youth Adolescence, 36, .childrenshospital.org/az/Site1112/
women in health-care settings. Retrieved from 763–774. mainpageS1112P0.html
http://www.cdc.gov/mmwr/preview/mmwrhtml/ Chang, L., Schwartz, D., Dodge, K. K., & Choi, J. K., & Kim, S. C. (2007). Environmental
rr5514a1.htm McBride, C. A. (2003). Harsh parenting in relation effects on gene expression have regional biases
CDC. (2007). Children and secondhand smoke to child emotion regulation and aggression. in the human genome. Genetics, 175(4),
exposure. Retrieved from http://www.cdc.gov/ Journal of Family Psychology, 17, 598–606. 1607–1613.
features/childrenandsmoke/. Chao, R. K. (1994). Beyond parental control and Chomitz, V. R., Slining, M. M., McGowan, R. J.,
CDC. (2008). CDC childhood injury report: Patterns authoritarian parenting style: Understanding Mitchell, S. E., Dawson, G. F., & Hacker, K. A.
of unintentional injuries among 0–19 year olds Chinese parenting through the cultural notion (2009). Is there a relationship between physical
in the United States, 2000–2006. of training. Child Development, 65, 1111–1119. fitness and academic achievement? Positive
CDC. (2008). Estimates of new HIV infections in the Chao, R. K. (2001). Extending research on the results from public school children in the
United States. Retrieved from http://www.cdc consequences of parenting style for Chinese northeastern United States. Journal of School
.gov/hiv/topics/surveillance/resources/ Americans and European Americans. Child Health, 79, 30–37.
factsheets/incidence.htm Development, 72, 1832–1843. Chomsky, C. (1969). The acquisition of syntax in
CDC. (2008). Suicide facts at a glance. Retrieved Chao, R. K., & Sue, S. (1996). Chinese parental children from five to ten. Cambridge, MA: MIT
from http://www.cdc.gov/ViolencePrevention/ influence and their children’s success: A Press.
pdf/Suicide-DataSheet-a.pdf paradox in the literature on parenting styles. In CHS. (2007). News Release: Children’s Hospital
CDC. (2008). Toxoplasmosis Fact Sheet. Retrieved S. Lau (Ed.), Youth and child development in Boston. A first glimpse at healthy brain and
from http://www.cdc.gov/toxoplasmosis/ Chinese societies. Hong Kong: Chinese behavioral development: First report from
factsheet.html University of Hong Kong. large-scale study establishes norms for 6- to
CDC. (2009a). Assisted reproductive technology. Chao, R. K., & Tseng, V. (2002). Parenting of 18-year-olds (Vol. 2008). Boston, MA: Children’s
Retrieved from http://www.cdc.gov/ART/ Asians. In M. H. Bornstein (Ed.), Handbook of Hospital Boston.
CDC. (2009b). Sexually transmitted diseases. parenting: Social conditions and applied Church, R. M. (1959). Emotional reactions of rats to
Treatment guidelines 2006. Retrieved from parenting (2nd ed., Vol. 4, pp. 59–93). Mahwah, the pain of others. Journal of Comparative and
http://www.cdc.gov/STD/treatment/ NJ: Erlbaum. Physiological Psychology, 52(2), 132–134.
CDC. (2009c). Prevention tips. Retrieved from Charach, A., Pepler, D. J., & Ziegler, S. (1995). doi:10.1037/h0043531
http://www.cdc.gov/nceh/lead/tips.htm Bullying at school: A Canadian perspective. Clark, D. B., Martin, C. S., & Cornelius, J. R. (2008).
CDC. (2009d). Possible side-effects from vaccines. Education Canada, 35, 12–18. Adolescent-onset substance use disorders
Retrieved from http://www.cdc.gov/vaccines/ Chavous, T. M., Bernat, D. H., Schmeelk-Cone, K., predict young adult mortality. Journal of
vac-gen/side-effects.htm Caldwell, C. H., Kohn-Wood, L., & Zimmerman, Adolescent Health, 42, 637–639.
CDC. (2009e). Infants & toddlers (ages 0–3)— M. A. (2003). Racial identity and academic Clark, J. M., & Paivio, A. (1991). Dual coding
diseases & conditions. Retrieved from http:// attainment among African American theory and education. Educational Psychology
www.cdc.gov/ Adolescents. Child Development, 74(4), Review, 3, 149–210.
CDC. (2009f). Lead. Retrieved from http://www 1076–1090. Clark, L., & Tiggemann, M. (2008). Sociocultural
.cdc.gov/nceh/lead/ Chen, H., & Jackson, T. (2008). Prevalence and and individual psychological predictors of body
CDC. (2009g).Defining childhood overweight and sociodemographic correlates of eating disorder image in young girls: A prospective study.
obesity. Retrieved from http://www.cdc.gov/ endorsements among adolescents and young Developmental Psychology, 44, 1124–1134.
obesity/childhood/defining.html adults. European Eating Disorder Review, 16(5), Clarke-Stewart, K. A. (1998). Historical shifts and
CDF. (2008, March 7). The minimum wage will not 375–385. underlying themes in ideas about rearing young
support a family of four. Retrieved from Chen, X., Rubin, K. H., Li, B., & Li, Z. (1999). children in the United States: Where have we
http://www.childrensdefense.org/site/DocServer/ Adolescent outcomes of social functioning in been? Where are we going? Early Development
min_wage_fam4.pdf? doc ID⫽752. Chinese children. International Journal of & Parenting, 7, 101–117.
Ceci, S. J., & Bruck, M. (1993). Suggestibility of the Behavior Development, 23, 199–223. Clarke-Stewart, K. A., Vandell, D. L., Burchinal, M.,
child witness: A historical review and synthesis. Cheng, M-F., & Johnson, J. E. (2010). Research on O’Brien, M., & McCartney, K. (2002). Do
Psychological Bulletin, 113, 403–439. children’s play: Analysis of developmental and regulable features of child-care homes affect
Ceci, S. J., & Roazzi, A. (1994). The effects of early education journals from 2005 to 2007. children’s development? Early Child Research
context on cognition: Postcards from Brazil. Early Childhood Education Journal, 37, Quarterly, 17, 52-86.
In R. J. Sternberg (Ed.), Mind in context 249–259. doi:1007/s10643-009-0347-7 Claxton, L. J., Keen, R., McCarty, M. E., &
(pp. 74–101). New York, NY: Cambridge Cheour-Luhtanen, M., Alho, K., Sainio, K., Rinne, T., Adolph, K. E. (2003). Evidence of motor
University Press. Reinikainen, K., Pohjavuori, M., . . . Naatanen, R. planning in infant reaching behavior.
Ceci, S. J., & Williams, W. M. (1997). Schooling, (1996). The ontogenetically earliest Psychological Science, 14(4), 354–356.
intelligence, and income. American discriminative response of the human brain. Clearfield, M. W., & Mix, K. S. (1999). Number versus
Psychologist, 52, 1051–1058. Psychophysiology, 33(4), 478–481. contour length in infants’ discrimination of small
CERHR [Center for the Evaluation of Risks to Child and Adolescent Bipolar Foundation. (2010). visual sets. Psychological Science, 10, 408–411.
Human Reproduction]. (2010). Multiple births— About pediatric bipolar disorder: A guide Clements, D. H. (1994). The uniqueness of the
Carrying to term. Retrieved from http://cerhr for families. Retrieved from http://www.bpkids. computer as a learning tool: Insights from research
.niehs.nih.gov/healthtopics/multbirths.html org/learn/library/about-pediatric-bipolar- and practice. In J. L. Wright & D. D. Shade
Chandler, M., & Lalonde, C. (2003). disorder#pro (Eds.), Young children: Active learners in a
Representational diversity redux. Society for Children’s Bureau. (2004). Child maltreatment technological age. Washington, DC: NAEYC.
Research in Child Development, Tampa, 2004. Retrieved from http://www.acf.hhs.gov/ Cleveland, M. J., Feinberg, M. E., Bontempo, D. E., &
Florida. programs/cb/pubs/cm04/index.htm. Greenberg, M. T. (2008). The role of risk and

472
 REFERENCES

protective factors in substance use across Cole, P. M., Tamang, B., L., & Shrestha, S. (2006). Connolly, J., Furman, W., & Konarski, R. (2000). The
adolescence. Journal of Adolescence Health, Cultural variations in the socialization of role of peers in the emergence of heterosexual
43, 157–164. young children’s anger and shame. romantic relationships in adolescence. Child
CMCE. (2009). PCAP-13 2007: Contextual report Child Development, 77, 1237–1251. Development, 71(5), 1395–1408.
on student achievement in reading. Council of Coles, J., & Hall, C. (2002). Gendered readings: Connor, P. D., Sampson, P. D., Bookstein, F. L.,
Ministers of Education, Canada. Learning from children’s reading choices. Barr, H. M., & Streissguth, A. (2001). Direct and
Coatsworth, J. D., & Conroy, D. E. (2009). The Journal of Research on Reading, 25, 96–108. indirect effects of prenatal alcohol damage on
effects of autonomy-supportive coaching, need Colledge, E., Bishop, D. V. M., Koeppen-Schomerus, G., executive function. Developmental
satisfaction, and self-perceptions on initiative Price, T. S., Happe, F., Eley, T., . . . Plomin, R. Neuropsychology, 18, 331–333.
and identity in youth swimmers. Developmental (2002). The structure of language abilities at Constantine, N. A. (2008). Editorial: Converging
Psychology, 45(2), 320–328. 4 Years: A twin study. Developmental evidence leaves policy behind: Sex education in
Coe, D. P, Pivarnik, J. M., Womack, C., Reeves, M. J., & Psychology, 38, 749–757. the United States. Journal of Adolescent
Malina, R. M. (2006). Effect of physical Colletti, L. (2009). Long-term follow-up of infants Health, 42, 324–326.
education and activity levels on academic (4–11 months) fitted with cochlear implants. Cooper, R. P. (1997). An ecological approach to
achievement in children. Medicine & Science in Acta Otolaryngol, 129(4), 361–366. infants’ perception of intonation contours as
Sports & Exercise, 38(8), 1515–1519. Collins, A. (2006). Cognitive apprenticeship. In meaningful aspects of speech. In C. Dent-Read
Cohen, D. (2006). Pretending. In D. Cohen (Ed.), R. K. Sawyer (Ed.), The Cambridge handbook of & P. Zukow-Goldring (Eds.), Evolving
The development of play (pp. 84–105). New the learning sciences (pp. 47–77). New York, explanations of development: Ecological
York, NY: Routledge. NY: Cambridge University Press. approaches to organism-environment systems
Cohen, E. G. (1994). Designing group work (2nd Collins, W. A., Maccoby, E. E., Steinberg, L., (pp. 55–85). Washington, DC: American
ed.). New York, NY: Teachers College Press. Hetherington, E. M., & Bornstein, M. H. (2000). Psychological Association.
Cohen, G. L., & Steele, C. M. (2003). A barrier of Contemporary research on parenting: The case Coplan, R. J., Prakash, K., O’Neil, K., & Armer, M.
mistrust: How negative stereotypes affect cross- for nature and nurture. American Psychologist, (2004). Do you “want” to play? Distinguishing
race mentoring. In J. Aronson (Ed.), Improving 55, 218–232. between conflicted shyness and social
academic achievement: Impact of psychological Collins, W. A., & Russell, G. (1991). Mother-child disinterest in early childhood. Developmental
factors on education (pp. 303–328). San Diego, and father-child relationships in middle Psychology, 40, 244–258.
CA: Academic Press. childhood and adolescence: A developmental Copple, C., & Bredekamp, S. (Ed.). (2009).
Cohen, M. R. (1997). Individual and sex differences analysis. Developmental Review, 11(2), Developmentally appropriate practice in early
in speed of handwriting among high school 99–136. childhood programs serving children from birth
students. Perceptual and motor skills, 84(3, Collins, W. A., & Steinberg, L. (2006). Adolescent through age 8 (3rd ed.). Washington, DC:
Pt. 2), 1428–1430. development in interpersonal context. In National Association for the Education of
Coie, J. D., & Dodge, K. A. (1998). Aggression W. Damon & R. Lerner (Series Eds.) & N. Eisenberg Young Children.
and antisocial behavior. In W. Damon & (Vol. Ed.), Handbook of child psychology: Vol. 3. Coren, S. (1993). The Lateral Preference Inventory
N. Eisenberg (Eds.), Handbook of child Social, emotional, and personality development for measurement of handedness, footedness,
psychology: Vol. 3. Social, emotional, and (5th ed.). New York, NY: Wiley. eyedness and earedness: Norms for young
personality development (pp. 779–862). New Commission on Teacher Credentialing. (2008). adults. Bulletin of the Psychonomic Society,
York, NY: Wiley. Racial and ethnic distribution of teachers. 31, 1–3.
Coie, J. D., & Krehbiehl, G. (1984). Effects of Retrieved from http://www.ctc.ca.gov/ Coren, S. (1993). The left-hander syndrome. New
academic tutoring on the social status of educator-prep/statistics/2008-01-stat.pdf York, NY: Vintage Books.
low-achieving, socially rejected children. Child Committee on Assessment in Support of Learning. Cortes, R. A., & Farmer D. L. (2004). Recent
Development, 55, 1465–1478. (2004). Assessment in support of instruction and advances in fetal surgery. Seminars in
Colapinto, J. (2000). As nature made him: The boy learning: Bridging the gap between large-scale Perinatology, 28, 199–211.
who was raised as a girl. New York, NY: Harper and classroom assessment. Washington. DC: Costello, B. J., & Dunaway, R. G. (2003). Egotism
Collins. The National Academies Press. and delinquent behavior. Journal of
Colby, A., Kohlberg, L., Gibbs, J. C., & Lieberman, M. Committee on Increasing High School Students’ Interpersonal Violence, 18(5), 572–590.
(1983). A longitudinal study of moral judgment. Engagement and Motivation to Learn. (2004). Cota-Robles, S., Neiss, M., & Rowe, D. C. (2002).
Monographs of the Society for Research in Engaging schools: Fostering high school The role of puberty in violent and nonviolent
Child Development, 48, (1–2, Serial No. 200). students’ motivation to learn. Washington, DC: delinquency among Anglo American, Mexican
Cole, C., Binney, G., Casey, P., Fiascone, J., The National Academies Press. American and African American boys. Journal
Hagadorn J., & Kim C. (2002). Criteria for Committee on Nutrition. (2001). The use and of Adolescent Research, 17, 364–376.
determining disability in infants and children: misuse of fruit juice in pediatrics. Pediatrics, Cothran, D., Kulinna, P., & Garrahy, D. (2003).
Low birth weight. Evidence Report/Technology 107, 1210–1213. doi:10.1542/peds “This is kind of giving a secret away . . .”:
Assessment No. 70 (Prepared by Tufts New .107.5.1210 Students’ perspectives on effective classroom
England Medical Center Evidence-based Committee on Nutrition. (2003). Prevention of management. Teaching and Teacher Education,
Practice Center under Contract No. 290-97- pediatric overweight and obesity. Pediatrics, 19, 435–444.
0019). AHRQ Publication No. 03-E010. 112, 424–430. doi:10.1542/peds.112.2.424 Cothran, D. J., & Ennis, C. D. (2000). Building
Rockville, MD: Agency for Healthcare Research Committee on Sports Medicine and Fitness. bridges to student engagement:
and Quality. Retrieved from http://www.ncbi (2000). Climatic heat stress and the exercising Communicating respect and care for students
.nlm.nih.gov/books/bv.fcgi?rid⫽hstat1a child and adolescent. Pediatrics, 106, 158–159. in urban high school. Journal of Research and
.chapter.31157 doi:10.1542/peds.106.1.158 Development in Education, 33(2), 106–117.
Cole, D. A., Maxwell, S. E., Martin, J. M., Condon, R. G. (1988). Inuit youth: Growth and Council on Sports Medicine and Fitness and
Peeke, L. G., Seroczynski, A. D., Tram, J. M., . . . change in the Canadian Arctic. New Brunswick, Council on School Health. (2006). Active
Maschman, T. (2001). The development of NJ: Rutgers University Press. healthy living: Prevention of childhood obesity
multiple domains of child and adolescent Conklin, H. M., Salorio, C. F., & Slomine, B. S. through increased physical activity. Pediatrics,
self-concept: A cohort sequential longitudinal (2008). Working memory performance following 117, 1834-1842. Retrieved from http://www
design. Child Development, 72, 1723–1746. paediatric traumatic brain injury. Brain Injury, .pediatrics.org/cgi/doi/10.1542/peds.2006-0472
doi:10.1111/1467-8624.00375 22(11), 847–857. Cox, A. E., Smith, A. L., & Williams, L. (2008).
Cole, P. M., Bruschi, C. J., & Tamang, B. L. (2002). Connell, R. W. (1996). Teaching the boys: New Change in physical education motivation
Cultural differences in children’s emotional research on masculinity, and gender strategies and physical activity behavior during middle
reactions to difficult situations. Child for schools. Teachers College Record, 98, schools. Journal of Adolescent Health,
Development, 73, 983–996. 206–235. 43, 506–513.
Cole, P. M., & Tamang, B. L. (1998). Nepali Connellan, J., Baron-Cohen, S., Wheelwright, S., Coyle, T. R., & Bjorklund, D. F. (1997). Age
children’s ideas about emotional displays in Batki, A., & Ahluwalia, J. (2000). Sex differences differences in, and consequences of, multiple-
hypothetical challenges. Developmental in human neonatal social perception. Infant variable-strategy use on multitrial sort-recall
Psychology, 34, 640–646. Behavior and Development, 23, 113–118. task. Developmental Psychology, 33, 372–380.

473
 REFERENCES

Craft, A. (1994). Five and six year olds’ views of Cross, W. E., Jr. (1987). A two-factor theory of psychology (6th ed., Vol. 1, pp. ix–xvi). New
friendship. Educational Studies, 20, 181–194. Black identity: Implications for the study of York, NY: Wiley.
Craig, W., & Harel, Y. (2004). Bullying, physical identity development in minority children. In Damon, W., & Hart, D. (1988). Self-understanding
fighting and victimization. In C. Currie et al. J. S. Phinney & M. J. Rotherham (Eds.), Children’s in childhood and adolescence. New York, NY:
(Eds.), Young people’s health in context: Health ethnic socialization: Pluralism and development Cambridge University Press.
behaviour in school-aged children (HBSC) (pp. 117–133). Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Darling-Hammond, L. (2000). Teacher quality and
study: International report from the 2001/2002 Cross, W. E., Jr. (1995). The psychology of student achievement: A review of state policy
survey (pp. 133–144). Retrieved from http:// Nigrecence. In J. G. Ponterotto, J. M. Casas, evidence. Educational Policy Analysis Archives,
www.euro.who.int/__data/assets/pdf_file/0008/ L. A. Suzuki, & C. M. Alexander (Eds.), 8, 1–458. Retrieved from http://epaa.asu.edu/
110231/e82923.pdf Handbook of multicultural counseling epaa/v2008n2001/.
Craig, W. M., & Pepler, D. J. (1998). Observations (pp. 93–122). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Darling-Hammond, L., & Youngs, P. (2002).
of aggressive and non-aggressive children on Crouter, A. C., & Head, M. R. (2002). Parental Defining “Highly Qualified Teachers”: What
the school playground. Merrill-Palmer monitoring and knowledge of children. In does “Scientifically-Based Research” actually
Quarterly, 44, 55–76. M. H. Bornstein (Ed.), Handbook of parenting: tell us? Educational Researcher, 13–25.
Craig, W. M., & Pepler, D. J. (2003). Identifying Being and becoming a parent (Vol. 3, Darnovsky, M. (2003). Sex selection moves to
and targeting risk for involvement in bullying pp. 461–483). Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. consumer culture–ads for “family balancing”
and victimization. Canadian Journal of Crouter, A. C., Manke, B. A., & McHale, S. M. in The New York Times. Genetic Crossroads,
Psychiatry, 48, 577–582. (1995). The family context of gender 33, 1.
Craig, W. M., Peters, R. D., & Konarski, R. (1998, intensification in early adolescence. Child Darwin, C. (1877). A biographical sketch of an
October). Bullying and victimization among Development, 66, 317–329. infant. Mind, 2, 285–294.
Canadian School Children. Hull, QC: Applied Csikszentmihalyi, M., & Larson, R. (1984). Being Das, J. P. (1995). Some thoughts on two aspects of
Research Branch of Strategic Policy, Human adolescent: Conflict and growth in the teenage Vygotsky’s work. Educational Psychologist, 30,
Resources and Development Canada. years. New York, NY: Basic Books. 93–97.
Craik, F. I. M., & Lockhart, R. S. (1972). Levels of Cuadra, E., & Moreno, J. M. (2005). Expanding D’Augelli, A. R. (2003). Coming out in community
processing: A framework for memory research. opportunities and building competencies for psychology: Personal narrative and disciplinary
Journal of Verbal Learning and Verbal Behavior, young people: A new agenda for secondary change. American Journal of Community
11, 671–684. education. New York, NY: World Bank. Psychology, 41(3–4), 343–354.
Cratty, J. B. (1986). Acquiring skill: Development Cumming, S. P., Standage, M., Gillison, F., & D’Augelli, A. R., Pilkington, N. W., & Hershberger,
perspectives. In J. B. Cratty (Ed.), Perceptual Malina, R. M. (2008). Sex differences in exercise S. L. (2002). Incidence and mental health
and motor development in infants and children behavior during adolescence: Is biological impact of sexual orientation victimization of
(pp. 146–157). Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice maturation a confounding factor? Journal of lesbian, gay, and bisexual youths in high
Hall. Adolescent Health, 42, 480–485. school. School Psychology Quarterly, 17(2),
Crick, N. R., & Grotpeter, J. K. (1995). Relational Cummins, J. (1994). The acquisition of English as a 148–167.
aggression, gender, and social-psychological second language. In K. Spangenberg-Urbschat & Davies, D. (2004). Child development: A
adjustment. Child Development, 66, 710–722. R. Prichard (Eds.), Kids come in all languages: practitioner’s guide (2nd ed.). New York, NY:
Crick, N. R., Grotpeter, J. K., & Bigbee, M. A. Reading instruction for ESL students. Newark, Guilford.
(2002). Relationally and physically aggressive DE: International Reading Association. Davis, H. A. (2001). The quality and impact of
children’s intent attributions and feelings of Dahl, R. E. (2004). Adolescent development and relationships between elementary school
distress for relational and instrumental peer the regulation of behavior and emotion. New children and teachers. Contemporary
provocations. Child Development, 73, York Academy of Sciences, 1021, 294–295. Educational Psychology, 26, 431–453.
1134–1142. Daley, T. C., Whaley, S. E., Sigman, M. D., Davis, H. A. (2003). Conceptualizing the role and
Crick, N. R., Nelson, D. A., Morales, J. R., Espinosa, M. P., & Neumann, C. (2003). IQ on influence of student-teacher relationships on
Cullerton-Sen, C., Casas, J. F., & Hickman, S. E. the rise: The Flynn Effect in rural Kenyan children’s social and cognitive development.
(2001). Relational victimization in childhood and children. Psychological Science, 14(3), 215–219. Educational Psychologist, 38, 207–234.
adolescence. In J. Juvonen & S. Graham (Eds.), Dalman, C. (2009). Advanced paternal age and Davis-Kean, P. (2005). The influence of parent
Peer harassment in school: The plight of the increased risk of bipolar disorder in offspring. education and family income on child
vulnerable and victimized (pp. 196–214). New Evidence Based Mental Health, 12(59). achievement: The indirect role of parental
York, NY: Guilford. doi:10.1136/ebmh.12.2.59 expectations and the home environment.
Crick, N. R., & Zahn-Waxler, C. (2003). The Daly, B. P., Kral, M. C., & Brown, R. T. (2008). Journal of Family Psychology, 19, 294–304.
development of psychopathology in females Cognitive and academic problems associated Dawson, D. A. (1991). Family structure and
and males: Current progress and future with childhood cancers and sickle cell disease. children’s mental health and well-being. Journal
challenges. Development and psychopathology, School Psychology Quarterly, 23, 230–242. of Marriage and the Family, 60, 79–94.
15, 719–742. doi:10.1037/1045 3830.23.2.230 DeAngelis, T. (2008). A fresh look at race and
Crocker, P. R., & Ellsworth, J. P. (1990). D’Amico, A., & Guarnera, M. (2005). Exploring ethnicity. Monitor on Psychology, 39(9), 30.
Perceptions of competence in physical working memory in children with low Dearing, E., Wimer, C., Simpkins, S. D., Lund, T.,
education students. Canadian Journal of Sport arithmetical achievement. Learning and Bouffard, S. M., Caronongan, P., Kreider, H., &
Sciences, 15(4), 262–266. Individual Differences, 15, 294–321. Weiss, H. (2009). Do neighborhood and home
Croll, J. (2005). Body image and adolescents. Damon, W. (1977). The social world of the child. contexts help explain why low-income children
In J. Stang & M. Story (Eds.), Guidelines for San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. miss opportunities to participate in activities
adolescent nutrition services (pp. 155–166). Damon, W. (1988). The moral child. New York, NY: outside of school? Developmental Psychology,
Minneapolis, MN: Center for Leadership, Free Press. 45, 1545–1562.
Education and Training in Maternal and Child Damon, W. (1994). Fair distribution and sharing: DeCasper, A., & Fifer, W. P. (1980). On human
Nutrition, Division of Epidemiology and The development of positive justice. In B. Puka bonding: Newborns prefer their mothers’
Community Health, School of Public Health, (Ed.), Fundamental research in moral voices. Science, 208, 1174–1176.
University of Minnesota. Retrieved from http:// development. Moral development: A DeCasper, A., & Spence, M. J. (1986). Prenatal
www.epi.umn.edu/let/pubs/img/adol_ch13.pdf compendium (Vol. 2, pp. 189–254). New York, maternal speech influences newborns’
Crosnoe, R., Cavanagh, S., & Elder, G. H., Jr. NY: Garland Publishing. perception of speech sounds. Infant Behavior
(2003). Adolescent friendships as academic Damon, W. (1995). Greater expectations: and Development, 9, 133–150.
resource: The intersection of friendship, race, Overcoming the culture of indulgence in Deci, E., & Ryan, R. (1985). Intrinsic motivation and
and school disadvantage. Sociological America’s homes and schools. New York, NY: self-determination in human behavior. New
Perspectives, 46(3), 331–352. Free Press. York, NY: Plenum.
Cross, W. E., Jr. (1971). Toward a psychology of Damon, W. (2006). Preface to Handbook of child Deci, E. L., & Ryan, R. M. (Eds.). (2002).
Black liberation: The Negro-to-Black convergence psychology, 6th edition. In W. Damon & Handbook of self-determination research.
experience. Black World, 20(9), 13–27. R. M. Lerner (Eds.), Handbook of child Rochester, NY: University of Rochester Press.

474
 REFERENCES

Deci, E. L., Vallerand, R. J., Pelletier, L. G., & macaque species. Child Development, 64, and education. Developmental Science, 8,
Ryan, R. M. (1991). Motivation and education: 897–908. doi:10.1111/j.1467-8624.1993 466–467.
The self-determination perspective. The .tb02950.x Dodge, K. A., Coie, J. D., & Lynam, D. (2006).
Educational Psychologist, 26, 323–346. Dewan, S. (2010, January 10). Southern schools Aggression and antisocial behavior in youth.
Deforche, B. I., Bourdeaudhuij, I. M. D., & mark two minorities. The New York Times, In W. Damon & R. M. Lerner (Series Ed.) and
Tanghe, A. P. (2006). Attitude toward physical p. A19⫹. N. Eisenberg (Vol. Ed.), Handbook of child
activity in normal-weight, overweight and obese Deynoot-Schaub, M. G., & Riksen-Walraven, M. psychology. Vol. 3: Social, emotional, and
adolescents. Journal of Adolescent Health, 38, (2006). Peer interaction in child care centres at personality development (6th ed., pp. 719–788).
560–568. 15 and 23 months: Stability and links with New York, NY: Wiley.
Dehaene-Lambertz, G., Dehaene, S., & Hertz- children’s socio-emotional adjustment. Infant Dodge, K. A., McLoyd, V. C., & Lansford, J. E.
Pannier, L. (2002). Functional neuroimaging of Behavior and Development, 29(2), 276–288. (2005). The cultural context of physically
speech perception in infants. Science, 6(5600), Diamond, A. (2000). Close interrelation of motor disciplining children. In V. C. McLoyd, N. E. Hill, &
2013–2015. development and cognitive development and K. A. Dodge (Eds.), African American family life:
DeHann, L. (1997). Bullies. Retrieved from http:// of the cerebellum and prefrontal cortex. Child Ecological and cultural diversity. New York, NY:
www.ext.nodak.edu.extpubs/yf/famsci/fs570w Development, 71(1), 44–56. Guilford.
.htm Diamond, A. (2009). The interplay of biology Dodge, K. A., & Pettit, G. S. (2003). A
Delgado, A. R., & Prieto, G. (2008). Stereotype and the environment broadly defined. biopsychosocial model of the development of
threat as validity threat: The anxiety–sex–threat Developmental Psychology, 45, 1–8. chronic conduct problems in adolescence.
interaction. Intelligence, 36, 635–640. Diamond, A., & Kirkham, N. Z. (2005). Not quite as Developmental Psychology, 39, 180–190.
De Lisi, R., & Gallagher, A. M. (1991). grown-up as we like to think: Parallels between Doggett, A. M. (2004). ADHD and drug therapy: Is
Understanding of gender stability and cognition in childhood and adulthood. it still a valid treatment? Child Health Care, 8,
constancy in Argentinean children. Merrill Psychological Science, 16, 291–297. 69–81.
Palmer Quarterly, 37, 483–502. Diamond, L. M., & Savin-Williams, R. C. (2003). The Domenech Rodgriguez, M. M., Donovick, M. R., &
DeLoache, J. S., Uttal, D. H., Rosengren, K. S. intimate relationships of sexual-minority youths. Crowley, S. L. (2009). Parenting styles in a
(2004). Scale errors offer evidence for a In G. R. Adams & M. D. Berzonsky (Eds.), The cultural context: Observations of protective
perception-action dissociation early in life. Blackwell handbook of adolescence parenting in first-generation Latinos. Family
Science, 14 (304, no. 5673), 1027–1029. (pp. 393–412). Oxford, UK: Blackwell. Process, 48(2), 195–210.
Delpit, L. (1995). Other people’s children: Cultural Diamond, M., & Sigmundson, H. K. (1997). Sex Dominé, F., Berchtold, A., Akré, C., Michaud, P-A., &
conflict in the classroom. New York, NY: New reassignment at birth: Long-term review and Suris, J-C. (2009). Disordered eating behaviors:
York Press. clinical implications. Archives of Pediatric and What about boys? Journal of Adolescent
Delpit, L. (2003). Educators as “Seed People”: Adolescent Medicine, 151, 298–304. Health, 44, 111–117.
Growing a new future. Educational Researcher, Diaz-Rico, L. T., & Weed, K. Z. (2002). The Donnerstein, E., Slaby, R. G., & Eron, L. D. (1994).
7(32), 14–21. crosscultural, language, and academic The mass media and youth aggression. In
Demetriou, A., Christou, C., Spanoudis, G., & development handbook (2nd ed.). Boston, MA: L. D. Eron, J. H. Gentry, & P. Schlegel (Eds.),
Platsidou, M. (2002). The development of Allyn & Bacon. Reason to hope: A psychosocial perspective on
mental processing: Efficiency, working memory Dickinson, D., McCabe, A., Anastopoulos, L., violence and youth (pp. 219–250). Washington,
and thinking. Monographs of the Society for Peisner-Feinberg, E., & Poe, M. (2003). The DC: American Psychological Association.
Research in Child Development, 67(1). comprehensive language approach to early Donnez, J., Martinez-Madrid, B., Jadoul, P.,
De Michele, A. M., & Ruth, R. A. (2010). Newborn literacy: The interrelationships among Langendonckt, A. V., Demylle, D., & Dolmans, M.
hearing screening. Retrieved from vocabulary, phonological sensitivity, and print (2006). Ovarian tissue cryopreservation and
http://emedicine.medscape.com/article/ knowledge among preschool-aged children. transplantation: A review. (2006). Human
836646-overview Journal of Educational Psychology, 95, Reproduction Update, 12(5), 519–535.
Demon, W. (2004). What is positive youth 465–481. Dornbusch, S. M., Erickson, K. G., Laird, J., &
development? The Annals of the American Dick-Read, G. (1972). Childbirth without fear: The Wong, C. A. (2001). The relation of family and
Academy of Political and Social Science, 591(1), original approach to natural childbirth. New school attachment to adolescent deviance in
13–24. York, NY: Harper & Row. (Original work diverse groups and communities. Journal of
Demuth, K. (1990). Subject, topic, and Sesotho published 1933). Adolescent Research, 16(4), 396–422.
passive. Journal of Child Language, 17, 67–84. Diego, M., Field, T., & Hernandez-Reif, M. (2005). Doyle, A. B., Brendgen, M., Markiewicz, D., &
Denham, S., & Kochanoff, A. T. (2002). Parental Vagal activity, gastric motility, and weight gain Kamkar, K. (2003). Family relationships as
contributions to preschoolers’ understanding of in massaged preterm neonates. Journal of moderators of the association between
emotion. Marriage & Family Review, 34, Pediatrics, 147(1), 50–55. romantic relationships and adjustment in early
311–343. Dieter, J. N. I., Field, T., Hernandez-Reif, M., adolescence. The Journal of Early Adolescence,
Denham, S. A., Blair, K., Schmidt, M., & DeMulder, Emory, E. K., & Redzepi, M. (2003). Stable 23(3), 316–340.
E. (2002). Compromised emotional preterm infants gain more weight and sleep Drexler, P. (2005). Raising boys without men:
competence: Seeds of violence sown early? less after five days of massage therapy. Journal How maverick moms are creating the next
American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 72, 70–82. of Pediatric Psychology, 28, 403–411. generation of exceptional men. Emmaus, PA:
Dennis, T. A., Cole, P. M., Zahn-Waxler, C., & DiPaula, A., & Campbell, J. D. (2002). Self-esteem Rodale Press.
Mizuta, I. (2002). Self in context: Autonomy and and persistence in the face of failure. Journal of Driscoll, M. P. (2005). Psychology of learning for
relatedness in Japanese and U.S. mother- Personality and Social Psychology, 83, 711–724. instruction (3rd ed.). Boston, MA: Allyn &
preschooler dyads. Child Development, 73, Dirix, C. E. H., Nijhuis, J. G., Jongsma, H. W., & Bacon.
1803–1817. Hornstra, G. (2009). Aspects of fetal learning DuBois, D. L., Holloway, B. E., Valentine, J. C., &
Derry, S. J. (1989). Putting learning strategies to and memory. Child Development, 80(4), Cooper, H. Effectiveness of mentoring
work. Educational Leadership, 47(5), 4–10. 1251–1258. programs for youth: A meta-analytic review.
DeSouza, A., & Chen, X. (2002, July). Social Dishion, T. J., McCord, J., & Poulin, F. (1999). When American Journal of Community Psychology,
initiative and responses of shy and non-shy interventions harms: Peer groups and problem 30, 157–197.
children in China and Canada. Paper presented behavior. American Psychologist, 54(9), 755–764. DuBois, D. L., & Silverthorn, N. (2005). Natural
at the Biennial Conference of the international Dishion, T. J., & Patterson, G. R. (2006). The mentoring relationships and adolescent
Society for the Study of Behavioral Development development and ecology of antisocial health: Evidence from a national study.
(ISSBD), Ottawa, Canada. behavior. In D. Cicchetti & D. J. Cohen (Eds.), American Journal of Public Health, 95,
de Waal, F. B. (2007/2008). Do animals feel Developmental psychopathology. Vol. 3: Risk, 518–524.
empathy? Scientific American Mind, 18, 28–35. disorder, and adaptation (pp. 503–541). New Dubois L., Girard M., & Kent M. (2006). Breakfast
de Waal, F. B. M., & Johanowicz, D. L. (1993). York, NY: Wiley. eating and overweight in a pre-school
Modification of reconciliation behavior through Dnsari, D. (2005). Paving the way toward population: Is there a link? Public Health
social experience: An experiment with two meaningful interactions between neuroscience Nutrition, 9, 436–442.

475
 REFERENCES

Ducharme, J., Doyle, A. B., & Markiewicz, D. psychology (2nd ed., pp. 125–153). Hoboken, Group differences in caregiver and infant risk
(2002). Attachment security with mother and NJ: Wiley. variables. Addictive Behaviors, 32, 465–476.
father: Associations with adolescents’ reports of Eccles, J. S. (2007). Where are all the women? Eimas, P. D., Sigueland, E. R., Jusczyk, P., &
interpersonal behavior with parents and peers. Gender differences in participation in physical Vigorito, J. (1971). Speech perception in
Journal of Social and Personal Relationships, science and engineering. In S. J. Ceci & infants. Science, 171, 303–306.
19(2), 203–231. W. M. Williams (Eds.), Why aren’t more women Einarson, A., Selby, P., & Koren, G. (2001). Abrupt
Duffy, J., Warren, K., & Walsh, M. (2002). in science? Top researchers debate the discontinuation of psychotropic drugs during
Classroom interactions: Gender of teacher, evidence. Washington, DC: American pregnancy: Fear of teratogenic risk and impact
gender of student, and classroom subject. Sex Psychological Association. of counselling. Journal of Psychiatric
Roles, 45, 579–593. Eccles, J. S., Barber, B. L., Stone, M., & Hunt, J. Neuroscience, 26(1), 44–48.
Duncan, G. J., & Brooks-Gunn, J. (2000). Family (2003). Extracurricular activities and adolescent Eisenberg, N. (2003). Prosocial behaviour,
poverty, welfare reform, and child development. Journal of Social Issues, 59(4), empathy, and sympathy. In M. H. Bornstein,
development. Child Development, 71, 865–889. L. Davidson, C. L. M. Keyes, & K. A. Moore (Eds.),
188–196. Eccles, J. S., & Midgley, C. (1989). Well-being: Positive development across the
Duncan, R. M., & Cheyne, J. A. (1999). Incidence Stage/environment fit: Developmentally life course (pp. 253–267). Mahwah, NJ:
and functions of self-reported private speech in appropriate classrooms for early adolescents. Erlbaum.
young adults: A self-verbalization questionnaire. In R. Ames & C. Ames (Eds.), Research on Eisenberg, N., & Fabes, R. A. (1998). Prosocial
Canadian Journal of Behavioural Sciences, 31, motivation in education (Vol. 3, pp. 138–181). development. In W. Damon & N. Eisenberg
133–136. New York, NY: Academic Press. (Eds.), Handbook of child psychology:
Dunifon, R., & Kowaleski-Jones, L. (2002). Who is Eccles, J. S., Midgley, C., & Adler, T. F. (1984). Vol. 3. Social, emotional, and personality
in the house? Race differences in cohabitation, Grade-related changes in school environment: development (pp. 701–778). New York,
single parenthood, and child development. Effects on achievement motivation. In NY: Wiley.
Child Development, 73, 1249–1264. J. G. Nicholls (Ed.), Advances in motivation Eisenberg, N., Fabes, R. A., Shepard, S. A.,
Dunn, J., & Cutting, A. L. (1999). Understanding and achievement (pp. 283–331). Greenwich, Gurthrie, I., Murphy, B. C., & Reiser, M. (1999).
others, and individual differences in friendship CT: JAI Press. Parental reactions to children’s negative
interactions in young children. Social Eccles, J. S. & Roeser, R. W. (2003). Schools as emotions: Longitudinal relations to quality of
Development, 8, 201–219. developmental contexts. In G. Adams & children’s social functioning. Child
Dunn, J., Cutting, A. L., & Fisher, N. (2002). Old M. D. Berzonsky (Eds.), Blackwell handbook of Development, 70, 513–534.
friends, new friends: Predictors of children’s adolescence (pp. 129–148). Malden, MA: Eisenberg, N., Fabes, R. A., & Spinrad, T. L. (2006).
perspective on their friends at school. Child Blackwell Publishing. Prosocial development. In N. Eisenberg (Ed.),
Development, 73, 621–635. Eccles, J. S., & Roeser, R. W. (2006). Schools as Handbook of child psychology, Vol. 3. Social,
Durbin, D. L., Darling, N., Steinberg, L., & Brown, developmental contexts. In G. A. M. D. Berzonsky emotional, and personality development
B. B. (1993). Parenting style and peer group (Ed.), Blackwell handbook of adolescence (pp. 646–718), New York, NY: Wiley.
membership among European-American (pp. 129–148). Malden, MA: Blackwell Eisenberg, N., Gershoff, E. T., Fabes, R. A.,
adolescents. Journal of Research on Publishing. Shepard, S. A., Cumberland, A. J.,
Adolescence, 3, 87–100. Eckerman, C., & Whitehead, H. (1999). How Losoya, S. H., . . . Murphy, B. C. (2001).
Durik, A. M., Vida, M., & Eccles, J. S. (2006). Task toddler peers generate coordinated action: Mothers’ emotional expressivity and children’s
values and ability beliefs as predictors of high A cross-cultural exploration. Early Education & behavior problems and social competence:
school literacy choices: A developmental Development, 10(3) 241–266. Mediation through children’s regulation.
analysis. Journal of Educational Psychology, Eckerman, C. O., & Didow, S. M. (1996). Nonverbal Developmental Psychology, 37, 475–490.
98(2), 382–393. imitation and toddlers’ mastery of verbal means Eisenberg, N., Liew, J., & Pidada, S. (2001). The
Dusenbury, L., & Falco, M. (1995). Eleven of achieving coordinated action. relations of parental emotional expressivity with
components of effective drug abuse prevention Developmental Psychology, 32, 141–152. the quality of Indonesian children’s social
curricula. Journal of School Health, 65, 420–425. ECS. (2010). No Child Left Behind: NCLB functioning. Emotion, 1, 107–115.
Dwairy, M., Achoui, M., Abouserie, R., & Farah, A. reauthorization database. Retrieved from Eisenberg, N., Martin, C., & Fabes, R. A. (1996).
(2006). Parenting styles, individuation, and http://www.ecs.org/ecsmain.asp?page⫽/html/ Gender-related development and gender
mental health of Arab adolescents. Journal of educationIssues/NCLBreauthorization/NCLB_ differences. In D. C. Berliner & R. C. Calfee
Cross-Cultural Psychology, 37, 262–272. parapro_DB_intro.asp (Eds.), The handbook of educational
doi:10.1177/0022022106286924 Eder, R. A. (1989). The emergent personologist: psychology. New York, NY: Macmillan.
Dweck, C. S. (2000). Self-theories: Their role in The structure and content of 3 1⁄2, 5 1⁄2, Eisenberg, N., & McNally, S. (1993). Socialization
motivation, personality, and development. and 7 1⁄2 year-olds’ concepts of themselves and mothers’ and adolescents’ empathy-related
Philadelphia: Routledge Press. and other persons. Child Development, characteristics. Journal of Research on
Dweck, C. S. (2002). The development of ability 60, 1218–1228. Adolescence, 3, 171–191.
conceptions. In A. Wigfield & J. Eccles (Eds.), Education Commission of the States. (2006). Quick Eisenberg, N., Michalik, N., Spinrad, T. L.,
The development of achievement motivation. facts: What research shows about the brain. Hofer, C., Kupfer, A., Valiente, C., . . .
San Diego, CA: Academic Press. Retrieved from http://ecs.org/html/IssueSection Reiser, M. (2007). The relations of effortful
Dweck, C. S. (2006). Mindset: The new psychology .asp?issueid⫽17&s⫽Quick⫹Facts control and impulsivity to children’s
of success. New York, NY: Random House. Edwards, M. E. (2002). Attachment, mastery, and sympathy: A longitudinal study. Cognitive
Dykens, E. M., Rosner, B. A., & Butterbaugh, G. interdependence: A model of parenting Development, 22(4), 544–567. doi:10.1016/j
(1998). Exercise and sports in children and processes. Family Process, 41(3), 389–404. .cogdev.2007.08.003
adolescents with developmental disabilities. Edwards, P. A. (2002). Three approaches from Eisenberg, N., & Morris, A. S. (2004). Moral
Positive physical and psychosocial effects. Child Europe: Waldorf, Montessori, and Reggio cognitions and prosocial responding in
and Adolescent Psychiatric Clinics of North Emilia. Early Childhood Practice and Research, adolescence. In R. Lerner & L. Steinberg (Eds.),
America, 7(4), 757–771. 4, 36–40. Handbook of adolescent psychology. New
Eaton, W. O., & Enns, L. R. (1986). Sex differences Egan, S. K., Monson, T. C., & Perry, D. G. (1998). York, NY: Wiley.
in human motor activity level. Psychological Social-cognitive influences on change in Eisenberg, N., & Spinrad, T. L. (2004). Emotion-
Bulletin, 100, 19–28. aggression over time. Developmental related regulation: Sharpening the definition.
Eccles, J. S. (1999, June 18). Making school Psychology, 34, 996–1006. Child Development, 75, 334–339.
transitions a positive experience: The middle Eiden, D. (2009). Infants exposed to cocaine in Eisenberg, N., Spinrad, T. L., Fabes, R. A.,
graders school transition. Retrieved from utero react more emotionally to stress. DATA: Reiser, M., Cumberland, A., Shepard, S. A.,
http://www.apa.org/ppo/issues/peccles.html The Brown University Digest of Addiction Valiente, C., . . . Murphy, B. (2004). The
Eccles, J. S. (2004). Schools, academic motivation, Theory & Application, 28(3), 8. relations of effortful control and impulsivity to
and stage-environment fit. In R. M. Lerner & Eiden, R. D., Foote, A., & Schuetze, P. (2007). children’s resiliency and adjustment. Child
L. Steinberg (Eds.), Handbook of adolescent Maternal cocaine use and caregiving status: Development (75), 25–46.

476
 REFERENCES

Eisenberg, N., & Zhou, Q. (2000). Regulation from Emery, R. E. (1999). Marriage, divorce, and Fabes, R. A., Hanish, L. D., & Martin, C. L. (2003).
a developmental perspective. Psychological children’s adjustment (2nd ed.). Thousand Children at play: The role of peers in
Inquiry, 11, 166–171. Oaks, CA: Sage. understanding the effects of child care. Child
Eisenberg, N., Zhou, Q., & Koller, S. (2001). Engel, P. (1991). Tracking progress toward the Development, 74, 1039–1043.
Brazilian adolescents’ prosocial moral judgment school readiness goal. Educational Leadership, doi:10.1111/1467-8624.00586
and behavior: Relations to sympathy, 48(5), 39–42. Fabes, R. A., Leonard, S. A., Kupanoff, K., &
perspective taking, gender-role orientation, and Engle, R. W., Tuholski, S. W., Laughlin, J. E., & Martin, C. L. (2001). Parental coping with
demographic characteristics. Child Conway, A. R. A. (1999). Working memory, children’s negative emotions: Relations with
Development, 72, 518–534. short-term memory, and general fluid children’s emotional and social responding.
El-Sheikh, M., & Harger, J. (2001). Appraisals of intelligence: A latent-variable approach. Journal Child Development, 72, 902–920.
marital conflict and children’s adjustment, of Experimental Psychology: General, 128, Fabes, R. A., Martin, C. L., & Hanish, L. D. (2004).
health, and physiological reactivity. 309–331. The next 50 years: Considering gender as a
Developmental Psychology, 37, 875–885. Engles, K. L., Bown, J. D., & Kenneavy, K. (2006). context for understanding young children’s
Elkind, D. (1967). Egocentrism in adolescence, The mass media are an important context for peer relationships. Merrill-Palmer Quarterly,
Child Development, 38, 1025–1034. adolescents’ sexual behavior. Journal of 50, 260–273.
Elkind, D. (1985). Egocentrism redux. Adolescent Health, 38(3), 186–192. Fabiano, C. A., Pelham, W. E., Coles, E. K., Gnagy,
Developmental Review, 5, 127–134. Entenman, J., Murnen, T. J., & Hendricks, C. E. M., Chronis-Tuscano, A., & O’Connor, B. C.
Elkind, D. (2001). The hurried child (3rd ed.). (2005). Victims, bullies, and bystanders in K–3 (2009). A meta-analysis of behavioral treatments
Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley. literature. The Reading Teacher, 59, 352–364. for attention deficit/hyperactivity disorder.
Elkind, D. (2007). The power of play: How Entwisle, D. R., & Alexander, K. L. (1998). Clinical Psychology Review, 29, 129–140.
spontaneous imaginative activities lead to Facilitating the transition to first grade: The Fagan, J. (2000). African American and Puerto Rican
happier, healthier children. Cambridge, MA: nature of transition and research on factors American parenting styles, parental involvement,
Da Capo Press. affecting it. The Elementary School Journal, 98, and Head Start children’s social competence.
Elliot, A. J., & Thrash, T. M. (2004). The 351–364. Merrill-Palmer Quarterly, 46, 592–612.
intergenerational transmission of fear of failure. Entwisle, D. R., Alexander, K. L., & Olson, L. (1997). Fagot, B. I., & Leinbach, M. D. (1989). The young
Personality & Social Psychology Bulletin, 30, Children, schools, and inequality. Boulder, CO: child’s gender schema: Environmental input,
957–971. Westview Press. internal organization. Child Development, 60,
Elliot, J. G. (1999). School refusal: Issues of Epps, S. R., & Huston, A. C. (2007). Effects of a 663–672.
conceptualization, assessment, and treatment. poverty intervention policy demonstration on Falbo, T., & Polit, D. E. (1986). A quantitative
Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry and parenting and child behavior: A test of the review of the only child literature: Research
Allied Disciplines, 40, 1001–1012. direction of effects. Social Science Quarterly, evidence and theory development.
Ellis, B. J. (2004). Timing of pubertal maturation in 88, 344–365. Psychological Bulletin, 100, 176–189.
girls: An integrated life history approach. Epstein, A. S., Schweinhart, L. J., & McAdoo, L. Falbo, T., Poston, D. L., Jr., Triscari, R. S., & Zhang,
Psychological Bulletin, 130, 920–958. (1996). Models of early childhood education. X. (1997). Self-enhancing illusions among
Ely, R. (1997). Language and literacy in the school Ypsilanti, MI: High/Scope Press. Chinese schoolchildren. Journal of Cross-
years. In J. B. Gleason (Ed.), The development Erikson, E. H. (1950). Childhood and society. New Cultural Psychology, 28, 172–191.
of language (pp. 398–439). Boston, MA: Allyn & York, NY: Norton. Fallone, G., Owens, J. A., & Deane, J. (2002).
Bacon. Erikson, E. H. (1963). Childhood and society (2nd Sleepiness in children and adolescents: Clinical
Ely, R., & McCabe, A. (1994). The language play of ed.). New York, NY: Norton. implications. Sleep Medicine Reviews, 6,
kindergarten children. First Language, 14, Erikson, E. H. (1968). Identity, youth, and crisis 287–306.
19–35. (2nd ed.). New York, NY: Norton. Fang, G., Fang, F., Keller, M., Edelstein, W., Kehle,
Emde, R. N. (1988). The effect of relationships on Erikson, E. H. (1980). Identity and the life cycle T. J., & Bray, M. A. (2003). Social and moral
relationships: A developmental approach to (2nd ed.). New York, NY: Norton. reasoning in Chinese children: A developmental
clinical intervention. In R. Hinde & J. Stevenson- Ernst, M., Moolchan, E. T., & Robinson, M. L. study. Psychology in the Schools, 40, 125–138.
Hinde (Eds.), Relationships within families: (2001). Behavioral and neural consequences of Farver, J. A. (2007, April). Family environments and
Mutual influences (pp. 354–364). Oxford, prenatal exposure to nicotine. Journal of the Latino preschoolers’ emergent literacy skills.
England: Clarendon Press. American Academy of Child & Adolescent Paper presented at the Society for Research in
Emde, R. N. (1998). Early emotional development: Psychiatry, 40(6), 630–641. Child Development, Boston, Massachusetts.
New modes of thinking for research and Eron, L. D. (1987). The development of aggressive Farver, J. A., Lonigan, C. J., & Eppe, S. (2009).
intervention. Pediatrics, 102, 1236–1243. behavior from the perspective of a developing Effective early literacy skill development for
Retrieved from http://www.pediatrics.org/cgi/ behaviorism. American Psychologist, 42, young Spanish-speaking English language
content/full/102/5/SEI/1236 435–442. learners: an experimental study of two
Emde, R. N., & Clyman, R. B. (1997). “We hold these Essex, M. J., Klein, M. H., Cho, E., & Kalin, N. H. methods. Child Development, 80, 703–719.
truths to be self-evident”: The origins of moral (2002). Maternal stress beginning in infancy Fay, T. B., Yeates, K. O., Wade, S. L., Drotar, D.,
motives in individual activity and shared may sensitize children to later stress exposure: Stancin, T., & Taylor, H. G. (2009). Predicting
experience. In J. D. Noshpitz (Series Ed.) & Effects on cortisol and behavior. Biological longitudinal patterns of functional deficits in
S. Greenspan, S. Wieder, & J. Osofsky (Vol. Eds.), Psychiatry, 52(8), 776–784. children with traumatic brain injury.
Handbook of child and adolescent psychiatry: Vol. Evans, G. W. (2004). The environment of childhood Neuropsychology, 23, 271–282.
I. Infants and preschoolers: Development and poverty. American Psychologist, 569(77–92). Fazzi, E., Lanners, J., Ferrari-Ginevra, O., Achille,
syndromes (pp. 320–339). New York, NY: Wiley. Evans, J. St. B. T. (2008). Dual-process accounts of C., Luparia, A., Signorini, S., & Lanzi, G. (2002).
Emde, R. N., & Robinson, J. (2000). Guiding reasoning, judgment, and social cognition. Gross motor development and reach on sound
principles for a theory of early intervention: Annual Review of Psychology, 59, 255–278. as critical tools for the development of the blind
A developmental-psychoanalytic perspective. Evans, L., & Davies, K. (2000). No sissy boys here: child. Brain Development, 24, 269–275.
In J. Shonkoff & S. Meisels (Eds.), Handbook of A content analysis of the representation of Ferber, R. (2006). Solve your child’s sleep
early childhood intervention. Cambridge, masculinity in elementary school reading texts. problems. New York, NY: Simon & Schuster.
England: Cambridge University Press. Sex Roles, 42, 255–270. Fergusson, D. M., & Horwood, L. J. (2003).
Emerson, J., & Lovitt, T. (2003). The educational Eveleth, P. B., & Tanner, J. M. (1990). Worldwide Resilience to childhood adversity: Results of a
plight of foster children in schools and what can variation in human growth. Cambridge, 12-year study. In S. Luthar (Ed.), Resilience and
be done about it. Remedial and Special England: Cambridge University Press. vulnerability: Adaptation in the context of
Education, 24, 199–203. Fabes, R. A., Eisenberg, N., Jones, S., Smith, M., childhood adversities (pp. 130–155). New York,
Emerson, M. J., & Miyake, A. (2003). The role of Guthrie, I., Poulin, R., . . . Friedman, J. (1999). NY: Cambridge University Press.
inner speech in task switching: A dual-task Regulation, emotionality, and preschoolers’ Ferrer, E., & McArdle, J. J. (2004). An experimental
investigation. Journal of Memory and socially competent peer interactions. Child analysis of dynamic hypotheses about cognitive
Language, 48, 148–168. Development, 70, 432–442. abilities and achievement from childhood to

477
 REFERENCES

early adulthood. Developmental Psychology, Fisher, K. W., & Pare-Blagoev, J. (2000). From Foote, T. (2003). My potty reward stickers for boys:
40, 935–952. individual differences to dynamic pathways of 126 boy stickers and chart to motivate toilet
Fetal Behaviour Research Center. (2009). Research. development. Child Development, 71, training, from Tracytrends.com.
Retrieved from http://www.psych.qub.ac.uk/ 850–851. Ford, D. Y. (2000). Infusing multicultural content
Research/Centres/FetalBehaviourResearch Fiske, E. B. (1998, April, 10). America’s test mania. into the curriculum for gifted students. (ERIC EC
Centre/Research/#perception The New York Times, pp. 16–20. Digest #E601). Arlington, VA: The ERIC
Fields, J. (2003). Children’s living arrangements Fitzgerald, D. P., & White, K. J. (2003). Linking Clearinghouse on Disabilities and Gifted
and characteristics: March 2002. Current children’s social worlds: Perspective-taking in Education.
population Reports (P20-547). Washington, DC: parent-child and peer contexts. Social Behavior Fordham, S., & Ogbu, J. U. (1986). Black students’
U.S. Census Bureau. and Personality, 31, 509–522. school success: Coping with the “burden of
Fifer, W. P., & Moon, C. (1994). The role of Fivush, R., & Haden, C. (1997). Narrating and ‘acting white.’” The Urban Review, 18(3),
mother’s voice in the organization of brain representing experience: Preschoolers’ 176–206.
function in the newborn. Acta Paediatrica developing autobiographical recounts. In P. van Foster, G. D., Sherman, S., Borradaile, K. E.,
Supplement, 397, 86–93. den Broek, P. J., Bauer, & T. Bourg (Eds.). Grundy, K. M., Vander Veur, S. S.,
Filmore, L. W., & Snow, C. (2000). What teachers Event comprehension and representation Nachmani, J., . . . Shults, J. (2008). A
need to know about language. Retrieved from (pp. 169–198). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. policy-based school intervention to prevent
http://www.cal.org/resources/digest/ Fivush, R., & Hamond, N. R. (1990). overweight and obesity. Pediatrics, 121,
0006fillmore.html Autobiographical memory across the preschool e794-802. doi:10.1542/peds .2007-1365.
Findlay, L. C., & Coplan, R. J. (2008). Come out years: Toward reconceptualizing childhood Fowles, D. C., & Kochanska, G. (2000).
and play: Shyness in childhood and the amnesia. In R. Fivush & J. A. Hudson (Eds.), Temperament as a moderator of pathways to
benefits of organized sports participation. Knowing and remembering in young children conscience in children: The contribution of
Canadian Journal of Behavioural Science, 40(3), (pp. 223–248). New York, NY: Cambridge electrodermal activity. Psychophysiology, 37,
154–161. University Press. 788–795.
Findling, R. L. (2008). Evolution of the treatment of Fivush, R., Hazzard, A., Sales, J. M., Sarfati, D., & Fowles-Mates, B., & Strommen, L. (1996). Why
attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder in Brown, T. (2003). Creating coherence out of Ernie can’t read: Sesame Street and literacy.
children: A review. Clinical Therapeutics, 30(5), chaos: Children’s narratives of emotionally The Reading Teacher, 49, 300–306.
942–957. positive and negative events. Applied Fox, H. E. (1993). APGAR: A commentary. P & S
Fine, G. A. (1987). With little boys: Little league Cognitive Psychology, 17(1–19). Medical Review, 1(1). Retrieved from http://
baseball and preadolescent culture. Chicago, Fivush, R., & Nelson, K. (2004). Culture and www.cumc.columbia.edu/news/review/archives/
IL: University of Chicago Press. language in the emergence of autobiographical medrev_v1n1_0013.html#top
Fine, M., Burns, A., Payne, Y. A., & Torre, M. E. memory. Psychological Science, 15, Fox, M. (2005, September 27). Urie
(2004). Civic lessons: The color and class of 573–577. Bronfenbrenner, 88, an authority on child
betrayal. Teachers College Record, 106, Flanner, D. J., Torquati, J. C., & Lindemeier, L. development. The New York Times, p. 7.
2193–2223. (1994). The method and meaning of emotional Franklin, J. (2007). Achieving with autism:
Finkel, D., Reynolds, C. A., McArdle, J. J., expression and experience during adolescence. Dispelling common misconceptions is
Gatz, M., & Pedersen, N. L. (2003). Latent Journal of Adolescent Research, 9(1), 8–27. essential for success. Education Update, 49(7),
growth curve analyses of accelerating decline Flavell, J. H. (1985). Cognitive development (2nd 1–9.
in cognitive abilities in adulthood. ed.). Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Frans, E. M., Sandin, S., Reichenberg, A.,
Developmental Psychology, 39, 535–550. Flavell, J. H. (2004). Theory-of-Mind development: Lichtenstein, P., Långström, N., & Hultman,
Finnila, K., Mahlberga, N., Santtilaa, P., & Niemib, P. Retrospect and prospect. Merrill-Palmer C. M. (2008). Advancing paternal age and
(2003). Validity of a test of Page: Children’s Quarterly, 50, 274–290. bipolar disorder. Archives of General Psychiatry,
suggestibility for predicting responses to two Flavell, J. H., Green, F. L., & Flavell, E. R. (1995). 65(9), 1034.
interview situations differing in degree of Young children’s knowledge about thinking. Fredericks, J., Blumenfeld, P., & Paris, A. (2004).
suggestiveness. Journal of Experimental Child Monographs of the Society for Research in School engagement: Potential of the concept,
Psychology, 85, 32–49. Child Development, 60(1) (Serial No. 243). and state of the evidence. Review of
Fisch, H., Hyun, G., Golden, R., Hensle, T. W., Flavell, J. H., Miller, P. H., & Miller, S. A. (2002). Educational Research, 74, 59–109.
Olsson, C. A., & Liberson, G. L. (2003). The Cognitive development (4th ed.). Upper Saddle Fredericks, J. A., & Eccles, J. S. (2002). Children’s
influence of paternal age on Down Syndrome. River, NJ: Prentice-Hall. competence and value beliefs from childhood
Journal of Urology, 169(6), 2275–2278. Fleming, M., Towey, K., & Jarosik, J. (2003). through adolescence. Developmental
Fischer, K. W. (1980). A theory of cognitive Healthy youth 2010: Supporting 21 critical Psychology, 38(4), 519–533.
development: The control and construction of adolescent objectives. Washington DC: Frehill, L., & Di Fabio, N. (2008). Professional
hierarchies of skills. Psychological Review, 87(6), American Medical Association. women and minorities: A total human resources
477–531. Fletcher, A., Bonell, C., & Hargreaves, J. (2008). data compendium (17 ed.). New York, NY:
Fischer, K. W., & Bidell, T. R. (2006). Dynamic School effects on young people’s drug use: Commission on Professionals in Science and
development of action and thought. In A systematic review of intervention and Technology.
R. M. Lerner (Ed.), Theoretical models of human observational studies. Journal of Adolescent Freisen, J. (2010, March 10). The hanging face of
development (6th ed., Vol. 4, pp. 313–399). Health, 42, 209–220. Canada: Booming minority populations by
New York, NY: Wiley. Fletcher, J. L., & Jolly, V. (2009). ‘Sexting’: Self- 2031. The Globe and Mail: National.
Fischer, K. W., & Silvern, L. (1985). Stages and destructive of simple rebellion. Retrieved from French, S. E., Seidman, E., Allen, L., & Aber, J. L.
individual differences in cognitive development. http://www.ocregister.com/news/teens-140903- (2006). The development of ethnic identity
Annual Review Psychology, 36, 613–648. sexting-kids.html during adolescence. Developmental
Fischer, M. A., & Gillespie, C. S. (2003). Computers Floor, P., & Akhtar, N. (2006). Can 18-month-old Psychology, 42(1), 1–10.
and young children’s development. Young infants learn words by listening in on Frey, K. S., & Ruble, D. N. (1990). Strategies for
Children, 58(4), 85–91. conversations. Infancy, 9(13), 327–339. comparative evaluation: Maintaining a sense
Fisher, C. B., Hoagwoood, K., Boyce, C., Duster, Flynn, J. R. (1984). The mean IQ of Americans: of competence across the lifespan. In
Frank, D. A., Grisso, T., Levine, R. J., . . . Massive gains 1932–1978. Psychological R. J. Stemberg & J. Kolligan, Jr. (Eds.),
Zayas, L. H. (2002). Research ethics for mental Bulletin, 95, 29–51. Competence considered (pp. 167–189).
health science involving ethnic minority children Folic Acid. (2010). Retrieved from http://www New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
and youths. American Psychologist, 57, .marchofdimes.com/professionals/ Fried, P. A., Watkinson, B., & Gray, R. (2003).
1024–1040. 19695_1151.asp Differential effects on cognitive functioning in
Fisher, J. O., & Birch, L. L. (1999). Restricting Food and Drug Administration. (2004). 13- to 16-year olds prenatally exposed to
access to palatable foods affects children’s Antidepressant use in children, adolescents, cigarettes and marijuana. Neurotoxicology &
behavioral response, food selection, and intake. and adults. Retrieved from http://www.fda.gov/ Teratology, 25(4), 427–436.
American Journal of Clinical Nutrition, 69, Drugs/DrugSafety/InformationbyDrugClass/ Friedlander, S. L., Larkin, E. K., Rosen, C. L.,
1264–1272. UCM096273 Palermo, T. M., & Reline S. (2003). Decreased

478
 REFERENCES

quality of life associated with obesity in Galambos, N. L., Barker, E. T., & Almeida, D. M. around the world (pp. 3–16). San Francisco,
school-aged children. Archives of Pediatric and (2003). Parents do matter: Trajectories of CA: Jossey-Bass.
Adolescent Medicine, 157, 1206–1211. change in externalizing and internalizing Garmon, L. C., Basinger, K. S., Gregg, V. R., &
Friedman, D. (2005). Interaction and the problems in early adolescence. Child Gibbs, J. C. (1996). Gender differences in stage
architecture of the brain. Retrieved from http:// Development, 74, 578–594. and expression of moral judgment. Merrill-
www.developingchild.net Galambos, S. J., & Goldin-Meadow, S. (1990). The Palmer Quarterly, 42, 418–437.
Friend, M. (2006). Special education: effects of learning two languages on metalinguistic Garner, P. W., Curenton, S. M., & Taylor, K.
Contemporary perspectives for school development. Cognitions, 34, 1–56. (2005). Predictors of mental state
professionals. Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon. Galardini, A., & Giovannini, D. (2001). Pistoia: understandings in preschoolers of varying
Friend, M. (2011). Special education: Creating a dynamic, open system to serve children, socioeconomic backgrounds. International
Contemporary perspectives for school families, and communities. In L. Gandini & Journal of Behavioral Development, 29,
professionals (3rd ed.). Boston, MA: Allyn & C. P. Edwards (Eds.), Bambini: The Italian 271–281.
Bacon. approach to infant/toddler care (pp. 89–108). Garner, P. W., & Spears, F. M. (2000). Emotion
Friend, M., & Bursuck, W. D. (2002). Including New York, NY: Teachers College Press. regulation in low-income preschool children.
students with special needs: A practical guide Gallagher, A. M., & Kaufman, J. C. (2005). Gender Social Development, 9, 246–264.
for classroom teachers (3rd ed.) Boston, MA: differences in mathematics. New York, NY: Garner, R. (1990). When children and adults do not
Allyn & Bacon. Cambridge University Press. use learning strategies: Toward a theory of
Friend, M., & Bursuck, W. D. (2009). Including Gallahue, D. L, & Ozmun, J. C. (1995). settings. Review of Educational Psychology, 60,
students with special needs: A practical guide Understanding motor development: Infants, 517–530.
for classroom teachers (5th ed.). Upper Saddle children, adolescents, adults (3rd ed.). Madison, Garnets, L. (2002). Sexual orientations in
River, NJ: Prentice Hall. WI: Brown & Benchmark. perspective. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic
Frome, P. M., Alfeld, C. J., Eccles, J. S., & Galliher, R. V., Rostosky, S. S., & Hughes, H. K. Minority Psychology, 8, 115–129.
Barber, B. L. (2006). Why don’t they want a (2004). School belonging, self-esteem, and Garofalo, R., Wolf, R. C., Wissow, L. S.,
male-dominated job? An investigation of depressive symptoms in adolescents: An Woods, E. R., & Goodman, E. (1999). Sexual
young women who changed their occupational examination of sex, sexual attraction status, and orientation and risk of suicide attempts among
aspirations. Educational Research & Evaluation, urbanicity. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, a representative sample of youth. Archives
12(4), 259–372. 33(3), 235–245. of Pediatrics & Adolescent Medicine, 153(5),
Frome, P. M., Alfeld, C. J., Eccles, J. S., & Gallistel, C. R., & Gelman, S. A. (1992). Preverbal 487–493.
Barber, B. L. (2008). Is the desire for a family and verbal counting and computation. Gaskins, S. (1996). How Mayan parental theories
flexible job keeping young women out of male- Cognition, 44, 43–74. come into play. In S. Harkness & C. Super
dominated occupations? In H. M. G. Watt & Gano-Overway, L. A., Newton, M., Magyar, T. M., (Eds.), Parents’ cultural belief systems: Their
J. S. Eccles (Eds.), Gender and occupational Fry, M. D., Kim, M., & Guivernau, M. R. (2009). origins, expressions, and consequences
outcomes: Longitudinal assessments of Influence of caring youth sport contexts on (pp. 345–363). New York, NY: Guilford.
individual, social, and cultural influences efficacy-related beliefs. Developmental Gaskins, S. (2000). Children’s daily activities in a
(pp. 195–214). Washington, DC: American Psychology, 45(2), 329–340. Mayan village: A culturally grounded
Psychological Association. Gantz, B. J., & Tyler, R. S. (2010). Special issue: description. Cross-Cultural Research, 34,
Frost, J. L., Wortham, S. C., & Reifel, S. (2005). Play Cochlear implant research from the University 375–389.
and child development (2nd ed.). Upper Saddle of Iowa. Journal of the American Academy of Gathercole, S. E., Pickering, S. J., Ambridge, B., &
River, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Audiology, 21, 4. Wearing, H. (2004). The structure of working
Fuchs, L. S., Fuchs, D., Compton, D. L., Garbarino, J. (1999). The effects of community memory from 4 to 15 years of age.
Powell, S. R., Seethaler, P. M., Capizzi, A. M., violence on children. In L. Balter & C. S. Tamis- Developmental Psychology, 40, 177–190.
Schatschneider, C., & Fletcher, J. M. (2006). LeMonda (Eds.), Child psychology: A handbook Gauvain, M. (2004). Bringing culture into relief:
The cognitive correlates of third-grade skill in of contemporary issues (pp. 412–425). Cultural contributions to the development of
arithmetic, algorithmic computation, and Philadelphia, PA: Psychology Press. children’s planning skills. In R. Kail (Ed.),
arithmetic work problems. Journal of Garber, J., Clarke, G. N., Weersing, R., Beardslee, Advances in child development and behavior
Educational Psychology, 98, 29–43. W. R., Brent, D. A., Gladstone, T. R., (Vol. 32, pp. 37–71). Amsterdam, The
Fujisawa, K. K., Kutsukake, N., & Hasegawa, T. DeBar, L. L, . . . Iyengar, S. (2009). Prevention Netherlands: Elsevier.
(2008). Reciprocity of prosocial behavior in of depression in at-risk adolescents. The Gay, G. (2000). Culturally responsive teaching:
Japanese preschool children. International Journal of the American Medical Association, Theory, research, and practice. New York, NY:
Journal of Behavioral Development, 32, 301(21), 2215–2224. Teachers College Press.
89–97. Garcia, E. (2002). Student cultural diversity: Geary, D. C. (1995). Sexual selection and sex
Fuller, B., Kagan, S. L., & Loeb, S. (2002). New lives Understanding the meaning and meeting differences in spatial cognition. Learning and
for poor families? Mother and young children the challenge. Boston, MA: Houghton Individual Differences, 7, 289–303.
move through welfare reform. Berkley, CA: Mifflin. Geary, D. C. (1998). Male, female: The evolution of
University of California. Garcia, E., & Jensen, B. (2009). Early educational human sex differences. Washington, DC:
Furman, W., & Wehner, E. A., (1997). Adolescent opportunities for children of Hispanic origins. American Psychological Association.
romantic relationships: A developmental SRCD Social Policy Report, 23(2), 3–12. Geary, D. C. (1998). What is the function of mind
perspective. New Directions for Child and Gardner, H. (1980). Artful scribbles: The and brain? Educational Psychologist, 10,
Adolescent Development, 78, 21–36. significance of children’s drawings. New York, 377–388.
Furnham, A., & Cheng, H. (2000). Lay theories of NY: Basic Books. Geary, D. C. (1999). Evolution and developmental
happiness. Journal of Happiness Studies, 1(2), Gardner, H. (1983). Frames of mind: The theory of sex differences. Current Directions in
227–246. multiple intelligences. New York, NY: Basic Psychological Science, 8, 115–120.
Furstenberg, F. F., Jr., Cook, T. D., Eccles, J., Books. Geary, D. C. (2005). Evolution and cognitive
Elder, G. H. Jr., & Sameroff, A. (1999). Gardner, H. (1998). Reflections on multiple development. In R. L. Burgess & K. MacDonald
Managing to make it: Urban families and intelligences: Myths and messages. In (Eds.), Evolutionary perspectives on human
adolescent success. Chicago, IL: University of A. Woolfolk (Ed.), Readings in educational development (2nd ed., pp. 99–134). Thousand
Chicago Press. psychology (2nd ed., pp. 61–67). Boston, Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.
Gagne, R. M. (1985). The conditions of learning MA: Allyn & Bacon. Geary, D. C. (2006). Development of mathematical
and theory of instruction (4th ed.). New York, Gardner, H. (2003, April 21). Multiple intelligence understanding. In D. Kuhn & R. S. Siegler (Eds.),
NY: Holt, Rinehart & Winston. after twenty years. Paper presented at the Handbook of child psychology (Vol. 2,
Galambos, N. L. (2004). Gender and gender role American Educational Research Association, Cognition, perception, and language,
development in adolescence. In R. M. Lerner & Chicago, Illinois. pp. 777–810). New York, NY: Wiley.
L. Steinberg (Eds.), Handbook of adolescent Gardner, H. (2009). Birth and the spreading Geary, D. C., & Bjorklund, D. F. (2000).
psychology (2nd ed., pp. 233–262). Hoboken, of a “Meme.” In S.-Q. Chen, S. Moran, & Evolutionary developmental psychology. Child
NJ: John Wiley & Sons. H. Gardner (Eds.), Multiple intelligences Development, 7, 57–65.

479
 REFERENCES

Geary, D. C., Bow-Thomas, C. C., Liu, F., & Giedd, J. N. (2008). The teen brain: Insights from Gleason, T. R., Gower, A. L., Hohmann, L. M., &
Siegler, R. S. (1996). Development of arithmetical neuroimaging. Journal of Adolescent Health, Gleason, T. C. (2005). Temperament and
competence in Chinese and American children: 42, 335–343. friendship in preschool-aged children.
Influence of age, language, and schooling. Child Gigerenzer, G. (2007). Gut feelings: The International Journal of Behavioral
Development, 67, 2022–2044. intelligence of the unconscious. New York, NY: Development, 29, 336–344.
Gee, J. P., Allen, A.-R., & Clinton, K. (2001). Penguin Publishers. Gleason, T. R., & Hohmann, L. M. (2006). Concepts
Language, class, and identity: Teenagers Gillies, R. (2003). The behaviors, interactions, and of real and imaginary friendships in early
fashioning themselves through language. perceptions of junior high school students childhood. Social Development, 15, 128–144.
Linguistics and Education, 12, 175–194. during small-group learning. Journal of Gleason, T. R., Sebanc, A. M., & Hartup, W. W.
Gehlbach, H. (2004). A new perspective on Educational Psychology, 96, 15–22. (2000). Imaginary companions of preschool
perspective taking: A multidimensional Gilligan, C. (1982). In a different voice: children. Developmental Psychology, 36,
approach to conceptualizing an aptitude. Psychological theory and women’s 419–428.
Educational Psychology Review, 16, 207–234. development. Cambridge, MA: Harvard Glick, P. (1997). Demographic pictures of African
doi:10.1023/B:EDPR.0000034021.12899.11 University Press. American families. In H. McAdoo (Ed.), Black
Gelman, R. (2000). The epigenesis of mathematical Gilligan, C., & Attanucci, J. (1988). Two moral families (3rd ed., pp. 118–138). Thousand Oaks,
thinking. Journal of Applied Developmental orientations: Gender differences and CA: Sage.
Psychology, 21, 27–35. similarities. Merrill-Palmer Quarterly, 34, Gmitrova, V., Podhajecká, M., & Gmitrov, J. (2007).
Gelman, R., & Cordes, S. A. (2001). Counting in 223–237. Children’s play preferences: Implications for the
animals and humans In E. Dupoux (Ed.), Gilliom, M., Shaw, D. S., Beck, J. E., preschool education. Early Child Development
Cognition. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Schonberg, M. A., & Lukon, J. L. (2002). and Care, 1–14.
Gelman, R., & Gallistel, C. R. (1978). The child’s Anger regulation in disadvantaged preschool Gober, S., Klein, M., Berger, T., Vindigni, C., &
understanding of number. Cambridge, MA: boys: Strategies, antecedents, and the McCabe, P. C. (2006a). Steroids in adolescence:
Harvard University Press. development of self-control. Developmental The cost of achieving a physical ideal. NASP
Genetic Engineering. (2002–2010). Arguments Psychology, 38, 222–235. Communiqué, 34(7), 1–8.
against embryonic stem-cell research. Retrieved Gilmore, A. (2005). The impact of PIRLS (2001) and Gober, S., McCabe, P. C., & Klein, M. (2006b).
from http://www.bootstrike.com/Genetics/ TIMSS (2003) in low- and middle-income Adolescents and steroids: What principals
StemCells/arguments_against.html countries: An evaluation of the value of World should know. Student Services, November,
Gerber, J. S., & Offit, P. A. (2009). Vaccines and Bank support for international surveys of 11–15.
autism: a tale of shifting hypotheses. Vaccines, reading literacy (PIRLS) and mathematics and Gogtay, N., Ordonez, A., Herman, D. H., Hayashi,
48, 4, 456–461. Retrieved from http://www science (TIMSS). The Hague, The Netherlands: K. M., Greenstein, D., Vaituzis, C., Lenane, M., . . .
.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/pdf/10.1086/596476 International Association for the Evaluation of Rapoport, J. L. (2007). Dynamic mapping of
Gergen, K. J. (1996). The language-minority Educational Achievement. Retrieved from cortical development before and after the onset
students in transition: Contemporary http://www.iea.nl/fileadmin/user_upload/docs/ of pediatric bipolar illness. Journal of Child
instructional research. The Elementary School WB_report.pdf Psychology and Psychiatry, 48(9), 852–862.
Journal, 96, 217–220. Gilstrap, L. L. (2004). A missing link in suggestibility Goldenberg, C. (1996). The education of
Gerhardt, S. (2004). Why love matters: How research: What is known about the behavior of language-minority students: Where are we, and
affection shapes a baby’s brain. Hove: Bruner field interviewers in unstructured interviews with where do we need to go? Elementary School
Routledge. young children? Journal of Experimental Journal, 96, 353–361.
Gerrand, M., Gibbons, F. X., Houlihan, A. E., Stock, Psychology: Applied, 10, 13–24. Goldman, S. R., Lawless, K., Pellegrino, J. W., &
M. L., & Pomery, E. A. (2008). A dual-process Gingras, J. L., Mitchell, E. A., & Grattan, K. E. Plants, R. (2006). Technology for teaching and
approach to health risk decision making: The (2005). Fetal homologue of infant crying. learning with understanding. In J. Cooper (Ed.),
prototype willingness model. Developmental Archives of Disease in Childhood Fetal and Classroom teaching skills (8th ed., pp. 104–150).
Review, 28, 29–61. Neonatal Edition, 90(5), F415–F418. Boston: Houghton-Mifflin.
Gershkoff-Stowe, L., & Hahn, E. R. (2007). Fast Ginsburg, A., Leinwand, S., Anstrom, T., & Pollock, E. Golomb, C. (2003). The child’s creation of a
mapping skills in the developing lexicon. (2005). What the United States can learn for pictorial world. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum.
Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Singapore’s world-class mathematics system Golombok, G., Perry, B., Burston, A., Murray, C.,
Research, 50, 682–697. (and what Singapore can learn from the United Mooney-Somers, J., Stevens, M., & Golding, J.
Gershoff, E. T. (2002). Corporal punishment by States): An exploratory study. Washington, DC: (2003). Children with lesbian parents: A
parents and associated child behaviors and American Institutes for Research. community study. Developmental Psychology,
experiences: A meta-analytic and theoretical Ginsburg, K. R. (2007). The importance of play in 39, 20–33.
review. Psychological Bulletin, 128, 539–579. promoting healthy child development and Golombok, S., & Fivush, R. (1994). Gender
Gershoff, E. T., Aber, J. L., Raver, C. C., & Lennon, maintaining strong parent-child bonds. development. Cambridge, England: Cambridge
M. C. (2007). Income is not enough: Pediatrics, 119, 182–191. University Press.
Incorporating material hardship into models Glasgow, K. L., Dornbusch, S. M., Troyer, L., Golombok, S., Rust, J., Zervoulis, K., Croudace, T.,
of income associations with parenting and Steinberg, L., & Ritter, P. L. (1997). Parenting Golding, J., & Hines, M. (2008). Developmental
child development. Child Development, 78, styles, adolescents’ attributions, and trajectories of sex-typed behavior in boys and
70–95. educational outcomes in nine heterogeneous girls: A longitudinal general population study of
Gershoff, E. T., & Bitensky, S. H. (2007). The case high schools. Child Development, 68, children aged 2.5–8 years. Child Development,
against corporal punishment of children: 507–523. 79, 1583–1593.
Converging evidence from social science Glassman, M. (1994). All things being equal: Gomez, B. J., & Ang, P. M. (2007). Promoting
research and international human rights law and The two roads of Piaget and Vygotsky. positive youth development in schools. Theory
implications for U.S. public policy. Psychology, Developmental Review, 14, 186–214. Into Practice, 46(2), 97–104.
Public Policy, and Law, 13, 231–272. Glassman, M. (2001). Dewey and Vygotsky: Gonzalez, V. (1999). Language and cognitive
Gersten, R. (1996). Literacy instruction for Society, experience, and inquiry in educational development in second language learning:
language-minority students: The transition practice. Educational Researcher, 30(4), 3–14. Educational implications for children and adults.
years. Elementary School Journal, 96(3), Gleason, J. B., & Ely, R. (2002). Gender differences Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon.
227–244. in language development. In A. McGillicuddy- Good, C., Aronson, J., & Inzlicht, M. (2003).
Gerwe, M., Stollhoff, K., Mossakowski, J., Kuehle, De Lisi & R. De Lisi (Eds.), Biology, society and Improving adolescents’ standardized test
H-J., Goertz, U., Schaefer, C. M., & Heger, S. behavior: The development of sex differences performance: An intervention to reduce the
(2009). Tolerability and effects of OROS_ MPH in cognition (pp. 127–154). Westport, CT: effects of stereotype threat. Journal of
(Concerta) on functioning, severity of disease Greenwood Publishing Group. Applied Developmental Psychology, 24,
and quality of life in children and adolescents Gleason, T. R. (2005). Mothers’ and fathers’ 645–662.
with ADHD: Results from a prospective, non- attitudes regarding pretend play in the context Good, W. V. (2007). The spectrum of vision
interventional trial. ADHD Attention Deficit of imaginary companions and of child gender. impairment caused by pediatric neurological
Hyperactivity Disorder, 1, 175–186. Merrill-Palmer Quarterly, 51, 412–436. injurity. J AAPOS, 11(5), 424–425.

480
 REFERENCES

Good, W. V. (2007). An eye on vision screening for education. The Elementary School Journal, 108, Grotevant, H. D., & Cooper, C. R. (1998).
children with developmental disabilities. 241–249. Individuality and connectedness in adolescent
Developmental Medicine & Child Neurology, Graham, S., & Taylor, A. Z. (2002). Ethnicity, development: Review and prospects for
49, 485. gender, and the development of achievement research on identity, relationships, and context.
Goodenow, C. (1993). Classroom belonging values. In A. Wigfield & J. S. Eccles (Eds.), In E. Skoe & A. von der Lippe (Eds.), Personality
among early adolescent students: Relationships Development of achievement motivation development in adolescence: A cross national
to motivation and achievement. The Journal of (pp. 121–146). San Diego, CA: Academic Press. and life span perspective (pp. 3–37). London,
Early Adolescence, 13(1), 21–43. Granot, D., & Mayseless, D. (2001). Attachment England: Routledge.
Goodman, G. S., Emery, R. E., & Haugaard, J. J. security and adjustment to school in middle Guglielmi, R. S. (2008). Native language
(1998). Developmental psychology and law: childhood. International Journal of Behavioral proficiency, English literacy, academic
Divorce, child maltreatment, foster care, Development, 25, 530–541. achievement, and occupational attainment in
and adoption. In D. William, I. E. Sigel, & Gredler, M. E. (2005). Learning and instruction: limited-English-proficient students: A latent
K. A. Renninger (Eds.), Handbook of child Theory into practice (5th ed.). Boston, MA: growth modeling perspective. Journal of
psychology: Vol. 4. Child psychology in practice Allyn & Bacon. Educational Psychology, 100(2), 322–342.
(pp. 775–874). New York, NY: Wiley. Green, M., & Piel, J. A. (2010). Theories of human Guilford, J. P. (1988). Some changes in the
Goodnow, C. (2004, December 7). Researchers development: A comparative approach (2nd Structure-of-Intellect model. Educational and
take on imaginary playmates—for real. Seattle ed.). Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon. Psychological Measurement, 48, 1–4.
Post-Intelligencer Reporter. Greene, M. L., Way, N., & Pahl, K. (2006). Guillaume, M., & Lissau, I. (2002). Epidemiology. In
Goodwyn, S., Acredolo, L., & Brown, C. (2000). Trajectories of perceived adult and peer W. Burniat, T. Cole, I. Lissau, & E. Poskitt (Eds.),
Impact of symbolic gesturing on early language discrimination among Black, Latino, and Asian Child and adolescent obesity: Causes and
development. Journal of Nonverbal Behavior, American adolescents: Patterns and consequences, prevention and treatment
24(2), 81–103. psychological correlates. Developmental (pp. 28–49). Cambridge, England: Cambridge
Goossens, L. (2001). Global versus domain-specific Psychology, 42(2), 218–238. University Press.
statuses in identity research: A comparison of Greenfield, D. N. (1999). Psychological Gulson, B. L., Mizon, K. J., Davis, J. D.,
two self-report measures. Journal of characteristics of compulsive Internet use: Palmer, J. M., & Vimpani, G. (2004).
Adolescence, 24(6), 681–699. doi: 10.1006/ A preliminary analysis. CyberPsychology and Identification of sources of lead in children
jado.2001.0438 Behavior, 2, 403–412. in a primary Zn–Pb smelter environment.
Gonzalez, N., Greenberg, J., & Velez, C. (1994). doi:10.1089/cpb.1999.2.403 Environmental Health Perspective, 112, 52–60.
Funds of knowledge: A look at Luis Moll’s Gregg, V., Gibbs, J. C., & Basinger, K. S. (1994). Gulson, B. L., Mizon, K. J., Palmer, J. M.,
research into hidden family resources. Patterns of developmental delay in moral Korsch, M. J., Taylor, A. J., & Mahaffey, K. R.
CITYSCHOOLS. North Central Regional judgment by male and female delinquents. (2004). Blood lead changes during pregnancy
Educational Laboratory. Retrieved from Merrill-Palmer Quarterly, 40, 538–553. and postpartum with calcium supplementation.
http://www.ncrel.org/sdrs/cityschl/city1_1c.htn. Gregory, A., & Cornell, D. (2009). “Tolerating” Environmental Health Perspective, 112,
Gopnik, A., Meltzoff, A., & Kuhl, P. (1999). The adolescent needs: Moving beyond zero 1499–1507.
scientist in the crib: What early learning tells us tolerance policies in high school. Theory Into Gur, R. C., Turetsky, B. I., Matsui, M., Yan, M.,
about the mind. New York, NY: HarperCollins. Practice, 48(2), 106–113. Bilker, W., Hughett, P., & Gur, R. E. (1999). Sex
Gordon, B. N., Baker-Ward, L., & Ornstein, P. A. Griesenbach, U., Geddes, D. M., & Alton, E. W. differences in brain gray and white matter in
(2001). Children’s testimony: A review of (2004). Advances in cystic fibrosis gene therapy. healthy young adults: Correlations with
research for past experiences. Clincal Child and Current Opinions in Pulmonary Medicine, 10(6), cognitive performance. Journal of
Family Psychology Review, 4, 157–181. 542–546. Neuroscience, 19, 4065–4072.
Gordon, M. (2005). Roots of empathy: Changing Griffins, P. E., & Gray, R. D. (2005). Discussion: Gurian, M., & Henley, P. (2001). Boys and girls
the world child by child. Markham, ON: Three ways to misunderstand developmental learn differently: A guide for teachers and
Thomas & Allen. systems theory. Biology and Philosophy, 20, parents. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass.
Goswami, U. (2005). The brain in the classroom? 417–425. Gutman, L. M., & Eccles, J. S. (2007).
The state of the art. Developmental Science, 8, Grimes, C. L., Klein, T. P., & Putallaz, M. (2004). Stage–environment fit during adolescence:
468–469. Parents’ relationships with their parents Trajectories of family relations and adolescent
Goswami, U. (2008). Cognitive development: The and peers: Influences on children’s social outcomes. Developmental Psychology, 43(2),
learning brain. London, England: Psychology development. In J. B. Kupersmidt & 522–537.
Press. K. A. Dodge (Eds.), Children’s peer relations: Gutman, L. M., Sameroff, A., & Cole, R. (2003).
Gottlieb, G. (1997). Synthesizing nature and From development to intervention (pp. 141–158). Academic growth curve trajectories from 1st
nurture. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. Washington, DC: American Psychological grade to 12th grade: Effects of multiple
Gottlieb, G. (2003). On making behavioral genetics Association. social risk factors and preschool child factors.
truly behavioral. Human Development, 46, Groark, C. J., & McCall, R. B. (2005). Integrating Developmental Psychology, 39, 777–790.
337–355. developmental scholarship into practice and Guttmacher Institute. (2006). Facts on sex
Gottlieb, G., Wahlsten, D., & Lickliter, R. (2006). policy. In M. H. Bornstein & M. E. Lamb (Eds.), education in the United States. Retrieved from
The significance of biology for human Developmental science: An advanced textbook http://www.guttmacher.org/pubs/fb_sexEd2006
development: A developmental (5th ed., pp. 557–601). Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. .html
psychobiological systems view. In R. M. Lerner Gron, G., Wunderlich, A. P., Spitzer, M., Habermas, T., & de Silveira, C. (2008). The
(Ed.), Theoretical models of human Tomczak, R., & Riepe, M. W. (2000). Brain development of global coherence in life
development (6th ed., Vol. 1, pp. 210–257). activation during human navigation: Gender- narratives across adolescence: Temporal,
New York, NY: Wiley. different neural networks as substrate of causal, and thematic aspects. Developmental
Gould, D., & Carson, S. (2004). Myths surrounding performance. Nature Neuroscience, 3, 404–408. Psychology, 44(3), 707–721.
the role of youth sports in developing Olympic Grossman, H., & Grossman, S. H. (1994). Gender Hacker, D. J., & Tenent, A. (2002). Implementing
champions. Youth Studies Australia, 23(1), issues in education. Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon. reciprocal teaching in the classroom:
19–26. Grossman, K., Grossman, K. E., Fremmer- Overcoming obstacles and making
Graber, K. C., Locke, L. F., Lambdin, D., & Bombik, E., Kindler, H., Scheuerer-Englisch, modifications. Journal of Educational
Solmon, M. A. (2008). The landscape of H., & Zimmermann, P. (2002). The Psychology, 94, 699–718.
elementary school physical education. The uniqueness of the child-father attachment Hagenbaugh, B. (2005, April 6). Full activity, study
Elementary School Journal, 108 relationship: Father’s sensitive and schedules have many teens just saying no to
(3), 151–159. challenging play as a pivotal variable in a 16- jobs. USA Today.
Graham, C. (2008). Teaching physical education: year longitudinal study. Social Development, Hair, E., Halle, T., Terry-Humen, E., Lavelle, B., &
Becoming a master teacher (3rd ed.). 11, 307–331. Calkins, J. (2006). Children’s school readiness in
Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics. Grotevant, H. D. (1978). Sibling constellations and the ECLS-K: Predictions to academic, health,
Graham, G. (2008). Children’s and adults’ sex typing of interests in adolescence. Child and social outcomes in first grade. Early
perceptions of elementary school physical Development, 49, 540–542. Childhood Research Quarterly, 221, 431–454.

481
 REFERENCES

Hakuta, K. (1986). Mirror of language: The debate and reading outcomes in Head Start and Hart, C., & Risley, T. R. (1992). American parenting
on bilingualism. New York, NY: Basic Books. kindergarten. Language, Speech and Hearing of language-learning children: Persisting
Hakuta, K., & Garcia, E. E. (1989). Bilingualism and Services in Schools, 38, 237–248. differences in family-child interactions observed
education. American Psychologist, 44, Hampton, T. (2007). Food insecurity harms health, in natural home environments. Developmental
374–379. well-being of millions in the United States. Psychology, 28, 1096–1105.
Halberda, J. (2003a). Two-year-olds fast-mapping Journal of the American Medical Association, Hart, D., & Damon, W. (1988). Self-understanding
of novel labels: How fast is fast? Paper 298, 1851–1853. and social cognitive development. Early Child
presented at the biannual meeting of the Hamre, B. K., & Pianta, R. C. (2001). Early teacher- Development and Care, 40(1), 5–23. doi:10
Society for Research in Child Development, child relationships and the trajectory of .1080/0300443880400102
Tampa, Florida. children’s school outcomes through eighth Harter, S. (1982). The perceived competence scale
Halberda, J. (2003b). The development of a word- grade. Child Development, 72, 625–638. for children. Child Development, 53, 87–97.
learning strategy. Cognition, 87, Hanawalt, B. (1993). Growing up in medieval Harter, S. (1987). The determinations and
B23–B34. London: The experience of childhood in history. meditational role of global self-worth in children.
Halfon, N., Shulman, E., & Hochstein, M. (2001). New York, NY: Oxford University Press. In N. Eisenberg (Ed.), Contemporary topics in
Brain development in early childhood. Hara, H. (2002). Justifications for bullying among developmental psychology (pp. 219–242). New
Retrieved from http://www.healthychild.ucla Japanese school children. Asian Journal of York, NY: Wiley-Interscience.
.edu/Publications/Documents/halfon.health Social Psychology, 5, 197–204. Harter, S. (1990). Processes underlying adolescent
.dev.pdf Hardman, M. L., Drew, C. J., & Egan, M. W. (2005). self-concept formation. In R. Montemayor,
Halford, J. M. (1999). A different mirror: A Human exceptionality: Society, school, and G. R. Adams, & T. P. Gullotta (Eds.), From
conversation with Ronald Takaki. Educational family (8th ed.). Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon. childhood to adolescence: A transitional period
Leadership, 56(7), 8–13. Hardy, C. L., Bukowski, W. M., & Sippola, L. K. (pp. 205–239). Newbury Park, CA: Sage.
Hall, G. S. (1904). Adolescence: Its psychology and (2002). Stability and change in peer Harter, S. (1998). The development of self-
its relations to physiology, anthropology, relationships during the transition to middle- representations. In W. Damon & N. Eisenberg
sociology, sex, crime, religion, and education. level school. Journal of Early Adolescence, 22, (Eds.), Handbook of child psychology (5th ed.,
New York, NY: D. Appleton. 117–142. Vol. 3. Social, emotional, and personality
Hallahan, D. P., & Kauffman, J. M. (2006). Harel, J., & Scher, A. (2003). Insufficient development, pp. 553–618). New York, NY:
Exceptional learners: Introduction to special responsiveness in ambivalent mother-infant Wiley.
education (10th ed.). Boston, MA: Allyn & relationships: Contextual and affective aspects. Harter, S. (1999). Symbolic interactionism revisited:
Bacon. Infant Behavior and Development, 26(3), Potential liabilities for the self constructed in
Hallahan, D. P., Kauffman, J. M., & Pullen, P. C. 371–383. the crucible of interpersonal relationships.
(2008). Exceptional learners: Introduction to Harmer, C. S., Farkas, G., & Maczuga, S. (2010). Merrill Palmer Quarterly, 45: 677–703.
special education (11th ed.). Boston, MA: Allyn The language and literacy development of Harter, S. (1999). The construction of self: A
& Bacon. Head Start children: A study using the family developmental perspective. New York, NY:
Hallahan, D. P., Lloyd, J. W., Kauffman, J. M., and child experiences survey database. Guilford.
Weiss, M. P., & Martinez, E. A. (2005). Language, Speech, and Hearing Services in Harter, S. (2005). Self-concepts and self-esteem,
Introduction to learning disabilities (5th ed.). Schools, 41, 70–83. children and adolescents. In C. B. Fisher &
Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon. Harms, T., Clifford, R. M., & Cryer, D. (1998). Early R. M. Lerner (Eds.), Encyclopedia of applied
Hallowell, E. M., & Ratey, J. J. (1994). Driven to Childhood Environment Rating Scale-Revised. development science (pp. 972–977). Thousand
distraction. New York, NY: Pantheon Books. New York, NY: Teachers College Press. Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.
Halpern, D. F., Benbow, C. P., Geary. D. C., Harris, J. R. (1998). The nurture assumption: Why Harter, S. (2006). The self. In W. Damon &
Gur, R. C., Hyde, J. S., & Gernsbacher, M. A. children turn out the way they do: Parents R. M. Lerner (Series Eds.) Social, emotional and
(2007). The science of sex differences in science matter less than you think and peers matter personality development (6th ed., pp. 646–718).
and mathematics. Psychological Science in the more. New York, NY: Free Press. New York, NY: Wiley.
Public Interest, 8, 1–51. Harris, M. A., Prior, J. C., & Koehoom, M. (2008). Hartshore, J. K., & Ullman, M. T. (2006). Why girls
Hamamy, H., & Dahoun, S. (2004). Prenatal Age at menarche in the Canadian population: say “holded” more than boys. Developmental
decisions following the prenatal diagnosis of Secular trends and relationship to adulthood Science, 9, 21–32.
sex chromosome abnormalities. European BMI. Journal of Adolescent Health, 43, Hartup, W. W. (1981). The peer system. In
Journal of Obstetrics & Reproductive Biology, 548–554. P. Mussen (Ed.), Handbook of child psychology,
116, 58–62. Harris, P. L. (2006). Social cognition. In D. Kuhn & 4th ed. New York, NY: Wiley.
Hamers, J. F., & Blanc, M. H. A. (2000). Bilinguality R. Siegler (Eds.), Handbook of child psychology Hartup, W. W. (1992). Friendships and their
and bilingualism (2nd ed.). Cambridge, (6th ed., Vol. 2). New York, NY: Wiley. developmental significance. In H. McGurk (Ed.),
England: Cambridge University Press. Harrison, L., & Belcher, D. (2006). Race and Childhood social development: Contemporary
Hamilton, B. E., Martin, J. A., & Ventura, S. J. ethnicity in physical education. In D. Kirk, D. perspectives (pp. 175–205). Hillsdale, NJ:
(2009). Births: Preliminary data for 2007. Macdonald, & M. O’Sullvian (Eds.), Handbook Erlbaum.
National Vital Statistics Reports, 57(12). of physical education (pp. 740–751). London, Hartup, W. W. (2002). Growing points in
Retrieved from http://www.cdc.gov/nchs/data/ England: Sage. developmental science: A summing up. In
nvsr/nvsr57/nvsr57_12.pdf Harrison, L. J., & Ungerer, J. A. (2002). Maternal W. W. Hartup & R. K. Siebereisen (Eds.),
Hamilton, J. (2009). Multitasking teens may be employment and infant-mother attachment Growing points in developmental science:
muddling their brains. Retrieved from security at 12 months postpartum. An introduction (pp. 329–344). New York, NY:
http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story Developmental Psychology, 38, 758–773. Psychology Press.
.php?storyId⫽95524385 Harrower, J. K., & Dunlap, G. (2001). Including Haselager, G. J. T., Cillessen, A. H. N.,
Hammen, C. (2003). Risk and protective factors children with autism in general classrooms. Lieshout, C. F. M., Riksen-Walraven, J. M. A., &
for children of depressed parents. In S. Luthar Behavior Modification, 25, 762–784. Hartup, W. W. (2002). Heterogeneity among
(Ed.), Resilience and vulnerability: Adaptation Harry, J. (1983). Parasuicide, gender, and gender peer-rejected boys across middle childhood:
in the context of childhood adversities deviance. Journal of Health and Social developmental pathways of social behavior.
(pp. 50–75). New York, NY: Cambridge Behavior, 24, 350–361. Developmental Psychology, 38, 446–456.
University Press. Hart, B., & Risley, T. R. (1995). Meaningful Haugland, S. W., & Wright, J. L. (1997). Young
Hammer, C. S., Farkas, G., & Maczuga, S. (2010). differences in the everyday experiences of children and technology: A world of discovery.
The language and literacy development of young American children. Baltimore, MD: Paul Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon.
Head Start children: A study using the Family H. Brookes. Hauser, S. T., Book, B. K., Houlihan, J.,
and Child Experiences Survey database. Hart, B., & Risley, T. R. (1999). The social world of Powers, S., Weiss-Perry, B., Follansbee, D.,
Language, Speech, and Hearing Services children learning to talk. Baltimore, MD: Jacobson, A. M., & Noam, G. G. (1987). Sex
In Schools, 41, 70–83. Paul H. Brookes Publishing. differences within the family: Studies of
Hammer, C. S., Lawrence, F. R., & Miccio, A. W. Hart, C. (2004). What toddlers talk about. First adolescent and parent family interactions. Journal
(2007). Bilingual children’s language abilities Language, 24, 91–106. of Youth and Adolescence, 16(3), 199–220.

482
 REFERENCES

Hawkins, D. L., Pepler, D. J., & Craig, W. M. (2001). Hernandez-Reif, M., Diego, M., & Field, T. (2007). violence and delinquency. Journal of School
Naturalistic observations of peer interventions Preterm infants show reduced stress behaviors Violence, 6(3), 89–112.
in bullying. Social Development, 10, 512–527. and activity after 5 days of massage therapy. Hinduja, S., & Patchin, J. W. (2008). Cyberbullying:
Hawkins, J. N. (1994). Issues of motivation in Asian Infant Behavior and Development, 30(4), An exploratory analysis of factors related to
education. In J. H. F O’Neil & M. Drillings 557–561. offending and victimization. Deviant Behavior,
(Eds.), Motivation: Theory and research Hersh, R. (2005, November). What does college 29(2), 129–156.
(pp. 101–115). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. teach? Atlantic Monthly, 140–143. Hinduja, S., & Patchin, J. W. (2009). Bullying
Hay, D. F., Caplan, M., Castle, J., & Stimson, C. A. Hetherington, E. M. (1999). Should we stay beyond the schoolyard: Preventing and
(1991). Does sharing become increasingly together for the sake of the children? responding to cyberbullying. Thousand Oaks,
“rational” in the second year of life? In E. M. Hetherington (Ed.), Coping with CA: Corwin Press.
Developmental Psychology, 27, 987–993. divorce, single parenting, and remarriage: A Hines, M. (2004). Brain gender. New York, NY:
Hay, D. F., Payne, A., & Chadwick, A. (2004). Peer risk and resiliency perspective (pp. 93–116). Oxford University Press.
relations in childhood. Journal of Child Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. Hines, M., Ahmed, F., & Hughes, I. A. (2003).
Psychology and Psychiatry, 45, 84–108. Hetherington, E. M., Bridges, M., & Insabella, G. M. Psychological outcomes and gender-related
Hay, D. F., Pedersen, J., & Nash, A. (1982). Dyadic (1998). What matters? What does not? development in complete androgen
interaction in the first year of life. In K. Rubin & American Psychologist, 53, 167–184. insensitivity syndrome. Archives of Sexual
H. S. Ross (Eds.), Peer relationships and social Hetherington, E. M., & Clingempeel, W. G. (1992). Behavior, 32, 93–101.
skills in childhood. New York, NY: Springer- Coping with marital transitions. Monographs of Hines, M., Brook, C., & Conway, G. S. (2004).
Verlag. the Society for Research in Child Development, 57 Androgen and psychosexual development:
Head Start Bureau. (2001). Building their futures: (No. 2-3). Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. Core gender identity, sexual orientation, and
How Early Head Start programs are enhancing Hetherington, E. M., & Elmore, A. M. (2003). Risk recalled childhood gender role behavior in
the lives of infants and toddlers in low-income and resilience in children coping with their women and men with congenital adrenal
families. Washington, DC: Author, Department parents’ divorce and remarriage. In S. Luthar hyperplasia (CAH). Journal of Sex Research, 41,
of Health and Human Services. (Ed.), Resilience and vulnerability: Adaptation 75–81. doi:10.1080/00224490409552215
Heath, S. B. (1989). Oral and literate traditions in the context of childhood adversities Hinshaw, S. P., Carte, E. T., Fan, C., Jassy, J. S., &
among Black Americans living in poverty. (pp. 182–212). New York, NY: Cambridge Owens, E. B. (2007). Neuropsychological
American Psychologist, 44, 367–373. University Press. functioning of girls with attention-deficit/
Heine, S. J., & Lehman, D. R. (1995). Cultural Hetherington, E. M., & Kelly, J. (2003). For better hyperactivity disorder followed prospectively
variation in unrealistic optimism: Does the or for worse: Divorce reconsidered. New York, into adolescence: Evidence for continuing
West feel more invulnerable than the East? NY: Norton. deficits? Neuropsychology, 21(2),
Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, Hetherington, E. M., & Stanley-Hagan, M. M. 263–273.
68, 595–607. (1999). Parenting in divorced and remarried Hirsh, K. W., Morrison, C. M., Gaset, S., & Carnicer,
Heinrich, C. C., Brookmeyer, K. A., Shrier, L. A., & families. In M. H. Bornstein (Ed.), Handbook of E. (2003). Age of acquisition and speech
Shahar, G. (2006). Supportive relationships and parenting: Vol. 3. Status and social conditions of production in L2. Bilingualism, Language, and
sexual risk behavior in adolescence: An parenting (pp. 233–254). Mahwah, Cognition, 6, 117–128.
ecological-transactional approach. Journal of NJ: Erlbaum. Hobbs, R. (2004). A review of school-based
Pediatric Psychology, 31, 286–297. Herrnstein, R., & Murray, C. (1994). The bell curve. initiatives in media literacy education. American
Helburn, S. W., & Howes, C. (1996). Child care New York, NY: Simon & Schuster. Behavioral Scientist, 48, 42–59.
cost and quality. The Future of Children, 6, Herrnstein, R. J., Nickerson, R. S., de Se Hodges, E. V. E., Boivin, M., Vitario, F., &
62–82. Sanchez, M., & Swets, J. A. (1986). Teaching Bukowski, W. M. (1999). The power of
Henderson, H. A., Marshall, P. J., Fox, N. A., & thinking skills. American Psychologist, 41, friendship protection against an escalating
Rubin, K. H. (2004). Psychophysiological and 1279–1289. cycle of peer victimization. Developmental
behavioral evidence for varying forms and Hertz, R. (2006). Single by chance, mothers by Psychology, 35, 94–101.
functions of nonsocial behavior in preschoolers. choice: How women are choosing parenthood Hodnett, E. D., Gates, S., Hofmeyr, G. J., & Sakala,
Child Development, 75, 251–263. without marriage and creating the new C. (2003). Continuous support for women
Hendrick, C., Hendrick, S., & Bettor, L. (1995). American family. New York, NY: Oxford during childbirth. Cochrane Database System
Gender and sexual standards in dating University Press. Review, 3.
relationships. Personal Relationships, 2(4), Hewson, P. W., Beeth, M. E., & Thorley, N. R. Hoehl, S., Wiese, L., & Striano, T. (2008). Young
359–369. (1998). Teaching for conceptual change. In infants’ neural processing of objects is affected
Hendrick, S. S., & Hendrick, C. (1995). Gender B. J. Fraserr & K. G. Tobin (Eds.), International by eye gaze direction and emotional
differences and similarities in sex and love. handbook of science education (pp. 199–218). expression. PLoS ONE, 3(6), e 2389.
Personal Relationship, 2, 55–65. New York, NY: Kluwer. Hofer, B. K. (2005). The legacy and the challenges:
Hendry, L. B., & Kloep, M. (2007). Conceptualizing Hickling, A. K., & Wellman, H. M. (2001). The Paul Pintrich’s contributions to personal
emerging adulthood: Inspecting the emperor’s emergence of children’s casual explanations. epistemology research. Educational
new clothes? Child Development Perspectives, Developmental Psychology, 37, 668–683. Psychologist, 40, 95–105.
1(2), 74–79. Hill, A. J., & Lissau, I. (2002). Psychosocial factors. Hoff, E. (2003). The specificity of environmental
Henrich, C. C., Brookmeyer, K. A., Shrier, L. A., & In W. Burniat, T. Cole, I. Lissau, & E. Poskitt influence: Socioeconomic status affects early
Shahar, G. Supportive relationships and sexual (Eds.), Child and adolescent obesity: Causes vocabulary development via maternal speech.
risk behavior in adolescence: An ecological- and consequences, prevention and treatment Child Development, 74, 1368–1378.
transactional approach. Journal of Pediatric (pp. 109–128). Cambridge, England: Hoff, E. (2006). How social contexts support and
Psychology, 31, 286–297. Cambridge University Press. shape language development. Developmental
Henrich, J., & Henrich, N. (2006). Culture, Hill, E. L., & Khanem, F. (2009). The development Review, 26, 55–88.
evolution and the puzzle of human cooperation. of hand preference in children: The effect of Hoffman, M. L. (2000). Empathy and moral
Cognitive Systems Research, 7, 221–245. task demands and links with manual dexterity. development. New York, NY: Cambridge
Henry, K. L., & Slater, M. D. (2007). The contextual Brain and Cognition, 71, 99–107. University Press.
effect of school attachment on young doi:10.1016/j.bandc.2009.04.006 Hoffman, M. L. (2001). A comprehensive theory of
adolescents’ alcohol use. Journal of School Hill, J. P., & Holmbeck, G. N. (1987). prosocial moral development. In A. C. Bohart &
Health, 77(2), 67–74. Disagreements about rules in families with D. J. Stipek (Eds.), Constructive and destructive
Henry, L. A. (2006). SEARCHing for an answer: The seventh-grade girls and boys. Journal of Youth behavior: Implications for family, school and
critical role of new literacies while reading on and Adolescence, 16(3), 221–246. society (pp. 61–86). Washington, DC: American
the Internet. The Reading Teacher, 59, Hill, W. F. (2002). Learning: A survey of Psychological Association.
614–627. psychological interpretations (7th ed.). Boston, Hoffrage, U., Weber, A., Hertwig, R., & Chase, V. M.
Herdt, G., & McClintock, M. (2000). The magical MA: Allyn & Bacon. (2003). How to keep children safe in traffic: Find
age of 10. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 29(6), Hinduja, S., & Patchin, J. W. (2007). Offline the daredevils early. Journal of Experimental
587–606. consequences of online victimization: School Psychology: Applied, 9(4), 249–260.

483
 REFERENCES

Hohman, C. (1998). Evaluating and selecting generation. Washington, DC: New America Human Genome Project Information. (2008b.).
software for children. Child Care Information Foundation. Retrieved from http://www Behavioral genetics. Retrieved from
Exchange, 123, 60–62. .newamerica.net/publications/policy/ http://www.ornl.gov/sci/techresources/
Holahan, C., & Sears, R. (1995). The gifted group in yes_we_can Human_Genome/elsi/behavior.shtml).
later maturity. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Howe, N., & Strauss, W. (2000). Millennials rising: Human Genome Project Information. (2008c.) How
Press. The next great generation. New York, NY: many genes are in the human genome? Retrieved
Hollis, C. (2000). Adult outcomes of child- and Vintage Books. from http://www.ornl.gov/sci/techresources/
adolescent-onset schizophrenia: Diagnostic Howes, C. (2000). Social-emotional classroom Human_Genome/faq/genenumber.shtml
stability and predictive validity. The American climate in child care, child-teacher relationships Human Genome Project Information. (2008d.).
Journal of Psychiatry, 157, 1652–1659. and children’s second grade peer relations. Genetic anthropology, ancestry, and ancient
Holmbeck, G. N., Friedman, D., Abad, M., & Social Development, 9, 191–204. human migration. Retrieved from http://www
Jandasek, B. (2006). Development and Howes, C., & Phillipsen, L. (1998). Continuity in .ornl.gov/sci/techresources/Human_Genome/
psychopathology in adolescence. In children’s relationships with peers. Social elsi/humanmigration.shtml#4Information
D. A. Wolfe & E. J. Mash (Eds.), Behavioral Development, 7(3), 340–349. Hung, D. W. L. (1999). Activity, apprenticeship, and
and emotional disorders in adolescents Hrdlicka, A. (1928). Children running on all fours. epistemological appropriation: Implications
(pp. 21–55). New York, NY: Guilford. American Journal of Physical Anthropology, XI, from the writings of Michael Polanyi.
Holmes, R. M, & Procaccino, J. K. (2008). Preschool 149–185. Educational Psychologist, 34, 193–205.
children’s outdoor play area preferences. Early Huesmann, L. R., Eron, L. D., Lefkowitz, M. M., & Hunt, E. (2000). Let’s hear it for crystallized
Child Development and Care, 1–10. Walder, L. O. (1984). Stability of aggression intelligence. Learning and Individual
Holt, R. F., & Svirsky, M. A. (2008). An exploratory over time and generations. Developmental Differences, 12, 123–129.
look at pediatric cochlear implantation: Is Psychology, 20, 1120–1134. Hunt, J. McV. (1961). Intelligence and experience.
earliest always best? Ear and Hearing, 29(4), Huesmann, L. R., & Miller, L. S. (1994). Long-term New York, NY: Ronald.
492–511. effects of repeated exposure to media Hunt, N., & Marshall, K. (2002). Exceptional
Honein, M. A., Kirby, R. S., Meyer, R. E., Xing, J., violence in childhood. In L. R. Huesmann (Ed.), children and youth (3rd ed.). Boston, MA:
Skerrette, N. I., Yuskiv, N., Marengo, L., . . . Aggressive behavior: Current perspectives Houghton Miffin.
Sever, L. E. (2009). The association between (pp. 153–186). New York, NY: Plenum Press. Hunt, R. R., & Ellis, H. C. (1999). Fundamentals of
major birth defects and preterm birth. Huesmann, L. R., Moise, J. F., & Podolski, C. cognitive psychology (6th ed.). New York, NY:
Maternal and Child Health Journal, 13(2), (1997). The effects of media violence on the McGraw-Hill.
1573–6628. development of antisocial behavior. In Hunter, S. K., & Yankowitz, J. (1996). Medical fetal
Hong, C., & Jackson, T. (2008). Prevalence and D. M. Stoff & J. D. Maser (Eds.), Handbook of therapy. In J. A. Kuller, N. C. Cheschier, &
sociodemographic correlates of eating disorder antisocial behavior Hoboken, NJ: Wiley. R. C. Cefalo (Eds.), Prenatal diagnosis and
endorsements among adolescents and young Huesmann, L. R., Moise-Titus, J., Podolski, C., & reproductive genetics. St. Louis, MO: Mosby.
adults from China. European Eating Disorders Eron, L. D. (2003). Longitudinal relations Hutchinson, N. L. (2007). Inclusion of exceptional
Review, 16, 375–385. between children’s exposure to TV violence and learners in Canadian classrooms: A practical
Hong, G., & Raudenbush, S. W. (2005). Effects of their aggressive and violent behavior in young handbook for teachers (3rd ed.). Toronto,
kindergarten retention policy on children’s adulthood: 1977–1992. Developmental Canada: Prentice Hall.
cognitive growth in reading and mathematics. Psychology, 39, 201–221. Hyde, J. S., & Linn, M. C. (1988). Gender
Educational Evaluation and Policy Analysis, 27, Hughes, D., Rodriguez, J., Smith, E. P., Johnson, differences in verbal ability: A meta-analysis.
205–224. D. J., Stevenson, H. C., & Spicer, P. (2006). Psychological Bulletin, 104(1), 53–69.
Honig, A. S. (2002). Secure relationships. Nurturing Parents’ ethnic-racial socialization practices: A Hyman, M. (2009, April). American’s obsession
infant/toddler attachment in early care settings. review of research and directions for future with youth sports and how it harms our kids.
Washington, DC: NAEYC. study. Developmental Psychology, 42(5), Sports Illustrated. Retrieved from http://
Hood, B. M. (1995). Shifts of visual attention in the 747–770. sportsillustrated.cnn.com/2009/more/04/06/
human infant: A neuroscientific approach. In Hughes, F. P. (1995). Children, play and youthsports.untilithurts/index.html
C. Rovee-Collier & L. Lipsett (Eds.), Advances in development (2nd ed.). Boston, MA: Allyn & IDEA. (2006). Who are children with disabilities?
infancy research (Vol. 9, pp. 163–216). Bacon. Coming to an agreed definition. Retrieved from
Norwood, NJ: Ablex. Hughes, J., & Kwok, O. (2007). Influence of http://makingendsmeet.idea.gov.uk/idk/core/
Hooper, S. R., Schwartz, C. W., Wakely, M. B., student–teacher and parent–teacher relationships page.do?pageId⫽5111113
DeKruif, R. E. L., & Montgomery, J. W. (2002). on lower achieving readers’ engagement and Iannelli, V. (2008). Weight loss goals for kids:
Executive functions in elementary school achievement in the primary grades. Journal of Childhood obesity basics. Retrieved from
children with and without problems in written Educational Psychology, 99, 39–51. http://pediatrics.about.com/od/obesity/a/
expression. Journal of Learning Disabilities, Huguet, P., & Régner, I. (2007). Stereotype threat 0707_wt_loss_gl.htm.
35(1), 57–68. among school girls in quasi-ordinary classroom Iglowstein I., Jenni, O. G., Molinari L., & Largo R. H.
Hopkins, B., & Westra, T. (1990), Motor circumstances. Journal of Educational (2003). Sleep duration from infancy to
development, maternal expectations, and the Psychology, 88, 545–560. adolescence: Reference values and
role of handling. Infant Behavior and Hulit, L., & Howard, M. (2006). Born to talk: An generational trends. Pediatrics, 111(2),
Development, 13, 117–122. introduction to speech and language 302–307.
Horn, J. L. (1998). A basis for research on age development (4th ed.). Boston, MA: Allyn & Information, National Clearinghouse on Child
differences in cognitive capabilities. In Bacon. Abuse and Neglect (2005, May 11, 2006). Long-
J. J. McArdle & R. W. Woodcock (Eds.), Human Hulit, L. M., Howard, M. R., & Fahey, K. R. (2011). term consequences of child abuse and neglect.
cognitive theories in theory and practice Born to talk: An introduction to speech and Retrieved from http://nccanch.acf
(pp. 57–87). Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. language development (5th ed.). Boston, MA: .hhs.gov/pubs/factsheets/long_term_
Horovitz, B. (2002, April 22). Gen Y: A tough crowd Allyn & Bacon. consequences.cfm
to sell. USA Today, pp. B1–2. Human Early Learning Partnership. (2008). Inhelder, B., & Piaget, J. (1958). The growth of
Houston, A. (2004). In new media as in old, content StrongStart BC: A family drop-in program. logical thinking from childhood to adolescence:
matters most. Social Policy Report, 18(4), 4. Evaluation Report. Retrieved from http://www An essay on the construction of formal
Howard-Jones, P. (2005). An invaluable foundation .frpbc.ca/news-and-events/documents/ operational structures. New York, NY: Basic
for better bridges. Developmental Science, StrongStartBC_Evaluation_Report.pdf. Books.
8, 470–471. Human Genome Project Information. (2001). Irvine, J. J., & Armento, B. J. (2001). Culturally
Howe, C. J., & Tolmie, A. (2003). Group work in Human genome project information. Retrieved responsive teaching: Lesson planning for
primary school science: Discussion, consensus, from www.ornl.gov/hgmis elementary and middle grades. New York, NY:
and guidance from experts. International Human Genome Project Information. (2008a.). McGraw-Hill.
Journal of Educational Research, 39, 51–72. About the Human Genome Project. Retrieved Irwin, L. G., Siddiqi, A., & Hertzman, C. (2007).
Howe, N., & Nadler, R. (2009). Yes we can. The from http://www.ornl.gov/sci/techresources/ Early child development: A powerful equalizer.
emergence of millennials as a political Human_Genome/home.shtml Geneva, Switzerland: World Health Organization.

484
 REFERENCES

Isabella, R., & Belsky, J. (1991). Interactional Jaswal, V. K., & Markman, E. M. (2001). Learning Johnson, W., Carothers, A., & Deary, I. J. (2008).
synchrony and the origins of infant–mother proper and common names in inferential versus Sex differences in variability in general
attachment: A replication study. Child obstensive contexts. Child Development, 72, intelligence: A new look at the old question.
Development, 62, 373–384. 787–802. Perspectives on Psychological Science, 3,
Jablonka, E., & Raz, G. (2009). Transgenerational Jemmott, J. B. I., Jemmott, L. S., & Fong, G. T. 518–531.
epigenetic inheritance: Prevalence, (2010). Efficacy of a theory-based abstinence- Johnston, L. D., O’Malley, P. M., Bachman, J. G., &
mechanisms, and implications for the study of only intervention over 24 months: A Schulenberg, J. E. (2009). Monitoring the
heredity and evolution. The Quarterly Review of randomized controlled trial with young future: National results on adolescent drug use.
Biology, 84(2), 131–176. adolescents. Archives of Pediatric & Adolescent Overview of key findings, 2008 (NIH Publication
Jackson, L. A., von Eye, A., Biocca, F. A., Barbatsis, Medicine, 164, 152–159. No. 09-7401). Bethesda, MD: National Institute
G., Zhao, Y., & Fitzgerald, H. E. (2006). Does Jensen, A. R. (1969). How much can we boost IQ on Drug Abuse.
home Internet use influence the academic and scholastic achievement? Harvard Joiner, T. E. (1999). The clustering and contagion
performance of low-income children? Educational Review, 39, 1–123. of suicide. Current Directions in Psychological
Developmental Psychology, 42, 429–435. Jensen, A. R. (1998). The g factor : The science of Science, 8, 89–92.
Jackson, Y., & Werner, J. S. (2000). Appraisal, mental ability. New York, NY: Prager. Jonassen, D. H. (2003). Designing research-based
social support, and life events: Predicting Jensen, J. J. (1998). Learning to stand alone: The instruction for story problems. Educational
outcome behavior in school-age children. Child contemporary American transition to adulthood Psychology Review, 15, 267–296.
Development, 71, 1441–1457. in cultural and historical context. Human Jones, D. C. (2004). Body image among
Jacobs, J. E., Lanza, S., Osgood, D. W., Development, 41, 295–315. adolescent girls and boys: A longitudinal study.
Eccles, J. S., & Wigfield, A. (2002). Changes in Jensen, L. A. (2003). Coming of age in a Developmental Psychology (40), 823–835.
children’s self-competence and values: Gender multicultural world: Globalization and Jones, M. C. (1965). Psychological correlates of
and domain differences across grades one adolescent cultural identity formation. Applied somatic development. Child Development,
through twelve. Child Development, Developmental Science, 7(3), 189–196. 36, 899–911.
73, 509–527. Jensen, L. A., Arnett, J. J., Feldman, S. S., & Jones, M. S., Levin, M. E., Levin, J. R., &
Jacoby, J. (2004). Gene therapy: Cornerstone of Cauffman, E. (2004). The right to do wrong: Beitzel, B. D. (2000). Can vocabulary-learning
modern medicine in the new millennium? Gene Lying to parents among adolescents and strategies and pair-learning formats be
Therapy, 11, 427–428. emerging adults. Journal of Youth and profitably combined? Journal of Educational
Jaenisch, R., & Bird, A. (2003). Epigenetic regulation Adolescence, 33(2), 101–112. Psychology, 92, 256–262.
of gene expression: How the genome integrates Ji, C-Y., & Ohsawa, S. (2000). Onset of the release Jones, S., Eisenberg, N., Fabes, R. A., &
intrinsic and environmental signals. Nat Genet of spermatozoa (spermarche) in Chinese male MacKinnnon, D. P. (2002). Parents’ reactions to
33(suppl), 245–254. youth. American Journal of Human Biology, 12, elementary school children’s negative
Jaffe, E. (2008). Mirror neurons: How we reflect on 577–587. emotions: Relations to social and emotional
behavior. Observer, 20(5), 2–25. Jie, L., & Desheng, G. (2004). New directions in the functioning at school. Merrill-Palmer Quarterly,
Jaffe, M. L. (1997). Understanding parenting. moral education curriculum in Chinese schools. 48, 133–159.
Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon. Journal of Moral Education, 33, 495–510. Jones, S. M., & Dindia, K. (2004). A meta-analytic
Jaffee, S., & Hyde, J. S. (2000). Gender differences Jimerson, S. R. (1999). On the failure of failure: perspective on sex equity in the classroom.
in moral orientation. Psychological Bulletin, Examining the association between early grade Review of Educational Research, 74, 443–471.
126, 703–726. retention and education and employment Joyner, B. L., Gill-Bailey, C., & Moon, R. Y. (2009).
Jaffee, S. R., Moffitt, T. E., Caspi, A., & Taylor, A. outcomes during late adolescence. Journal of Infant sleep environments depicted in
(2003). Life with (or without) father: The benefits School Psychology, 37, 243–272. magazines targeted to women of childbearing
of living with two biological parents depend on Jimerson, S. R., Anderson, G. E., & Whipple, A. D. age, Pediatrics, 124(3), e416–e422 appears in
the father’s antisocial behavior. Child (2002). Winning the battle and losing the war: the September issue of Pediatrics. Retrieved
Development, 74, 109–126. Examining the relation between grade retention from http://pediatrics.aappublications.org/cgi/
Jahromi, L. B., & Stifter, C. A. (2007). Individual and dropping out of high school. Psychology in content/full/124/3/e416
differences in the contribution of maternal the Schools, 39, 441–457. Justice, L. M., Bowles, R. P., Turnbull, K. L. P., &
soothing to Infant distress reduction. Infancy, John-Steiner, V., & Mahn, H. (1996). Sociocultural Skibbe, L. E. (2009). School readiness among
11(3), 255–269. Retrieved from http://www approaches to learning and development: A children with varying histories of language
.informaworld.com/smpp/title~db⫽all~content Vygotskian framework. Educational difficulties. Developmental Psychology, 45,
⫽t775653654~tab⫽issueslist~ branches Psychologist, 31, 191–206. 460–476.
⫽11 - v11 Johnson, A. (2003). Procedural memory and skill Juvonen, J., Graham, S., & Schuster, M. A. (2003).
Jalongo, M. R., Dragich, D., Conrad, N. K., & acquisition. In A. F. Healy & R. W. Proctor Bullying among young adolescents: The strong,
Zhang, A. (2002). Using wordless picture books (Eds.), Experimental psychology (Vol. 4, the weak, and the troubled. Pediatrics, 112,
to support emergent literacy. Early Childhood pp. 499–523). New York, NY: Wiley. 1231–1237.
Education Journal, 29(3), 167–177. Johnson, C., & Anglin, J. M. (1995). Qualitative Kaestner, R., & Xu, X. (2010). Title IX, girls’ sports
James, D. K., Spencer, C. J., & Stepsis, B. W. developments in the content and form of participation, and adult female physical activity
(2002). Fetal learning: a prospective children’s definitions. Journal of Speech and and weight. Evaluation Review, 34(1), 52–78.
randomized controlled study. Ultrasound Hearing Research, 38, 612–629. Kagan, J. (2004). The limitations of concepts in
Obstet Gynecol 20, 431–438. Johnson, D. W., & Johnson, R. T. (1999). Learning developmental psychology. Merrill-Palmer
James, S. J., Pogribna, M., Pogribna, I. P., together and alone: Cooperation, competition, Quarterly, 50, 291–298.
Melnyk, S., Hine, R. J., Gibson, J. B., Vi, P., . . . and individualization (5th ed.). Boston, MA: Kagan, J., & Herschkowitz, N. (2005). A young
Gaylor, D. W. (2000). Abnormal folate metabolism Allyn & Bacon. mind in a growing brain. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum.
and mutation in the methylene tetrahydrofolate Johnson, D. W., & Johnson, R. T. (2009). Joining Kagan, J., & Scott-Little, C. (2004). Early learning
reductase gene may be maternal risk factors for together: Group theory and group skills (10th standards. Phi Delta Kappan, 82, 388–395.
Down Syndrome. American Journal of Clinical ed.). Columbus, OH: Merrill. Kail, R. (2000). Speed of processing:
Nutrition, 70, 495–501. Johnson, H. D. (2004). Gender, grade and Developmental change and links to
James, W. (1890). Principles of psychology. New relationship differences in emotional closeness intelligence. Journal of School Psychology, 38,
York, NY: Holt. within adolescent friendships. Adolescence, 39, 51–61.
Jarrett, R. L. (1995). Growing up poor: The family 243–255. Kail, R., & Park, Y. (1994). Processing time,
experiences of socially mobile youth in low- Johnson, S. C., Booth, A., & O’Hearn, K. (2001). articulation time, and memory span. Journal of
income African American neighborhoods. Inferring the unseen goals of a non-human Experimental Child Psychology, 57, 281–291.
Journal of Adolescent Research, 10, 111–135. agent. Cognitive Development, 16, 637–656. Kail, R. V. (2004). Cognitive development includes
Jaswal, V. K., & Hansen, M. B. (2006). Learning Johnson, S. P., Bremner, J. G., Slater, A., Mason, global and domain-specific processes.
words: Children disregard some pragmatic U., Foster, K., & Cheshire, A. (2003). Infants’ Merrill-Palmer Quarterly, 50, 445–455.
information that conflicts with mutual perception of object trajectories. Child Kaiser, L. L., Melgar-Quinonez, H. R., Lamp, C. L.,
exclusivity. Developmental Science, 9, 158–165. Development, 74, 94–108. Johns, M. C., Sutherlin, J. M., & Harwood, J. O.

485
 REFERENCES

(2002). Food security and nutritional outcomes Katzmarzyk, P. T., Baur, L. A., Blair, S. N., medical/heart/ida.html#a_What_Is_Iron_
of preschool-age Mexican-American children. Lambert, E. V., Oppert, J-M., & Riddoch, C. Deficiency_Anemia_
Journal of the American Dietetic Association, (2008). International conference on physical Kim, K., Ryu, E., Chon, M., Yeun, E., Choi, S.,
102, 924–929. activity and obesity in children: Summary Seo, J., & Nam, B. (2006). Internet addiction in
Kalb, C. (2004, January 26). Brave new babies: statement and recommendations. International Korean adolescents and its relation to
Parents now have the power to choose the sex Journal of Pediatric Obesity, 3, 3–21. depression and suicidal ideation: A
of their children. But as technology answers Kauerz, K. (2002). No Child Left Behind policy questionnaire survey. International Journal of
prayers, it also raises some troubling questions. brief: Literacy. Denver, CO: Education Nursing Studies, 43(2), 185–192.
Newsweek. Commission of the States. Kim, L. S., Jeong, S. W., Lee, Y. M., & Kim, J. S.
Kalyuga, S., Chandler, P., Tuovinen, J., & Sweller, Kaufman, A. S., & Kaufman, N. L. (1983). Kaufman (2010). Cochlear implantation in children. Auris,
J. (2001). When problem solving is superior to Assessment Battery for Children: Interpretive Nasus, Larynx, 37, 6–17.
studying worked examples. Journal of manual. Circle Pines, MN: American Guidance Kim, T. E., Guerra, N. G., & Williams, K. R. (2008).
Educational Psychology, 93, 579–588. Service. Preventing youth problem behaviors and
Kamawar, D., LeFevre, J-A., Bisanz, J., Fast, L., Kaufman, A. S., & Kaufman, N. L. (2003). Kaufman enhancing physical health by promoting core
Skwarchuk, S-L., Smith-Cahnt, B., & Penner- Assessment Battery for Children (2nd ed.). competencies. Journal of Adolescent Health,
Wilger, M. (2010). Knowledge of counting Circle Pines, MN: American Guidance Service. 43, 401–407.
principles: How relevant is order irrelevance? Keating, D. P., & Hertzman, C. (1999). King, A. (1990). Enhancing peer interaction and
Journal of Experimental Child Psychology, 105, Developmental heath and the wealth of learning in the classroom through reciprocal
138–145. nations: Social, biological, and educational questioning. American Educational Research
Kamm K., Thelen E., & Jensen J. L. (1990). dynamics. New York, NY: Guilford. Journal, 27, 664–687.
Dynamical systems approach to motor Kelley, S., & Brownell, C. (2000). Mastery King, A. (2002). Structuring peer interactions to
development. Physical Therapy, 70, 763–775. motivation and self-evaluative affect in toddlers: promote high-level cognitive processing.
Kanaya, T., Scullin, M. H., & Ceci, S. J. (2003). The Longitudinal relations with maternal behavior. Theory Into Practice, 41, 31–39.
Flynn effect and U.S. policies: The impact of Child Development, 71, 1061. King, G., Law, M., King, S., Rosenbaum, P., Kertoy,
rising IQ scores on American society via mental Kellogg, R. (1970). Analyzing children’s art. Palo M. K., & Young, N. L. (2003). A conceptual
retardation diagnoses. American Psychologist, Alto: CA: Mayfield. model of the factors affecting the recreation
58, 1–13. Kelly, D., Liu, S., Lee, K., Quinn, P., Pascalis, O., and leisure participation of children with
Kandel, D. B. (1978). Homophily, selection, and Slater, A., & Ge, L. (2009). Development of the disabilities. Physical and Occupational Therapy
socialization in adolescent friendships. other-race effect during infancy. Evidence in Pediatrics, 23(1), 63–90.
American Journal of Sociology, 84(2), 427–436. toward universality? Journal of Experimental Kirk, S., Gallagher, J., & Anastasiow, N. (1993).
Kandel, D. B., & Chen, K. (2000). Extent of Child Psychology, 104(1), 105–114. Educating exceptional children (7th ed.).
smoking and nicotine dependence in the Kelly, K. (1999). Retention vs. social promotion: Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin.
United States: 1991–1993. Nicotine & Tobacco Schools search for alternatives. Harvard Kirst, M. (1991). Interview on assessment issues
Research, 2, 263–274. Education Letter, 15(1), 1–3. with Lorrie Shepard. Educational Researcher,
Kane, E. (2000). Racial and ethnic variations in Kennedy Institute of Ethics Georgetown University. 20(2), 21–33.
gender-related attitudes. Annual Review of (2006). Case 4 Genie, The Wild Child Research Kisilevsky, B. S., Hains, S. M. J., Lee, K., Xie, X.,
Sociology, 26, 419–439. or Exploitation? Washington, DC: Author. Huang, H., Ye, H. H., Zhang, K., & Wang, Z.
Kane, E. W. (2006). “No way my boys are going to Kerr, D. C. R., Lopez, N. L., Olson, S. L., & (2003). Effects of experience on fetal voice
be like that!”: Parents’ responses to children’s Sameroff, A. J. (2004). Parental discipline and recognition. Psychological Science, 14(3),
gender nonconformity. Gender & Society, 20, externalizing behavior problems in early 220–224.
149–176. childhood: The roles of moral regulation and Klaczynski, P. A. (2001). The influence of analytic
Kaneshiro, N. K. (2010). Lead poisoning. Retrieved child gender. Journal of Abnormal Child and heuristic processing on adolescent
from http://www.nlm.nih.gov/medlineplus/ Psychology, 32, 369–383. reasoning and decision making. Child
ency/article/002473.htm Kerssen-Griep, J. (2001). Teacher communication Development, 72, 844–861.
Kanetsuna, T., & Smith, P. K. (2002). Pupil insight activities relevant to student motivation: Klaczynski, P. A. (2004). A dual-process model of
into bullying and coping with bullying: A bi- Classroom framework and instructional adolescent development: Implications for
national study in Japan and England. Journal of communication competence. Communication decision making, reasoning, and identity. In
School Violence, 1, 5–29. Education, 50, 256–273. R. V. Kail (Ed.), Advances in child development
Kanters, M. A., & Casper, J. (2008). Supported or Kerssmakers, S. P., Fotiadou, A. N., de Jonge, M. C., and behavior, Vol. 31 (pp. 73–123). San Diego,
pressured? An examination of agreement among Karantanas, A. H., & Maas, M. (2009). Sport CA: Academic Press.
parents and children on parents’ role in youth injuries in the paediatric and adolescent Klaczynski, P. A. (2005). Metacognition and
sports. Journal of Sport Behavior, patient: A growing problem. Pediatric cognitive variability: A two-process model of
31(1), 64–80. Radiology, 39(5), 471–484. decision making and its development. In J. E.
Karpov, Y. V. (2006). The neo-Vygotskian approach Kia-Keating, M., & Ellis, B. H. (2007). Belonging Jacobs & P. A. Klaczynski (Eds.), The
to child development. New York, NY: and connection to school in resettlement: development of judgment and decision making
Cambridge University Press. Young refugees, school belonging, and in children and adolescents (pp. 39–76).
Karpov, Y. V., & Bransford, J. D. (1995). psychosocial adjustment. Clinical Child Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum.
L. S. Vygotsky and the doctrine of empirical Psychology and Psychiatry, 12(1), 29–43. Klaczynski, P. A. (2006). Learning, belief biases,
and theoretical learning. Educational Kiang, L., & Harter, S. (2008). Do pieces of the and metacognition. Journal of Cognition and
Psychologist, 30, 61–66. self-puzzle fit? Integrated/fragmented selves in Development, 7(3), 295–300.
Karpov, Y. V., & Hawood, H. C. (1998). Two ways biculturally-identified Chinese Americans. Klaczynski, P. A., Schuneman, M. J., & Daniel, D. B.
to elaborate Vygotsky’s concept of mediation Journal of Research in Personality, 42, (2004). Theories of conditional reasoning: A
implications for instruction. American 1657–1662. developmental examination of competing
Psychologist, 53, 27–36. Kibby, J. E., Mersch, J., Bredenkamp, J. K., & hypotheses. Developmental Psychology, 40,
Katz, J. R. (2001). Playing at home: The talk of Shiel, W. C. (2009). Newborn infant hearing 559–571.
pretend play. In D. K. Dickinson & P. O. Tabors screening. Retrieved from http://www Klein, P. J., & Meltzoff, A. N. (1999). Long-term
(Eds.), Beginning literacy with language: Young .medicinenet.com memory, forgetting, and deferred imitation in
children learning at home and school KidsHealth. (2009). Cerebral palsy. Retrieved 12-month-old infants. Developmental Science,
(pp. 53–73). Baltimore, MD: P. H. Brookes. from http://kidshealth.org/parent/medical/ 2, 102–113.
Katz, R. B. (2000). Recreating motherhood. New brain/cerebral_palsy.html Klein, S. S., & Harris, A. H. (2007). A user’s guide to
Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. KidsHealth. (2009). Kids and exercise. Retrieved the Legacy Cycle. Retrieved from http://www
Katz, S. R. (1999). Teaching in tensions: Latino from http://kidshealth.org/parent/nutrition_fit/ .scientificjournals.org/journals2007/articles/
immigrant youth, their teachers, and the fitness/exercise.html# 1088.pdf
structures of schooling. Teachers College KidsHealth. (2010). Iron-deficiency anemia. Kleinfeld, J. (2005). Culture fuels boys’ learning
Record, 100(4), 809–840. Retrieved from http://kidshealth.org/parent/ problems. Alaska Daily News, p. B6.

486
 REFERENCES

Klibanoff, R. S., Levine, S. C., Huttenlocher, J., Kohlberg, L. (1981). The philosophy of moral Development, 67, 3263–3277.
Vasilyeva, M., & Hedges, L. V. (2006). Preschool development. New York, NY: Harper & Row. doi:10.1111/1467-8624.ep9706244859
children’s mathematical knowledge: The effect Kohlberg, L., & Power, C. (1981). Moral Kriedler, W. (1996). Smart ways to handle kids who
of teacher “math talk.” Developmental development, religious thinking, and the pick on others. Instructor, 106, 70–77.
Psychology, 42, 59–69. question of a seventh stage. In L. Kohlberg Kroger, J. (2003). Identity development during
Klinefelter’s syndrome. (2008). Retrieved from (Ed.), Essays on moral development: Vol. 1. The adolescence. In G. R. Adams & M. D. Berzonsky
http://ghr.nlm.nih.gov/condition⫽klinefelter philosophy of moral development: Moral stages (Eds.), Blackwell handbook of adolescence.
syndrome and the idea of justice (pp. 311–372). New Oxford, England, Blackwell Publishing Ltd.
Kmietowicz, Z. (2003). Fertilization authority York, NY: Harper & Row. Kuhl, P. (2000). A new view of language
recommends a ban on sex selection. British Kohler, P. K., Manhart, L. E., & Lafferty, M. E. acquisition. PNAS, 97(2), 11850–11857.
Medical Journal, 327, 1123. (2008). Abstinence-only and comprehensive sex Kuhl, P. K., Stevens, E., Hayashi, A., Deguchi, T.,
Knafo, A., Iervolino, A. C., & Plomin, R. (2005). education and the initiation of sexual activity Kiritani, S., & Iverson, P. (2006). Infants show
Masculine girls and feminine boys: Genetic and and teen pregnancy. Journal of Adolescent facilitation for native language phonetic
environmental contributions to atypical gender Health, 42, 433–351. perception between 6 and 12 months.
development in early childhood. Journal of Kools, S. M. (1997). Adolescent identity Developmental Science, 9, 13–21.
Personality and Social Psychology, 88, 400–412. development in foster care. Family Relations, Kuhl, P. K., Tsao, F. M., & Liu, H. M. (2003).
Knafo, A., & Schwartz, S. H. (2003). Parenting and 46, 263–271. Foreign-language experience in infancy: Effects
adolescents’ accuracy in perceiving parental Korenman, S., Miller, J., & Sjaastad, J. (1995). of short-term exposure and social interaction on
values. Child Development, 74, 595–611. Long-term poverty and child development in phonetic learning. Proceedings of the National
Knapp, M., Turnbull, B. J., & Shields, P. M. (1990). the United States: Results from the NLSY. Academy of Sciences, 100, 9096–9101.
New directions for educating children of Children and Youth Services Review, 17, Kuhn, D. (2005). Education for thinking.
poverty. Educational Leadership, 48(1), 4–9. 127–155. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Knoph, M., & Schneider, W. (2007, April). The Kozulin, A. (2003). Psychological tools and Kuhn, D., & Dean, D. (2004). Connecting scientific
development of episodic memory from mediated learning. In A. Kozulin, B. Gindid, reasoning with casual inference. Journal of
preschool to young adulthood. Paper V. S. Ageyev, & S. M. Miller (Eds.), Vygotsky’s Cognition and Development, 5, 261–288.
presented at the Society for Research in Child educational theory in cultural context Kuhn, D., & Franklin, S. (2006). The second
Development, Boston, Massachusetts. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University decade: What develops (and how). In D. Kuhn
Knox, M. (2010). On hitting children: A review of Press. & R. S. Siegler (Eds.), Cognition, perception,
corporal punishment in the United States. Kozulin, A., & Presseisen, B. Z. (1995). Mediated and language (6th ed., Vol. 2, pp. 953–993).
Journal of Pediatric Health Care, 24, 103–107. learning experience and psychological tools: New York, NY: Wiley.
Kobiella, A., Grossmann, T., Reid, V. M., & Striano, Vygotsky’s and Feuerstein’s perspective in a Kuhn, D., Goh, W., Kalypso, I., & Shaenfield, D.
T. (2008). The discrimination of angry and study of student learning. Educational (2008). Arguing on the computer: A
fearful facial expressions in 7-month-old infants: Psychologist, 30, 67–75. microgenetic study of developing argument
An event-related potential study. Cognition and Krajcik, J. S., & Czerniak, C. (2007). Teaching skills in a computer-supported environment.
Emotion 22(1): 134–146. science in elementary and middle school Child Development, 79, 1310–1328.
Kochanska, G. (2002). Mutually responsive classrooms: A project-based approach (3rd ed.). Kujawski, J. H., & Bower, T. G. R. (2003). Same-sex
orientation between mothers and their young Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. preferential looking during infancy as a function
children: A context for the early development Krakow, E. (2007). Why do babies cry? Bulletin of of abstract representation. British Journal of
of conscience. Current Directions in the Centre of Excellence for Early Childhood Developmental Psychology, 11(2), 201–209.
Psychological Science, 11, 191–195. Development, 6(2), 2–3. Kumar, D. D., & Sherwood, R. D. (2007). Effect of
Kochanska, G., Aksan, N., & Nichols, K. E. (2003). Kramer, L., & Bank, L. (2005). Sibling relationship problem-based simulation on the conceptual
Maternal power assertion in discipline and contributions to individual and family well- understanding of undergraduate science
moral discourse contexts: Commonalities, being: Introduction to the special issue. Journal educational majors. Journal of Science
differences, and implications for children’s of Family Psychology, 19, 483–485. Education and Technology, 16, 239–246.
moral conduct and cognition. Developmental Kramer, M. R., & Hogue, C. R. (2009). What causes Kupersmidt, J. B., & Coie, J. D. (1990).
Psychology, 39, 949–963. racial disparity in very preterm birth? A Preadolescent peer status, aggression, and
Kochanska, G., Coy, K. C., & Murray, K. T. (2001). biosocial perspective. Epidemiological Reviews, school adjustment as predictors of externalizing
The development of self-regulation in the first 31, 84–98. problems in adolescence. Child Development,
four years of life. Child Development, 72, Kramer, M. S. (2009). Late preterm birth: 61, 1350–1362.
1091–1111. Appreciable risks, rising incidence. The Journal Kurtz, B. E., Schneider, W., Carr, M.,
Kochanska, G., Gross, J. N., Lin, M.-H., & of Pediatrics, 154(2), 159–160. Borkowski, J. G., & Rellinger, E. (1990). Strategy
Nichols, K. E. (2002). Guilt in young children: Kramer, M. S., Petrini, J. R., Dias, T., McCormick, instruction and attributional beliefs in West
Development, determinants, and relations with M. C., Massolo, M. L., Green, N. S., & Escobar, Germany and the United States: Do teachers foster
a broader system of standards. Child G. J. (2009). Increased risk of adverse metacognitive development? Contemporary
Development, 73, 461–482. neurological development for late preterm Educational Psychology, 15, 268–283.
Koedel, C. (2008). Teacher quality and dropout infants. Journal of Pediatrics, 154(2), Lacourse, E., Nagin, D., Trembly, R. E., Vitaro, F., &
outcomes in a large, urban school district. 169–176. Claes, M. (2003). Development trajectories of
Journal of Urban Economics, 64, 560–572. Kratochvil C. J. (2009). Current pharmacotherapy boys’ delinquent group membership and
Koehoorn, M., Breslin, F. C., & Xu, F. (2008). for ADHD. 2nd International Congress on facilitation of violent behaviors during
Investigating the longer-term health ADHD. From Childhood to Adult Disease, May adolescence. Development and
consequences of work-related injuries among 21–24, 2009, Vienna, Austria. ADHD Attention Psychopathology, 15(1), 183–197.
youth. Journal of Adolescent Health, 43, Deficit and Hyperactivity disorders 1:61. Ladd, G. W. (1999). Peer relationships and social
466–473. Krauss, M. (1992). Statement of Michael Krauss, competence during early and middle
Kohlberg, L. (1963). The development of children’s representing the Linguistic Society of America. childhood. Annual Review of Psychology, 50,
orientations toward moral order: Sequence in In U.S. Senate, Native American Languages Act 333–359.
the development of moral thought. Vita of 1991: Hearing before the Select Committee Ladd, G. W., & Troop-Gordon, W. (2003). The role
Humana, 6, 11–33. on Indian Affairs (pp. 18–22). Washington, DC: of chronic peer difficulties in the development
Kohlberg, L. (1966). A cognitive-developmental U.S. Government Printing Office. of children’s psychological adjustment
analysis of children’s sex-role concepts and Kreutzer, M. A., Leonard, C., & Flavell, J. H. (1975). problems. Child Development, 74,
attitudes. In E. E. Maccoby (Ed.), The An interview study of children’s knowledge 1344–1367.
development of sex differences (pp. 82–173). about memory. Chicago, IL: University of Ladson-Billings, G. (1992). Culturally relevant
Palo Alto, CA: Stanford University Press. Chicago Press. teaching: The key to making multicultural
Kohlberg, L. (1975). The cognitive developmental Krevans, J., & Gibbs, J. C. (1996). Parents’ use of education work. In C. A. Grant (Ed.), Research
approach to moral education. Phi Delta inductive discipline: Relations to children’s and multicultural education (pp. 106–121).
Kappan, 56, 670–677. empathy and prosocial behaviour. Child London, England: Falmer Press.

487
 REFERENCES

Ladson-Billings, G. (1994). The dream keepers. San sequencing and analysis of the human genome. New Directions of Child and Adolescent
Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Nature, 409, 860–921. Development, 78, 85–103.
Ladson-Billings, G. (1995). But that is just good Landrum, T. J., & Kauffman, J. M. (2006). Leaper, C., & Smith, T. S. (2004). A meta-analytic
teaching! The case for culturally relevant Behavioral approaches to classroom review of gender variations in children’s
pedagogy. Theory Into Practice, 34, 161–165. management. In C. M. Evertson & language use: Talkativeness, affiliative speech,
Ladson-Billings, G. (2004). Landing on the wrong C. S. Weinstein (Eds.), Handbook of classroom and assertive speech. Developmental
note: The price we paid for Brown. Educational management: Research, practice, and Psychology, 40, 993–1027.
Researcher, 33(7), 3–13. contemporary issues. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. Learn.Genetics. (2010). Retrieved from http://learn
LaFontana, K. M., & Cillessen, A. H. N. (2002). Lane, K., Falk, K., & Wehby, J. (2006). Classroom .genetics.utah.edu/
Children’s perceptions of popular and management in special education classrooms Learning about sickle cell disease. (2009). Retrieved
unpopular peers: A multimethod assessment. and resource rooms. In C. M. Evertson & from http://www.genome.gov/10001219
Developmental Psychology, 38(5), 635–647. C. S. Weinstein (Eds.), Handbook of classroom Leathers, H. D., & Foster, P. (2004). The world food
Laible, D. J., Carlo, G., & Raffaelli, M. (2000). The management: Research, practice, and problem: Tackling the causes of undernutrition
differential relations of parent and peer contemporary issues. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. in the Third World. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner
attachment to adolescent adjustment. Journal Langlois, C. (2006). Child nutrition. Retrieved from Publishers.
of Youth and Adolescence, 29(1), 45–59. http://www.nationalchildrensalliance.com/nca/ Lecanuet, J., & Schaal, B. (2002). Sensory
Laidlaw, L. (2001, March). I can be happy at this pubs/2006/Child%20Nutrition%20Policy performances in the human foetus: A brief
school: Creating a socially responsible learning %20Brief.pdf summary of research. Intellectica, 1(34), 29–56.
community. Teacher: Newsmagazine of the BC Langlois, J. A., Rutland-Brown, W., & Thomas, K. E. Lee, C. D. (2003). Why we need to re-think race
Teachers’ Federation, 1–4. (2004). Traumatic brain injury in the United and ethnicity in educational research.
Lajoie, S. P., & Azevedo, R. (2006). Teaching and States: Emergency department visits, Educational Researcher, 32(5), 3–5.
learning in technology-rich environments. In hospitalizations, and deaths. doi:10.1016/j.jsr Lee, K. (n.d.). Best ways to build healthy food habits.
P. A. Alexander & P. H. Winne (Eds.), Handbook .2008.05.001 Retrieved from http://childparenting .about.
of educational psychology (2nd ed., Langlois, J. H., & Stephan, C. W. (1981). Beauty com/od/nutrition/tp/healthyfoodhabits .htm
pp. 803–823). Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. and the beast: The role of physical attraction in Lee, K. T., Mattson, S. N., & Riley, E. P. (2004).
Lally, J. R. (2006). Metatheories of childrearing. peer relationships and social behavior. In Classifying children with heavy prenatal alcohol
In J. R. Lally, P. L. Mangione, & D. Greenwald S. S. Brehm, S. M. Kassin, & S. X. Gibbans (Eds.), exposure using measures of attention. Journal
(Eds.), Concepts of care (pp. 7–14). Sausalito, Developmental social psychology: Theory and of the International Neuropsychological
CA: PITC. research (pp. 152–168). New York, NY: Oxford. Society, 10, 271–277.
Lally, J. R, Lurie-Hurvitz, E., & Cohen, J. (2006). Larose, S., & Tarabulsy, G. M. (2005). Mentoring Lee, M., Liu, Y., & Newell, K. M. (2006).
Good health, strong families, and positive early academically at-risk students: Processes, Longitudinal expressions of infant’s prehension
learning experiences: Promoting better public outcomes, and conditions for success. In as a function of object properties. Infant
policies for America’s infants and toddlers. D. L. DuBois & M. J. Karcher (Eds.), Handbook Behavior and Development, 29(4), 481–493.
ZERO TO THREE, 26(6), 6–9. of youth mentoring (pp. 440–453). Thousand Lee, V. E., & Bryk, A. S. (1986). Effects of single-sex
Lamarche, V., & Brendgen, M. (2006). Do Oaks, CA: Sage. secondary schools on student achievement and
friendships and sibling relationships provide Larson, R., Hansen, D. M., & Moneta, G. B. (2006). attitudes. Journal of Educational Psychology,
protection against peer victimization in a similar Differing profiles of developmental experiences 78, 381–395.
way? Social Development, 15, 373–393. across types of organized youth activities. Lee, V. E., & Marks, H. M. (1990). Sustained effects
Lamaze, F. (1958). Painless childbirth: Developmental Psychology, 42, 849–863. of the single-sex secondary school experience
Psychoprophylactic method. London, England: Larson, R. W., & Richards, M. H. (1994). Family on attitudes, behaviors, and values in college.
Burke. emotion: Do young adolescents and their Journal of Educational Psychology, 82,
Lamb, M. E. (1998). Non-parental childcare: parents experience the same states? Journal of 578–592.
Context, quality, correlates, and consequences. Research on Adolescence, 4(4), 567–583. Leeb, R. T., Paulozzi, L., Melanson, C., Simon, T., &
In W. Damon, I. E. Sigel, & K. A. Renninger Larzelere, R. E. (2000). Child outcomes of non- Arias, I. (2007). Child maltreatment surveillance:
(Eds.), Handbook of child psychology: Vol. 4. abusive and customary physical punishment by Uniform definitions for public health and
Child psychology in practice (pp. 73–133). New parents: An updated literature review. Clinical recommended data elements, Version 1.0.
York, NY: Wiley. Child and Family Psychology Review, 3, Atlanta (GA): Centers for Disease Control and
Lamb, M. E. (1999). Noncustodial fathers and 199–221. Prevention, National Center for Injury
their impact on the children of divorce. In Lau, A. S., Litrownik, A. J., Newton, R. R., Prevention and Control. Retrieved from
R. A. Thompson & P. R. Amato (Eds.), The Black, M. M., & Everson, M. D. (2006). Factors http://www.cdc.gov/ncipc/dvp/CMP/
postdivorce family: Children, parenting, and affecting the link between physical discipline CMP-Surveillance.htm
society (pp. 105–125). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. and child externalizing problems in Black and Leeds, Grenville, & Lanark District Health Unit.
Lamb, M. E. (2005). Attachments, social networks, White families. Journal of Community (n.d.). Oral hygiene for children. Retrieved from
and developmental contexts. Human Psychology, 34(1), 89–103. http://www.healthunit.org/dental/children_oral/
Development, 48 (1/2), 108–112. Laursen, B., & Collins, W. A. (1994). Interpersonal hygienechild.htm
Lamb, M. E., Bornstein, M. H., & Teti, D. M. (2002). conflict during adolescence. Psychological Leeman, L., Fontaine, P., King, V., Klein, M., &
Development in Infancy (4th ed.). Mahwah, NJ: Bulletin, 115(2), 197–209. Ratcliffe, S., (2003a.). The nature and
Erlbaum. Laursen, B., Coy, K. C., & Collins, W. A. (1998). management of labor pain: Part I.
Lamb, M. E., & Lewis, C. (2005). The role of Reconsidering changes in parent-child conflict Nonpharmacologic pain relief. American Family
parent-child relationships in child development. across adolescence: A meta-analysis. Child Physician, 68, 1109–1112.
In M. H. Bornstein & M. E. Lamb (Eds.), Development, 69(3), 817–832. Leeman, L., Fontaine, P., King, V., Klein, M., &
Developmental science: An advanced textbook Lave, J., & Wenger, E. (1991). Situated learning: Ratcliffe, S. (2003b). The nature and
(5th ed., pp. 429–468). Mahwah, NJ: Legitimate peripheral participation. Cambridge, management of labor pain: Part II.
Erlbaum. England: Cambridge University Press. Pharmacologic pain relief. American Family
Lamborn, S. D., Mounts, N. S., Steinberg, L., & Leaper, C. (1994). Exploring the consequences of Physician, 68, 1115–1120.
Dornbusch, S. M. (1991). Patterns of gender segregation on social relationships. Leets, L., & SunWolf. (2005). Adolescent rules for
competence and adjustment among New Directions for Child and Adolescent social exclusion: When is it fair to exclude
adolescents from authoritative, authoritarian, Development, 65, 67–86. someone else? Journal of Moral Education, 34,
indulgent, and neglectful families. Child Leaper, C. (2002). Parenting girls and boys. In 343–362.
Development, 63, 1049–1065. M. H. Bornstein (Ed.), Handbook of parenting: Legault, L., Green-Demers, I., & Pelletier,
Lampl, M., Veldhuis, J. D., & Johnson, M. L. (1992). Vol. 1. Children and parenting (2nd ed., L. (2006). Why do high school students lack
Saltation and stasis: A model of human growth. pp. 127–152). Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. motivation in the classroom? Toward an
Science, 258, 801–803. Leaper, C., & Anderson, K. J. (1997). Gender understanding of academic amotivation and the
Lander, E. S., Linton, L. M., Birren, B., Nusbaum, development and heterosexual romantic role of social support. Journal of Educational
C., Zody, M. C., & Baldwin, J. (2001). Initial relationships during adolescence. Psychology, 98, 567–582.

488
 REFERENCES

Lehman, D. R., & Nisbett, R. E. (1990). A cultural groups. International Journal of Linn, R. L., & Gronlund, N. E. (2000). Measurement
longitudinal study of the effects of Behavioral Development, 26, 248–258. and assessment in education (8th ed.).
undergraduate training on reasoning. Liang, B., Spencer, R., Brogan, D., & Corral, M. Columbus, OH: Merrill.
Developmental Psychology, 26, 952–960. (2008). Mentoring relationships from early Linnenbrink, E. A., & Pintrich, P. R. (2003).
Leitner, R. K. (1991). Comparing the effects on adolescence through emerging adulthood: The role of self-efficacy beliefs in student
reading comprehension of educational video, A qualitative analysis. Journal of Vocational engagement and learning in the class-
direct experience, and print. Unpublished Behavior, 72, 168–182. room. Reading & Writing Quarterly,
doctoral thesis, University of San Francisco, CA. Liben, L. S., & Bigler, R. S. (1987). Reformulating 19, 119–137.
Lemelson, R. (2003). Obsessive-compulsive children’s gender schemata. New Directions for Linton, B. (2009). Men and fatherhood: Pregnancy
disorder in Bali. Transcultural Psychiatry, 40, Child and Adolescent Development, 38, and birth. FATHERS’ FORUM ONLINE.
377–408. 89–105. Retrieved from http://www.fathersforum.com/
Lemke, M., Sen, A., Pahlke, E., Partelow, L., Miller, Liben, L. S., & Bigler, R. S. (2002). The Linver, M. R., Brooks-Gunn, J., & Cabrera, N.
D., Williams, T., Kastberg, D., & Jocelyn, L. developmental course of gender differentiation: (2004). The Home Observation for
(2004). International outcomes of learning in Conceptualizing, measuring, and evaluating Measurement of the Environment (HOME)
mathematics literacy and problem solving: PISA constructs and pathways. Monographs of the inventory: The derivation of conceptually
2003 results from the U.S. perspective. Society for Research in Child Development, designed subscales. Parenting: Science and
Washington DC: National Center for 67(2), 1–187. Practice, 4, 99–114.
Educational Statistics. Liben, L. S., & Signorella, M. L. (1993). Gender- Littlefield, T. R., Kelly, K. M., Reiff, J. L., &
Lenhart, A. (2009). Teens and social media: An schematic processing in children: The role of Pomatto, J. K. (2003). Car seats, infant carriers,
overview. Retrieved from http://pewinternet initial interpretations of stimuli. Developmental and swings: Their role in deformational
.com/Presentations/2009/17-Teens-and-Social- Psychology, 29, 141–149. plagiocephaly. Journal of Prosthetics and
Media-An-Overview.aspx Lichten, W. (2004). On the law of intelligence. Orthodics, 15(3), 102–106.
Lenneberg, E. H. (1969). On explaining language. Developmental Review, 24, 252–258. Liu, W. M., Ali, S. R., Soleck, G., Hopps, J.,
Science, 164, 635–643. Light, A. (1995). High school employment (No. NLS Dunston, K., & Pickett, T., Jr. (2004). Using
Leo, I., & Simion, F. (2009). Face processing at 95-27): U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of social class in counseling psychology
birth: A Thatcher Illusion study. Developmental Labor Statistics. research. Journal of Counseling Psychology,
Science, 12(3), 492–498. Lillard, A. (2004). Pretend play and cognitive 51, 3–18.
Lerner, R. M. (2002). Concepts and theories of development. In U. Goswami (Ed.), Blackwell Lobo, I. (2008). Environment influences on gene
human development. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. handbook of childhood cognitive development expression. Nature, 1(1). Retrieved from
Lerner, R. M. (2006). Developmental science, (pp. 188–205). Malden, MA: Blackwell. http://www.nature.com/scitable/topicpage/
developmental systems, and contemporary Lillard, A. (2005). Montessori: The science behind Environmental-Influences-on-Gene-
theories of human development. In R. M. Lerner the genius. New York, NY: Oxford. Expression-536
(Ed.), Theoretical models of human development Liller, K. D. (2007). Unintentional injuries in Lock, J. D. (2009). Trying to fit square pegs in
(6th ed., Vol. 1, pp. 1–17). New York, NY: Wiley. children. Retrieved from http://cme.medscape round holes: Eating disorders in males. Journal
Lerner, R. M., Theokas, C., & Bobek, D. L. (2005). .com/viewarticle/553273 of Adolescent Health, 44, 99–100.
Concepts and theories of human development: Lim, S., & Lim, B. K. (2004). Parenting style and Locke, J. (1690/1892). Some thoughts concerning
Historical and contemporary dimensions. child outcomes in Chinese and immigrant education. In R. H. Quick (Ed.), Locke on
In M. H. Bornstein & M. E. Lamb (Eds.), Chinese families: Current findings and cross- education (pp. 1–236). Cambridge, England:
Developmental Science: An advanced textbook cultural considerations in conceptualization Cambridge University Press.
(5th ed., pp. 3–43). Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. and research. Marriage and Family Review, Locke, J. L. (1993). The child’s path to spoken
Leveno, K. J., McIntire, D. D., Bloom, S. L., Sibley, 35(3), 21–43. language. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University
M. R., & Anderson, R. J. (2009). Decreased Lin, S. S. J., & Tsai, C. (2002). Sensation seeking Press.
preterm births in an inner-city public hospital. and Internet dependence of Taiwanese high Locke, L. F., & Graber, K. C. (2008). Elementary
Obstetrics & Gynecology, 113(3), 578–584. school adolescents, Computers in Human school physical education: Expectations and
Leventhal, T., & Brooks-Gunn, J. (2004). A Behavior, 18(4), 411–426. possibilities. The Elementary School Journal,
randomized study of neighborhood effects on Lindsey, E. W., & Colwell, M. J. (2003). 108, 265–273.
low-income children’s educational outcomes. Preschoolers’ emotional competence: Links to Lockl, K., & Schneider, W. (2007). Knowledge
Developmental Psychology, 40, 488–507. pretend and physical play. Child Study Journal, about the mind: Links between theory of mind
Leventhal, T., Martin, A., & Brooks-Gunn, J. (2004). 33, 39–52. and later metamemory. Child Development,
The EC- HOME across five national datasets in Linebarger, D. L., Kosanic, A., Greenwood, C. R., & 78, 148–167.
the third to fifth year of life. Parenting: Science Doku, N. S. (2004). Effects of viewing the Lokken, G. (2000a). The playful quality of the
and Practice, 4(2–3), 161–188. television program Between the Lions on the toddling style. International Journal of
Levin, J. R. (1994). Mnemonic strategies and emergent literacy skills of young children. Qualitative Education, 13(5), 531–542.
classroom learning: A twenty-year report card. Journal of Educational Psychology, 96, Lokken, G. (2000b). Tracing the social style of
Elementary School Journal, 94, 235–254. 297–308. toddler peers. Scandinavian Journal of
Levin, T. (2006, September 13). Report urges Linebargar, D. L., & Wainwright, D. K. (2007). Educational Research, 44(2), 163–176.
changes in the teaching of math in U.S. schools. Learning while viewing: Urban myth or dream Lorenz, K. Z. (1973/1977). Behind the mirror:
The New York Times, p. 20. come true? In S. R. Mazzarella (Ed.), 20 A search for a natural history of human
Lewin, T. (2010). Quick response to study of Questions about youth and the media knowledge. New York, NY: Harcourt Brace
abstinence education. The New York Times, (pp. 179–196). New York, NY: Peter Lang. Jovanovich.
p. A18. Lingren, H. (1997) “Bullying”—How to stop it. Lovett, M. W., Lacerenza, L., Borden, S. L.,
Lewis, M. (2005). The child and its family: The Retrieved from http//:www.ianr.unl.edu/pubs/ Frijters, J. C., Steinback, K. A., & DePalma, M.
social network model. Human Development, family/nf309.htm (2000). Components of effective remediation
48, 8–27. Linn, M. C., & Eylon, B. S. (2006). Science for developmental disabilities: Combining
Lewis, M., & Sullivan, M. W. (1996). The role of education: Integrating views of learning and phonological and strategy-based instruction to
situation and child status on emotional learning. instruction. In P. A. Alexander. & P. H. Winne improve outcomes. Journal of Educational
In M. Lewis & M. W. Sullivan (Eds.), Emotional (Ed.), Handbook of educational psychology Psychology, 92, 263–283.
development in atypical children (pp. 43–64). (2nd ed., pp. 511–544). Mahwah, NJ: Lovett, S. B., & Flavell, J. H. (1990). Under-
Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. Erlbaum. standing and remembering: Children’s
Lewit, E. M., & Baker, L. S. (1995). School Linn, M. C., & Hyde, J. S. (1989). Gender, knowledge about the differential effects of
readiness. The Future of Children, 5, 128–139. mathematics, and science. Educational strategy and task variables on comprehension
Leyendecker, B., Harwood, R. L., Lamb, M. E., & Researcher, 18, 17–27. and memorization. Child Development,
Scholmerich, A. (2002). Mothers’ socialization Linn, R. L. (1986). Educational testing and 61, 1842–1858.
goals and evaluations of desirable and assessment: Research needs and policy issues. Lowe, E. D., Weisner, T. S., Geis, S., & Huston, A.
undesirable everyday situations in two diverse American Psychologist, 41, 1153–1160. (2005). Childcare instability and the effort to

489
 REFERENCES

sustain a working daily routine: Evidence from Maguen, S., Floyd, F. J., Bakeman, R., & Marcia, J. E. (1993). The relational roots of identity.
the New Hope Ethnographic Study of low- Armistead, L. (2002). Developmental milestones In J. Kroger (Ed.), Discussions on ego identity
income families. In C. R. Cooper, C. T. Garcia- and disclosure of sexual orientation among gay, (pp. 101–120). Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum.
Coll, W. T. Bartko, H. Davis, & C. Chatman lesbian, and bisexual youths. Journal of Applied Marcia, J. E. (1999). Representational thought in
(Eds.), Developmental pathways through Developmental Psychology, 23(2), 219–233. ego identity, psychotherapy, and psychosocial
middle childhood: Rethinking contexts and Maguire, E. A., Gadian, D. G., Johnsrude, I. S., development. In I. E. Sigel (Ed.), Development
diversity as resources (pp. 121–144). Mahwah, Good, C. D., Ashburner, J., Frackowiak, R. S., & of mental representation: Theories and
NJ: Erlbaum. Frith, C. D. (2000). Navigation-related structural applications. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum.
Lucyshyn, J. M., Albin, R. W., Horner, R. H., Mann, change in the hippocampi of taxi drivers. Marinova-Todd, S., Marshall, D., & Snow, C.
J. C., Mann, J. A., & Wadsworth, G. (2007). Proceedings of the National Academy of (2000). Three misconceptions abut age and L2
Family implementation of positive behavior Science, USA, 97(8), 4398–4403. learning. TESOL Quarterly, 34(1), 9–34.
support for a child with autism: Longitudinal, Mahdi, A. A. (2003). Introduction: Teens, Islam, Markman, E. M. (1992). Constraints on word
single-case, experimental, and descriptive and the Middle East. In A. A. Mahdi (Ed.), Teen learning: Speculations about their nature, origins,
replication and extension. Journal of Positive life in the Middle East (pp. 1–12). Westport, CT: and domain specificity. In M. R. Gunnar &
Behavior Interventions, 9, 131–150. Greenwood Press. M. P. Maratsos (Eds.), Modularity and
Lupart, J., & Barva, C. (1998). Promoting female Mahoney, G., Boyce, G., Fewell, R., Spiker, D., & constraints in language and cognition (Vol. 25,
achievement in the sciences: Research and Wheeden, A. C. (1998). The relationship of pp. 59–101). Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum.
implications. International Journal for the parent-child interaction to the effectiveness of Markman, E. M., Wasow, J. L., & Hansen, M. B.
Advancement of Counselling, 20, 319–338. early intervention services for at-risk children and (2003). Use of the mutual exclusivity assumption
Luria, A. R. (1976). Cognitive development: Its children with disabilities. TECSE, 18(1), 5–17. by young word learners. Cognitive Psychology,
cultural and social foundations. Cambridge, Main, M., & Solomon, J. (1990). In M. T. 47, 241–275.
MA: Harvard University Press. Greenberg, D. Cicchetti, & M. Cummings (Eds.), Markowitz, S., & Cuellar, A. (2007).
Luster, T., & McAdoo, H. P. (1995). Factors related Attachment in the preschool years: Theory, Antidepressants and youth: Healing or harmful?
to self-esteem among African-American youths: research, and intervention (pp. 121–160). Social Science and Medicine, 64, 2138–2151.
A secondary analysis of the High/Scope Perry Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. doi:10.1016/j.socscimed.2007.02.025
Preschool data. Journal of Research on Malone, F. D., Canick, J. A., Ball, R. H., Markstrom, C. A., & Iborra, A. (2003). Adolescent
Adolescence, 5, 451–467. Nyberg, D. A., Comstock, C. H., Bukowsky, R., identity formation and rites of passage: The
Lysne, M., & Levy, G. D. (1997). Differences in Berkowitz, R., . . . D’Alton, M. E. (2005). Navajo Kinaaldá ceremony for girls. Journal of
ethnic identity in Native American adolescents First-trimester or second-trimester screening, Research on Adolescence, 13(4), 399–425.
as a function of school context. Journal of or both, for Down’s syndrome. New England Markus, H. R., & Kityayama, S. (1991). Culture and
Adolescent Research, 12, 372–388. Journal of Medicine, 353(19), 2001–2011. the self: Implications for cognition, emotion,
doi:10.1177/0743554897123007 Malone, T. W., & Lepper, M. (1987). Making and motivation. Psychological Review, 98,
MacArthur, C. A. (1998). From illegible to learning fun: A taxonomy of intrinsic 224–253.
understandable: How word prediction and motivations for learning. In R. E. Snow & Markus, H. R., & Nurius, P. (1987). Possible selves.
speech synthesis can help, Teaching M. J. Farr (Eds.), Aptitude, learning and instruction, American Psychology, 41, 954–969.
Exceptional Children, 30(6), 66–71. Volume 3: Cognitive and affective process Marsh, H. W., Smith, I. D., & Barnes, J. (1985).
MacArthur, C. A. (2009). Technology and analysis (pp. 223–253). Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. Multidimensional self-concepts: Relations with
struggling writers: A review of research. British Mandler, J. M., & McDonough, L. (1996). Drinking sex and academic achievement. Journal of
Journal of Educational Psychology, 79, 1–8. and driving don’t mix: Inductive generalizations Educational Psychology, 77, 581–596.
Maccoby, E. E. (1980). Social development: in one-year-olds. Cognition, 59, 307–335. Marshall, S. K., Tilton-Weaver, L. C., & Bosdet, L.
Psychological growth and the parent-child relation- Mann, M. M., Hosman, C. M. H., Schaalma, H. P., & (2005). Information management: Considering
ship. New York, NY: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich. deVries, N. K. (2004). Self-esteem in a adolescents’ regulation of parental knowledge.
Maccoby, E. E. (1998). The two sexes: Growing up broad-spectrum approach for mental health Journal of Adolescence, 28(5), 633–647.
apart, coming together. Cambridge, MA: promotion. Health Education Research, 19(4), Marshall, W. A., & Tanner, J. M. (1986). Puberty. In
Harvard University Press. 357–372. F. Faulkmer & J. M. Tanner (Eds.), Human
Maccoby, E. E., & Jacklin, C. N. (1987). Gender Mantzicopolos, P., & Morrison, D. (1992). growth: A comprehensive treatise (Vol. 2:
segregation in childhood. In H. W. Reese (Ed.), Kindergarten retention: Academic and Postnatal growth, neurobiology, pp. 171–210).
Advances in child development (Vol. 20, behavioral outcomes through the end of New York, NY: Springer.
pp. 239–288). New York, NY: Academic Press. second grade. American Educational Research Martens, P. J., & Romphf, L. (2007). Factors
Maccoby, E. E., & Martin, J. A. (1983). Socialization in Journal, 29, 182–198. associated with newborn in-hospital weight
the context of the family: Parent-child interaction. March of Dimes. (2009a). Newborn screening tests. loss: Comparisons by feeding methods,
In E. M. Hetherington (Vol. Ed.), Handbook of Retrieved from www.marchofdimes.com demographics, and birthing procedures.
child psychology: Vol. 4. Socialization, personality, March of Dimes. (2009b). Premature births. Journal of Human Lactation, 23,
and social development (4th ed., pp. 1–101). New Retrieved from http://www.marchofdimes.com/ 233–241.
York, NY: Wiley. prematurity/21326_1157.asp#head1 Martin, C. L., & Fabes, R. A. (2001). The stability
MacDonald, S. C., Pertowski, C. A., & Jackson, R. J. March of Dimes. (2010a). Amniocentesis. Retrieved and consequences of young children’s same-
(1996). Environmental public health from http://www.marchofdimes.com/ sex peer interactions. Developmental
surveillance. Journal of Public Health professionals/14332_1164.asp#head5 Psychology, 37, 431–446.
Management and Practice, 2, 45–49. March of Dimes. (2010b) Chromosomal Martin, C. L., & Halverson, C. F., Jr. (1981). A
Madsen, C. H., Becker, W. C., & Thomas, D. R. abnormalities. Retrieved from www schematic-processing model of sex typing and
(1968). Rules, praise, and ignoring: Elements of .marchofdimes.com stereotyping in children. Child Development,
elementary classroom control. Journal of March of Dimes. (2010c). Maternal blood screening 52, 1119–1134.
Applied Behavior Analysis, 1, 139–150. for birth defects. Retrieved from http://www Martin, C. L., & Ruble, D. (2004). Children’s search
Magai, C., Hunziker, J., Mesias, W., & Culver, L. C. .marchofdimes.com/professionals/14332_ for gender cues cognitive perspectives on
(2000). Adult attachment styles and emotional 1166.asp gender development. Current Directions in
biases. International Journal of Behavioral Marchbank, T., Weaver, G., Nilsen-Hamilton, M., & Psychological Science, 13, 67–70.
Development, 24, 301–309. Playford, R. J. (2009). Pancreatic secretory Martin, K. A. (1996). Puberty, sexuality, and the
Magnuson, K. A., & Duncan, G. J. (2004). Parent- trypsin inhibitor us a major motogenic and self: Boys and girls at adolescence. New York,
versus child-based intervention strategies for protective factor in human breast milk. NY: Routledge.
promoting children’s well-being. In A. Kalil & American Journal of Physiol Gastrointest Liver Martin, M., Myers, S., & Moffet, T. (2002).
T. DeLeire ( Eds.), Family investments in Physiol, 296, G697–G703. Students’ motives for communicating with their
children’s potential: Resources and parenting Marcia, J. E. (1966). Development and validation of instructors. In J. Cheesebro & J. McCroskey
behaviors that promote success. Monographs in ego-identity status. Journal of Personality (Eds.), Communication for teachers (pp. 35–46).
Parenting (pp. 209–235). Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. Psychology, 3, 551–558. Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon.

490
 REFERENCES

Martino, S. C., Elliot, M. N., Collins, R. L., Kanouse, McCabe, A. (1996). Chameleon readers: Teaching http://aje.oxfordjournals.org/cgi/content/
D. E., & Berry, S. H. (2008). Virginity pledges children to enjoy all kinds of good stories. New abstract/kwn202v1
among the willing: Delays in first intercourse York, NY: McGraw-Hill. McElwain, N. L., & Booth-LaForce, C. (2006).
and consistency of condom use. Journal of McCabe, M. P., & Vincent, M. A. (2003). The role Maternal sensitivity to infant distress and non-
Adolescent Health, 43, 341–348. of biodevelopmental and psychological factors distress as predictors of infant-mother
Martorell, G. A., & Bugental, D. B. (2006). Maternal in disordered eating among adolescent males attachment security. Journal of Family
variations in stress reactivity: Implications for and females. European Eating Disorders Psychology, 20(2), 247–255.
harsh parenting practices with very young Review, 11, 315–328. McElwain, N. L., Booth-LaForce, C., Lansford, J. E.,
children. Journal of Family Psychology, 20, McCafferty, S. G. (2004). Introduction. International Wu, X., & Dyer, W. J. (2008). A process model
641–647. Journal of Applied Linguistics, 14(1), 1–6. of attachment-friend linkages: Hostile
Masten, A. S. (1999). Resilience comes of age: McCall, R. B. (1987). The media, society, and child attribution biases, language ability, and
Reflections on the past and outlook for the development research. In J. D. Osofsky (Ed.), mother-child affective mutuality as intervening
next generation of research. In M. D. Glantz & Handbook of infant development (2nd ed., mechanisms. Child Development, 79(6),
J. Johnson (Eds.), Resilience and development: pp. 1199–1255). New York, NY: Wiley. 1891–1906.
Positive life adaptations (pp. 281–296). New McCall, R. B., Groark, C. J., & Nelkin, R. P. (2004). McElwain, N. L., Cox, M. J., Burchinal, M. R., &
York, NY: Plenum. Integrating developmental scholarship and Macfie, J. (2003). Differentiating among
Masten, A. S. (2001). Ordinary magic: Resilience society: From dissemination and accountability insecure mother-infant attachment
processes in development. American to evidence-based programming and policies. classifications: A focus on child-friend
Psychologist, 56, 227–238. Merrill-Palmer Quarterly, 50, 326–340. interaction and exploration during solitary play
Masten, A. S. (2004). Regulatory processes, risk McCann, J. C., & Ames, B. N. (2007). An overview at 36 months. Attachment & Human
and resilience in adolescent development. New of evidence for a causal relation between iron Development, 5(2), 136–164.
York Academy of Sciences, 1021, 310–319. deficiency during development and deficits in McHale, J., Lauretti, A., Talbot, J. A., & Pouquette,
Masten, A. S., & Coatsworth, J. D. (1998). The cognitive or behavioral function. Journal of C. (2002). Retrospect and prospect in the
development of competence in favorable and Clinical Nutrition, 85(4), 931–945. psychological study of coparenting and family
unfavorable environments: Lessons on research McCaslin, M., & Hickey, D. T. (2001). Self-regulated group process. In J. McHale & W. Grolnick
from successful children. American Psychologist, learning and academic achievement: A (Eds.), Retrospect and prospect in the
53, 205–220. Vygotskian view. In B. Zimmerman & D. Schunk psychological study of families (pp. 127–165).
Masten, A. S., Shaffer, A. (2006). How families (Eds.), Self-regulated learning and academic Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum.
matter in child development: Reflections from achievement: Theoretical perspectives (2nd ed., McHale, J. P., & Rasmussen, J. L. (1998).
research on risk and resilience. In A. Clarke- pp. 227–252). Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. Coparental and family group-level dynamics
Stewart & J. Dunn (Eds.), Families count: Effects McCoach, D. B., Kehle, T. J., Bray, M. L., & Siegle, during infancy: Early family precursors of child
on child and adolescent development D. (2001). Best practices in the identification of and family functioning during preschool.
(pp. 5–25). New York, NY: Cambridge gifted students with learning disabilities. Development and Psychopathology, 10, 39–59.
University Press. Psychology in the Schools, 38, 403–411. McHale, S. M., Crouter, A. C., & Whiteman, S. D.
Matalon, K. M., Acosta, P. B., & Azen, C. (2003). McCormack, T. D., & Hoeri, C. (2005). Children’s (2003). The family contexts of gender
Role of nutrition in pregnancy with reasoning about the causal significance of the development in childhood and adolescence.
phenylketonuria and birth defects. Pediatrics, temporal order of events. Developmental Social development, 12, 125–148.
112, 1534–1536. Psychology, 41, 54–63. McKenna J. J., & McDade T. (2005). Why babies
Matatyaho, D. J., & Gogate, L. J. (2008). Type of McCoy, A. R., & Reynolds, A. J. (1999). Grade should never sleep alone: A review of the co-
maternal object motion during synchronous retention and school performance: An sleeping controversy in relation to SIDS,
naming predicts preverbal infants’ learning of extended investigation. Journal of School bedsharing, and breast feeding. Paediatric
word-object relations. Infancy, 13(2), 172–184. Psychology, 37, 273–298. Respiratory Reviews, 6, 134–152.
Matson, J. L., Matson, M. L., & Rivet, T. T. (2007). McCrory, E. J., Mechelli, A., Frith, U., & Price, C. J. McKenzie, T. L., & Kahan, D. (2008). Physical
Social–skills treatments for children with autism (2005). More than words: A common neural activity, public health, and elementary schools.
spectrum disorders. Behavior Modification, 31, basis for reading and naming deficits in Elementary School Journal, 108, 171–180.
682–707. developmental dyslexia? Brain, 128(2), McLanahan, S. S. (1997). Parent absence or
Mattanah, J. F., Pratt, M. W., Cowan, P. A., & 261–267. poverty: Which matters more? . In G. J. Duncan
Cowan, C. P. (2005). Authoritative parenting, McCurdy, C. E., Bishop, J. M., Williams, S. M., & J. Brooks-Gunn (Eds.), Consequences of
parental scaffolding of long-division Grayson, B. E., Smith, S. M., Friedman, J., & growing up poor (pp. 25–48). New York, NY:
mathematics, and children’s academic Grove, K. L. (2009). Maternal high-fat diet Russell Sage Foundation.
competence in fourth grade. Journal of Applied triggers lipotoxicity in the fetal livers of McLanahan, S. S. (1999). Father absence and the
Developmental Psychology, 26, 85–106. nonhuman primates. Journal of Clinical welfare of children. In E. M. Hetherington (Ed.),
Mayer, R. E. (1992). Thinking, problem solving, Investigation, 119(2), 323–335. Coping with divorce, single parenting, and
cognition (2nd ed.). New York, NY: Freeman. McDevitt, T. M., & Ormrod, J. E. (2010).Child remarriage: A risk and resiliency perspective
Maynard, A. E. (2002). Cultural teaching: The development and education. Columbus, OH: (pp. 117–145). Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum.
development of teaching skills in Maya sibling Merrill. McLaughlin, T., Humphries, O., Jr., Nguyen, T.,
interactions. Child Development, 73, 969–982. McDougall, P., Hymel, S., Vaillancourt, T., & Maljanian, R., & McCormack, K. (2004).
Mayo Clinic. (2009). Type 2 diabetes: Mercer, L. (2001). The consequences of “Getting the lead out” in Hartford,
Complications. Retrieved from http://www childhood peer rejection. In M. R. Leary (Ed.), Connecticut: A multifaceted lead-poisoning
.mayoclinic.com/health/type-2-diabetes/ Interpersonal Rejection. New York, NY: awareness campaign. Environmental Health
DS00585/DSECTION⫽complications Oxford. Perspective, 112, 1–5. doi:10.1289/
Mayo Clinic. (2010). Chorionic villus sampling. McDowell, D. J., Parke, R. D., & Wang, S. (2003). ehp.6391
Retrieved from http://www.mayoclinic.com/ Differences between mothers’ and fathers’ McLoyd, V. C. (1998). Economic disadvantage and
health/chorionic-villus-sampling/MY00154/ advice-giving style and content: Relations with child development. American Psychologist, 53,
DSECTION⫽risks social competence and psychological 185–204.
McAdoo, H. P. (2001). Parent and child functioning in middle childhood. Merrill-Palmer McLoyd, V. C., Aikens, N. L., & Burton, L. M.
relationships in African American families. In Quarterly, 49, 55–76. (2006). Childhood poverty, policy, and practice.
N. B. Webb (Ed.), Culturally diverse parent-child McElrath, T. F., Hecht, J. L., Dammann, O., In W. Damon & R. M. Lerner (Series Eds.) &
and family relationships: A guide for social Boggess, K., Onderdonk, A., Markenson, G., K. A. Renninger & I. Sigel (Vol. Eds.), Handbook
workers and other practitioners (pp. 89–106). Harper, M., . . . Leviton, A. (2008). Pregnancy of child psychology: Vol. 4. Child psychology in
New York, NY: Columbia University Press. disorders that lead to delivery before the 28th practice (6th ed., pp. 700–775). New York, NY:
McAnarney, E. R. (2008). Adolescent brain week of gestation: An epidemiologic approach Wiley.
development: Forging new links. Journal of to classification. American Journal of McNamee, S., & Peterson, J. (1986). Young
Adolescent Health, 42, 321–323. Epidemiology, 168(9),990–992. Retrieved from children’s distributive justice reasoning,

491
 REFERENCES

behavior, and role taking: Their consistency and acts by 18-month-old children. Developmental Miller, P. H., & Seier, W. (1994). Strategy utilization
relationship. Journal of Genetic Psychology, Psychology, 31, 1–16. deficiencies in children: When, where, and why.
146, 399–404. Meltzoff, A. N. (1999). Born to learn: What In H. Reese (Ed.), Advances in child evelopment
McWayne, C. M., Fantuzzo, J. W., & McDermott, P. A. infants learn from watching us. In N. Fox & and behavior (Vol. 25, pp. 107–156). New York,
(2004). Preschool competency in context: An J. G. Worhol (Eds.), The role of early NY: Academic Press.
investigation of the unique contribution of child experiences in infant development (pp. 1–10). Miller, S. P., & Mercer, C. D. (1997). Educational
competencies to early academic success. Skillman, NJ: Pediatric Institute Publicaitons. aspects of mathematics disabilities. Journal of
Developmental Psychology, 40, 633–645. Meltzoff, A. N. (2005). Imitation and other minds: Learning Disabilities, 30, 47–56.
McWayne, C. M., Owsianik, M., Green, L. E., & The “Like Me” hypothesis. In S. Hurley & Mills, R. S. L., & Grusec, J. E. (1989). Cognitive,
Fantuzzo, J. W. (2008). Parenting behaviors and N. Chater (Eds.), Perspectives on imitation: affective, and behavioral consequences of
preschool children’s social and emotional skills: From neuroscience to social science (Vol. 2, praising altruism. Merrill-Palmer Quarterly, 35,
A question of the consequential validity of pp. 55–77). Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. 299–326.
traditional parenting constructs for low-income Meltzoff, A. N., & Brooks, R. (2007). Eyes wide Mills-Koonce, W. R., Gariepy, J-L., Propper, C.,
African Americans. Early Childhood Research shut: The importance of eyes in infant gaze Sutton, K., Calkins, S., Moore, G., & Cox, M.
Quarterly, 23, 173–192. following and understanding other minds. In (2007). Infant and parent factors associated with
Mead, G. H. (1934). Mind, self, and society. R. Flom, K. Lee, & D. Muir (Eds.), Gaze early maternal sensitivity: A caregiver-
Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. following: Its development and significance attachment systems approach. Infant Behavior
Meadows, S. (2006). The child as a thinker (2nd ed.). (pp. 217–241). Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. & Development, 30(1), 114–126.
New York, NY: Routledge. Meltzoff, A. N., & Kuhl, P. K. (1989). Infants’ Milner, H. R. (Ed.). (2009). Diversity and education:
Meaney, M. J., Stewart, J., & Beatty, W. W. (1985). perception of faces and speech sounds: Teachers, teaching, and teacher education.
Sex differences in social play: The socialization Challenges to developmental theory. In Springfield, IL: Charles C. Thomas.
of sex roles. In J. S. Rosenblatt (Ed.), Advances P. R. Zelazo & R. G. Barr (Eds.), Challenges to Milunsky, A. (1992). Genetic disorders and the
in the study of behaviour: Vol. 15. (pp. 2–58). developmental paradigms: Implications for fetus: Diagnosis, prevention, and treatment (3rd
Orlando, FL: Academic Press. theory, assessment and treatment (pp. 67–91). ed.). Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University
Mears, T. (1998, April 12). Saying “Si” to Spanish. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. Press.
Boston Globe. Meltzoff, A. N., & Moore, M. K. (1977). Imitation of Minami, M. (2001). Maternal styles of narrative
Mediascope. (1996). National television violence facial and manual gestures by human neonates. elicitation and the development of children’s
study: Executive summary 1994–1995. Studio Science 7(198). narrative skill: A study on parental scaffolding.
City, CA: Author. Meltzoff, A. N., & Moore, M. K. (1983). Newborn Narrative Inquiry, 11, 55–80.
Medina, J. A. M., Lozano V. M., & Goudena P. P. infants imitate adult facial gestures. Child Mindell, J. A. (2005). Sleeping through the night:
(2001). Conflict management in preschoolers: a Development, 54, 702–709. How infants, toddlers, and their parents can get
crosscultural perspective. International Journal Mendle, J., Turkheimer, E., & Emery, R. E. (2007). a good night’s sleep (Rev. ed.). New York, NY:
of Early Years Education, 9, 153–60. Detrimental psychological outcomes associated Harper Paperbacks.
MedlinePlus. (2010). Asthma. Retrieved from with early pubertal timing in adolescent girls. Minnesota Department of Health. (nd). Hearing
http://www.nlm.nih.gov/medlineplus/ency/ Developmental Review, 27, 151–171. and vision screening. Retrieved from http://
article/000141.htm Merewood, A. (2000). Sperm under siege. In www.health.state.mn.us/divs/fh/mch/hlth-vis/
MedlinePlus. (2010). Iron deficiency anemia— K. L. Freiberg (Ed.), Human development 00/01 index.html
children. Retrieved from http://www.nlm.nih (28th ed., pp. 41–45). Guilford, CT: Dushkin/ Minton, C., Kagan, J., & Levine, J. A. (1971).
.gov/medlineplus/ency/article/007134.htm McGraw-Hill. Maternal control and obedience in the
Meece, J. L. (2002). Child and adolescent Merrell, K. W., & Gimpel, G. A. (1998). Social skills two-year-old. Child Development, 42,
development for educators (2nd ed.). New of children and adolescents: Conceptualization, 1873–1894.
York, NY: McGraw-Hill. assessment, and treatment. Mahwah, NJ: Mintz, T. H. (2005). Linguistic and conceptual
Meece, J. L., & Kurtz-Costes, B. (2001). Erlbaum. influences on adjective acquisition in 24- and
Introduction: The schooling of ethnic minority Merrell, K. W., Gueldner, B., Ross, S. W., & Isava, 36-month olds. Developmental Psychology,
children and youth. Educational Psychologist, D. (2008). How effective are school bullying 41, 17–29.
36, 1–7. intervention programs? A meta-analysis of Mischel, W., & Leibert, R. M. (1966). Effects of
Mehler, J., Dupoux, E., Nazzi, T., & Dehaene- intervention research. School Psychology discrepancies between observed and imposed
Lambertz, G. (1996). Coping with linguistic Quarterly, 23, 26–42. reward criteria on their acquisition and
diversity: The infant’s point of view. In Mertler, C. A., & Charles, C. M. (2005). Introduction transmission. Journal of Personality and Social
J. L. Morgan & K. Demuth (Eds.), Signal to to educational research (5th ed.). Boston, MA: Psychology, 3, 45–53.
syntax. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. Allyn & Bacon. Misra, M. (2008). Bone density in the adolescent
Mehler, J., Jusczyk, P. W., Lambertz, G., Halsted, N., Meyer, D. R. (1999). Compliance with child support athlete. Reviews in Endocrine and Metabolic
Bertoncini, J., & Amiel-Tison, C. (1988). orders in paternity and divorce cases. In Disorders, 9, 139–144.
A precursor of language acquisition in young A. Thompson & P. R. Amato (Eds.), The Mitchell, J. A. (2005). Sleeping through the night:
infants. Cognition, 29, 144–178. postdivorce family: Children, parenting, and How infants, toddlers, and their parents can get
Mei, Z., Scanlon, K. S., Grummer-Strawn, L. M., society (pp. 127–157). Thousand Oaks, CA: a good night’s sleep. New York, NY: Harper
Freedman, D. S., Yip, R., & Trowbridge, F. L. Sage. Collins.
(1998). Increasing prevalence of overweight Miller, B. C., Xitao, F., Christensen, M., Grotevant, Mitomo, K., Griesenbach, U., Inoue, M.,
among US low-income preschool children: the H. D., & van Dulmen, M. (2000). Comparisons Somerton, L., Meng, C., Akiba, E., Tabata, T., . . .
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, of adopted and nonadopted adolescents in a Alton, E. W. F. W. (March 23, 2010). Toward
Pediatric Nutrition Surveillance, 1983 to 1995. large, nationally representative sample. Child gene therapy for cystic fibrosis: Using a
Pediatrics, 101(1), e12. Development, 71, 1458–1473. lentivirus pseudotyped with sendai virus
Meichenbaum, D., Burland, S., Gruson, L., & Miller, G. A. (1969). Psychology as a means of envelopes. Molecular Therapy 18, 1173–1182.
Cameron, R. (1985). Metacognitive assessment. promoting human welfare. American doi:10.1038/mt.2010.13.
In S. Yussen (Ed.), The growth of reflection in Psychologist, 24, 1063–1075. Miyamoto, R. T., Houston, D. M., & Bergeson, T.
children (pp. 1–30). Orlando, FL: Academic Miller, G. A., Galanter, E., & Pribram, K. H. (1960). (2005). Cochlear implantation in deaf infants.
Press. Plans and the structure of behavior. New York, Laryngoscope, 115(8), 1376–1380.
Meisels, S. J. (1989). High-stakes testing in NY: Holt, Rinehart & Winston. Mize, J., & Pettit, G. S. (1997). Mother’s social
kindergarten. Educational Leadership, 46(7), Miller, L. C., Putcha-Bhagavatula, A. D., & coaching, mother-child relationship style, and
16–22. Pedersen, W. C. (2002). Men’s and women’s children’s peer competence: Is the medium the
Meltzoff, A. N. (1985). Immediate and deferred mating preferences: Distinct evolutionary message? Child Development, 68, 312–332.
imitation in fourteen- and twenty-four-month- mechanisms? Current Directions in Moffitt, T. E. (2005). The new look of behavioral
old infants. Child Development, 56, 62–72. Psychological Science, 11, 88–93. genetics in developmental psychopathology:
Meltzoff, A. N. (1995). Understanding the Miller, P. H. (2011). Theories of developmental Gene-environment interplay in antisocial
intentions of others: Re-enactment of intended psychology (5th ed.). New York, NY: Worth. behaviors. Psychological Bulletin, 131, 533–554.

492
 REFERENCES

Molenaar, P. C. M, Huizinga, H. M., & Washington DC: Migration Policy Institute Myers, D. G. (2005). Exploring psychology (6th
Nesselroade, J. R. (2003). The relationship National Center on Immigration Integration Policy. ed.). New York, NY: Worth.
between the structure of inter-individual and Muir, D. A. (2002). Adult communications with Nachmias, M., & Gunnar, M. (1996). Behavioral
intra-individual variability: A theoretical and infants through touch: The forgotten sense. inhibition and stress reactivity: The moderating
empirical vindication of developmental systems Human Development, 45, 95–99. role of attachment security. Child Development,
theory. In U. M. Staudinger and U. Lindenberger Mulder, E. J. H., Robles de Medina, P. G., 67(2), 508–523.
(Eds.), Understanding human development Huizink, A. C., Van den Bergh, B. R. H., NAEP. (1997). National Assessment of Educational
(pp. 339–360). Boston, MA: Kluwer. Buitelaar, J. K., & Visser, G. H. A. (2002). Progress. Washington, DC: National Center for
Molina, B. S. G., & Chassin, L. (1996). The parent- Prenatal maternal stress: Effects on pregnancy Educational Statistics.
adolescent relationship at puberty: Hispanic and the (unborn) child. Early Human NAGC. (2010). Is there a definition of “gifted”?
ethnicity and parent alcoholism as moderators. Development, 70, 3–14. Retrieved from http://www.nagc.org/index2
Developmental Psychology, 32, 675–686. Mullis, I. V. S., Martin, M. O., & Foy, P. (2005). A .aspx?id⫽548.
Moll, L. C., Amanti, C., Neff, D., & Gonzalez, N. developmental project to report TIMSS 2003 Nansel, T. R., Overpeck, M., Pilla, R. S., Ruan, W.,
(1992). Funds of knowledge for teaching: Using mathematics achievement in cognitive domains. Simons-Morton, B., & Scheidt, P. (2001).
a qualitative approach to connect homes and Chestnut Hill, MA: TIMSS & PIRLS International Bullying behaviors among US youth: Prevalence
classrooms. Theory Into Practice, 31, 132–141. Study Center, Boston College. and association with psychosocial adjustment.
Moll, L. C., & Whitmore, K. F. (1993). Vygotsky in Mullis, I. V. S., Martin, M. O., & Foy, P. (2009). Journal of the American Medical Association,
classroom practice: Moving from individual TIMSS 2007 International Mathematics Report: 285, 2094–2100.
transmission to social transaction. In E. Forman, Findings from IEA’s Trends in International National Association of the Deaf. (2000). Position
N. Minick, & C. A. Stone (Eds.), Contexts for Mathematics and Science Study at the fourth statement on cochlear implants. Retrieved from
learning: Sociocultural dynamics in children’s and eighth Grades. Chestnut Hill, MA: TIMSS & http://www.nad.org/issues/technology/
development (pp. 19–42). New York, NY: PIRLS International Study Center, Boston assistive-listening/cochlear-implants
Oxford. College. National Association for Sport and Physical
Money, J., & Ehrhardt, A. A. (1972). Man and Mullis, I. V. S., Martin, M. O., Gonzalez, E., & Education (NASPE). (2000). Public attitudes
woman: Boy and girl. Baltimore, MD: Johns Kennedy, A. M. (2003). PIRLS 2001 International toward physical education. Reston, VA: Author.
Hopkins University Press. report: IEA’s study of reading literacy National Association for Sport and Physical
Montgomery, M. J., & Cote, J. E. (2006). College achievement in primary schools. Chestnut Hill, Education and American Heart Association
as a transition to adulthood. In G. R. Adams & MA: Boston College. (NASPE). (2006). 2006 shape of the nation
M. D. Berzonsky (Ed.), Blackwell handbook of Mulvey, E. P., & Cauffman, E. (2001). The inherent report: Status of physical education in the USA.
adolescence (pp. 149–172). Malden, MA: limits of predicting school violence. American Reston, VA: Author.
Blackwell Publishing. Psychologist, 56(10), 797–802. National Campaign to Prevent Teen and
Moon, C., Cooper, R. P., & Fifer, W. P. (1993). Munakata, Y. (2006). Information processing Unplanned Pregnancy. (n.d.). Sex and tech:
Two-day old infants prefer their native approaches to development. In D. Kuhn & Results from a survey of teens and young
language. Infant Behavior and Development, R. S. Siegler (Eds.), Cognition, perception, and adults. Retrieved from http://www
16, 495–500. language (6th ed., Vol. 2, pp. 426–463). New .thenationalcampaign.org/sextech/PDF/
Moore, D. S. (2001). The dependent gene: The York, NY: Wiley. SexTech_Summary.pdf
fallacy of “nature vs. nurture.” New York, NY: Munroe, R. L., & Romney, A. K. (2006). Gender and National Cancer Institute. (2009). A snapshot of
Freeman. age differences in same-sex aggregation and pediatric cancers. Retrieved from http://www
Moore, K. L., & Persaud, T. V. N. (2003). Before we social behavior: A four-culture study. Journal of .cancer.gov/aboutnci/servingpeople/snapshots/
are born: Essentials of embryology and birth Cross-Cultural Psychology, 37, 3–19. pediatric.pdf
defects (6th ed.). Philadelphia, Murdock, T. B., Anderman, L. H., & Hodge, S. A. National Center for Children Exposed to Violence.
PA: Saunders. (2000). Middle-grade predictors of students’ (2003). Violence in the media. Retrieved from
Moore, R. S. (2002). Influence of multicultural motivation and behavior in high school. Journal http://www.nccev.org/violence/statistics/
singing games on primary school children’s of Adolescent Research, 15(3), 327–351. statistics-media.html.
attentiveness and song preferences in music Murdock, T. B., Hale, N. M., & Weber, M. J. (2001). National Center on Shaken Baby Syndrome. (nd).
classes. International Journal of Music Predictors of cheating among early Retrieved from http://www.dontshake.org/
Education, 39, 31–39. adolescents: Academic and social motivations. National Clearinghouse on Child Abuse and
Morgan, P. (1998). Adoption and the care of Contemporary Educational Psychology, 26, Neglect Information. (2005). Long-term
children. London, England: IEA Health and 96–115. consequences of child abuse and neglect.
Welfare Unit. Murdock, T. B., & Miller, A. (2003). Teachers as Retrieved from http://www.childprotectionoffice
Morgane, P. J., Mokler, D. J., & Galler, J. R. (2002). sources of middle school students’ motivational .org/pdf/long_term_consequences.pdf
Effects of prenatal protein malnutrition on the identity: Variable-centered and person- National Institute on Deafness and Communication
hippocampal formation. Neuroscience and centered analytic approaches. Elementary Disorders. (2001). Has your baby’s hearing been
Biobehavioral Reviews, 26, 471–483. School Journal, 103, 383–399. screened? Retrieved from http://www.nidcd.nih
Morrison, G. S. (2011). Fundamentals of early Murphy, N. A., Carbone, P. S., & the Council on .gov/health/hearing/screened.asp.
childhood education (6th ed.). Upper Saddle Children with Disabilities. (2008). Promoting the National Institute of Health Stem Cell Institute.
River, NJ: Prentice-Hall. participation of children with disabilities in (2009). Stem cell basics. Retrieved from
Morrow, L. M. (1983). Home and school correlates sports, recreation, and physical activities. http:// stemcells.nih.gov/info/basics/
of early interest in literature. Journal of Pediatrics, 121(5), 1057–1061. National Institutes of Mental Health. (2006).
Educational Research, 76, 221–230. doi:10.1542/peds.2008–0566 Schizophrenia. Retrieved from http://www
Morrow, V. (2006). Understanding gender Murray, J. P. (1980). Television and youth: 25 years .nimh.nih.gov/health/publications/
differences in context: Implications for young of research and controversy. Boys Town, NB: schizophrenia/schizophrenia-booket-2009.pdf
children’s everyday lives. Children & Society, The Boys Town Center for Study of Youth National Institutes of Mental Health. (2008). Bipolar
20, 92–104. Development. disorder. Retrieved from http://www.nimh.nih
Mortimer, J. (2005). Working and growing up in Mustillo, S., Worthman, C., Erkanli, A., Keeler, G., .gov/health/publications/bipolar-disorder/
America. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Angold, A., & Costello, E. J. (2003). Obesity complete-index.shtml
Press. and psychiatric disorder: Developmental National Program for Playground Safety. (n.d.).
Moseley, L., & Gradisar, M. (2009). Evaluation of a trajectories. Pediatrics, 111, 851–859. Safety tips. Retrieved from http://www
school-based intervention for adolescent sleep doi:10.1542/peds.111.4.851 .playgroundsafety.org
problems. Sleep, 32, 334–341. Muter, V., Hulme, C., Snowling, M. J., & National Scientific Council on the Developing
Moshman, D. (1997). Pluralist rational constructivism. Stevenson, J. (2004). Phonemes, rimes, Child. (2004) Young children develop in an
Issues in Education: Contributions from vocabulary, and grammatical skills as environment of relationships (Working Paper
Educational Psychology, 3, 229–234. foundation of early reading development: No. 1). Retrieved from http://www
MPI. (2010). 2008 American Community Survey Evidence from a longitudinal study. .developingchild.net/papers/
and census data on the foreign born by state. Developmental Psychology, 40, 665–681. environment_of_relationships.pdf

493
 REFERENCES

National Scientific Council on the Developing Neumark-Sztainer, D. R., Story, M. T., Wall, M. M., Nichter, M., Adrian, S., Goldade, K., Tesler, L., &
Child. (2006). Perspectives: Iron deficiency’s Harnack, L. J., & Eisenberg, M. E. (2008). Fast Muramato, M. (2008). Smoking and harm-
long-term effects. Retrieved from http://www food intake: Longitudinal trends during the reduction efforts among postpartum women.
.developingchild.net transition to young adulthood and correlates of Qualitative Health Research, 18(9), 1184–1194.
Natvig, G. K., Albrektsen, G., & Qvarnstrom, U. intake. Journal of Adolescent Health, 43, 79–86. NIDCD (National Institute on Deafness and other
(2003). Associations between psychosocial Neville, H. (2007, March). Experience shapes Communication Disorders). (2009). Cochlear
factors and happiness among school human brain development and function. Paper implants. Retrieved from http://www.nidcd.nih
adolescents. International Journal of Nursing presented at the biennial meeting of the .gov/health/hearing/coch.asp
Practice, 9(3), 166–175. Society for Research in Child Development, Nielson. (2009). How teens use media. Retrieved
NCEE. (1983). A nation at risk: The imperative for Boston, Massachusetts. from http://blog.nielsen.com/nielsenwire/
educational reform. Washington, D.C.: National Newcombe, N., & Baenninger, M. (1990). The role reports/nielsen_howteensusemedia_june09.pdf
Commission on Excellence in Education. of expectations in spatial test performance: A Nielsenwire (2009, August). Breaking teen myths.
NCES. (2004, February 27, 2007). Comparing NAEP, meta-analysis. Sex Roles, 16, 25–37. Retrieved from http://blog.nielsen.com/
TIMSS, and PISA in Mathematics and Science. Newcombe, N., & Huttenlocher, J. (1993). Making nielsenwire/online_mobile/breaking-teen-myths/
NCES. (2009). Public school graduates and space: The development of spatial representation NIL. (2008). Developing early literacy: A scientific
dropouts form the Common Core of Data: and reasoning. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. synthesis of early literacy development and
School year 2006–2007. Retrieved from http:// Newman, R. S., & Hussain, I. (2006). Changes in implications for intervention. Report of the
nces.ed.gov/pubs2010/2010313/tables.asp preference for infant-directed speech in low National Early Literacy Panel. Washington, DC:
NCREL. (1994). Funds of Knowledge: A look at Luis and moderate noise by 4.5- to 13-month-olds. National Institute for Literacy (NIL), available
Moll’s research into hidden family resources. Infancy, 10(1), 61–76. online at http://www.nifl.gov/publications/pdf/
CitySchools, 1(1), 10–21. Nguyen, H.-H. D., & Ryan, A. M. (2008). Does NELPReport09.pdf.
NCS. (2010). Child teen and tobacco use. stereotype threat affect test performance of Nilsson, S., Baigi, A., Marklund, B., & Fridlund, B.
Retrieved from http://www.cancer.org/docroot/ minorities and women? A meta-analysis of (2001). The prevalence of the use of androgenic
PED/content/PED_10_2X_Child_and_Teen_ experimental evidence. Journal of Applied anabolic steroids by adolescents in a county of
Tobacco_Use.asp Psychology, 93, 1314–1334. Sweden. European Journal of Public Health, 11,
NCTI, & CITE. (2006). Boosting inclusion in after NICH. (2007). Expert committee recommendations 195–197.
school activities with AT and supplemental on the assessment, prevention and treatment NINDS. (2009). NINDS learning disabilities
services. Tech Works. Retrieved from http:// of child and adolescent overweight and information page. Retrieved from http://www
www.ldonline.org/article/Boosting_Inclusion_ obesity––2007. Boston, MA: National Initiative .ninds.nih.gov/disorders/learningdisabilities/
in_After_School_Activities_with_AT_and_ for Children’s Healthcare Quality. learningdisabilities.htm#What_is
Supplemental_Services NICHD Early Child Care Research Network. (2003). Nippold, M., Hegel, S., Sohlberg, M., & Schwarz, I.
NCTM. (2006). Curriculum focal points for Childcare structure, process, and outcome: (1999). Defining abstract entities: Development
prekindergarten through grade 8 mathematics: Direct and indirect effects of childcare quality in preadolescents, adolescents, and young
A quest for coherence. Reston, VA: National on young children’s development. adults. Journal of Speech and Hearing
Council of Teachers of Mathematics. Psychological Science, 13, 199–206. Research, 42, 473–481.
NECTAC (The National Early Childhood Technical NICHD Early Child Care Research Network. (2003). Nippold, M., Moran, C., & Schwarz, I. E. (2001).
Assistance Center). (2009). NECTAC list of Do children’s attention processes mediate the Idiom understanding in preadolescents:
Part C Lead Agencies. Retrieved from http:// link between family predictors and school Synergy in action. American Journal of Speech
www.nectac.org readiness? Developmental Psychology, 39, Language Pathology and Audiology, 10(2),
Neisser, U. (1976). Cognition and reality. San 581–593. 169–179.
Francisco, CA: Freeman. NICHD Early Child Care Research Network. Nissani, M., & Hoefler-Nissani, D. M. (1992).
Neisser, U., Boodoo, G., Bouchard, A., Boykin, W., (2004a). Affect dysregulation in the mother- Experimental studies of belief dependence of
Brody, N., Ceci, S. J., Halpern, D. F., . . . child relationship in the toddler years: observations and of resistance to conceptual
Urbina, S. (1996). Intelligence: Knowns and Antecedents and consequences. Development change. Cognition and Instruction, 9,
unknowns. American Psychologist, 51, 77–101. and Psychopathology, 16, 43–68. 97–111.
Nelson, C. A. (1995). Basic and applied NICHD Early Child Care Research Network. NMSA. (2010). This we believe: Keys to educating
perspectives on learning, cognition, and (2004b). Fathers’ and mothers’ parenting young adolescents. Westerville, OH: National
development. Minnesota Symposia on Child behavior and beliefs as predictors of children’s Middle School Association.
Psychology (Vol. 28). Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. social adjustment in the transition to school. Noddings, N. (1992). The challenge to care in
Nelson, C. A. (2001). The development and neural Journal of Family Psychology, 18, 628–638. schools: An alternative approach to education.
bases of face recognition. Infant and Child NICHD Early Child Care Research Network. (2005). New York, NY: Teachers College Press.
Development, 10, 3–18. Child care and child development. New York, Noël, M.-P. (2009). Counting on working memory
Nelson, G. (1993). Risk, resistance, and self- NY: Guilford. when learning to count and to add: A preschool
esteem: A longitudinal study of elementary NICHD Early Child Care Research Network. study. Developmental Psychology, 45,
school-aged children from mother-custody and (2005a). Pathways to reading: The role of oral 1630–1643.
two-parent families. Journal of Divorce and language in the transition to reading. Noguera, P. (2005). The racial achievement gap:
Remarriage, 19, 99–119. Developmental Psychology, 41(2), 428–442. How can we assume an equity of outcomes. In
Nelson, K. (2004). Evolution and the development NICHD Early Child Care Research Network. (2005b). L. Johnson, M. E. Finn, & R. Lewis (Eds.), Urban
of human memory systems. In Predicting individual differences in attention, education with an attitude. Albany, NY: SUNY
B. J. Ellis & D. Bjorklund (Eds.), Origins of the memory, and planning in first graders from Press.
social mind: Evolutionary psychology and child experiences at home, child care, and school. Noon, D. H. (2004). Situating gender and
development. New York, NY: Guilford. Developmental Psychology, 41(2), professional identity in American child study
Nelson, K., & Fivush, R. (2004). The emergence of 99–114. 1880–1910. History of Psychology, 7, 107–129.
autobiographical memory: A social cultural NICHD Early Child Care Research Network. (2006). Noonan, K. J., Farnum, C. E., Leiferman, E. M.,
developmental theory. Psychological Review, Infant–mother attachment classification: Risk Lampl, M., Markel, M. D., & Wilsman, N. J.
111, 486–511. and protection to changing maternal caregiving (2004). Growing Pains: Are they due to
Neuman, S. B., & Koskinen, P. (1992). Captioned quality. Developmental Psychology, 42(1), increased growth during recumbency as
television as comprehensible input: Effects of 38–58. documented in a lamb model? Journal of
incidental word learning from context for NICHD. (2008). Beyond infertility: Polycystic ovary Pediatric Orthopedics, 24, 726–731.
language minority students. Reading Research syndrome (PCOS). Retrieved from www.nichd Norbert, F. (2005). Research findings on early first
Quarterly, 27(1), 94–106. .nih.gov language attrition: Implications for the
Neumark-Sztainer, D. R. (2009). Preventing obesity Nicholas, J. G., & Geers, A. E. (2006). Effects of discussion of critical periods in language
and eating disorders in adolescents: What can early auditory experience on the spoken acquisition. Language Learning, 55(3), 491–531.
health care providers do? Journal of Adolescent language of deaf children at 3 years of age. Norton, P., & Sprague, D. (2001). Technology for
Health, 44, 206–213. Ear and Hearing, 27, 286–298. teaching. Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon.

494
 REFERENCES

NSF. (2007). Women, minorities, and persons with of educational psychology (2nd ed., R. M. Lerner, M. A. Easterbrooks, & J. Mistry
disabilities in science and engineering (No. NSF pp. 615–634). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum. (Eds.), Comprehensive handbook of psychology:
07-315). Arlington, VA: National Science Oller, D. K., Eilers, R. E., Neal, A. R., & Cobo- Developmental psychology (Vol. 6, pp. 13–42).
Foundation: Division of Science Resources Lewis, A. B. (1998). Late onset canonical New York, NY: Wiley.
Statistics. babbling: A possible early marker of abnormal Overton, W. F. (2006). Developmental psychology:
Nucci, L. P. (2001). Education in the moral domain. development. American Journal of Mental Philosophy, concepts, and methodology. In
New York, NY: Cambridge Press. Retardation, 103(3), 249–263. R. M. Lerner (Ed.), Handbook of child psychology
Nugent, J. K., Petrauskas, B., & Brazelton, T. B. Olsen, L. (1988). Crossing the schoolhouse border: (6th ed., Vol. 1: Theoretical models of human
(Eds.). (2008). The newborn as a person: Immigrant students and the California public development, pp. 18–88). New York, NY: Wiley.
Enabling healthy infant development schools. San Francisco, CA: California Tomorrow. Owens, J. A., Palermo, T. M., & Rosen, C. L. (2002).
worldwide. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley. Olson, C. K., Kutner, L. A., & Warner, D. E. (2008). Overview of current management of sleep
Nunes, T., & Roazzi, A. (1999). Education, social The role of violent video game content in disturbances in children: II—Behavioral
identity, and occupational aspirations in Brazil: adolescent development. Journal of Adolescent interventions. Current Therapeutic Research,
Reasons for (not) learning. In F. E. Leach & Research, 23(1), 55–75. 63, 38–52.
A. W. Litle (Eds.), Education, culture and Olson, D. R. (2004). The triumph of hope over Owens, R. E. (2005a). Language disorders: A
economics: Dilemmas for development experience in the search for “what works”: A functional approach to assessment and
(pp. 27–343). New York, NY: Falmer Press. response to Slavin. Educational Researcher, intervention Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon.
Nurnberger, J. I., & Foroud, T. (2000). Genetics of 33(1), 24–26. Owens, R. E. (2005b). Language development: An
bipolar affective disorder. Current Psychiatry Olsson, A., Fahlen, I., & Janson, S. (2008). Health introduction (6th ed.). Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon.
Reports, 2(2), 147–157. behaviours, risk-taking and conceptual changes Owens, R. E. (2008). Language development: An
Nylund, D. (2000). Treating Huckleberry Finn: A among schoolchildren aged 7 to 19 years in introduction (7th ed.). Boston, MA: Allyn &
new narrative approach to working with kids semi-rural Sweden. Child: Care, Health & Bacon.
diagnosed ADD/ADHD. San Francisco, CA: Development, 34(3), 302–309. Owusu-Bempah, J., & Howitt, D. (2000).
Jossey-Bass. Olweus, D. (1991). Bully/victim problems among Psychology beyond Western perspectives.
O’Boyle, M. W., & Gill, H. S. (1998). On the school-children: Basic facts and effects Leicester, England: BPS Books.
relevance of research findings in cognitive of a school-based intervention program. In Oyama, S. (2000). The ontogeny of information:
neuroscience to educational practice. D. Pepler & K. Rubin (Eds.), The development Developmental systems and evolution. Durham,
Educational Psychology Review, 10, 397–409. and treatment of childhood aggression NC: Duke University Press.
doi:10.1023/A:1022889317826 (pp. 411–448). Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. Ozonoff, S., Young, G. S., Goldring, S.,
O’Brien, M. (1992). Gender identity and sex roles. Omi, M., & Winant, H. (1994). Racial formation in Greiss-Hess, L., Herrera, A. M., Steele, J., . . .
In V. B. Hasselt & M. Hersen (Eds.), Handbook the United States: From the 1960s to the 1990s Rogers, S. J. (2008). Gross motor development,
of social development: A lifespan perspective (2nd ed.). New York, NY: Routledge. movement abnormalities, and early
(pp. 325–345). New York, NY: Plenum. Optum Health. (2008). Accidental poisoning in identification of autism. Journal of Autism and
O’Brien, M. P., Zinberg, J. L., Bearden, C. E., children. Retrieved from http://www Developmental Disorders, 38, 644–656.
Lopez, S. R., Kopelowicz, A., Daley, M., & .myoptumhealth.com/portal/Information/item/ Ozturk, A., Mazicioglu, M. M., Poyrazoglu, S.,
Cannon, T. D. (2008). Parent attitudes and Accidental⫹Poisoning⫹in⫹Children?archiveC Cicek, B., Gunay, O., & Kurtoglu, S. (2009). The
parent adolescent interaction in families of hannel⫽Home%2FArticle&clicked⫽true relationship between sleep duration and
youth at risk for psychosis and with recent-onset Orfield, G., & Frankenberg, E. (2005). Where are obesity in Turkish children and adolescents.
psychotic symptoms. Early Intervention in we now? In F. Shultz (Ed.), Annual editions: Acta Paediatrica, 98, 699–702.
Psychiatry, 2(4), 268–276. Multicultural education (pp. 10–12). Dubuque, Pahl, K., & Way, N. (2006). Longitudinal trajectories
O’Donnell, A. M. (2006). The role of peers and IA: McGraw-Hill/Dushkin. of ethnic identity among urban Black and Latino
group learning. In P. A. Alexander & Orlando, L., & Machado, A. (1996). In defense adolescents. Child Development, 77(5),
P. H. Winne (Eds.), Handbook of educational of Piaget’s theory: A reply to 10 common 1403–1415.
psychology (2nd ed., pp. 781–802). Mahwah, criticisms. Psychological Review, 103, 143–164. Pai, Y., & Adler, S. A. (2001). Cultural foundations
NJ: Erlbaum. Orme, N. (2001). Medieval children. New Haven, of education (3rd ed.). Upper Saddle River, NJ:
O’Donnell, A. M., & O’Kelly, J. (1994). Learning CT: Yale University Press. Merrill.
from peers: Beyond the rhetoric of positive Ornstein, P. A., & Haden, C. A. (2001). Memory Paik, H., & Comstock, G. (1994). The effects of
results. Educational Psychology Review, 6, development or the development of memory? television violence on antisocial behavior: A
321–350. Current Directions in Psychological Science, 10, meta-analysis. Communication Research, 21,
Oakes, J. (1999). Promotion or retention: Which 202–206. 516–546.
one is social? Harvard Education Letter, 15(1), 8. Osgood, D. W., Wilson, J. K., O’Malley, P. M., Palinscar, A. S. (1998). Social constructivist
Oakes, L. M., Messenger, I. M., Ross-Sheehy, S., & Bachman, J. G., & Johnston, L. D. (1996). perspectives on teaching and learning. Annual
Luck, S. J. (2009). New evidence for rapid Routine activities and individual deviant Review of Psychology, 49, 345–375.
development of colour-location binding in behavior. American Sociological Review, 61(4), Palincsar, A. S., & Brown, A. L. (1989). Classroom
infants’ visual short-term memory. Visual 635–655. dialogues to promote self-regulated
cognition, 17(1/2), 67–82. Osher, D., Bear, G. G., Sprague, J. R., & Doyle, W. comprehension. In J. Brophy (Ed.), Advances in
Odegard, T. N., Cooper, C. M., Lampinen, J. M., (2010). How can we improve school discipline? research on teaching (Vol. 1, pp. 35–67).
Reyna, V. F., & Brainerd, C. J. (2009). Children’s Educational Researcher, 39(1), 48–58. Greenwich, CT: JAI Press.
eyewitness memory for multiple real-life events. doi:10.3102/0013189X09357618 Palincsar, A. S., & Herrenkohl, L. R. (2002).
Child Development, 80, 1877–1890. Oskar, J. G., & O’Connor, B. B. (2005). Children’s Designing collaborative learning contexts.
OECD. (2009). Highlights from Education at a sleep: An interplay between culture and biology. Theory Into Practice, 61, 26–32.
Glance 2009. Paris, France: Organisation for Pediatrics 115(1), (Supplement) 204–216. Palmert, M. R., & Boepple, P. A. (2001). Variation in
Economic Co-Operation and Development. Otto, B. (2010). Language development in early the timing of puberty: Clinical spectrum and
Ogbu, J. U. (2004). Collective identity and the childhood (5th ed.). Columbus, OH: Merrill. genetic investigation. Journal of Clinical
burden of “acting white” in Black history, Ovando, C. J., & Collier, V. P. (1998). Bilingual and Endocrinology & Metabolism, 86, 2634–2668.
community, and education. The Urban Review, ESL classrooms: Teaching in multicultural Panneton, R. K. (1985). Prenatal experience with
36(1), 1–35. contexts (2nd ed.). New York, NY: McGraw-Hill. melodies: Effect on postnatal auditory
Ogden, J. E., Brophy, J. E., & Evertson, C. M. Overton, W. F. (1998). Developmental psychology: preference in human newborns. Unpublished
(1997). An experimental investigation of Philosophy, concepts, and methodology. In doctoral dissertation, University of North
organization and management techniques in R. M. Lerner (Ed.), Handbook of child Carolina at Greensboro.
first-grade reading groups. Paper presented at psychology: Volume 1. Theoretical models of Parasad, B. & Lewis, L. (2006). Calories in, calories
the annual meeting of the American Educational human development (5th ed., pp. 107–188). out: Food and exercise in public elementary
Research Association, New York, NY. New York, NY: Wiley. schools, 2005 (NCES 2006-057). U.S.
Okagaki, L. (2006). Ethnicity, learning. In Overton, W. F. (2003). Development across the life Department of Education. Washington, DC:
P. A. Alexander & P. H. Winne (Eds.), Handbook span: Philosophy, concepts, theory. In: National Center for Education Statistics.

495
 REFERENCES

Paris, S. G., & Cunningham, A. E. (1996). Children A. Huston-Stein (Eds.), Review of human devel- Perkins, S. A., & Turiel, E. (2007). To lie or not to
becoming students. In D. Berliner & R. Calfee opment (pp. 222–241). New York, NY: Wiley. lie: To whom and under what circumstances.
(Eds.), Handbook of educational psychology Patterson, G. R., & Forgatch, M. S. (2005). Parents Child Development, 78(2), 609–621.
(pp. 117–146). New York, NY: Macmillan. and adolescents living together: The basics Perlman, M., & Ross, H. S. (1997). The benefits of
Park, M. J., Brindis, C. D., Chang, F., & Irwin, C. E. (2nd ed.). Champaign, IL: Research Press. parent intervention in children’s disputes: An
(2008). A midcourse review of the healthy Pauen, S., & Träuble, B. (2009). How 7-month-olds examination of concurrent changes in children’s
people 2010: 21 critical health objectives for interpret ambiguous motion events: Category- fighting styles. Child Development, 68,
adolescents and young adults. Journal of based reasoning in infancy. Cognitive 690–700.
Adolescent Health, 42, 329–334. Psychology, 59(3), 275–295. Perner, J. (2000). About ⫹ belief ⫹ counterfactual.
Parke, R. D. (2004). Development in the family. Paulos, L. (2007). Multitasking madness. Scholastic In P. Mitchell & K. J. Riggs (Eds.), Children’s
Annual Review of Psychology, 55, 365–399. Choices, 23(1), 10–13. reasoning and the mind. Hove, East Sussex:
Parke, R. D., & Buriel, R. (1998). Socialization in the Payne, K. J., & Biddle, B. J. (1999). Poor school Psychology Press.
family: Ethnic and ecological perspectives. In funding, child poverty, and mathematics Perry, N. E., Phillips, L., & Dowler, J. (2004).
W. Damon & N. Eisenberg (Eds.), Handbook of achievement. Educational Researcher, 28, 4–12. Examining features of tasks and their potential
child psychology (5th ed., Vol. 3. Social, Pea, R. D., & Maldonado, H. (2006). WILD for to promote self-regulated learning. Teachers
emotional, and personality development, learning: Interacting through new computing College Record, 106, 1854–1878.
pp. 553–618). New York, NY: Wiley. devices anywhere, anytime. In R. K. Sawyer Perry, N. E., VandeKamp, K. O., Mercer, L. K., &
Parke, R. D., & Buriel, R. (2006). Socialization in the (Ed.), The Cambridge handbook of the learning Nordby, C. J. (2002). Investigating
family: Ethnic and ecological perspectives. In sciences (pp. 427–441). New York, NY: teacher–student interactions that foster self-
W. Damon, R. M. Lerner, & N. Eisenberg (Eds.), Cambridge University Press. regulated learning. Educational Psychologist,
Handbook of Child Psychology Vol. 3: Pearson, B. Z., Fernandez, S. C., Lewedeg, V., & 37, 5–15.
(pp. 429–504). New York, NY: Wiley. Oller, D. K. (1997). The relation of input factors Petersen, S. H., & Wittmer, D. S. (2009). Endless
Parker, J. G., & Gottman, J. M. (1989). Social and to lexical learning by bilingual infants. Applied opportunities for infant and toddler curriculum.
emotional development in a relational context: Linguistics, 18, 41–58. A relationship-based approach. Upper Saddle
Friendship interaction from early childhood to Pearson, N., Biddle, S. J. H., & Gorley, T. (2009). River, NJ: Pearson.
adolescence. In T. J. Berndt & G. W. Ladd Family correlates of breakfast consumption Peterson, C. (2002). Children’s long-term memory
(Eds.), Peer relationships in child development. among children and adolescents: A systematic for autobiographical events. Developmental
New York, NY: Wiley. review. Appetite, 52, 1–7. Review, 22.
Parker, J. S., & Benson, M. J. (2004). Parent- Pelham, S. (2009, March 14) Actress Sophie Peterson, C., & McCabe, A. (1983). Developmental
adolescent relations and adolescent Pelham: “My brain is like a filing cabinet psycholinguists: Three ways of looking at a
functioning: Self-esteem, substance abuse, and organized by really bad secretary.” child’s narrative. New York, NY: Plenum Press.
delinquency. Adolescence, 38(155), 519–530. MailOnline. Retrieved from http://www Peterson, G. W. (2005). Family influences on
Parker-Pope, T. (2009, February 23). The 3 r’s? A .dailymail.co.uk/home/you/article-1161180/ adolescent development. In T. P. Gullotta &
fourth is crucial, too: Recess. Retrieved from Actress-Sophie-Pelham—8216-My-brain-like- G. R. Adams (Eds.), Handbook of adolescent
http://www.nytimes.com/2009/02/24/health/ filing-cabinet-organised-really-bad-secretary- behavioral problems: Evidence-based
24well.html 8217.html approaches to prevention and treatment
Parker-Pope, T. (2010, February 16). As girls Pelham, W. E. (1981). Attention deficits in (pp. 27–55). New York, NY: Springer.
become women, sports pay dividends. The hyperactive and learning-disabled children. Peterson, G. W., Cobas, J. A., Bush, J. R.,
New York Times, p. D5. Exceptional Education Quarterly, 2, Supple, A., & Wilson, S. M. (2004). Parent-youth
Parten, M. B. (1932). Social participation among 13–23. relationships and the self-esteem of Chinese
preschool children. Journal of Abnormal and Pellegrini, A. D., & Bohn, C. M. (2005). The role of adolescents: Collectivism versus individualism.
Social Psychology, 27, 243–269. recess in children’s cognitive performance and Marriage & Family Review, 36, 173–200.
Pasley, K., & Gecas, V. (1984). Stresses and school adjustment. Educational Researcher, 34, Peterson, J. T. (1993). Generalized extended family
satisfactions of the parental role. Personnel and 13–19. exchange: A case from the Philippines. Journal
Guidance Journal, 62(7), 400–404. Pellegrini, A. D., Dupuis, D., & Smith, P. K. (2007). of Marriage and the Family, 55, 570–584.
Pasterski, V. L., Geffner, M. E., Brain, C., Play in evolution and development. Petitclerc, A., Boivin, M., Dionne, G., Zoccolillo, M., &
Hindmarsh, P., Brook, C., & Hines, M. (2005). Developmental Review, 27, 261–276. Tremblay, R. E. (2009). Disregard for rules: The
Prenatal hormones and postnatal socialization Pellegrini, A. D., & Smith, P. K. (1998). Physical early development and predictors of a specific
by parents as determinants of male-typical toy activity play: The nature and function of a dimension of disruptive behavior disorders.
play in girls with congenital adrenal hyperplasia. neglected aspect of play. Child Development, Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 50,
Child Development, 76, 264–278. 69, 577–598. 1477–1484.
Patchin, J. W., & Hinduja, J. (2006). Bullies move Pellis, S. (2006). The effects of orbital frontal Petitto, L. A., & Kovelman, I. (2003). The bilingual
beyond the schoolyard: A preliminary look at cortex damage on the modulation of defensive paradox: How signing-speaking bilingual
cyberbullying. Youth Violence and Juvenile responses by rats in playful and nonplayful children help us resolve bilingual issues and
Justice, 4, 148–169. social contexts. Behavioral Neuroscience, 120, teach us about the brain’s mechanisms
Pate, R. R., Stevens, J., Webber, L. S., Dowda, M., 72–84. underlying all language acquisition. Language
Murray, D. M., Young, D. R., & Going, S. (2009). Peltola, M. J., Leppänen, J. M., Palokangas, T., & Learning, 8(3), 5–18.
Age-related change in physical activity in Hietanen, J. K. (2009). Fearful faces modulate Petitto, L. A., & Marentette, P. (1991). Babbling in
adolescent girls. Journal of Adolescent Health, looking duration and attention disengagement the manual mode: Evidence for the ontogeny of
44, 275–282. in 7-month-old infants. Developmental Science, language. Science, 251, 1483–1496.
Patel, V., Flisher, A. J., Hetrick, S., & McGorry, P. 11(1), 60–68. Petrill, S. A., Lipton, P. A., Hewitt, J. K., Plomin, R.,
(2007). Mental health of young people: A Peng, S., & Lee, R. (1992, April). Home variables, Cherny, S. S., Corley, R., & DeFries, J. C. (2004).
global public-health challenge, 369. Retrieved parent–child activities, and academic Genetic and environmental contributions to
from http://www.thelancet.com/search/results? achievement: A study of 1988 eighth graders. general cognitive ability through the first
searchTerm⫽patel&fieldName⫽Authors&year⫽ Paper presented at the annual meeting of the 16 years of life. Developmental Psychology, 40,
2007&volume⫽369&page⫽&journalFromWhich American Educational Research Association, 805–812.
SearchStarted⫽ San Francisco, CA. Petrill, S. A., & Wilkerson, B. (2000). Intelligence
Patterson, C. J. (1992). Children of lesbian and gay Penuel, W. R., & Wertsch, J. V. (1995). Vygotsky and achievement: A behavioral genetic
parents. Child Development, 63, 1025–1042. and identity formation: A sociocultural perspective. Educational Psychology Review,
Patterson, C. J. (2002). Lesbian and gay approach. Educational Psychologist, 30, 12, 185–199.
parenthood. In M. C. Bornstein (Ed.), Handbook 83–92. Petrina, S., Feng, F., & Kim, J. (2008). Researching
of parenting (Vol. 3, pp. 317–338). Hillsdale, Pepler, D. J., & Sedighdeilami, F. (1998, October). cognition and technology: How we learn
NJ: Erlbaum. Aggressive girls in Canada. Hull, QC: Applied across the lifespan. International Journal of
Patterson, G. R. (1982). Self-control and self- Research Branch of Strategic Policy, Human Technology and Design Education, 18,
regulation in childhood. In T. Field & Resources and Development Canada. 375–396.

496
 REFERENCES

Petrini, J. R., Dias, T., McCormick, M. C., Massolo, Piaget, J. (1969). Science of education and the Porac, C., Coren, S., & Searlman, A. (1986).
M. L., Green, N. S., & Escobar, G. J. (2009). psychology of the child. New York, NY: Viking. Environmental factors in hand preference
Increased risk of adverse neurological Piaget, J. (1970a). Piaget’s theory. In P. Mussen formation: Evidence from attempts to switch
development for late preterm infants. Journal of (Ed.), Handbook of child psychology (3rd ed., the preferred hand. Behavioral Genetics, 16,
Pediatrics, 154, 169–176. Vol. 1, pp. 703–732). New York, NY: Wiley. 250–261.
Pettigrew, T. (1998). Intergroup contact theory. Piaget, J. (1970b). The science of education and Portes, A., & Hao, L. (1998). E pluribus unum:
Annual review of psychology (pp. 65–85). the psychology of the child. New York, NY: Bilingualism and loss of language in the second
Palo Alto: CA: Annual Reviews. Orion Press. generation. Sociology of Education, 71,
Pettit, G. S., Bates, J. E., Dodge, K. A., & Piaget, J. (1971). The theory of stages in cognitive 269–294.
Meece, D. W. (1999). The impact of after-school development. In D. R. Green, M. P. Ford, & Posada, G., Jacobs, A., Richmond, M., Carbonell,
peer contact on early adolescent externalizing G. B. Flamer (Eds.), Measurement and Piaget. O. A., Alzate, G., Bustamante, M. R., &
problems is moderated by parental monitoring, New York, NY: McGraw-Hill. Quiceno, J. (2002). Maternal care giving and
perceived neighborhood safety, and prior Piaget, J. (1974). Understanding causality (D. Miles infant security in two cultures. Developmental
adjustment. Child Development, 70(3), & M. Miles, Trans.). New York, NY: Norton. Psychology, 38, 67–78.
768–778. Piaget, J. (1975/1985). The equilibration of Powlishta, K. K. (2004). Gender as a social
Pfiffner, L., Barkley, R. A., & DuPaul, G. J. (2006). cognitive structures, Chicago, IL: University of category: Intergroup processes and gender-role
Treatment of ADHD in school settings. In Chicago Press. development. In M. Bennet & F. Sani (Eds.), The
R. A. Barkley (Ed.), Attention-deficit Piaget, J. (1978). Success and understanding. development of the social self (pp. 103–134).
hyperactivity disorder: A handbook for London, England: Routledge & Kegan Paul. New York, NY: Psychology Press.
diagnosis and treatment (3rd ed., pp. 547–588). Piehler, T. F., & Dishion, T. J. (2007). Interpersonal Prather, R. W., & Alibali, M. W. (2009). The
New York, NY: Guilford. dynamics within adolescent friendships: Dyadic development of arithmetic principle
Phelan, K. J., Khoury, J., Kalkwarf, H., & Lanphear, B. mutuality, deviant talk, and patterns of knowledge: How do we know what learners
(2001). Trends and patterns of playground antisocial behavior. Child Development, 78(5), know? Developmental Review, 29, 21–248.
injuries in United States children and 1611–1624. Pressley, M. (1996 August). Getting beyond whole
adolescents. Ambulatory Pediatrics, 1(4), Pipe, M., Lamb, M. E., Orbach, Y., & Esplin, P. W. language: Elementary reading instruction that
227–233. (2004). Recent research on children. makes sense in light of recent psychological
Philippot P., & Feldman, R. S. (Eds.). (2004). The Developmental Review, 24, 440–468. research. Paper presented at the Annual
regulation of emotion. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. Pisha, B., & Coyne, P. (2001). Smart for the start: meeting of the American Psychological
Phillips, L. M., Norris, S. P., Osmond, W. C., & The promise of universal design for learning. Association, Toronto, ON.
Maynard, A. M. (2002). Relative reading Remedial and Special Education (22), 197–203. Pressley, M., & Hilden, K. (2006). Cognitive
achievement: A longitudinal study of 187 Piske, T., MacKay, I. R. A., & Flege, J. E. (2001). strategies. In D. Kuhn & R. S. Siegler (Eds.),
children from first through sixth grades. Factors affecting degree of foreign accent in Cognition, perception, and language (6th ed.,
Journal of Educational Psychology, 94(1), 3–13. an L2: A review. Journal of Phonetics, 29, Vol. 2, pp. 511–556). New York, NY: Wiley.
Phinney, J. S. (1989). Stages of ethnic identity 191–215. Pressley, M., Raphael, L. M., Gallagher, D., &
development in minority group adolescents. Pittman, L. D., & Richmond, A. (2007). Academic DiBella, J. (2004). Providence-St. Mel School:
Journal of Early Adolescence, 9, 34–49. and psychological functioning in late How a school that works for African-American
Phinney, J. S. (1996). When we talk about adolescence: The importance of school students works. Journal of Educational
American ethnic groups, what do we mean? belonging. The Journal of Experimental Psychology, 96, 216–235.
American Psychologist, 51(9), 918–927. Education, 75(4), 270–290. Price, L. F. (2005). The biology of risk taking.
Phinney, J. S., DuPont, S., Espinosa, C., Revill, J., & Plomin, R. (1990). Nature and nurture: An Educational Leadership, 62(7), 22–27.
Sanders, K. (1994). Ethnic identity and American introduction to behavior genetics. Pacific Price, W. F., & Crapo, R. H. (2002). Cross-cultural
identification among ethnic minority youths. In Grove, CA: Brooks/Cole. perspectives in introductory psychology (4th ed.).
A. Bouvy, F. van de Vijver, P. Boski, & P. Schmitz Plomin, R. (1990). The role of inheritance in Pacific Grove, CA: Wadsworth.
(Eds.), Journeys into Cross-Cultural Psychology. behavior. Science, 248(4952), 183–188. Prinstein, M. J., & La Greca, A. M. (1999). Links
Amsterdam, Netherlands: Plomin, R. (1997). Identifying genes for cognitive between mothers’ and children’s social
Swets & Zeitlinger. abilities and disabilities. In R. J. Sternberg & competence and associations with maternal
Phinney, J. S., Kim, T., Ossorio, S., & E. L. Grigorenko (Eds.), Intelligence, heredity, adjustment. Journal of Clinical Child
Vilhjalmsdottir, P. (2002). Self- and other- and environment (pp. 89–104). New York, NY: Psychology, 28, 197–210.
orientation in the resolutions of adolescent- Cambridge University Press. Prinstein, M. J., & LaGreca, A. M. (2002). Peer
parents disagreements: Cultural and Plomin, R. (2004). Genetics and developmental crowd affiliation and internalizing distress in
developmental differences. Unpublished psychology. Merrill-Palmer Quarterly, 50, childhood and adolescence: A longitudinal
manuscript. Los Angeles, CA: California State 341–352. follow-back study. Journal of Research on
University, Los Angeles. Plomin, R., & Koeppen-Schomerus, G. (2002). Adolescence, 12(3), 325–351.
Piaget, J. (1932). The moral judgment of the child. Beyond heritability. Psychosomatic Medicine, Project Zero, Reggio Emilia, & Children (Eds.).
New York, NY: Macmillan. 64, 204–205. (2001). Making learning visible: Children as
Piaget, J. (1951). Play, dreams and imitation in Plomin, R., & Spinath, F. M. (2004). Intelligence: individual and group learners. Cambridge, MA:
childhood. New York, NY: W. W. Norton. Genetics, genes, and genomics. Journal of Project Zero Publications.
Piaget, J. (1952). The origins of intelligence in Personality and Social Psychology, 86, Pruden, S. M., Hirsh-Pasek, K., Golinkoff, R. M., &
children. New York, NY: International 112–129. Hennon, E. A. (2006). The birth of words: Ten-
Universities Press. Plummer D. L., & Graziano W. G. (1987). Impact of month-olds learn words through perceptual
Piaget, J. (1954). The construction of reality in the grade retention on the social development of salience. Child Development, 77(2), 266–280.
child (M. Cook, Trans.). New York, NY: Basic elementary school children. Developmental Puckett, M. B., Black, J. K., Wittmer, D. S., &
Books. Psychology, 23, 267–275. Petersen, S. H. (2009) The young child:
Piaget, J. (1962). Play, dreams and imitation in Polit, D. E., & Falbo, T. (1987). Only children and Development from prebirth through age eight
childhood. New York, NY: Norton. personality development: A quantitative review. (5th ed). Columbus, OH: Pearson/Merrill.
Piaget, J. (1963). Origins of intelligence in children. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 49, Puncochar, J., & Fox, P. W. (2004). Confidence in
New York, NY: Norton. 309–325. individual and group decision-making: When
Piaget, J. (1964). Development and learning. In Pomares, C. G., Schirrer, J., & Abadie, V. (2002). “Two Heads” are worse than one. Journal of
R. Ripple & V. Rockcastle (Eds.), Piaget Anaysis of the olfactory capacity of healthy Educational Psychology, 96, 582–591.
rediscovered (pp. 7–20). Ithaca, NY: Cornell children before language acquisition. Journal of Purcell-Gates, V. (2001). Emergent literacy is
University Press. Developmental Behavior and Pediatrics, 23, emerging knowledge of written, not oral,
Piaget, J. (1965). The moral judgment of the child. 203–207. language. New Directions for Child and
New York, NY: Free Press. Popham, W. J. (2005). Classroom assessment: Adolescent Development, 92, 7–22.
Piaget, J. (1965/1995). Sociological studies. New What teachers need to know (4th ed.). Boston, Purdie, N., Hattie, J., & Carroll, A. (2002). A review
York, NY: Routledge. MA: Allyn & Bacon. of the research on interventions for Attention

497
 REFERENCES

Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder: What works Rao, N., & Stewart, S. M. (1999). Cultural influences Reynolds, C. R., Skiba, R., Graham, S., Sheras, P.,
best? Review of Educational Research, 72, on sharer and recipient behavior: Sharing in Conoley, J. C., & Garcia-Vazquez, E. (2008). Are
61–99. Chinese and Indian preschool children. Journal zero tolerance policies effective in school: An
Quann, V., & Wien, C. A. (2006). The visible of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 30, 219–241. evidentiary review and recommendations.
empathy of infants and toddlers. Young Rathus, S. A. (1988). Understanding child American Psychologist, 63, 852–862.
Children, 61(4): 22–29. development. New York, NY: Holt, Rinehart & Rhee, S. H., & Waldman, I. D. (2002). Genetic
Quatman, T., Sampson, K., Robinson, C., & Winston. and environmental influences on antisocial
Watson, C. M. (2001). Academic, motivational, Rauscher, K. J., & Myers, D. J. (2008). behavior: A meta-analysis of twin and
and emotional correlates of adolescent dating. Socioeconomic disparities in the prevalence of adoption studies. Psychological Bulletin,
Genetic, Social, and General Psychology work-related injuries among adolescents in the 128, 490–529.
Monographs, 127(1), 211–234. United States. Journal of Adolescent Health, Rhodes, J. (2002). Stand by me: The risks and
Queensland University of Technology. (2006, 42, 50–57. rewards of mentoring today’s youth.
October 28). For crying out loud—Pick up your Raver, C. C. (2004). Placing emotional self- Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
baby. ScienceDaily. Retrieved from http://www regulation in sociocultural and socioeconomic Rhodes, J., Spencer, R., Keller, T., & Liang, B.
.sciencedaily.com contexts. Child Development, 75, 346–353. (2006). A model for the influence of mentoring
Quinn, P. C. (2002). Category representation in Razoki, A. H., Taha, I. K., Taib, N. I., Sadik, S., & relationships on youth development. Journal of
infants. Current Directions in Psychological Al Gasseer, N. (2006). Mental health of Iraqi Community Psychology, 34, 691–701.
Science, 11, 66–70. children. Lancet, 368, 838–839. Ricciardelli, L. A. (1992). Bilingualism and cognitive
Quinn, P. C., Yahr, J., Kuhn, A., Sater, A. M., & Reder, L. M. (1996). Different research programs development: Relation to threshold theory.
Pascalis, O. (2002). Representation of the on metacognition: Are the boundaries Journal of Psycholinguistic Research, 21,
gender of human faces by infants: A preference imaginary? Learning and Individual Differences, 301–316.
for female. Perception, 31,1109–1121. 8, 383–390. Ricciardelli, L. A., & McCabe, M. P. (2001).
Rachlin, H. (1991). Introduction to modern Reich, P. A. (1986). Language development. Children’s body image concerns and eating
behaviorism (3rd ed.). New York, NY: Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. disturbance: A review of the literature. Clinical
W.H. Freeman. Reichman, N. E., & Teitler, J. O. (2003). Effects of Psychology Review, 21(3), 325–344.
Raffaelli. M., & Ontai, L. L. (2004). Gender psychosocial risk factors and prenatal Rice, M. L. (1989). Children’s language acquisition.
socialization in Latino/a families: Results from interventions on birth weight: Evidence from American Psychologist, 44, 149–156.
two retrospective studies. Sex Roles, 50, New Jersey’s HealthStart Program. Perspectives Rice, P., & Dolgin, K. G. (2002). The adolescent:
287–299. on Sexual and Reproductive Health, 35(3), Development, relationships, and culture
Rahi, J. S., & Dezateux, C. (1999). National cross 130–137. (12th ed.). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Allyn &
sectional study of detection of congenital and Reiner, W. G., & Gearhart, J. P. (2004). Discordant Bacon/Longman.
infantile cataract in the United Kingdom: Role sexual identity in some genetic males with Richmond, R. (2009, March 26). Sexting may place
of childhood screening and surveillance. BMJ, cloacal exstrophy assigned to female sex at teens at legal risk. The New York Times.
318, 362–365. birth. The New England Journal of Medicine, Retrieved from http://gadgetwise.blogs.
Raikes, H. A., Robinson, J. L., Bradley, R. H., 350, 333–341. nytimes.com/2009/03/26/sexting-may-place-
Raikes, H. H., & Ayoub, C. C. (2007). Reis, S. M., Kaplan, S. N., Tomlinson, C. A., teens-at-legal-risk/
Developmental trends in self-regulation among Westberg, K. L., Callahan, C. M., & Cooper, C. R. Richmond, V. (2002). Teacher nonverbal immediacy:
low-income toddlers. Social Development, (2002). Equal does not mean identical. In Uses and outcomes. In J. Cheesebro &
16(1), 128–149. L. Abbeduto (Ed.), Taking sides: Clashing on J. McCroskey (Eds.), Communication for teachers
Raikes, H. A., & Thompson, R. A. (2005). Efficacy controversial issues in educational psychology (pp. 35–46). Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon.
and social support as predictors of parenting (pp. 31–35). Guilford, CT: McGraw-Hill/Duskin. Rideout, V. J., Foehr, U. G., & Roberts, D. F.
stress among families in poverty. Infant Mental Reiss, D., Neiderhiser, J. M., Hetherington, E. M., & (2010). Generation M2: Media in the lives of 8-
Health Journal, 26, 177–190. Plomin, R. (2000). The relationship code: to 18-year-olds. Retrieved from http://www.kff
Rakoczy, H., Tomasello, M., & Striano, T. (2004). Deciphering genetic and social influences on .org/entmedia/upload/8010.pdf
Young children know that trying is not adolescent development. Cambridge, MA: Rideout, V. J., Vandewater, E. A., & Wartella, E. A.
pretending: A test of the “Behaving-As-If” Harvard University Press. (2003). Zero to Six: Electronic media in the lives
construal of children’s early concept of Rennie, L. J., & Parker, L. H. (1987). Detecting and of infants, toddlers, and preschoolers (No.
pretense. Developmental Psychology, 40, accounting for gender differences in mixed-sex 3378). Menlo Park, CA: Henry J. Kaiser Family
388–399. and single-sex groupings in science lessons. Foundation and the Children’s Digital Media
Ralston, A., & Shaw, K. (2008). Gene expression Educational Review, 39, 65–73. Centers (CDMC).
regulates cell differentiation. Nature Education, Renouf, A. G., & Harter, S. (1990). Low self-worth Rine, R. M., Cornwall, G., Gan, K., LoCascio, C.,
1(1). Retrieved from http://www.nature.com/ and anger as components of the depressive O’Hare, T., Robinson, E., & Rice, M. (2000).
scitable/topicpage/gene-expression-regulates- experience in young adolescents. Development Evidence of progressive delay of motor
cell-differentiation-931 and Psychopathology, 2, 293–310. development in children with sensorineural
RAND Center for Domestic and International Renzulli, J. S., & Reis, S. M. (2003). The schoolwide hearing loss and concurrent vestibular
Health Security. (2005). Helping children cope enrichment model: Developing creative and dysfunction. Perceptual and Motor Skills, 90,
with violence: A school-based program that productive giftedness. In N. Colangelo & 1101–1112.
works. Retrieved from http://www.rand.org/ G. A. Davis (Eds.). Handbook of gifted education Riordan, C. (1990). Girls and boys in school:
pubs/research_briefs/RB4557-2/index1.html (pp. 184–203). Boston, MA: Allyn & Together or separate. New York, NY: Teachers
Range, L. M. (1993). Suicide prevention: Guidelines Bacon. College Press.
for schools. Educational Psychology Review, 5, Report of the Quality Standards Subcommittee, Riordan, C. (1994). Single-gender schools:
135–154. (1997). Neurology, 10, 350–357. Outcomes for African and Hispanic Americans.
Rangel, M. C., Gavin, L., Reed, C., Fowler, M. G., & Reuters (June 25, 2009). Few sexually active teens Research in Sociology of Education and
Lee, L. M. (2006). Epidemiology of HIV and in US get HIV test-CDC. Retrieved from http:// Socialization, 18, 177–205.
AIDS among adolescents and young adults in www.reuters.com/article/idUSN25284459 Riordan, C. (1998). The future of single-sex
the United States. Journal of Adolescent Reynolds, A. J. (2000). Success in early schools. In S. Morse (Ed.), Separated by sex:
Health, 39, 156–163. intervention: The Chicago Child-Parent Centers. A critical look at single-sex education for girls
Rao, M. R., Brenner, R. A., Schisterman, E. F., Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press. (pp. 53–62). Washington, DC: American
Vik, T., & Mills, J. L. (2004). Long term cognitive Reynolds, A. J., Temple, J. A., Robertson, D. L., & Association of University Women Educational
development in children with prolonged crying. Mann, E. A. (2001). Long-term effects of an Foundation.
Archives of Disease in Childhood, 89, 989–992. early childhood intervention on educational Rittle-Johnson, B., & Kmicikewycz, A. O. (2008).
Rao, M. R., Hediger, M. L., Levine, R. J., Naficy, A. B., & achievement and juvenile arrest: A 15-year When generating answers benefits arithmetic
Vik, T. (2002). Effect of breastfeeding on follow-up of low-income children in public skill: The importance of prior knowledge.
cognitive development of infants born small for schools. Journal of the American Medical Journal of Experimental Child Psychology, 101,
gestational age. Acta Paediatr, 91, 267–274. Association, 285(18), 2339–2346. 75–81.

498
 REFERENCES

Rivera-Gaxiola, M., Silva-Pereyra, J., & Kuhl, P. K. Roeser, R. W., Eccles, J. S., & Sameroff, A. J. newborns. Child Development, 59(6),
(2008). Brain potentials to native and non-native (2000). School as a context of early adolescents’ 1555–1568.
speech contrasts in 7- and 11-month-old academic and social-emotional development: Roser, R. W., Eccles, J. S., & Sameroff, A. J. (2000).
American infants. Developmental Science, A summary of research findings. The Elementary School as a context of early adolescents’
8(2):162–172. School Journal, 100, 443–471. academic and social-emotional development:
Rivers, I., Poteat, P., Noret, N., & Ashurst, N. Rogers, E. E., & Piecuch, R. E. (2009). A summary of research findings. The
(2009). Observing bullying at school: The Neurodevelopmental outcomes of infants who Elementary School Journal, 100(5), 443–471.
mental health implications of witness status. experience intrauterine growth restriction. Roskos, K. A., & Christie, J. F. (2007). Play in
School Psychology Quarterly, 24, 211–223. NeoReviews, 10(3), 100–112. the context of the new preschool basic.
Rivkin, S. G., Hanushek, E. A., & Kain, J. F. (2001). Rogoff, B. (1990). Apprenticeship in thinking: In K. A. Roskos & J. F. Christie (Eds.), Play and
Teachers, schools, and academic achievement. Cognitive development in social context. New literacy in early childhood: Research from
Amherst, MA: Amherst College. York, NY: Oxford University Press. multiple perspectives (2nd ed., pp. 83–100).
Roazzi, A., & Bryant, A. (1997). Explicitness and Rogoff, B. (1995). Observing sociocultural activity Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum.
conservation: Social class differences. on three planes: Participatory appropriation, Roskos, K. A., & Neuman, S. B. (1998). Play as an
International Journal of Behavioral guided participation, and apprenticeship. In opportunity for literacy. In O. N. Saracho &
Development, 21, 51–70. J. V. Wertsch, P. del Rio, & A. Alverez (Eds.), B. Spodek (Eds.), Multiple perspectives on play
Roberson, D., Davidoff, J., Davies, I. R. L., & Sociocultural studies of mind (pp. 139–164). in early childhood education (pp. 100–115).
Shapiro, L. R. (2004). The development of color Cambridge, England: Cambridge Albany, NY: University of New York Press.
categories in two languages: A longitudinal University Press. Roslow, P. (2005). The future use of the Spanish
study. Journal of Experimental Psychology: Rogoff, B. (1998). Cognition as a collaborative language in the USA—Projected to 2015 &
General, 133, 554–571. process. In W. Damon, D. Kuhn, & R. S. Siegler 2025. Miami, FL: Hispanic U.S.A.
Roberts, D. F., Foehr, U. G., & Rideout, V. (2005). (Eds.), Handbook of child psychology (5th ed., Roth, W.-M., & Bowen, G. M. (1995). Knowing and
Generation M: Media in the lives of 8–18 year- Vol. 2: Cognition, perception, and language, interacting: A study of culture, practices, and
olds. Technical Reports 7250/7251. Retrieved pp. 553–618). New York, NY: Wiley. resources in a grade 8 open-inquiry science
2008 from http://www.kff.org/entmedia/ Rogoff, B. (2003). The cultural nature of human guided by an apprenticeship metaphor.
7251.cfm. development. New York, NY: Oxford University Cognition and Instruction, 13, 73–128.
Roberts, R. E., Roberts, C. R., & Duong, H. T. Press. Rothbart, M. K., Ahadi, S. A., & Evans, D. E. (2000).
(2008). Chronic insomnia and its negative Rogoff, B., & Morelii, G. (1989). Perspectives on Temperament and personality: Origins and
consequences for health and functioning of children’s development from cultural outcomes. Journal of Personality and Social
adolescents: A 12-month prospective study. psychology. American Psychologist, 44, Psychology, 78, 122–135.
Journal of Adolescent Health, 42, 294–302. 343–348. Rothbaum, F., Pott, M., Azuma, H., Miyake, K., &
Robins, R. W., & Trzesniewski, K. H. (2005). Self- Roid, G. H. (2003). Stanford-Binet intelligence Weisz, J. (2000). The development of close
esteem development across the lifespan. scales (5th ed.). Itasca, IL: Riverside Publishing. relationships in Japan and the US: Pathways of
Directions in Psychological Science, 14, Roid, G. H., Shaughnessy, M. F., & Greathouse, D. symbiotic harmony and generative tension.
158–162. (2005). An interview with Gale Roid about the Child Development, 71, 1121–1142.
Robinson, A. M. (2009). The SLP and early Stanford-Binet 5. North American Journal of doi:10.1111/1467-8624.00214
intervention with infants and toddlers with Psychology, 7. Rousseau, J. J. (1762/1979). Emile, or on
hearing loss. The ASHA Leader, 14(4), 16–17. Rop, C. (1997/1998). Breaking the gender barrier in education. New York, NY: Basic Books.
Robinson, B. L., & Lieberman, L. J. (2004). Effects the physical sciences. Educational Leadership, Rubin, K. (2002). The friendship factor. New York,
of visual impairment, gender, and age on self- 55(4), 58–60. NY: Penguin Books.
determination. Journal of Visual Impairment & Rosales, F., Reznick, J., & Zeisel, S. (2009, Rubin, K. H., Bukowski, W. M., & Parker, J. (1998).
Blindness, 6, 351–366. October). Understanding the role of nutrition in Peer interactions, relationships, and groups. In
Robinson, J. L., & Acevedo, M. C. (2001). Infant the brain and behavioral development of W. Damon & N. Eisenberg (Eds.), Handbook of
reactivity and reliance on mother during toddlers and preschool children: Identifying child psychology: Vol. 3. Social, emotional, and
emotion challenges: Prediction of cognition and and addressing methodological barriers. personality development (pp. 619–700). New
language skills in a low-income sample. Child Nutritional Neuroscience,12(5), 190–202. York, NY: Wiley.
Development, 72(2), 402–416. doi:10.1179/147683009X423454 Rubin, K. H., & Coplan, R. (2004). Paying attention
Robson, P. (1984). Prewalking locomotor Roschelle, J. M., Pea, R. D., Hoadley, C. M., to and not neglecting social withdrawal and
movements and their use in predicting standing Gordon, D. N., & Means, B. M. (2000). social isolation. Merrill-Palmer Quarterly, 50(4),
and walking. Child: Care, Health, and Changing how and what children learn in 506–535.
Development, 10, 317–330. school with computer-based technologies. Rubin, K. H., Coplan, R., Chen, X., Buskirk, A. A., &
Rocha, N. A. C. F., Silva, F. P. D. S. S., & Tudella, E. Children and Computer Technology, 10(2), Wojslawowicz, J. C. (2005). Peer relationships in
(2006). The impact of object size and rigidity on 76–101. childhood. In M. H. Bornstein & M. E. Lamb
infant reaching. Infant Behavior and Development, Rose-Krasnor, L., Rubin, K. H., Booth, C. L., & (Eds.), Developmental science: An advanced
29(2), 251–261. Coplan, R. (1996). Maternal directiveness and textbook (pp. 469–512). Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum.
Rochat, P. (2001). The infant’s world. Cambridge, child attachment security as predictors of social Rubin, K. H., Dwyer, K. M., Booth-LaForce, C.,
MA: Harvard University Press. competence in preschoolers. International Kim, A. H., Burgess, K. B., & Rose-Krasnor, L.
Rochat, P. (2007). Intentional action arises from Journal of Behavior Development, 19, (2004). Attachment, friendship, and psychosocial
early reciprocal exchanges. Acta Psychology, 309–325. functioning in early adolescence. The Journal of
124(1), 8–25. Rosen, L. (2010). Rewired: Understanding the Early Adolescence, 24(4), 326–356.
Rodgers, J. L., & Bard, D. E. (2006). Behavior iGeneration and the way they learn. New York, Rubin, K. H., Fein, G., & Vandenberg, B. (1983).
genetics and adolescent development: A NY: Palgrave Macmillan. Play. In E. M. Hetherington (Ed.), P. H. Mussen
review of recent literature. In G. A. M. D. Rosenberg, M. S., Westling, D. L., & McLeskey, J. (Series Ed.), Handbook of child psychology:
Berzonsky (Ed.), Blackwell handbook of (2008). Special education for today’s teachers: Vol. 4. Socialization, personality, and social
adolescence (pp. 3–23). Malden, MA: Blackwell An introduction. Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon. development (pp. 693–774). New York, NY:
Publishing. Rosenshine, B., & Meister, C. (1992, April). The Wiley.
Rodrigo, M., Janssen, T., & Ceballos, E. (1999). Do uses of scaffolds for teaching less structured Ruble, D. N., & Dweck, C. S. (1995). Self-
children’s perceptions and attributions mediate academic tasks. Paper presented at the annual conceptions, person conceptions and their
the effects of mothers’ child rearing actions? meeting of the American Educational Research development. In N. Eisenberg (Ed.), Review of
Journal of Family Psychology, 13, 508–522. Association, San Francisco. Personality and Social Psychology: Vol. 15.
Roebers, C. M., Bjorklund, D. F., & Schneider, W. Rosenshine, B., & Meister, C. (1994). Reciprocal Social development (pp. 109–139). Thousand
(2002). Differences and similarities in event teaching: A review of the research. Review of Oaks, CA: Sage.
recall and suggestibility between children and Educational Research, 64, 479–530. Ruble, D. N., & Martin, C. L. (1998). Gender
adults in Germany and the United States. Rosenstein, D., & Oster, H. (1988). Differential development. In W. Damon & N. Eisenberg
Experimental Psychology, 49, 132–140. facial responses to four basic tastes in (Eds.), Handbook of child psychology: Vol. 3.

499
 REFERENCES

Social, emotional, and personality development Saarni, C. (1999). The development of emotional Sammons, M. T. (2009). Writing a wrong: Factors
(pp. 933–1016). New York, NY: Wiley. competence. New York, NY: Guilford. influencing the overprescription of
Ruble, D. N., Martin, C. L., & Berenbaum, S. Sabiston, C. M., & Crocker, P. R. E. (2008). antidepressants to youth. Professional
(2006). Gender development. In W. Damon & Examining an integrative model of physical Psychology: Research and Practice, 40, 327–329.
R. M. Lerner (Series. Eds.) & N. Eisenberg activity and healthy eating self-perceptions and Sampaio, R. C., & Truwit, C. L. (2001). Myelination
(Vol. Ed.), Handbook of child psychology: behaviors among adolescents. Journal of in the developing human brain. In C. A. Nelson &
Vol. 3. Social, emotional, and personality Adolescent Health, 42, 64–72. M. Luciana (Eds.), Handbook of developmental
development (6th ed., pp. 858–932). New York, Sabiston, C. M., & Crocker, P. R. E. (2008). cognitive neuroscience (pp. 35–44). Cambridge,
NY: Wiley. Exploring self-perceptions and social influences MA: MIT Press.
Ruble, D. N., Taylor, L. J., Cyphers, L., as correlates of adolescent leisure-time physical Sanchez, B., Colon, Y., & Esparza, P. (2005). The
Greulich, F. K., Lurye, L. E., & Shrout, P. E. activity. Journal of Adolescent Health, 42, role of sense of school belonging and gender in
(2007). The role of gender constancy in early 64–72. the academic adjustment of Latino adolescents.
gender development. Child Development, 78, Sackett, P. R., Hardison, C. M., & Cullen, M. J. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 34(6),
1121–1136. (2005). On interpreting research on stereotype 619–628.
Rudolph, K. D., Lambert, S. F., Clark, A. G., & threat and test performance. American Sánchez Medina, J. A., Martínez Lozano, V., &
Kurlakowsky, K. D. (2001). Negotiating the Psychologist, 60, 271–272. Goudena, P. P. (2001). Gestión de Conflictos en
transition to middle school: The role of self- Sadeh, A. (2007). Consequences of sleep loss or los Preescolares: Una perspectiva inter-cultural.
regulatory processes. Child Development, 72, sleep disruption in children. Sleep Medicine International Journal of Early Years Education,
926–946. Reviews, 2, 513–520. 9, 153–160.
Rudy, D., & Grusec, J. (2006). Authoritarian Sadeh, A., Gruber, R., & Raviv, A. (2002). Sleep, Sanders, W. L., & Rivers, J. C. (1996). Cumulative
parenting in individualist and collectivist neurobehavioral functioning, and behavior and residual effects of teachers on student
groups: Associations with maternal emotion problems in school-age children. Child academic achievement. Knoxville, TN:
and cognition and children’s self-esteem. Development, 73, 405–417. University of Tennessee Value-Added Research
Journal of Family Psychology, 20, 68–78. Sadker, M., & Sadker, D. (1994). Failing at fairness: and Assessment Center.
Ruff, H. A., & Capozzoli, M. C. (2003). How America’s schools cheat girls. New York, Sandnabba, N. K., & Ahlberg, C. (1999).
Development of attention and distractibility in NY: Scribner. Parents’attitudes and expectations about
the first 4 years of life. Developmental Sadker, M., Sadker, D., & Klein, S. (1991). The issue children’s cross-gender behavior. Sex Roles, 40,
Psychology, 39, 877–890. of gender in elementary and secondary 249–264.
Ruffman, T., Slade, L., & Crowe, E. (2002). The education. Review of Research in Education, 17, Sanefuji, W., Ohgami, H., & Hashiya, K. (2006).
relation between children’s and mothers’ 269–334. Preference for peers in infancy. Infant Behavior
mental state language and theory of mind Safe Kids. (n.d.). Preventing injuries at home, at and Development, 29(4), 584–593.
understanding. Child Development, 73, play, and on the way. Retrieved from http:// Sangrigoli, S., & de Schonen, S. (2004a). Effects of
734–751. www.safekids.org visual experience on face processing: A
Rummel, N., Levin, J. R., & Woodward, M. M. Saffran, J. R., & Estes, K. G. (2006). Mapping sound developmental study of inversion and non-
(2003). Do pictorial mnemonic text-learning to meaning: Connections between learning native effects. Developmental Science, 7,
aids give students something worth writing about sounds and learning about words. In 74–87.
about? Journal of Educational Psychology, 95, R. V. Kail (Ed.), Advances in child development Sangrioli, S., & de Schonen, S. (2004b).
327–334. and behavior (Vol. 34, pp. 1–38). San Diego, Recognition of own-race and other-race faces
Russ, S. W. (2006). Pretend play, affect, and CA: Academic Press. by three-month-old infants. Journal of Child
creativity. In P. Locher, C. Martindale, & Saft, E. W., & Pianta, R. C. (2001). Teachers’ Psychology and Psychiatry, 45, 1–9.
L. Dorfman (Eds.), New directions in aesthetics, perceptions of their relationships with students: Sasaki, K., Sasaki, S., Takahashi, S., Nakajo, Y., &
creativity, and the arts (pp. 239–250). Effects of child age, gender, and ethnicity of Kyono, K. (2004). Neonatal outcome and
Amityville, NY: Baywood. children and teachers. School Psychology congenital malformations after in vitro
Russell, A., Pettit, G. S., & Mize, J. (1998). Quarterly, 16, 125–141. fertilization and embryo transfer. Fertility &
Horizontal qualities in parent-child Saha, S., Barnett, A. G., Foldi, C., Burne, T. H., Sterility, S203.
relationships: Parallels with and possible Eyles, D. W., Buka, S. L., & McGrath, J. J. Sattler, J. M. (2008). Assessment of children:
consequences for children’s peer relationships. (2009). Advanced paternal age is associated Cognitive foundations (5th ed.). La Mesa, CA:
Developmental Review, 18, 313–352. with impaired neurocognitive outcomes during Jerome M. Sattler, Publisher.
Rust, J., Golombok, S., Hines, M., Johnston, K., infancy and childhood. PloS Medicine, 6(3). Savage, W. (2000). The cesarean section epidemic.
Golding, J., & the ALSPAC Study Team. (2000). E40. Journal of Obstetrics and Gynecology, 20,
The role of brothers and sisters in the gender Sakiz, G., Pape, S., & Woolfolk Hoy, A. (2008, 223–225.
development of preschool children. Journal of March). Does teacher affective support matter? Savin-Williams, R. C. (2003) Lesbian, gay, and
Experimental Child Psychology, 77, 292–303. The role of affective support in middle school bisexual youths’ relationships with their parents.
Ryalls, B. O., Gul, R. E., & Ryalls, K. R. (2000). Infant mathematics classrooms. New York, NY: In L. D. Carnets & D. C. Kimmel (2nd ed.),
imitation of peer and adult models: Evidence American Educational Research Association. Psychological perspectives on lesbian, gay, and
for a peer model advantage. Merrill-Palmer Salazar, L. F., DiClemente, R. J., Wingood, G. M., bisexual experiences. New York, NY: Columbia
Quarterly, 46(1), 188–202. Crosby, R. A., Harrington, K., Davis, S., . . . University Press.
Ryan, A. M., & Patrick, H. (2001). The classroom Oh, M. K. (2004). Self-concept and adolescents’ Savin-Williams, R. C. (2006). Who’s gay? Does it
social environment and changes in adolescents’ refusal of unprotected sex: A test of mediating matter? Current Directions in Psychological
motivation and engagement during middle mechanisms among African American girls. Science, 15(1), 40–44.
school. American Educational Research Journal, Prevention Science, 5(3), 137–149. Savin-Williams, R. C., & Diamond, L. M. (1999).
38(2), 437–460. Salkind, N. J. (2004). An introduction to theories of Sexual orientation. In W. K. Silverman &
Ryan, K. E., & Ryan, A. M. (2005). Psychological human development. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. T. H. Ollendick (Eds.), Developmental issues in
processes underlying stereotype threat and Salmivalli, C., Ojanen, T., Haanapaa, J., & Peets, K. the clinical treatment of children (pp. 241–258).
standardized math test performance. (2005). “I’m OK but you’re not” and other peer- Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon.
Educational Psychologist, 40, 53–63. relational schemas: Explaining individual Savin-Williams, R. C., & Diamond, L. M. (2004).
Ryan, R. M., & Deci, E. L. (2000). Self- differences in children’s social goals. Sex. In R. M. Lerner & L. Steinberg (Eds.),
determination theory and the facilitation of Developmental Psychology, 41, 363–375. Handbook of adolescent psychology (2nd ed.,
intrinsic motivation, social development, and Sameroff, A. J., & Feise, B. H. (2000). Transactional pp. 189–231). New York, NY: John Wiley & Sons.
well-being. American Psychologist, 55, regulation: The development ecology of early Savitz, D. A., Chan, R. L., Herring, A. H., Howards,
68–78. intervention. In J. P. Shonkoff & S. J. Meisels P. P., & Hartmann, K. E. (2008). Caffeine and
Saarni, C. (1984). An observational study of (Eds.), Handbook of early childhood miscarriage risk. Epidemiology, 19(1), 55–62.
children’s attempts to monitor their expressive intervention (2nd ed., 135–159). New York, NY: Saxe, G. B. (1999). Source of concepts: A cross
behavior. Child Development, 55, 1504–1513. Cambridge University Press. cultural-developmental perspective. In

500
 REFERENCES

E. K. Scholnick, K. Nelson, S. A. Gelman, & Schneider, W., Schlagmüller, M., & Visé, M. (1998). Segal, N. L. (2005). Twins reared apart design.
P. H. Miller (Eds.), Conceptual development: The impact of metamemory and domain- In B. Everitt & D. C. Howell (Eds.) Encyclopedia
Piaget’s legacy (pp. 253–267). Mahwah, NJ: specific knowledge on memory performance. of statistics in behavioral science (Vol. 4,
Erlbaum. European Journal of Psychology of Education, pp. 2072–2076). Chichester, UK: John Wiley &
Schaal, B., Marlier, B., & Soussignan, R. (2000). 13, 91–103. Sons.
Human foetuses learn odours from their Schonert-Reichl, K. A., & Scott, F. (2009). Seiffge-Krenke, I. (1997). Imaginary companions in
pregnant mother’s diet. Chem Senses, 25, Effectiveness of “The Roots of Empathy” adolescence: Sign of a deficient or positive
729–737. Retrieved from http://chemse program in promoting children’s emotional and development? Journal of Adolescence, 20(2),
.oxfordjournals.org/cgi/ijlink?linkType⫽ABST& social competence: A summary of research 137–154.
journalCode⫽chemse&resid⫽25/6/729 findings. In M. Gordon, The roots of empathy: Seiffge-Krenke, I., & Gelhaar, T. (2008). Does
Schaeffer, C. M., Petras, H., Ialongo, N., Poduska, Changing the world child by child successful attainment of developmental tasks
J., & Sheppard, K. (2003). Modeling growth in (pp. 239–252). Toronto, Ontario: Thomas Allen lead to happiness and success in later
boys’ aggressive behavior across elementary Publishers. developmental tasks? A test of Havighurst’s
school: Links to later criminal involvement, Schuetze, P., & Zeskind, P. S. (1997). Relation (1948) Theses. Journal of Adolescence, 31(1),
conduct disorder, and antisocial personality between reported maternal caffeine 33–52.
disorder. Developmental Psychology, 39, consumption during pregnancy and neonatal Seligman, M. E. P. (1975). Helplessness: On
1020–1035. state and heart rate. Infant Behavior and depression, development, and death. San
Schegel, A., & Barry, H. (1991). Adolescence: An Development, 20, 559–562. Francisco, CA: Freeman.
anthropological inquiry. New York, NY: Free Schulz, L., & Gopnik, A. (2004). Causal learning Selman, R. L. (1980). The growth of interpersonal
Press. across domains. Developmental Psychology, understanding. New York, NY: Academic Press.
Scheibe, C., & Rogow, F. (2004). 12 basic 40, 162–176. Sénéchal, M., & LeFevre, J. (2002). Parental
principles for incorporating media literacy and Schunk, D. H. (2004). Learning theories: An involvement in the development of children’s
critical thinking into any curriculum (2nd ed.). educational perspective (4th ed.). Columbus, reading skill: A five-year longitudinal study.
Ithaca, NY: Project Look Sharp—Ithaca OH: Merrill/Prentice-Hall. Child Development, 73, 445–460.
College. Schunk, D. H., & Zimmerman, B. J. (1997). Social Senghas, A., & Coppola, M. (2001). Children
Scheibe, C. L. (2004). A deeper sense of literacy: origins of self-regulatory competence. creating language: How Nicaraguan Sign
Curriculum-driven approaches to media literacy Educational Psychologist, 32(4), 195–208. Language acquired a spatial grammar.
in the K–12 classroom. American Behavioral doi:10.1207/s15326985ep3204_1 Psychological Review, 96, 323–328.
Scientist, 48, 60–68. Schwarz, S. W. (2009). Adolescent mental health in Serbin, L. A., Poulin-Dubois, D., Colburne, K. A.,
Scher, A., & Mayseless, O. (2000). Mothers of the United States. New York, NY: National Sen, M. G., & Eichstedt, J. A. (2001). Gender
anxious/ambivalent infants: Maternal Center for Children in Poverty, Mailman School stereotyping in infancy: Visual preferences for
characteristics and child-care context. Child of Public Health, Columbia University. Retrieved and knowledge of gender-stereotyped toys in
Development, 71(6), 1629–1639. from http://www.nccp.org/publications/pub_ the second year. International Journal of
Scherer, M. (2004). Connecting to learn: 878.html Behavioral Development, 25, 7–15.
Educational and assistive technology for people Schweinhart, L. J. (2004). The High/Scope Perry Serpell, R. (1997). Literacy connection between
with disabilities. Washington, DC: American Preschool Study through age 40: Summary, school and home: How should we evaluate
Psychological Association. conclusions, and frequently asked questions. them? Journal of Literacy Research, 29,
Schmitt, K. L. (2009). Public policy, family rules and Yipsilani, MI: High/Scope Educational Research 587–616.
children’s media use in the home. Retrieved Foundation. Shaffer, A., Burt, K. B., Obradovic, J.,
from http://www.annenbergpublicpolicycenter Schweinhart, L. J., Barnes, H. V., & Weikart, D. P. Herbers, J. E., & Masten, A. S. (2009).
.org/Downloads/Media_and_Developing_Child/ (1993). Significant benefits: The High/Scope Intergenerational continuity in parenting quality:
20000626_public_policy_Vchip_report.pdf Perry Preschool Study through age 27. The mediating role of social competence.
Schneider, W. (1998). The development of (Monographs of the High/Scope Educational Developmental Psychology, 45,
procedural metamemory in childhood and Research Foundation, 10). Ypsilanti, MI: 1227–1240.
adolescence. In G. Mazzoni & T. O. Nelson High/Scope Press. Shapka, J. D., & Keating, D. P. (2005). Structure
(Eds.), Metacognition and cognitive Schweinhart, L. J., & Weikart, D. P. (1997). Lasting and change in self-concept during adolescence.
neuropsychology: Monitoring and control differences: The High/Scope preschool Canadian Journal of Behavioural Science, 37(2),
processes (pp. 1–21). Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. curriculum comparison study through age 23. 83–96.
Schneider, W. (2004). Memory development in Ypsilanti, MI: High/Scope Education Share Our Strength. Plan to end childhood hunger
childhood. In U. Goswami (Ed.), Blackwell Foundation. in America. Retrieved from http://strength.org/
handbook of childhood cognitive development Schwenck, C., Bjorklund, D. F., & Schneider, W. childhood_hunger/our_plan/
(pp. 236–256). Malden, MA: Blackwell. (2009). Developmental and individual Sharma, A. R., McGue, M. K., & Benson, P. L.
Schneider, W., & Bjorklund, D. F. (1998). Memory. differences in young children’s use and (1996). The emotional and behavioral
In W. Damon (Series Ed.) & D. Kuhn & maintenance of a selective memory strategy. adjustment of United States adopted
R. S. Siegler (Vol. Eds.), Handbook of child Developmental Psychology, 45, 1034–1050. adolescents: I. A comparison study. Children
psychology: Vol. 2. Cognitive, language, and Scolove, R. E., Scammell, M. L., & Holland, B. and Youth Services Review, 18, 77–94.
perceptual development (5th ed., pp. 467–521). (1998). Community-based research in the Sharma, A. R., McGue, M. K., & Benson, P. L.
New York, NY: Wiley. United States: An introductory reconnaissance, (1998). The psychological adjustment of United
Schneider, W., & Bjorklund, D. F. (2003). Memory including twelve organizational case studies States adopted adolescents and their
and knowledge development. In J. Valsiner & and comparison with the Dutch science shops nonadopted siblings. Child Development, 69,
K. Connolly (Eds.), Handbook of developmental and the mainstream American research system. 791–802.
psychology (pp. 370–403). London, England: Amherst, MA: The Loka Institute. Sharma, D. C. (2003). Widespread concern over
Sage. Scott, J. (2006). Cesarean delivery on request: India’s missing girl: Selective abortion and
Schneider, W., Korkel, J., & Weinert, F. E. (1989). Where do we go from here. Obstetrics & female infanticide cause girl-to-boy ratios to
Domain-specific knowledge and memory Gynecology, 107(6), 1222–1223. plummet. The Lancet, 362, 1553.
performance: A comparison of high- and low- Sears, H. A., Simmering, M. G., & MacNeil, B. A. Shaw, D. S., Gilliom, M., Ingoldsby, E. M., & Nagin,
aptitude children. Journal of Educational (2006). Canada. In J. J. Arnett (Ed.), Routledge D. S. (2003). Trajectories leading to school-age
Psychology, 81, 306–312. international encyclopedia of adolescence conduct problems. Developmental Psychology,
Schneider, W., & Lockl, K. (2002). The (Vol. 1, pp. 140–156). New York, NY: Routledge. 39, 189–200.
development of metacognitive knowledge in Sebanc, A. M., Kearns, K. T., Hernandez, M. D., & Shaw, D. S., & Vondra, J. I. (1995). Infant
children and adolescents. In T. Perfect & Galvin, K. B. (2007). Predicting having a best attachment security and maternal predictors of
B. Schwartz (Eds.), Applied metacognition friend in young children: Individual early behavior problems: A longitudinal study
(pp. 224–260). Cambridge, England: characteristics and friendship features. The of low-income families. Journal of Abnormal
Cambridge University Press. Journal of Genetic Psychology, 168, 81–95. Child Psychology, 23(3), 335–357.

501
 REFERENCES

Shaw, G. M., Carmichael, S. L., Vollset, S. E., Yang, Retrieved from http://www.postgradmed.com/ computer out-of-school activities. Applied
W., Finnell, R. H., Blom, H., Midttun, O., & issues/2002/09_02/shugart3.htm Developmental Science, 9(1), 14–30.
Ueland, P. M. (2009). Mid-pregnancy cotinine Shulman, S., & Seiffge-Krenke, I. (2001). Singer, D. G., & Singer, J. L. (1990). The house of
and risks of orofacial clefts and neural tube Adolescent romance: Between experience and make-believe: Play and the developing
defects. Journal of Pediatrics, 154(1), 17–19. relationships. Journal of Adolescence, 24(3), imagination. Cambridge, MA: Harvard
Shayer, M. (2003). Not just Piaget; not just 417–428. University Press.
Vygotsky, and certainly not Vygotsky as Shweder, R. A., Much, N. C., Mahapatra, M., & Singer, E., & Hannikainen, M. (2002). The teacher’s
alternative to Piaget. Learning and Instruction, Park, L. (1997). The “big three” of morality role in territorial conflicts of 2- to 3-year-old
13, 465–485. (autonomy, community, and divinity) and the children. Journal of Research in Early Childhood
Shaywitz, S. E., & Shaywitz, B. A. (2005). Dyslexia “big three” explanations of suffering. In Education, 17(1), 5–18.
(specific reading disability). Biological A. Brandt & P. Rozin (Eds.), Morality and health Singer, J. L. (1994). Imaginative play and adaptive
Psychiatry, 7, 1301–1309. (pp. 119–169). Palo Alto, CA: Stanford development. In J. H. Goldstein (Ed.), Toys,
Shaywitz, B. A., Shaywitz, S. E., Pugh, K. R., University Press. play, and child development (pp. 6–26).
Constable, R. T., Skudlarski, P., Siddle Walker, V. (2001). African American Cambridge, England: Cambridge University
Fulbright, R. K., . . . Gore, J. C. (1995). Sex teaching in the South: 1940–1960. Review of Press.
differences in the functional organization of Educational Research, 38, 751–779. Sirard, J. R., & Barr-Anderson, D. J. (2008). Physical
the brain for language. Nature, 373, 607–609. Siegel, J. M., Yancey, A. K., Aneshensel, C. S., & activity in adolescents: From associations to
doi:10.1038/373607a0 Schuler, R. (1999). Body image, perceived interventions. Journal of Adolescent Health, 42,
Sheets, R. H. (2005). Diversity pedagogy: pubertal timing, and adolescent mental health. 327–328.
Examining the role of culture in the teaching- Journal of Adolescent Health, 25, 155–165. Sirin, S. R. (2005). Socioeconomic status and
learning process. Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon. Siegel, L. S. (1999). Issues in the definition and academic achievement: A meta-analytic review
Shepard, L. A. (1989). A review of research on diagnosis of learning disabilities. Journal of of research. Review of Educational Research,
kindergarten retention. In L. A. Shepard & Learning Disabilities, 32(4), 304–319. 75, 417–453.
M. L. Smith (Eds.), Flunking grades: Research doi:10.1177/002221949903200405 Skinner, B. F. (1953). Science and human behavior.
and policies on retention London, UK: The Siegel, L. S. (2003). Basic cognitive processes and New York, NY: Macmillan.
Falmer Press. reading disabilities. In H. L. Swanson, K. R. Skinner, B. F. (1989). The origins of cognitive
Shepard, L. A., & Smith, M. L. (1988). Escalating Harris, & S. Graham (Eds.), Handbook of thought. American Psychologist, 44.
academic demand in kindergarten: learning disabilities (pp. 158–181). New York, Slaby, R. G., Roedell, W. C., Arezzo, D., & Hendrix,
Counterproductive policies. The Elementary NY: Guilford. K. (1995). Early violence prevention.
School Journal, 89(2), 135–145. Siegel, M. E. A. (2002). Like: The discourse particle Washington, DC: National Association for the
Shephard, R. J., & Trudeau, F. (2008). Physical and semantics. Journal of Semantics, 19, 35–71. Education of Young Children.
education, school physical activity, school Siegler, R. S. (1987). The perils of averaging data Slater, A., Field, T., & Hernandez-Reif, M. (2007).
sports and academic performance. International over strategies: An example from children’s The development of the senses. In A. Slater &
Journal of Behavioral Nutrition and Physical addition. Journal of Experimental Psychology: M. Lewis (Eds.), Introduction to infant
Activity, 5(10), doi:10.1186/1479. General, 116, 250–264. development (pp. 81–99). London, United
Sherman, A. (1994). Wasting America’s future: The Siegler, R. S. (1998). Children’s thinking (3rd ed.). Kingdom: Oxford University Press.
Children’s Defense Fund report on the costs of Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Slavin, R. E. (2002). Evidence-based education
child poverty. Boston, MA: Beacon Press. Siegler, R. S. (2000). The rebirth of children’s policies: Transforming education practice and
Sherwood, R. D. (2002). Problem-based learning. Child Development, 71, 26–35. research. Educational Researcher, 31(7), 15–21.
multimedia software for middle grades science: Siegler, R. S. (2004). Turning memory development Slomkowski, C., & Manke, B. (2004). Sibling
Development issues and an initial field study. inside out. Developmental Review, 24, 469–475. relationships during childhood: Multiple
Journal of Computers in Mathematics and Siegler, R. S. (2006). Microgenetic analyses of perceptions from multiple perspectives. In
Science Teaching, 21, 147–165. learning. In D. Kuhn & R. S. Siegler (Eds.), R. D. Conger, F. O. Lorenz, & K. A. S. Wickrama
Shields, A., Dickstein, S., Siefer, R., Giusti, L., Cognition, perception, and language (6th ed., (Eds.), Continuity and change in family relations:
Magee, K. D., & Spritz, B. (2001). Emotional Vol. 2, pp. 464–510). New York, NY: Wiley. Theory, methods, and empirical findings
competence and early school adjustment: A Siegler, R. S., & Alibali, M. W. (2005). Children’s (pp. 293–318). Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum.
study of preschoolers at risk. Early Education & thinking (4th ed.). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Slykerman, R. F., Thompson, J. M., Becroft, D. M.,
Development, 12, 73–96. Prentice-Hall. Robinson, E., Pryor, J. E., Clark, P. M., . . .
Shields, P., Gordon, J., & Dupree, D. (1983). Siegler, R. S., & Crowley, K. (1991). The Mitchell, E. A. (2005). Breastfeeding and
Influence of parent practices upon the reading microgenetic method: A direct means for intelligence of preschool children. Acta
achievement of good and poor readers. Journal studying cognitive development. American Paediatric, 94(7), 832–837.
of Negro Education, 52, 436–445. Psychologist, 56, 606–620. Small, M. F. (1998). Our babies, ourselves: How
Shochet, I. M., Dadds, M. R., Ham, D., & Signorella, M. L., Bigler, R. S., & Liben, L. S. (1997). A biology and culture shape the way we parent.
Montague, R. (2006). School connectedness is meta-analysis of children’s memories for own-sex New York, NY: Anchor.
an underemphasized parameter in adolescent and other-sex information. Journal of Applied Smedley, A., & Smedley, B. D. (2005). Race as
mental health: Results of a community Developmental Psychology, 18, biology is fiction: Racism as a social problem is
prediction study. Journal of Clinical Child and 429–445. real. American Psychologist, 60, 16–26.
Adolescent Psychology, 35(2), 170–179. Signorielli, N. (2001). Television’s gender role Smetana, J. G. (1988). Adolescents’ and parents’
Shonkoff, J. P., & Phillips, D. A. (Eds.). (2000). From images and contribution to stereotyping: Past, conceptions of parental authority. Child
neurons to neighborhoods: The science of early present, future. In D. Singer & J. Singer (Eds.), Development, 59(2), 321–335.
childhood development. Retrieved from http:// Handbook of children and the media Smetana, J. G. (1996). Adolescent–parent conflict:
books.nap.edu/books/0309069882/html/index (pp. 341–358). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Implications for adaptive and maladaptive
.html Simkin, P. P., & O’Hara, M. (2002). development. In D. Cicchetti & S. L. Toth (Eds.),
Shrager, J., & Siegler, R. S. (1998). SCADS: A Nonpharmacologic relief of pain during labor: Adolescence: Opportunities and challenges
model of children’s strategy choices and Systematic reviews of five methods. American (pp. 1–46). Rochester, NY: University of
strategy discoveries. Psychological Science, 9, Journal of Obstetric Gynecologic, 186(Suppl 5), Rochester Press.
405–410. S131–159. Smetana, J. G. (2000). Middle-class African
Shuell, T. J. (1996). Teaching and learning in a Simmons, R. G., & Blyth, D. A. (1987). Moving into American adolescents’ and parents’
classroom context. In D. Berliner & R. Calfee adolescence. Hawthorne, NY: de Gruyter. conceptions of parental authority and parenting
(Eds.), Handbook of educational psychology Simon, M. (2009, April 24). My bullied son’s last practices: A longitudinal investigation. Child
(pp. 726–764). New York, NY: Macmillan. day on Earth. CNN. Retrieved from http://www Development, 71, 1672–1686.
Shugart, M. A., & Lopez, E. M. (2002). Depression .cnn.com/2009/US/04/23/bullying.suicide/ Smetana, J. G. (2008). “It’s 10 o’clock: Do you
in children and adolescents: When Simpkins, S. D., Davis-Kean, P. E., & Eccles, J. S. know where your children are?” Recent
“moodiness” merits special attention. (2006). Parents’ socializing behavior and advances in understanding parental monitoring
Postgraduate Medicine Online, 112(3). children’s participation in math, science, and and adolescents’ information management.

502
 REFERENCES

Child Development Perspectives, 2, 19–25. Spelke, E. S. (2005). Sex differences in intrinsic aggressive versus delinquent syndromes.
doi:10.1111/j.1750-8606.2008.00036.x aptitude for mathematics and science?: A Developmental Psychopathology, 9, 43–58.
Smetana, J. G., Campione-Barr, N., & Metzger, A. critical review. American Psychologist, 60, Stanovich, K. (1986). Matthew effects in reading:
(2006). Adolescent development in 950–958. Some consequences of individual differences in
interpersonal and societal contexts. Annual Spelke, E. S., & Newport, E. L. (1998). Nativism, the acquisition of literacy. Reading Research
Review of Psychology, 57, 255–284. empiricism, and the development of knowledge. Quarterly, 21, 360–407.
Smetana, J. G., & Gaines, C. (1999). Adolescent- In W. Damon & R. M. Lerner (Eds.), Handbook of Stanovich, K. E. (1992). How to think straight about
parent conflict in middle-class African American child psychology (5th ed., Vol. 1: Theoretical psychology (3rd ed.). Glenview, IL: Scott,
families. Child Development, 70, 1447–1463. models of human development, pp. 275–340). Foresman.
Smetana, J. G., Villalobos, M., Rogge, R. D., & New York, NY: John Wiley & Sons. Stanovich, K. E. (1994). Constructivism in reading.
Tasopoulos-Chan, M. (2010). Keeping secrets Spencer, J. P., Vereijken, B., Diedrich, F. J., & Journal of Special Education, 28, 259–274.
from parents: Daily variations among poor, Thelen, E. (2000). Posture and the emergence Starkey, P., Spelke, E. S., & Gelman, R. (1990).
urban adolescents. Journal of Adolescence, of manual skills. Developmental Science, 3(2), Numerical abstraction by human infants.
33, 321–331. doi:10.1016/j.adolescence 216–233. Cognition, 36, 97–128.
.2009.04.00 Spencer, R. (2006). Understanding the mentoring Starr, R. H., Jr. (1979). Child abuse. American
Smith, C. S., & Hung, L-C. (2008). Stereotype process between adolescents and adults. Youth Psychologist, 34, 872–878.
threat: Effects on education. Social Psychology and Society, 37, 287–315. Steinberg, L. (1986). Latchkey children and
of Education, 11, 243–257. Spencer, R. (2007). “I just feel safe with him”: susceptibility to peer pressure: An ecological
Smith, D. D., & Tyler, N. C. (2010). Introduction to Emotional closeness in male youth mentoring analysis. Developmental Psychology, 10,
special education: Making a difference (7th relationships. Psychology of Men & Masculinity, 433–439.
ed.). Columbus, OH: Merrill. 8, 185–198. Steinberg, L. D. (1989). Pubertal maturation and
Smith, J. L., Sansone, C., & White, P. H. (2007). Spera, C. (2005). A review of the relationship parent-adolescent distance: An evolutionary
The stereotyped task engagement process: among parenting practices, parenting styles, perspective. In G. R. Adams, R. Montemayor,
The role of interest and achievement and adolescent school achievement. and T. P. Gullotta (Eds.), Advances in
motivation. Journal of Educational Psychology, Educational Psychology Review, 17, 125–146. adolescent development. Vol. 1: Biology of
99, 99–114. Spinrad, T. L., Eisenberg, N., Cumberland, A., adolescent behavior and development.
Snarey, J. R. (1995). In a communitarian voice: The Fabes, R. A., Valiente, C., Shepard, S. A., . . . Newbury Park, CA: Sage.
sociobiological expansion of Kohlbergian Guthrie, I. K. (2006). Relation of emotion- Steinberg, L. (1990). Autonomy, conflict, and
theory, research, and practice. In W. M. related regulation to children’s social harmony in the family relationship. In
Kurtines & J. L. Gerqirtz (Eds.), Moral competence: A longitudinal study. Emotion, 6, S. S. Feldman & G. R. Elliot (Eds.), At the threshold:
development: An introduction (pp. 109–134). 498–510. doi:10.1037/1528-3542.6.3.498 The developing adolescent (pp. 255–276).
Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon. Spinrad, T. L., Eisenberg, N., & Gaertner, B. M. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Snow, C. E. (1991). The theoretical basis for (2007). Measures of effortful regulation for Steinberg, L. (1996). Beyond the classroom: Why
relationships between language and literacy young children. Infant Mental Health Journal, school reform has failed and what parents need
development. Journal of Research in Childhood 28, 606–626. to do. New York, NY: Simon & Schuster.
Education 6, 5–10. Spitz, R. (1945). Hospitalism: An inquiry into the Steinberg, L. (1998). Standards outside the
Snow, C. E. (1993). Families as social contexts for genesis of psychiatric conditions in early classroom. In D. Ravitch (Ed.), Brookings papers
literacy development. New Directions for Child childhood. Psychoanalytic Study of the Child, 1, on educational policy (pp. 319–358).
and Adolescent Development, 1993: 11–24. 53–74. Washington, DC: Brookings Institute.
doi:10.1002/cd.23219936103 Spitz, R. (1946). Anaclitic depression. Steinberg, L. (2005). Adolescence. New York, NY:
Snow, C. E., Burns, S. M., & Griffin, P. (Eds.). Psychoanalytic Study of the Child, 2, 313–342. McGraw-Hill.
(1998). Preventing reading difficulties in young Spong, C. Y. (2006). Protection against prenatal Steinberg, L. (2008). A social neuroscience
children. Washington, DC: National Academy alcohol-induced damage. Public Library of perspective on adolescent risk-taking.
Press. Science Medicine. Published online 2006 April 18. Developmental Review, 28, 78–106.
Spong, C. Y. (2006). Protection against prenatal doi:10.1371/journal.pmed.0030196. Steinberg, L., Brown, B. B., & Dornbusch, S. M.
alcohol-induced damage. PLoS Med 3(4), e196. Sprague, J. R., & Walker, H. (2000). Early (1997). Beyond the classroom: Why schools are
Society for Neuroscience (SFN). (2009). Brain facts. identification and intervention for youth with failing and what parents need to do. New York,
A primer on the brain and nervous system. antisocial and vihyolent behavior. Exceptional NY: Simon & Schuster.
Retrieved from http://www.sfn.org/skins/main/ Children, 66, 367–379. Steinberg, L., Fegley, S., & Dornbush, S. M. (1993).
pdf/brainfacts/2008/brain_facts.pdf Sprenger, M. (2005). Inside Amy’s brain. Negative impact of part-time work on adolescent
http://www.sfn.org/index.aspx?pagename⫽ Educational Leadership, 62(7), 28–32. adjustment: Evidence from a longitudinal study.
brainfacts SRCD. (2009). Young Hispanic children: Boosting Child Development, 29, 171–180.
Sodian, B., & Schneider, W. (1999). Memory opportunities for learning. Society for Research Steinberg, L., & Silk, J. S. (2002). Parenting
strategy development: Gradual increase, in Child Development Social Policy Report adolescents. In M. H. Bornstein (Ed.),
sudden insight, or roller coaster? In F. E. Brief, 23(2). Handbook of parenting: Vol. 1. Children and
Weinert & W. Schneider (Eds.), The Munich Stahl, S. A., McKenna, M. C., & Pagnucco, J. R. parenting (2nd ed., pp. 103–133). Mahwah, NJ:
Longitudinal Study on the Genesis of Individual (1994). The effects of whole-language Erlbaum.
Competencies (LOGIC). Cambridge, England: instruction: An update and a reappraisal. Stenager, K., & Qin, P. (2008). Individual and
Cambridge University Press. Educational Psychologist, 29, 275–285. parental psychiatric history and risk for suicide
Solmon, M. A., & Lee, A. M. (2008). Research on Stallings, J. A. (1975). Implementations and child among adolescents and young adults in
social issues in elementary school physical effects of teaching practices in Follow Through Denmark. Social Psychiatry and Psychiatric
education. The Elementary School Journal, classrooms. Monographs of the Society for Epidemiology, 43(11), 920–926.
108(3), 229–239. Research in Child Development (Vol. 40, Sternberg, R. J. (1997). Successful intelligence.
Sonuga-Barke, E., Auerbach, J., Campbell, S. B., Nos. 7–8). New York, NY: Plume.
Daley, D., & Thompson, M. (2005). Varieties of Stams, L. E., Juffer, F., Rispens, J., & Hoksbergen, Sternberg, R. J. (1999). Cognitive psychology
preschool hyperactivity: Multiple pathways from R. A. C. (2000). The development and (2nd ed.). Ft. Worth, TX: Harcourt Brace.
risk to disorder. Developmental Science, 8, adjustment of 7-year-old children adopted in Sternberg, R. J. (2004). Culture and intelligence.
141–150. infancy. Journal of Child Psychology and American Psychologist, 59, 383–393.
Spearman, C. (1927). The abilities of man: Their Psychiatry, 41, 1025–1037. Sternberg, R. J., & Grigorenko, E. L. (1999). Myths
nature and measurement. New York, NY: Stang, J., & Story, M. (2005). Adolescent growth in psychology and education regarding the
Macmillan. and development. In J. S. M. Story (Ed.), gene environment debate. Teachers College
Spelke, E. S. (2002). These years are critical for Guidelines for adolescent nutritional services. Record, 100, 536–553.
brain development. A developmental Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota. Sternberg, R. J., Grigorenko, E. L., & Kidd, K. K.
psychologist looks ahead. Developmental Stanger, C., Achenbach, T. M., & Verhulst, F. C. (2005). Intelligence, race, and genetics.
Science, 5(3), 392–396. (1997). Accelerated longitudinal comparisons of American Psychologist, 60, 45–59.

503
 REFERENCES

Stevenson, B. (2010). Beyond the classroom: Using Evidence from a longitudinal structural model. predictors of adolescents’ life satisfaction.
Title IX to measure the return to high school Developmental Psychology, 38, 934–947. School Psychology Quarterly, 23, 56–69.
sports. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Stork, S., & Sanders, S. W. (2008). Physical Sullivan, K. (2000). The anti-bullying handbook.
Economic Research. education in early childhood. The Elementary New York, NY: Oxford University Press.
Stevenson, H. W., & Stigler, J. (1992). The learning School Journal, 108(3), 197–206. Sulzby, E., & Teale, W. (1991). Emergent literacy.
gap. New York, NY: Summit Books. Stormont, M., Stebbins, M. S., & Holliday, G. In R. Barr, M. L. Kamil, P. B. Mosenthal, &
Stewart, C. (2007). Physical activity in children: Tips to (2001). Characteristics and educational support P. D. Pearson (Eds.), Handbook of reading research,
help parents encourage exercise in kids. Retrieved needs of underrepresented gifted adolescents. Vol. II (pp. 727–758). New York, NY: Longman.
from http://earlychildhood.suite101.com/ Psychology in the Schools, 38, 413–423. Suman, R. P., Udani, R., & Nanavati, R. (2008).
article.cfm/your_childs_fitness Story, M., & Stang, J. (2005). Nutrition needs of Kangaroo mother care for low birth weight
Stewart, L., Henson, R., Kampe, K., Walsh, V., adolescents. In J. S. M. Story (Ed.), Guidelines infants: A randomized controlled trial. Indian
Turner, R., & Frith, U. (2003). Brain changes for adolescent nutritional services. Minneapolis, Journal of Pediatrics, 45(1), 17–23.
after learning to read and play music. MN: University of Minnesota. Sunstein, C. R. (2008). Adolescent risk-taking and
NeuroImage, 20(1), 71–83. Strachan, T., & Read, A. P. (1996). Human social meaning: A commentary. Developmental
Stewart, S. M., & Bond, M. H. (2002). A critical look molecular genetics. New York, NY: Wiley. Review, 28, 145–152.
at parenting from the mainstream: Problems Stratmeyer, M. E., Greenleaf, J. F., Dalecki, D., & Sunstein, C. R. (2008). Illusory losses. The Journal
uncovered while adapting Western research to Salvesen, K. A. (2008). Fetal ultrasound of Legal Studies, 37, 157–194.
non-Western cultures. British Journal of mechanical effects. Journal of Ultrasound Susman, E. J., Inoff-Germain, G., Nottelmann, E. D.,
Developmental Psychology, 20, 379–392. Medicine, 27, 597–605. Loriaux, D. L., Cutler, G. B. J., & Chrousos, G. P.
Stewart, S. M., & McBride-Chang, C. (2000). Straus, M. A., & Field, C. J. (2003). Psychological (1987). Hormones, emotional dispositions, and
Influences on children’s sharing in a aggression by American parents: National data aggressive attributes in young adolescents.
multicultural setting. Journal of Cross-Cultural on prevalence, chronicity, and severity. Journal Child Development, 58, 1114–1134.
Psychology, 31, 333–348. of Marriage and the Family, 65, 795–808. Sutfin, E. L., Fulcher, M., Bowles, R. P., &
Stice, E., & Bearman, S. K. (2001). Body image and Strauss, W., & Howe, N. (2000). Millennials rising Patterson, C. J. (2008). How lesbian and
eating disturbances prospectively predict the next great generation. New York, NY: heterosexual parents convey attitudes about
increases in depressive symptoms in adolescent Vintage. Retrieved from http://club.fom.ru/ gender to their children: The role of gendered
girls: A growth curve analysis. Developmental books/Millennials_Rising_bkreview.pdf environments. Sex Roles, 58, 501–513.
Psychology, 37(5), 597–607. Strauss, W., & Howe, N. (2003). Millennials go to Svoboda, J. S. (2001). Review of Boys and Girls
Stice, E., Marti, C. N., Spoor, S., Presnell, K., & college: Strategies for a new generation on Learn Differently. Retrieved from http://www
Shaw, H. (2008). Dissonance and healthy campus. Washington: DC: American .themenscenter.com/mensight/reviews/
weight eating disorder prevention programs: Association of Collegiate Registrars and Svoboda/boysandgirls.htm
Long-term effects from a randomized efficacy Admissions Officers. Retrieved from http:// Swaab, D. R., Gooren, L. J. G., & Hofman, M. A.
trial. Journal of Consulting and Clinical eubie.com/millennials.pdf (1995). Brain research, gender, and sexual
Psychology, 76. Strayer, J., & Roberts, W. (2004). Empathy and orientation. Journal of Homosexuality, 28,
Stice, E., & Shaw, H. (2004). Eating disorder observed anger and aggression in five-year- 283–301.
prevention programs: A meta-analytic review. olds. Social Development, 13, 1–13. Swanson, H. L., & Sachse-Lee, C. (2001).
Psychological Bulletin, 130. Strickland, C. (1990, June 17). Preventive Mathematical problem solving and working
Stice, E., & Whitenton, K. (2002). Risk factors for medicine, Soviet style. The New York Times. memory in children with learning disabilities:
body dissatisfaction in adolescent girls: A Strickling, L. E., & Gomez, A. (2010). Digital Both executive and phonological processes are
longitudinal investigation. Developmental Nation: 21st century America’s progress toward important. Journal of Experimental Child
Psychology, 38(5), 669–678. universal broadband Internet access. Psychology, 79, 294–321.
Stifter, C. A., Spinrad, T. L, & Braungart-Rieker, J. M. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Swanson H. L., & Saez, L. (2003). Memory
(1999). Toward a developmental model of Commerce National Telecommunications and difficulties in children and adults with learning
child compliance: The role of emotion Information Administration. disabilities. In H. L. Swanson, S. Graham, &
regulation in infancy. Child Development, 70, Strong, S. M., Singh, D., & Randall, P. K. (2000). K. R. Harris (Eds.). Handbook of learning
21–32. Childhood gender nonconformity and body disabilities (pp. 182–198). New York, NY: Guilford.
Stiles, J., Reilly, J., Paul, B., & Moses, P. (2005). dissatisfaction in gay and heterosexual men. Swearer, S., Espelage, D. L., Vaillancourt, T., &
Cognitive development following early brain Sex Roles, 43, 427–439. Hymel, S. (2010). What can be done about
injury: Evidence for neural adaptation. Trends in Strough, J., & Covatto, A. M. (2002). Context and school bullying?: Linking research to
Cognitive Science, 9, 136–143. age differences in same and other-gender educational practice. Educational Researcher,
Stinson, D. W. (2006). African American male peer preferences. Social Development, 11, 39, 38–47.
adolescents, schooling, (and mathematics): 346–361. Symons, D. K. (2004). Mental state discourse,
Deficiency, rejection, and achievement. Review Stumpf, H. (1995). Gender differences on tests of theory of mind, and the internalization of self-
of Educational Research, 76, 477–506. cognitive abilities: Experimental design issues other understanding. Developmental Review,
Stipek, D. J. (1995). The development of pride and empirical results. Learning and Individual 24, 159–188.
and shame in toddlers. In: J. P. Tangney & Differences, 7, 275–288. Syvertsen, A. K., Flanagan, C. A., & Stout, M. D.
K. W. Fischer (Eds.), Self conscious emotions: Subrahmanyam, K., Greenfield, P., Kraut, R., & (2009). Code of silence: Students’ perceptions
The psychology of shame, guilt, Gross, E. (2001). The impact of computer use of school climate and willingness to intervene in
embarrassment, and pride (pp. 237–253). on children’s and adolescents’ development. a peer’s dangerous plan. Journal of Educational
New York, NY: Guilford. Applied Developmental Psychology, 22, 7–30. Psychology, 101, 219–232.
Stipek, D. J. (2002). Motivation to learn: Suizzo, M., Chen, W., Cheng, C., Liang, A. S., Szagun, G. (1992). Children’s understanding of the
Integrating theory and practice (4th ed.). Contreras, H., Zanger, D., . . . Robinson, C. feeling experience and causes of sympathy.
Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon. (2008). Parental beliefs about young children’s Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 33,
Stipek, D. J., & Ryan, R. H. (1997). Economically socialization across US ethnic groups: 1183–1191. doi:10.1111/j.1469–7610
disadvantaged preschoolers: Ready to learn but Coexistence of independence and .1992.tb00937.x
further to go. Developmental Psychology, 33, interdependence. Early Child Development and Tajfel, H., & Turner, J. (1986). The social identity
711–723. Care, 178, 467–486. theory of intergroup behavior. In S. Worchel &
Stone, M. R., Barber, B. L., & Eccles, J. S. (2008). doi:10.1080/03004430600823917 W. Austin (Eds.), Psychology of intergroup
We knew them when: Sixth grade Suldo, S. M., & Shaffer, E. J. (2008). Looking behavior (2nd ed., pp. 7–24). Chicago, IL:
characteristics that predict adolescent high beyond psychopathology: The dual-factor Nelson-Hall.
school social identities. Journal of Early model of mental health in youth. School Talbot, M. (2002, February 24). Girls just want to
Adolescence, 28, 304–328. Psychology Review, 37(1), 52–68. be mean. The New York Times. Retrieved from
Storch, S., & Whitehurst, G. (2002). Oral language Suldo, S. M., Shaffer, E. S., & Riley, K. (2008). A http://www.nytimes.com/2002/02/24/magazine/
and code-related precursors to reading: social-cognitive-behavioral model of academic 24GIRLS.html?pagewanted⫽1

504
 REFERENCES

Tarrant, M. (2002). Adolescent peer groups and Handbook of child psychology: Vol. 1. Thorndike, E. (1933). A proof of the law of effect.
social identity. Social Development, 11(1), Theoretical models of human development Science, 77, 173–175.
110–123. (pp. 563–634). New York, NY: Wiley. Tice, D. M., Baumeister, R. F., & Zhang, L. (2004).
Tasopoulos-Chan, M., Smetana, J. G., & Yau, J. P. Thelen, E., & Smith, L. B. (2006). Dynamic systems The role of emotion in self-regulation: Differing
(2009). How much do I tell thee? Strategies for theories. In W. Damon & R. M. Lerner (Ed.), roles of positive and negative emotion. In
managing information to parents among Handbook of child psychology: Theoretical P. Philippot & R. S. Feldman (Eds.), The
American adolescents from Chinese, Mexican, models of human development (6th ed., Vol. 1, regulation of emotion (pp. 215–230). Mahwah,
and European backgrounds. Journal of Family pp. 258–312). New York, NY: Wiley. NJ: Erlbaum.
Psychology, 23(3), 364–374. Theokas, C. (2009). Youth sport participation—a Tiedt, P. L., & Tiedt, I. M. (2009). Multicultural
Taylor, E. (1998). Clinical foundation of view of the issues: Introduction to the special teaching: A handbook of activities, information,
hyperactivity research. Behavioural Brain section. Developmental Psychology, 45(2), and resources (8th ed.). Boston, MA: Allyn &
Research, 94, 11–24. 303–306. doi:10.1037/a0015042. Bacon.
Taylor, M., & Carlson, S. M. (1997). The relation Thiedke, C. (2001). Sleep disorders and sleep TIMSS. (2008). Fourth International Mathematics
between individual differences in fantasy and problems in childhood. American Family and Science Study. Retrieved from http://nces
theory of mind. Child Development, 68, Physician, 63, 277–284. .ed.gov/timss/
436–455. Thiessen, E. D., Hill, E. A., & Saffran, J. R. (2005). Tobler, N., & Stratton, H. (1997). Effectiveness of
Taylor, M., Carlson, S. M., Maring, B. L., Gerow, L., & Infant-directed speech facilitates word school-based drug prevention programs: A
Charley, C. M. (2004). The characteristics and segmentation. Infancy, 7(1), 53–71. metaanalysis of the research. Journal of Primary
correlates of fantasy in school-age children: Thomas, A., Chess, S., & Birch, H. G. (1970). The Prevention, 18, 71–128.
Imaginary companions, impersonation, and origin of personality. Scientific American, Tollefson, N. (2000). Classroom applications of
social understanding. Developmental 102–109. cognitive theories of motivation. Educational
Psychology, 40, 1173–1187. Thomas, A., Chess, S., Birch, H., Hetzig, M., & Psychology Review, 12, 63–83.
Teachman, J. D., Paasch, K., & Carver, K. (1996). Korn, S. (1963). Behavioral individuality in early Tomasello, M. (1998). Having intentions,
Social capital and dropping out of school. childhood. New York, NY: New York University understanding intentions, and understanding
Journal of Marriage and the Family, 58, Press. communicative intent. In P. D. Zelazo,
773–783. Thomas, K. T., & Thomas, J. R. (2008). Principles of J. W. Astington, & D. R. Olson (Eds.)
Teicher, M. D. (2000). Wounds that time won’t motor development for elementary school Developing theories of intention: Social
heal: The neurobiology of child abuse. physical education. The Elementary School understanding and self control (pp. 63–75).
Cerebrum: The Dana Forum on Brain Science, Journal, 108, 181–195. Mahwah, NJ, Erlbaum.
2(4), 50–67. Thomas, M. S. C., & Johnson, M. H. (2008). New Tomasello, M. (2002). Acquiring linguistic
Terman, L. S. (1925). Genetic studies of genius advances in understanding sensitive periods in constructions. In D. Kuhn & R. S. Siegler (Eds.),
(Vol. 1). Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. brain development. Association for Handbook of child psychology (6th ed., Vol. 2,
Terman, L. S. (1947). Genetic studies of genius Psychological Science, 17(1), 1–5. Cognition, language, and perception,
(Vol. 4). Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Thome, J., & Reddt, D. P. (2009). The current pp. 255–298). New York, NY: Wiley.
Terman, L. S. (1959). Genetic studies of genius status of research into attention deficit Tomasello, M. (2006). Acquiring linguistic
(Vol. 5). Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. hyperactivity disorder: Proceedings of the 2nd constructions. In D. Kuhn & R. S. Siegler (Eds.),
Thach, B. T, Rutherford, G. W, & Harris, K. (2007). International Congress on ADHD: Proceedings Handbook of child psychology (6th ed., Vol. 2,
Deaths and injuries attributed to infant crib from childhood to adult disease. ADHD Cognition, language, and perception,
bumper pads. Journal of Pediatric, 151(3), Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder, 1, pp. 255–298). New York, NY: Wiley.
271–274. 165–174. Tomasello, M., Kruger, A. C., & Ratner, H. H.
Thackeray, E., & Richdale, A. (2002). The Thompson, A., Hollis, C., & Richards, D. (2003). (1993). Cultural learning. Behavioral and Brain
behavioural treatment of sleep difficulties in Authoritarian parenting attitudes as a risk for Sciences, 16, 495–552.
children with an intellectual disability. conduct problems. European Child & Tomlinson-Keasey, C. (1990). Developing our
Behavioral Intervention, 17, 211–231. Adolescent Psychiatry, 12, 84. intellectual resources for the 21st century:
doi:10.1002/bin.123 Thompson, M., Kuruwita, C., & Foster, E. M. Educating the gifted. Journal of Educational
Tharp, R. G. (1989). Psychocultural variables and (2009). Transitions in suicide risk in a nationally Psychology, 82, 399–403.
constants: Effects on teaching and learning in representative sample of adolescents. Journal Torgesen, J. K., Alexander, A. W., Wagner, R. K.,
schools. American Psychologist, 44, 349–359. of Adolescent Health, 44(5), 458–463. Rashotte, C. A., Voeller, K., & Conway, T.
Tharp, R. G., & Gallimore, R. (1988). Rousing minds Thompson, R. A. (1994). Emotion regulation: A theme (2001). Intensive remedial instruction for
to life: Teaching, learning, and schooling in in search of definition. In N. A. Fox (Ed.), The children with severe reading disabilities. Journal
social context. New York, NY: Cambridge development of emotion regulation: Biological of Learning Disabilities, 34, 33–58.
University Press. and behavioral considerations (pp. 25–52). Touchette, E., Petit, D., Tremblay, R. E., Boivin, M.,
Thelen, E. (1995). Motor development: A new Monographs of the Society for Research in Falissard, B., Genolini, C., & Montplaisir, J. Y.
synthesis. American Psychologist, 50(2), 79–95. Child Development, 59(2–3, Serial No. 240). (2008). Associations between sleep duration
doi:10.1037/0003-066X.50.2.79. Thompson, R. A., & Goodvin, R. (2005). The patterns and overweight/obesity at age 6.
Thelen, E. (1995) Time scale dynamics and the individual child: Temper, emotion, self, and Sleep, 31, 1507–1514.
development of an embodied cognition. In personality. In M. H. Bornstein & M. E. Lamb Towey, K., & Fleming, M. (2003). Healthy youth
R. Port & T. van Gelder (Eds.), Mind as motion: (Eds.), Developmental science: An advanced 2010: Supporting the 21 critical adolescent
Explorations in the dynamics of cognition textbook (pp. 391–428). Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. objectives. Washington, DC: American Medical
(pp. 69–100). Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Thompson, R. A., Laible, D. J., & Ontai, L. L. Association.
Thelen, E., & Corbetta, D. (1996). The (2003). Early understandings of emotion, Trachtenberg, J. (nd). Weight management: 7 ways
development origins of bimanual coordination: morality, and self: Developing a working model. to help your child lose weight. Retrieved from
A dynamic perspective. Journal of Experimental Advances in Child Development and Behavior, http://parenting.ivillage.com/gs/gshealth/
Psychology: Human Perception & Performance, 31, 137–171. 0,,n9k5,00.html.
22(2), 502–522. Thompson, R. A., Meyer, S., & McGinley, M. Trautner, H. M., Gervai, J., & Nemeth, R. (2003).
Thelen, E., & Corbetta, D. (2009). (2006). Understanding values in relationships: Appearance–reality distinction and
Microdevelopmental and dynamic systems: The development of conscience. In M. Killen & development of gender constancy
Applications in infant motor development. In J. Smetana (Eds.), Handbook of moral understanding in children. International Journal
N. Granott & J. Parziale (Ed.), Microdevelopment: development (pp. 267–298). Mahwah, NJ: of Behavioral Development, 27, 275–283.
Transition processes in development and Erlbaum Associates. Trautner, H. M., Ruble, D. N., Cyphers, L., Kirsten,
learning (pp. 59–79). New York, NY: Cambridge Thompson, R. A., & Wyatt, J. M. (1999). Current B., Behrendt, R., & Hartmann, P. (2005). Rigidity
University Press. research on child maltreatment: Implications for and flexibility of gender stereotypes in children:
Thelen, E., & Smith, L. B. (1998). Dynamic systems educators. Educational Psychology Review, 11, Developmental or differential? Infant and Child
theories. In W. Damon & R. M. Lerner (Eds.), 173–202. Development, 14, 365–381.

505
 REFERENCES

Trebaticka J., Paduchova Z., Suba J. et al. (2009) Cambridge, England: Cambridge University http://quickfacts .census.gov/qfd/states/00000.
Markers of oxidative stress in ADHD and their Press. html
modulation by Polyhenolic extract, Pycnogenal. Turiel, E. (2006). The development of morality. In U.S. Bureau of the Census. (2010b). Hispanic
2nd International Congress on ADHD. From W. Damon, R. M. Lerner, & N. Eisenberg (Eds.), population of the United States: Projections.
Childhood to Adult Disease, May 21–24, 2009, Handbook of child psychology: Vol. 3. Social, Retrived from http://www.census.gov/
Vienna, Austria. ADHD Attention Deficit emotional, and personality development (6th population/www/socdemo/hispanic/
Hyperactivity Disorder 1:33. ed., pp. 789–857). Hoboken, NJ: Wiley. hispanic_pop_presentation.html
Tremblay, R. E. (2000). The development of Turnbull, A. P., Taylor, R. L., Erwin, E. J., & Soodak, U.S. Bureau of Labor. (2009). Labor force
aggressive behavior during childhood: What L. C. (2005). Families, professionals and statistics from the current population survey.
have we learned in the past century? exceptionality: Positive outcomes through Retrieved from http://www.bls.gov/cps/
International Journal of Behavioral partnership and trust (5th ed.). Mahwah, NJ: wlftable5.htm.
Development, 24, 129–141. Merrill. U.S. Census Bureau, Housing and Household
Tremblay, R. E., Boulerice, B., Harden, P. W., Turner, J. C., Meyer, D. K., Midgley, C., & Patrick, Economic Statistics Division, Fertility & Family
McDuff, P., Perusse, D., Pihl, R. O., & Zoccolillo, H. (2003). Teacher discourse and sixth graders’ Statistics Branch. (2006). Children in self-care,
M. (1996). Do children in Canada become more reported affect and achievement behaviors in by age of child, employment status of mother,
aggressive as they approach adolescence? In two high mastery/high performance and selected characteristics for children living
Growing up in Canada: National Longitudinal mathematics classrooms. Elementary School with mother: Summer 2006. Retrieved from
Study of Children and Youth. Ottawa, Canada: Journal, 103, 357–382. http://www.census.gov/population/socdemo/
Statistics Canada, Human Resources and Tye, M. C. (2003). Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and child/table-2006/tab04.xls
Development. transgender parents: Special considerations for U.S. Consumer Product Safety Commission,
Tremblay, R. E., Nagin, D. S., Seguin, J. R., the custody and adoption evaluator. Family Office of Compliance. (2001). Requirements
Zoccolillo, M., Zelazo, P. D., Boivin, M., . . . Court Review, 41, 92–103. for full size baby cribs. Bethesda, MD:
Japel, C. (2004). Physical aggression during Udell, W. (2007). Enhancing adolescent girls’ Author.
early childhood: Trajectories and predictors. argument skills in reasoning about personal and U.S. Department of Agriculture, U.S. Department
Pediatrics, 113, 43–50. non-personal decisions. Cognitive of Education, and U.S. Department of Health
Trenholm, C., Deveney, B., Fortson, K., Clark, M., Development, 22, 341–352. and Human Services. (2002). Healthy start, grow
Quay, L., & Wheeler, J. (2008). Impacts of Udry, J. R., & Chantala, K. (2002). Risk assessment smart, your newborn. Retrieved from http://
abstinence education on teen sexual activity, of adolescents with same-sex relationships. www.ed.gov/parents/earlychild/ready/
risk of pregnancy, and risk of sexually Journal of Adolescent Health, 31(1), 84–92. healthystart/newborn.pdf
transmitted diseases. Journal of Policy Analysis Uline, C. L., & Johnson, J. F. (2005). Closing the U.S Department of Health and Human Services.
and Management, 27, 255–276. achievement gap: What will it take? Special (2001). Adoption and foster care analysis and
Trettien, A. W. (1900). Creeping and walking. The Issue: Theory Into Practice, 44(1). reporting system. Rockville, MD: Author.
American Journal of Psychology, 12, 1–57. Ulrich, D. A., Ulrich, B. D., Angulo-Kinzler, R. M., & U.S. Department of Health and Human Services.
Triandis, H. C. (1989). The self and social behavior Yun, J. (2001). Treadmill training of infants (2005). Dietary guidelines for Americans.
in differing cultural contexts. Psychological with Down Syndrome: Evidence-based Rockville, MD: Author.
Review, 96, 506–520. developmental outcomes. Pediatrics, 108(5), U.S. Department of Health and Human Services.
Triseliotis, J., & Hill, M. (1990). Contrasting e84. (2006). Child maltreatment 2006. Retrieved
adoption, foster care, and residential rearing. In Underwood, M. K. (2003). Social aggression from http://www.acf.hhs.gov/programs/cb/
M. Brodzinsky & M. D. Schechter (Eds.), The among girls. New York, NY: Guilford. pubs/cm06/cm06.pdf
psychology of adoption (pp. 107–120). New Underwood, M. K., Galen, B. R., & Paquette, J. A. U.S. Department of Health and Human Services.
York, NY: Oxford University Press. (2001). Top ten challenges for understanding (2010). Trends in foster care and adoption—FY
Troiden, R. R. (1993). The formation of homosexual aggression and gender: Why can’t we all just 2002–2009. Retrieved from http://www.acf.hhs
identities. In L. Garnets & D. Kimmel (Eds.), get along. Social development, 10, 248–266. .gov/programs/cb/stats_research/afcars/trends
Psychological perspectives on lesbian and gay Underwood, M. K., & Rosen, L. H. (2009). Gender, .htm
male experiences (pp. 191–217). New York, NY: peer relations, and challenges for girlfriends and U.S. Department of Health and Human Services,
Columbia University Press. boyfriends coming together in adolescence. Administration on Children, Youth and
Trost, S. G., Owen, N., Bauman, A. E., James, F., & Psychology of Women Quarterly, 33(1), 16–20. Families. (2009). Child Maltreatment
Brown, W. (2002). Correlates of adults’ United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural 2007. Retrieved from http://www.childwelfare
participation in physical activity: Review and Organization (UNESCO). (2007). Strong .gov.2).
update. Medicine & Science in Sports & foundations: Early childhood care and U.S. Department of Health and Human Services,
Exercise, 34(12). 1996–2001. education. Retrieved from http://www.unesco National Institute of Health. (2008). What is
Tryon, R. C. (1940). Genetic differences in maze .org/education/GMR/2007/Full_report.pdf. asthma? Retrieved from http://www.nhlbi.nih
learning in rats. Yearbook of the National University of Maryland Medical Center. (2009). .gov/health/dci/Diseases/Asthma/Asthma_
Society for Studies in Education, 39, 111–119. Iron deficiency anemia—children. Retrieved WhatIs.html
Tsantis, L. A., Bewick, C. J., & Thouvenelle, S. from http://www.umm.edu/ency/article/ Vaillancourt, T., Hymel, S., & McDougall, P. (2003).
(2003). Examining some common myths about 007134.htm Bullying is power. Journal of Applied School
computer use in the early years, Beyond the Updegraff, K. A., & Obeidallah, D. A. (1999). Young Psychology, 19, 157–176
Journal: Young Children on the Web adolescents’ patterns of involvement with Valent, F., Brusaferro, S., & Barbone, F. (2001). A
(pp. 1–9). siblings and friends. Social Development, case-crossover study of sleep and childhood
Tsiaras, A., & Werth, B. (2002). From conception to 8, 52–69. injury. Pediatrics, 107, 1–7.
birth. New York, NY: Doubleday. USAID. (2009). Child blindness. Retrieved from Valenzuela, A. (1999). Subtractive schooling:
Tsuang, M. T., Bar, J. L., Harley, R. M., & Lyons, M. J. http://www.usaid.gov/our_work/global_health/ U.S.–Mexican youth and the politics of caring.
(2001). The Harvard Twin Study of Substance mch/ch/techareas/child_blindness.html Albany, NY: SUNY Press.
Abuse: What we have learned. Harvard Rev U.S. Bureau of the Census. (2004). National Valkenburg, P. M., & Peter, J. (2009). Social
Psychiatry, 9(6), 267–279. population projections Retrieved from http:// consequences of the Internet for adolescents:
Tucker-Drob, E. M. (2009). Differentiation of www.census.gov/Press-Release/www/releases/ A decade of research. Current Directions in
cognitive abilities across the life span. archives/population/001720.html. Psychological Science, 18, 1–5.
Developmental Psychology, 45, 1097–1118. U.S. Bureau of the Census. (2009). Facts for Vandell, D. L. (2004). Early child care: The known
Turiel, E. (1998). The development of morality. In Hispanic Heritage Month 2009: September 15 and the unknown. Merrill-Palmer Quarterly, 50,
W. Damon (Series Ed.) & N. Eisenberg (Vol. to October 15. Retrieved from http://www 387–414.
Ed.), Handbook of child psychology: Vol. 3. .census.gov/Press-Release/www/releases/ Vandell, D. L., & Posner, J. (1999).
Social, emotional, and personality development archives/facts_for_features_special_editions/ Conceptualization and measurement of
(5th ed., pp. 863–932). New York, NY: Wiley. 013984.html children’s after-school environments. In
Turiel, E. (2002). The culture of morality: Social U.S. Bureau of the Census (2010a). State and S. L. Friedman & T. D. Wachs (Eds.),
development, context, and conflict. country quick facts. Retrieved from Assessment of the environment across the

506
 REFERENCES

lifespan (pp. 167–197). Washington, DC: Ventura, S. J., Peters, K. D., Martin, J. A., & NCTM 2000 Yearbook (pp. 51–66). Reston, VA:
American Psychological Association. Maurer, J. D. (1997). Births and deaths: United National Council of Teachers of Mathematics.
Vandell, D. L., & Shumow, L. (1999). After school States, 1996. Monthly Vital Statistics Report, Wald, J. (2001, August 29). The failure of zero
care programs. The Future of Children, 9, 46(1), supp. 2. Hyattsville, MD: National Center tolerance. Retrieved from http://www.salon
64–80. for Health Statistics. .com/mwt/feature/2001/08/29/zero_tolerance/
van der Kolk, B. A., & Fisler, R. E. (1994). Childhood Verhallen, M. J. A. J., Bus, A. G., & de Jong, M. T. index.html?sid⫽1046257
abuse and neglect and loss of self-regulation. (2006). The promise of multimedia stories for Walker, L. J., & Hennig, K. H. (1997). Moral
Bulletin of the Menninger Clinic, 58(2),145–168. kindergarten children at risk. Journal of development in the broader context of
van der Mass, H. L. J., Dolan, C. V., Educational Psychology, 98, 410–419. personality. In S. Hala (Ed.), The development
Grasman, R. P. P. P., Wicherts, J. M., Verkuyten, M., & Thijs, J. (2001). Ethnic and of social cognition (pp. 297–327). Hove,
Huizenga, H. M., & Raijmakers, M. E. J. (2006). gender bias among Dutch and Turkish children England: Psychology Press.
A dynamic model of general intelligence: The in late childhood: The role of social context. Walker, L. J., Hennig, K. H., & Krettenauer, T.
positive manifold of intelligence by mutualism. Infant and Child Development, 10, 203–217. (2000). Parent and peer contexts for children’s
Psychological Review, 113, 842–861. Vieno, A., Santinello, M., Pastore, M., & Perkins, moral reasoning development. Child
Vandermass-Peler, M. (2002). Cultural variations in D. D. (2007). Social support, sense of community Development, 71, 1033–1048.
parental support of children’s play. In in school, and self-efficacy as resources during Walker, L. J., Pitts, R., Hennig, K., & Matsuba, M. K.
W. J. Lonner, D. L. Dinnel, S. A. Hayes, & early adolescence: An integrative, develop- (1995). Reasoning about morality and real-life
D. N. Sattler (Ed.), Online Readings in psychology mentally oriented model. American Journal of moral problems. In M. Killen & D. Hart (Eds.),
and culture (Unit 11, Chapter 3; Vol. 2007). Community Psychology, 39, 177–190. Morality in everyday life: Development
Bellingham, WA: Center for Cross-Cultural Volkow, N. D., Wang, G. J., Newcorn, J., perspectives (pp. 371–407). New York, NY:
Research, Western Washington University. Fowler, J. S., Telang, F., Solanto, M. V., . . . Cambridge University Press.
Vandewater, E. A., Bickham, D. S., Lee, J. H., Pradhan, K. (2007). Brain dopamine transporter Wallerstein, J. S., Lewis, J. M., & Blakeslee, S.
Cummings, H. M., Wartella, E. A., & Rideout, V. J. levels in treatment and drug naïve adults with (2000). The unexpected legacy of divorce: A
(2005). When the television is always on: Heavy ADHD. NeuroImage, 34, 1182–1190 25-year landmark study. New York, NY:
television exposure and young children’s Volling, B. L., & Feagans, L. V. (1995). Infant day Hyperion.
development. American Behavioral Scientist, care and children’s social competence. Infant Walters, S., Barr-Anderson, D., Wall, M., &
48, 562–557. Behavior and Development, 18, 177–188. Neumark-Sztainer, D. (2009). Does participation
Vandivere, S., Malm, K., & Radel, L. (2009). Vondracek, F. W., & Porfeli, E. J. (2006). The world in organized sports predict future physical
Adoption USA: A chartbook based on the 2007 of work and careers. In G. A. M. D. Berzonsky activity for adolescents from diverse economic
National Survey of Adoptive Parents. (Ed.), Blackwell handbook of adolescence backgrounds? Journal of Adolescent Health,
Washington, DC: The U.S. Department of (pp. 109–128). Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing. 44, 268–274.
Health and Human Services, Office of the Vygotsky, L. S. (1978). Mind in society: The Wang, A. Y., & Thomas, M. H. (1995). Effects of
Assistant Secretary for Planning and Evaluation. development of higher mental process. keywords on long-term retention: Help or
van Geert, P., & Steenbeek, H. (2005). Explaining Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. hindrance? Journal of Educational Psychology,
after by before: Basic aspects of a dynamic Vygotsky, L. S. (1986). Thought and language. 87, 468–475.
systems approach to the study of development. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Wang, A. Y., Thomas, M. H., & Ouellette, J. A.
Developmental Review, 25, 408–442. Vygotsky, L. S. (1987). Problems of general (1992). Keyword mnemonic and retention of
van Gelderen, A., Schoonen, R., Stoel, R. D., psychology. New York, NY: Plenum. second-language vocabulary words. Journal of
de Glopper, K., & Hulstijn, J. (2007). Development Vygotsky, L. S. (1987). Thinking and speech Educational Psychology, 84, 520–528.
of adolescent reading comprehension in (N. Minick, Trans.). (Orig. 1934) In R. W. Rieber & Wang, M.-C., Crawford, P. B., Hudes, M., Loan, M. V.,
language 1 and language 2: A longitudinal A. S. Carton (Eds.), The collected works of Siemering, K., & Bachrach, L. K. (2003). Diet in
analysis of constituent components. Journal of L. S. Vygotsky. Volume 1: Problems of general midpuberty and sedentary activity in
Educational Psychology, 99(3), 477–491. psychology (pp. 37–285). New York, NY: prepuberty predict peak bone mass. American
van Kraayenoord, C. E., Rice, D., Carroll, A., Fritz, Plenum Press. Journal of Clinical Nutrition, 77, 495–503.
E., Dillon, L., & Hill, A. (2001). Attention Deficit Vygotsky, L. S. (1993). The collected works of Wang, M. T. (2009). School climate support for
Hyperactivity Disorder: Impact and implications L. S. Vygotsky: Vol. 2 (J. Knox & C. Stevens, behavioral and psychological adjustment:
for Queensland. Queensland, Australia: Trans.). New York, NY: Plenum. Testing the mediating effect of social
Queensland Disability Services. Retrieved from Vygotsky, L. S. (1997). Educational psychology competence. School Psychology Quarterly, 24,
www.families.qld.gov.au. (R. Silverman, Trans.). Boca Raton, FL: St. 240–251.
Varela, R. E., Vernberg, E. M., Sanchez-Sosa, J. J., Lucie. Wang, Q. (2004). The emergence of cultural self-
Riveros, A., Mitchell, M., & Mashunkashey, J. Waber, D. P., De Moor, C., Forbes, P. W., Almli, C. R., constructs: Autobiographical memory and self-
(2004). Parenting style of Mexican, Mexican Botteron, K. N., Leonard, G., . . . Brain description in European American and Chinese
American, and Caucasian–non-Hispanic Development Cooperative Group. (2007). The children. Developmental Psychology, 40(1),
families: Social context and cultural influences. NIH MRI study of normal brain development: 3–15. doi:10.1037/0012-1649.40.1.3
Journal of Family Psychology, 18, 651–657. Performance of a population based sample of Wang, X., Chai, H., Lin, P. H., Yao, Q., & Chen, C.
Vartanian, L. R., Schwartz, M. B., & Brownell, K. D. healthy children aged 6 to 18 years on a (2009). Roles and mechanisms of HIV protease
(2007). Effects of soft drink consumption on neuropsychological battery. Journal of the inhibitor Ritonavir and other anti-HIV drugs in
nutrition and health: A systematic review and International Neuropsychological Society, 13, endothelial dysfunction of porcine pulmonary
meta-analysis. American Journal of Public 1–18. arteries and human pulmonary artery
Health, 97, 667–675. Wadsworth, B. (2004). Piaget’s theory of cognitive endothelial cells. American Journal of
Vaughn, B. E. (2001). A hierarchical model of social and affective development: Foundations of Pathology, 174, 771–781.
competence for preschool-age children: Cross- constructivism (5th ed.). Boston, MA: Allyn & Wang, Y., & Beydoun, M. A. (2007). The obesity
sectional and longitudinal analyses. Revue Bacon. epidemic in the United States—gender, age,
Internationale de Psychologie Sociale, 14, Wagner, K. D., & Ambrosini, P. J. (2001). socioeconomic, racial/ethnic, and geographic
13–40. Childhood depression: Pharmacological characteristics: A systematic review and
Veinot, T. C., Flicker, S. E., Skinner, H. A., therapy/treatment. Journal of Clinical Child meta-regression analysis. Epidemiology, 29,
McClellend, A., Saulnier, P. Read, S. E., & Psychology, 30, 88–97. 6–28.
Goldberg, E. (2006). “Supposed to make you Wagner, N., Meusel, D., & Kirch. W. (2005). Warden, D., & MacKinnon, S. (2003). Prosocial
better but it doesn’t really”: HIV-positive Nutritional education for children: Results and children, bullies, and victims: An investigation
youths’ perceptions of HIV treatment. Journal perspectives. Journal of Public Health, 13, of their sociometric status, empathy, and social
of Adolescent Health, 38, 261–267. 102–110. doi:10.1007/s10389-004-0091-9 problem-solving. British Journal of
Venter, J. C., Adams, M. D., Myers, E. W., Li, P. W., Waits, B. K., & Demana, F. (2000). Calculators in Developmental Psychology, 21, 367–385.
Mural, R. J., Sutton, G. G., . . . Zhu, X. (2001). mathematics teaching and learning: Past, Warren, S. L., & Simmens, S. J. (2005). Predicting
The sequence of the human genome. Science, present, future. In M. J. Burke & F. R. Curcio toddler anxiety/depressive symptoms: Effects
291, 1304–1351. (Eds.), Learning mathematics for a new century: of caregiver sensitivity on temperamentally

507
 REFERENCES

vulnerable children. Infant Mental Health Morgantown, NV: Fitness Information (1994). Outcomes of an emergent literacy
Journal, 26(1), 40–55. Technology. program in Headstart. Journal of Educational
Wartella, E., Caplovitz, A. G., & Lee, J. H. (2004). Wellman, H. M. (2004). Understanding the Psychology, 86, 542–555.
From baby Einstein to Leapfrog, from Doom to psychological world: Developing a theory of Whitehurst, G. J., & Lonigan, C. J. (1998). Child
the Sims, from instant messaging to Internet mind. In U. Goswami (Ed.), Blackwell handbook development and emergent literacy. Child
chat rooms: Public interest in the role of of childhood cognitive development Development, 69, 848–872.
interactive media in children’s lives. Social (pp. 167–187). Malden, MA: Blackwell. Whiting, B. B., & Edwards, C. P. (1988) Children of
Policy Report, 18(4), 1–20. Wells, G. L., Memon, A., & Penrod, S. D. (2006). different worlds: The formation of social
Waters, H. F. (1993, July 12). Networks under the Eyewitness evidence: Improving its probative behaviour. Cambridge, England: Cambridge
gun. Newsweek, 64–66. value. Psychological Science in the Public University Press.
Waters, H. S. (2000). Memory strategy Interest, 7(2), 45–75. Wigfield, A., Byrnes, J. P., & Eccles, J. S. (2006).
development: Do we need yet another Welsh, M. C. (2002). Developmental and clinical Development during early and middle
deficiency? Child Development, 71, 1004–1012. variations in executive functions. In D. L. Molfese & adolescence. In P. A. Alexander & P. H. Winne
Watson, J. B. (1924). Behaviorism. New York, NY: V. J. Molfese (Eds.), Developmental variations (Eds.), Handbook of educational psychology
Norton. in learning: Applications to social, executive (2nd ed., pp. 87–113). Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum.
Watters, E. (2010). Crazy like us: The globalization function, language, and reading skills Wigfield, A., & Eccles, J. S. (2001). Introduction. In
of the American psyche. New York, NY: Free (pp. 139–185). Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. A. Wigfield & J. S. Eccles (Eds.), Development
Press. Wen, S., Demissie, K., Yang, Q., & Walker, M. of achievement motivation (pp. 1–11). San
Waxman, S. R., & Lidz, J. L. (2006). Early word (2004). Maternal morbidity and obstetric Diego, CA: Academic Press.
learning. In D. Kuhn & R. S. Siegler (Eds.), complications in triplet pregnancies and Wigfield, A., & Eccles, J. S. (2001). The
Handbook of child psychology (6th ed., Vol. 2, quadruplet and higher-order multiple development of competence beliefs,
Cognition, perception, and language, pregnancies. American Journal of Obstetrics expectancies for success, and achievement
pp. 299–335). New York, NY: Wiley. and Gynecology, 191, 254–258. values from childhood through adolescence. In
Way, N., & Pahl, K. (2001). Individual and Wentzel, K. R. (1997). Student motivation in middle A. Wigfield & J. S. Eccles (Eds.), Development
contextual predictors of perceived friendship school: The role of perceived pedagogical of achievement motivation (pp. 92–115). San
quality among ethnic minority, low-income caring. Journal of Educational Psychology, 89, Diego, CA: Academic Press.
adolescents. Journal of Research on 411–419. Wigfield, A., & Eccles, J. S. (2002). Motivation
Adolescence, 11(4), 325–349. Wentzel, K. R. (2002). Are effective teachers like beliefs, values, and goals. Annual Review of
Webb, N. M., Farivar, S. H., & Mastergeorge, A. M. good parents? Teaching styles and student Psychology, 53, 109–132.
(2002). Productive helping in cooperative adjustment in early adolescence. Child Wigfield, A., Ecces, J. S., & Pintrich, P. R. (1996).
groups. Theory Into Practice, 41, 13–20. Development, 73, 287–301. Development between the ages of 11 and 25.
Webb, N. M., & Mastergeorge, A. M. (2003). The Wentzel, K. R. (2003). School adjustment. In In D. Berliner & R. Calfee (Eds.), Handbook of
development of students’ helping behavior and W. M. Reynolds & G. E. Miller (Eds.), Handbook educational psychology (pp. 148–185). New
learning in peer-directed small groups. of psychology: Educational psychology, Vol. 7. York, NY: Macmillan.
Cognition and Instruction, 21, 361–428. Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons. Wigfield, A., Eccles, J. S., Yoon, K. S., Harold, R. D.,
Webb, N. M., & Palincsar, A. (1996). Group Wentzel, K. R., & Asher, S. R. (1995). Academic Arbreton, A., Freedman-Doan, C., &
processes in the classroom. In D. C. Berliner & lives of neglected, rejected, popular, and Blumenfeld, P. C. (1997). Change in children’s
R. C. Calfee (Eds.), Handbook of educational controversial children. Child Development, 66, competence beliefs and subjective task values
psychology (pp. 841–876). New York, NY: 754–763. across the elementary school years: A three-
Macmillan. Werner, E. E. (1989). Children of the garden island. year study. Journal of Educational Psychology,
Weber, R. (2009). Protection of children in Scientific American, 260, 107–111. 89, 451–469.
competitive sport. International Review for the Werner, N. E., & Crick, N. R. (2004). Maladaptive Wiley, A. R., Rose, A. J., Burger, L. K., & Miller, P. J.
Sociology of Sport, 44(1), 55–69. peer relationships and the development of (1998). Constructing autonomous self through
doi:10.1177/1012690208101485 relational and physical aggression during narrative practices: A comparative study of
Wechsler, P. (2010, November 12). ADHD middle childhood. Social Development, 13, working-class and middle-class families. Child
diagnoses soar in 4 years. Columbus 495–514. Development, 69, 833–847.
Dispatch, p. A3. Werts, M. C., Culatta, A., & Tompkins, J. R. (2007). Wilkening, F., & Huber, S. (2004). Children’s
Wehlage, G. G., Rutter, R. A., Smith, G. A., Lesko, Fundamentals of special education: What every intuitive physics. In U. Goswami (Ed.), Blackwell
N., & Fernandez, R. R. (1989). Reducing the risk: teacher should know (3rd ed.). Columbus, OH: handbook of childhood cognitive development
Schools as communities of support. New York, Pearson/Allyn & Bacon/Merrill. (pp. 349–370). Malden, MA: Blackwell.
NY: Falmer Press. Wertsch, J. V. (1991). Voices of the mind: A Willicutt, E. G., Pennington, B. F., Boada, R.,
Weil, E. (2008, March 2). Should boys and girls be sociocultural approach to mediated action. Ogline, J. S., Tunick, R. A., Chabildas, N. A., &
taught separately? The New York Times Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Olson, R. K. (2001). A comparison of the
Magazine, 33–45⫹. Wertsch, J. V., & Tulviste, P. (1992). L. S. cognitive deficits in reading disability and
Weil, J. L. (1992). Early deprivation of empathic Vygotsky and contemporary developmental attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder. Journal
care. Madison, CT: International University psychology. Developmental Psychology, of Abnormal Psychology, 110, 157–172.
Press. 28, 548–557. Willoughby, M., Kupersmidt, J., & Bryant, D.
Weinberg, J., Sliwowska, J. H., Lan, N., & Westby, C. E. (2000). Play diagnosis and (2001). Overt and covert dimensions of
Hellemans, K. G. (2008). Prenatal alcohol assessment. New York, NY: John Wiley & Sons, antisocial behavior in early childhood.
exposure: Fetal progamming, the Inc. Journal of Abnormal Child Psychology, 29,
hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal axis and sex Westling, E., Andrews, J. A., Hampson, S. E., & 177–187.
differences in outcome. Journal of Peterson, M. (2008). Pubertal timing and Wilson, A. M., Deri Armstrong, C., Furrie, A., &
Neuroendocrinology, 20(4), 470–488. substance use: The effects of gender, parental Walcot, E. (2009). The mental health of
Weinberg, R. A. (1989). Intelligence and IQ. monitoring and deviant peers. Journal of Canadians with self-reported learning
American Psychologist, 44, 98–104. Adolescent Health, 42, 555–563. disabilities. Journal of Learning Disabilities, 42,
Weinberger, D. (2001, March 10). A brain too Wheeler, V. A., & Ladd, G. W. (1982). Assessment 24–40. doi:10.1177/0022219408326216
young for good judgment. The New York of children’s self-efficacy for social interaction Wilson, D. (2004). The interface of school climate
Times, p. A13. with peers. Developmental Psychology, 18, and school connectedness and relationships
Weisner, T. S. (1993). Overview: Sibling similarity 795–805. with aggression and victimization. Journal of
and difference in different cultures. In White, T. G., Graves, M. F., & Slater, W. H. (1990). School Health, 74, 293–299.
C. W. Nuckolls (Ed.), Siblings in South Asia: Growth of reading vocabulary in diverse Wilson, E. O. (1975). Sociobiology: The new
Brothers and sisters in cultural context schools: Decoding and word meaning. Journal synthesis. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of
(pp. 1–17). New York, NY: Guilford. of Educational Psychology, 82, 281–290. Harvard Univ. Press.
Weiss, M. R. (2004). Developmental sport and Whitehurst, G. J., Epstein, J. N., Angell, A. L., Wilson, E. O. (2006). Nature revealed. Baltimore,
exercise psychology: A lifespan perspective. Payne, A. C., Crone, D. A., & Fischel, J. E. MD: The Johns Hopkins University Press.

508
 REFERENCES

Wilson, N. L., Robinson, L. J., Donnet, A., Bovetto, Wong, A. H. C., Gottesman, I. I., & Petronis, A. play on injury severity in high school football.
L., Packer, N. H., & Karlsson, N. G. (2008). (2005). Phenotypic differences in genetically Research in Sports Medicine, 17(1), 35–49.
Glycoproteomics of milk: Differences in sugar identical organisms: The epigenetic Yarhouse, M. A. (2001). Sexual identity
epitopes on human and bovine milk fat globule perspective. Human Molecular Genetics, development: The influence of valuative
membranes. Journal of Proteome Research, 14(Review Issue 1), R11–R-18. (chart, p. R 12) frameworks on identity synthesis.
7(9), 3687–3696. Retrieved from http://hmg.oxfordjournals.org/ Psychotherapy, 38(3), 331–341.
Wimmer, H., & Perner, J. (1983). Beliefs about cgi/reprint/14/suppl_1/R11 Yarrow, M. R., Scott, P. M., & Waxler, C. Z. (1973).
beliefs: Representation and constraining Worku, B., & Kassie, A. (2005). Kangaroo mother Learning concern for others. Developmental
function of wrong beliefs in young children’s care: A randomized controlled trial on Psychology, 8, 240–260.
understanding of deception. Cognition, 13, effectiveness of early kangaroo mother care for Yau, J., & Smetana, J. G. (2003). Conceptions or
41–68. the low birthweight infants in Addis Ababa, moral, social-conventional, and personal events
Wind, R. (2010). Following decade-long decline, Ethiopia. Journal of Tropical Pediatrics, 51(2), among Chinese preschoolers in Hong Kong.
U.S. teen pregnancy rate increases as both 93–97. Child Development, 74(3), 647–658.
births and abortions rise (pp. 1–2). New York, World Food Program. (2006). Ending child hunger Yeates, K. O., & Enrile, B. G. (2005). Implicit and
NY: Guttmacher Institute. and undernutrition initiative: Global framework explicit memory in children with congenital and
Wind, W. M., Schwend, R. M., & Larson, J. (2004). for action–Summary Note. Retrieved from http:// acquired brain disorder. Neuropsychology, 19,
Sports for the physically challenged child. documents.wfp.org/stellent/groups/public/ 618–628.
Journal of the American Academy of documents/resources/wfp111813.pdf Yee, A. H. (1992). Asians as stereotypes and
Orthopaedic Surgeons. 12(2), 126–137. World Health Organization (WHO). (2004). Global students: Misperceptions that persist.
Wink, J., & Putney, L. (2002). A vision of Vygotsky. strategy on diet, physical activity, and health. Educational Psychology Review, 4, 95–132.
Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon. Geneva, Switzerland: Author. Yee, L. (2007, December). Sports-related injuries in
Winner, E. (2000). The origins and ends of World Health Organization. (2008). Early child children and adolescents. Emergency Medicine,
giftedness. American Psychologist, 55, development: A powerful equalizer (final 12(11), 1–15.
159–169. report). Vancouver, BC: Author. Yee, M., & Brown, R. (1994). The development of
Winsler, A., Carlton, M. P., & Barry, M. J. (2000). Wout, D., Dasco, H., Jackson, J., & Spencer, S. gender differentiation in young children. British
Age-related changes in preschool children’s (2008). The many faces of stereotype threat: Journal of Social Psychology, 33, 183–196.
systematic use of private speech in a natural Group- and self-threat. Journal of Experimental Yetman, N. R. (1999). Majority and minority: The
setting. Journal of Child Language, 27, 665–687. Social Psychology, 44, 792–799. dynamics of race and ethnicity in American life
Winsler, A., Diaz, R. M., Espinosa, L., & Wozniak, J. R., Block, E. E., White, T., (6th ed.). Boston, MA: Allyn & Bacon.
Rodriquez, J. L. (1999). When learning a Jensen, J. B., & Scultz, S. C. (2008). Clinical and Yoshinaga-Itano C., & Apuzzo, M. L. (1998)
second language does not mean losing the first: neurocognitive course in early-onset psychosis: Identification of hearing loss after age 18
Bilingual language development in low-income, A longitudinal study of adolescents with months is not early enough. American Annals of
Spanish-speaking children attending bilingual schizophrenia-spectrum disorders. Early the Deaf, 143(5), 380–387.
preschool. Child Development, 70, 349–362. Intervention in Psychiatry, 2, 169–177. Yoshinaga-Itano, C., Sedey, A. L., Coulter, D. K., &
Winsler, A., & Naglieri, J. A. (2003). Overt and doi:10.1111/j.1751-7893.2008.00075.x Mehl, A. L. (1998). Language of early- and later-
covert verbal problem-solving strategies: Wright, S. C., & Taylor, D. M. (1995). Identity and identified children with hearing loss. Pediatrics,
Developmental trends in use, awareness, and the language of the classroom: Investigating 102(5), 1161–1171.
relations with task performance in children age the impact of heritage versus second language Young, K. S. (1998). Internet addiction: The
5 to 17. Child Development, 74, 659–678. instruction on personal and collective self- emergence of a new clinical disorder.
Witelson, S. F., Glezer, I. I., & Kigar, D. L. (1995). esteem. Journal of Educational Psychology, 87, CyberPsychology and Behavior, 1, 237–244.
Women have greater density of neurons in 241–252. doi:10.1089/cpb.1998.1.237
posterior temporal cortex. Journal of Wu, T., Mendola, P., & Buck, G. M. (2002). When Younger, M. R., & Warrington, M. (2006). Would
Neuroscience, 15, 3418–3428. do milestones of puberty occur? Pediatrics, Harry and Hermione have done better in single-
Wittmer, D. S. (2008).Focusing on peers in the 110, 752–757. sex teaching in coeducational secondary
early years. The importance of relationships. Xie, H., Li, Y., Boucher, S. M., Hutchins, B. C., & schools in the United Kingdom? American
Washington, DC: ZERO TO THREE Press. Cairns, B. D. (2006). What makes a girl (or a Educational Research Journal, 43, 579–620.
Wittmer, D. S., & Petersen, S. H. (2009). Infant and boy) popular (or unpopular)? African American Youniss, J., & Ketterlinus, R. D. (1987).
toddler development and responsive program children’s perceptions and developmental Communication and connectedness in mother-
planning. A relationship-based approach. differences. Developmental Psychology, 42(4), and father-adolescent relationships. Journal of
Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson. 599–612. Youth and Adolescence, 16(3), 265–280.
Wood, D., Bruner, J., & Ross, S. (1976). The role of Yamamoto, J. A., Yamamoto, J. B., Yu, M., Lombe, M., & Nebbitt, V. E. (2010). Food
tutoring in problem solving. British Journal of Yamamoto, B. E., & Yamamoto, L. G. (2005). stamp program participation, informal supports,
Psychology, 66, 181–191. Adolescent fast food and restaurant ordering household food security and child food
Woodward, A. L., & Guajardo, J. J. (2002). Infants’ behavior with and without calorie and fat security: A comparison of African American and
understanding of the point gesture as an content menu information. Journal of Caucasian households in poverty. Children and
object-directed action. Cognitive Development, Adolescent Health, 37, 397–402. Youth Services Review, 32, 767–773.
17, 1061–1084. Yan, J. H., & McCullagh, P. (2004). Cultural Yuill, N., & Perner, J. (1988). Internationality and
Woodward, A. L., Markman, E. M., & Fitzsimmons, influence on youth’s motivation of participation knowledge in children. Developmental
C. M. (1994). Rapid word learning in 13- and in physical activity. Journal of Sport Behavior, Psychology, 24, 358–365.
18-month-olds. Developmental Psychology, 30, 27, 378–390. Zach, T., Arun, K., Pramanik, A. K., & Ford, S. P.
553–566. Yan, Z. (2006). What influences children’s and (2007). Multiple births. Retrieved from
Woolfolk, A. (2010). Educational psychology adolescents’ understanding of the Internet? http,://emedicine.medscape.com/article/
(11th ed.). Columbus, OH: Pearson/Allyn & Bacon. Developmental Psychology, 42, 418–428. 977234-overview
Woolfolk Hoy, A., Davis, H., & Pape, S. (2007). Yang L., Shuai L., Du, Q., et al. (2009). Zahn-Waxler, C. (2000). The development of
Teachers’ knowledge, beliefs, and thinking. In Atomoxetine and executive function in Chinese empathy, guilt, and internalization of distress:
P. A. Alexander & P. H. Winne (Eds.), Handbook ADHD children. 2nd International Congress on Implications of gender differences in
of educational psychology (2nd ed., ADHD. From Childhood to Adult Disease, May internalizing and externalizing problems. In
pp. 715–737). Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. 21–24, 2009, Vienna, Austria. ADHD Attention R. J. Davidson (Ed.), Anxiety, depression, and
Woolfolk Hoy, A., & Weinstein, C. S. (2006). Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder 1:135. emotion (pp. 222–265). New York, NY: Oxford
Students’ and teachers’ perspectives about Yankowitz, J. (1996). Surgical fetal therapy. In University Press.
classroom management. In C. M. Evertson & J. A. Kuller, N. C. Cheschier, & R. C. Cefalo Zahn-Waxler, C., Friedman, R. J., Cole, P. M.,
C. S. Weinstein (Eds.), Handbook for classroom (Eds.), Prenatal diagnosis and reproductive Mizuta, I., & Hiruma, N. (1996). Japanese and
management: Research, practice, and genetics (pp. 181–187). St. Louis, MO: Mosby. United States preschool children’s responses to
contemporary issues (pp. 181–220). Mahwah, Yard, E. E., & Comstock, R. D. (2009). Effects of conflict and distress. Child Development, 67,
NJ: Erlbaum. field location, time in competition, and phase of 2462–2476.

509
 REFERENCES

Zahn-Waxler, C., & Robinson, J. (1995). Empathy Zhang, J., Hamilton, B., Martin, J., & Trumble, A. gender and ethnic background. Developmental
and guilt: Early origins of feelings of (2004). Delayed interval delivery and infant Review, 28, 153–224.
responsibility. In J. P. Tangne (Ed.), Self- survival: A population-based study. American Zimmerman, B. J. (2008). Investigating self-
conscious emotions (pp. 143–173). New York, Journal of Obstetrics and Gynecology, 191, regulation and motivation: Historical
NY: Guilford. 470–476. background, methodological developments,
Zeanah, C. H., & Fox, N. A. (2004). Temperament Zhang, X., Sliwowska, J. H., & Weinberg, J. (2005). and future prospects. American Educational
and attachment disorders. Journal of Clinical Prenatal alcohol exposure and fetal Research Journal, 45, 166–183.
Child and Adolescent Psychology, 33 programming: Effects on neuroendocrine and doi:10.3102/0002831207312909
(1), 32–41. immune function. Experimental Biology and Zimmerman, B. J., & Schunk, D. H. (2003).
Zeanah, C. H., & Smyke, A. T. (2005). Building Medicine, 230(6), 376–388. Educational psychology: A century of
attachment relationships following maltreatment Zhou, Z., Peverly, S. T., Beohm, A. E., & Chongde, contributions (A Project of Division 15 (Educational
and severe deprivation. In L. Berlin, Y. Ziv, L. L. (2001). American and Chinese children’s Psychology) of the American Psychological
Amaya-Jackson, & M. Greenberg (Eds.), understanding of distance, time, and speed Association ed.). Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum.
Interventions to enhance early attachments interrelations. Cognitive Development, 15, Zimmerman, C. (2007). The development of
(pp. 195–216). New York, NY: Guilford. 215–240. scientific thinking skills in elementary and
Zeece, P. D. (2008). Linking life and literature in Zhu, W. X., Lu, L., & Hesketh, T. (2009). China’s middle school. Developmental Review, 27,
early childhood settings. Early Childhood excess males, sex selective abortion, and one 172–223.
Education Journal, 35, 565–569. child policy: Analysis of data from the 2005 Zucker, K. J., & Bradley, S. J. (1995). Gender identity
Zelazo, P. D., Frye, D., & Rapus, T. (1996). An age- national intercensus survey. British Medical disorder and psychosexual problems in children
related dissociation between knowing rules and Journal, doi:10.1136/bmj.b1211 and adolescents. New York, NY: Guilford.
using them. Cognitive Development, 11, 37–63. Zimmer-Gembeck, M. J., & Helfand, M. (2008). Ten Zuckerman, D., & Abraham, A. (2008). Teenagers
ZERO TO THREE. (2009). Brain development. years of longitudinal research on U.S. adolescent and cosmetic surgery: Focus on breast
Retrieved from http://zttcfn.convio.net/site/ sexual behavior: Developmental correlates of augmentation and liposuction. Journal of
PageServer?pagename⫽key_brain sexual intercourse, and the importance of age, Adolescent Health, 43, 318–324.

510
Index
Page references followed by "f" indicate illustrated Addition, 7, 11, 17, 22, 266, 270, 277, 279-281, 284, Amish, 6
figures or photographs; followed by "t" indicates a 292, 308-309, 314, 411-412, 414, 421, 433, Analysis, 9, 276, 459
table. 438, 443, 447, 459 Androgens, 288
Adjectives, 291, 448 Anger, 268-269, 283, 299, 307
Adjustment, 264, 269, 290-291, 298, 300, 302-303, animals, 4, 457-458
A 305, 312-313, 408, 419, 431, 433, 436-438 Anorexia, 455
Abilities, 2, 8-9, 11-12, 24-25, 266, 269-270, 286, 291, Adjustments, 299-300, 433 Anorexia nervosa, 455
305, 311, 410, 416, 421, 423, 432, 444, 456, Administration, 21, 442 Anthropology, 5
459, 462-463 adolescence, 4-9, 11, 14, 24, 265, 268-270, 278-279, Antidepressants, 442
Ability beliefs, 416, 449 282, 284, 287-290, 298, 306, 312, 405-444, Antisocial behavior, 270-271, 276, 279-281, 284, 289,
research on, 416 446-453, 455 300, 311, 411, 432-433, 461
Absences, 446 identity crisis, 408 anxiety, 281-283, 289-290, 299, 301, 308-310, 313,
Abstract thinking, 458 rules and, 4, 284, 426, 432, 438-439 431, 433, 438-439, 443, 446, 450-451
Abuse, 5, 12, 23, 278, 282, 290, 292, 303-304, 408, suicide in, 440 measures of, 433
411, 417, 423, 431, 440, 442-444, 449 theories of, 4 Anxiety disorders, 439, 446, 451
alcohol, 282, 292, 411, 440, 442, 449 Adolescent development, 1, 261, 405, 433, 455 Application, 22, 460
child, 5, 12, 23, 278, 282, 290, 292, 431, 442, 444 cognitive, 455 Applications, 27, 315, 415, 453
drug, 292, 411, 442 Adolescent suicide, 440-441 Appraisal, 308
emotional, 12, 23, 278, 282, 290, 292, 303-304, Adolescents, 6-7, 9, 270, 289, 298, 309, 406-413, 415, Appreciation, 314
408, 411, 417, 423, 431, 440, 442-444, 417-452, 455, 457-458, 460, 462 Apprehension, 302
449 development in, 7, 270, 289, 298, 406, 408-413, Approaches, 8-9, 14, 283-284, 292-293, 303, 311-312,
Internet, 423, 431 415, 417-448, 450-452 415, 446, 450, 462
of children, 5, 23, 282, 290, 292, 431 gifted, 458 Appropriateness, 297
signs of, 443 Adoptive parents, 298, 460 Aptitude, 415
substance, 23, 290, 408, 417, 440, 443-444, 449 Adulthood, 6-7, 14, 266, 270, 278, 291, 303-304, Area, 270, 285, 307, 312, 315, 430, 445, 460, 463
types of, 282 407-409, 412, 416, 418, 420, 425, 442, 444, Arenas, 6, 283
Abuse and neglect, 440 446-447, 449, 451 Arguments, 13
physical, 440 late, 416, 418, 420, 425, 442, 444, 447, 451 examining, 13
Abusive parents, 5 middle, 6, 266, 270, 278, 291, 303-304, 412, 418, Art, 16, 22-23, 25-26, 307, 314, 406, 452, 459
Academic achievement, 17, 289, 293, 298, 419, 427, 420, 425, 449 appreciation of, 314
437-438, 440 young, 6, 303-304, 408, 418, 420, 442, 444, music, 307
Academic difficulties, 290, 302, 312 446-447, 451 Articles, 13, 431
Academic performance, 437 Adults, 5-9, 12, 14, 21, 26-27, 264-265, 269-270, 272, Articulation, 306
Accent, 11 276-278, 280-286, 288, 290-291, 298-300, Artifacts, 16
acceptance, 289-291, 305, 412, 435, 446, 459 302, 307, 309-310, 312, 314-315, 406, 408, Arts, 27, 314-315, 416, 449, 452
ACCESS, 20-21, 283, 301, 310, 406, 418, 421, 424, 412-413, 416, 418-420, 422-424, 426-428, Asian American families, 17
447, 451-453, 457-458 430-434, 436, 439, 442-452, 455, 460 Assertiveness, 277, 284, 448
Access to technology, 457 Advertising, 422 Assessing, 271, 274, 301
Accommodation, 455 advice, 447-448 Assessment, 266, 271, 289, 422, 447, 455, 460-461
Accommodations, 446 Advocacy, 431 alternative, 271
accommodations, 446 Affect, 7-8, 14-15, 20-21, 24-25, 263-264, 283-284, behavioral, 455, 460
Achieve, 26, 266, 268-269, 275, 289, 292-293, 301, 308, 311, 314, 408, 420-422, 432, 437, contract, 460
303-304, 313, 411, 425, 447, 459, 461-463 442, 444-446, 449, 458-460, 462 cycle, 455
Achievement, 7, 17, 24, 266, 269, 286, 289, 293, 298, Affection, 22, 282-283, 463 direct, 266, 289
302-303, 308, 409-411, 414, 419, 425-427, Affiliation, 289, 312 direct observation, 289
437-438, 440, 449-451, 458, 460 Affirmation, 417, 419 early childhood, 266
academic, 17, 289, 293, 298, 302-303, 308, 414, African Americans, 18 emergent literacy, 460
419, 426-427, 437-438, 440, 450 Age, 6, 8, 11, 15, 18, 20, 26-27, 263-266, 269-272, family, 266, 422, 460
rewards for, 440 274-276, 278-281, 283, 285, 288-294, 298, formal, 289
Acid, 457 301-302, 306-309, 311-314, 409, 411-414, functional, 461
Acquisition, 264, 268 416-417, 425-428, 433, 438-442, 444-445, group, 271, 289, 422, 455, 460-461
ACT, 3, 14, 277, 281, 290, 308-309, 410, 462 451, 455-457, 460-462 health, 460
Action research, 455 mental, 11, 266, 283, 306-307, 309, 413, 417, HELPING, 422, 461
characteristics, 455 438-442, 444-445, 451, 455-457, 460-461 informal, 289
process, 455 Agency, 295 instrument, 455
actions, 10, 13-14, 17, 25, 271, 273, 276-277, 283, Agendas, 431 integrated, 422, 447
293, 315, 411, 423, 427, 429, 441, 451, 456, Agents, 422 methods, 455
460-462 Aggression, 264, 270, 277-281, 283-284, 289-290, monitoring, 455
Activation, 460 295, 299, 302, 307, 311, 439, 444, 458-459, monitoring and, 455
Activities, 23, 27, 263, 265-266, 269, 277, 284-287, 461 observation, 289, 460
289, 291-293, 297, 300, 304-307, 312, forms of, 277, 279, 439 of syntax, 460
314-315, 406, 412, 415-416, 418, 420-427, hostile aggression, 277, 458 problem, 460-461
429, 432-433, 435-436, 438-439, 444, 449, aggressive behavior, 271, 276-283, 301, 311, 313, procedures, 461
451-453, 455, 459, 461 422, 455 purposes, 271
developmental, 265, 418, 420-421, 449, 455 Agreement, 273, 279-280, 291 reliability, 461
follow-up, 286 agreements, 273-274 risk, 422, 460
initiating, 269, 429 AIDS, 21 service, 461
instructional, 27, 315, 453, 459 Alaska, 15 stress, 266, 289
learning, 23, 27, 263, 266, 277, 284, 304, 306, 312, Alcohol, 16, 282, 292, 411, 421, 426, 432, 438, 440, supportive, 460
314, 415, 438, 451-452, 455, 459, 461 442, 449, 452, 457 technology, 422, 447, 455
ongoing, 439 dangers of, 452 technology and, 422
planning, 439 Alcoholism, 14 threat, 422
texture, 461 Alert, 300 Assessments, 266, 289, 412
varying, 412 Alternative thinking, 271 Assignments, 19, 300, 303, 421
Activity level, 441, 463 Alternatives, 12, 25, 275, 280, 409, 458, 460 Assimilation, 418, 455
Adaptability, 12, 25 Altruism, 276 Assistance, 301, 435, 439
Addiction, 422 American Psychological Association, 278 Assistive technology, 455

511
Association, 278, 306-307, 310, 412, 419, 456 416-417, 419-424, 426-427, 431-435, Caregiver, 297, 423, 458
assumptions, 9 437-438, 445, 448-451, 455-462 Caregivers, 6, 263, 268-269, 299-300, 303, 306, 311,
Asthma, 455 target, 280, 426, 459 313, 406, 424, 428, 431, 441, 443, 451, 458
intervention, 455 violent, 278-280, 308-309, 422, 426, 438 infants, 6, 431, 458
atmosphere, 306, 314 Behavior disorders, 309, 455 Caregiving, 270
Attachment, 290, 408, 437-440, 450-451, 455, 461 Behavior problems, 22, 268, 280, 291, 294, 298, 304, Caring, 7, 273, 286, 292-295, 297, 304-306, 312-313,
intimate, 450 308, 313, 408 438-439, 451, 460
Attending, 297, 300, 302, 438, 445, 450, 462 Behavior, social, 410 Caring relationships, 305
Attention, 5, 13-14, 24, 268, 272, 281-286, 290, Behavioral assessment, 460 Cartoons, 280
293-295, 297, 300, 304, 307, 310, 312, 409, Behavioral problems, 303-304 Case study, 288, 455
413, 418, 420-421, 431, 443, 447, 455-460, Behaviorism, 455 Categories, 6, 289-290, 306, 408, 410, 428, 442, 449,
463 Behaviors, 4, 12, 14-15, 18, 24-25, 270, 276-281, 451, 456, 461
and learning, 14, 284, 455, 460, 463 283-285, 288-291, 294, 297, 299, 301-303, Causality, 307
and reading, 286 314, 408, 416-417, 421, 423, 426, 432-433, Ceiling, 285, 460
from teachers, 420 442, 444, 449-451, 455-458, 460-462 Cell divisions, 455
negative, 268, 282, 290, 294-295, 304, 307, 312, bad, 426 Cell phones, 21, 421, 447
420, 443, 456, 460 beliefs and, 4, 416-417, 449, 457 Census, 15, 18, 295-296, 298-299, 301
positive, 268, 282-286, 290, 293-295, 297, 300, coping, 280, 283, 294 Central executive, 455
304, 310, 312, 420, 443, 456, 459 describing, 455 Cerebral palsy, 455, 462
problems of, 456 desirable, 285 Cerebral palsy (CP), 455
student, 13, 281, 283-284, 304, 420, 458, 463 self-management, 432 Change, 4, 6-7, 9-14, 22, 24, 263-264, 268, 272, 286,
sustained, 281 SHARE, 18, 276, 290-291, 294, 423, 426, 456, 460 290, 297, 301, 308, 311, 313, 409, 412, 414,
theories, 5, 13, 24, 456-457, 460 verbal, 281, 303, 417, 433, 458, 461 419, 431, 455-457, 460, 462-463
Attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), 455 Beliefs, 4, 9, 15-16, 25, 264, 272, 280, 286-287, 312, attitude, 301
cause, 455 408, 413, 416-417, 423, 438, 447-449, continuing, 456
Attitudes, 264, 267, 280, 302, 415, 417, 425-428, 438, 455-458, 462-463 in schools, 264
445, 448, 456-457, 460, 462 ability, 264, 408, 413, 416, 447, 449, 455-458, motivation for, 419
teacher, 264, 280, 302, 438 462-463 problems with, 12, 311, 456
Attraction, 287-288, 312, 427 control, 16, 423, 449, 455-457, 462-463 science of, 4, 24
romantic, 427 self-efficacy, 438, 462 stages of, 10, 455, 457
Audience, 430, 450 Belonging, 304, 313, 417, 419, 437-438, 449, 457 theory of, 14, 272, 311, 409, 463
Audio, 463 Benchmarks, 410 Changes, 4, 6-7, 9-11, 24-25, 27, 263-266, 270, 272,
digital, 463 Benefits, 297, 302, 421, 436 286-287, 292, 300-301, 306-307, 311, 407,
Audio recordings, 463 Bias, 285, 455-456 409, 412, 414, 417-420, 432, 437, 441-442,
AUTHOR, 5, 21, 23, 272, 303, 305, 308 system, 285, 455 444, 446, 449, 455-461
Authority, 21, 270, 273, 276-277, 290, 303, 311, 407, test, 456 economic, 25, 420
431, 433, 435-436, 450, 459 Bilingualism, 455 Channels, 3, 425
competent, 270, 277, 290, 433, 459 Bioecological model, 455 Character, 12, 289, 314, 439
legal, 273, 431 Biography, 5 Characters, 277, 279-280, 285, 311
legitimate, 277, 435 Bipolar disorder, 306, 442-446, 451, 455 Cheating, 285
Authors, 5, 20, 276, 288 Bisexuality, 288 Chen, 426
Autism, 455 Blame, 283, 290, 299 Chicago, 18, 452
Autism spectrum disorders, 455 Blending, 297 Child abuse, 278
Autonomy, 17, 24, 275-276, 295, 304-305, 313, 409, Blocks, 10, 15, 25 Child care, 301-302
412, 418, 424, 426, 432-434, 437, 439, 447, Blogs, 428 Child development, 2, 4-8, 10, 13, 16-17, 19, 22-26,
450, 455 Blueprints, 271 275, 287, 455
Availability, 414, 455 Body image, 413, 455 art and, 16
Average, 18, 279-281, 284, 286, 295, 414, 421-422, Body mass index (BMI), 455 knowledge of, 2, 4, 22, 24-25
427, 430, 436, 440, 457 Books, 24, 277, 279, 281, 311, 431, 452 Child Study Center, 14
Aversive stimulus, 460-461 emotional development, 277, 279, 281, 431, 452 Childbirth, 295
Avoiding, 273, 312, 434 Boundaries, 6, 432, 439 Childhood development, 27
Awards, 314 Boys, 8, 20, 264, 279-280, 282-286, 288-291, 297, Children, 2-27, 262-272, 275-315, 408, 410-411, 413,
Awareness, 26, 267, 271, 284, 309, 407, 413, 299, 301, 303-304, 306, 308, 311-313, 416-417, 419-422, 426, 431-433, 441-446,
415-416, 455, 458-460 413-416, 418, 420-421, 424, 426-427, 431, 451-452, 455-463
self, 26, 267, 271, 284, 309, 407, 413, 416, 455, 434-436, 440, 449-450, 462 art of, 459
458-459 Brain, 6-7, 12-14, 25, 288-289, 306, 416, 442-445, compassionate, 460
451, 455, 458-462 development of self-esteem in, 263, 286
B hemispheres of, 459 focus on, 4-5, 14, 27, 264, 268-269, 271, 276, 284,
Back, 8, 12, 22, 27, 274-275, 302, 308, 421, 435 maturation of, 462 288, 291, 298, 303, 311-312, 417, 419,
Background, 18, 23, 462 research, 12, 14, 288-289, 416, 443, 451, 455, 455-456
Balance, 307, 406, 415, 423, 432-433, 448-449, 452, 459-462 low-income, 303
455, 457 Brain development, 445 rights of, 419
BASIC, 4, 8, 13, 22, 24, 264, 304, 311 Bronfenbrenner, Uri, 14 socially competent, 290, 433
Basic research, 22 Budgets, 20 Children with disabilities, 282
Behavior, 4, 16, 19, 22, 268-271, 273, 276-286, federal, 20 Chip, 283
289-295, 298, 300-301, 303-304, 306-309, Buffer, 294, 438, 451 Choice, 297, 415, 418, 420, 428
311-314, 407-408, 410-411, 416-417, Buhs, 426 Chromosomes, 456-457, 461-463
419-424, 426-427, 431-435, 437-438, 445, Bulimia, 455 Chronic illness, 443, 446, 451
448-451, 455-463 Bulimia nervosa, 455 Chronosystem, 455
adaptive, 456, 459-460 Bullies, 8, 268, 281-283, 290, 311, 430, 450 circulatory system, 459
aggressive, 270-271, 276-283, 286, 289-292, 294, Bullying, 264, 281-284, 311-312, 411, 420, 423, 430, Civil rights movement, 21
301, 306, 311, 313, 411, 422, 426, 438, 439-440 Clarifying, 461
455, 458, 461 Burden, 462 Clarity, 287, 312
awareness of, 284, 416, 455, 458 Burns, 303 Class meetings, 305
challenging, 268, 424, 437, 451 Businesses, 24 Classical conditioning, 456
communication and, 271, 295, 455, 462 Classification, 456
dangerous, 270, 293 C Classroom, 26-27, 277, 283-284, 302, 304-306, 439
desired, 461 California, 26, 309, 421, 452 arrangements, 439
disruptive, 290, 455 Calorie, 461 first day of school, 27, 302
modification, 423 Canada, 6, 15-16, 18, 20-21, 271, 279, 281, 286, 299, organizing, 284
observation of, 16, 460 310, 419, 440, 448 Classrooms, 271, 281, 302, 304-306, 313, 437, 439
repetitive, 455 Capacities, 13, 271, 421 behavior, 271, 281, 304, 306, 313, 437
risky, 407, 419-421, 423-424, 431, 449, 451 Capacity, 6, 264-265 first week of school, 306
self-esteem and, 281, 295, 307, 314, 419-420, 449, Cards, 310 regular, 302
451 Career, 2, 22-27, 408, 413-415, 419, 449 Cleaning, 17, 442
simple, 313 coaching, 27 CLEAR, 13-14, 16-17, 268-269, 283, 285, 300, 303,
social, 4, 16, 19, 22, 268-271, 273, 276-286, education, 22-27, 414, 419 313, 422, 429, 438, 447, 455
289-295, 298, 300-301, 303-304, information, 23-24, 26, 415, 449 Climate, 14, 269, 303, 438
306-309, 311-314, 407-408, 410-411, Career choices, 408 Clinicians, 270, 310

512
Cliques, 289, 312, 425, 427, 449 scientific, 5 Critical period, 11-12, 25
Cliquishness, 425 Conclusions, 17, 276, 456 Critical periods, 8, 11-12, 25, 456
Clothing, 425-426, 441, 448 Concrete operations, 456 Critical thinking, 2, 263, 406
Clues, 19, 461 Concussion, 456 Criticism, 269, 275
Clusters, 442 Condoms, 456 Cross-sectional studies, 456
Coaches, 262-263, 269, 314-315, 423, 448 Confidence, 264, 280, 299, 309, 314, 415, 433, 439, Crowds, 289, 312, 425, 449-450
Coaching, 27, 262, 264, 271, 314 448, 450 Crystallized intelligence, 456
Codes, 18, 289 confirmation bias, 456 Cue, 459
Code-switching, 456 Conflict, 22, 264, 269, 273, 281, 286, 289-290, 294, Cues, 270
Cognition, 13, 422, 458 299-301, 303-304, 310-311, 313, 407-408, Cultural, 6-7, 14, 16-19, 24-25, 264, 267-270, 275,
Cognitions, 462 411, 419, 424, 427, 435-437, 440, 446, 277, 281, 284, 311-312, 408, 413, 418-419,
Cognitive abilities, 8, 410, 432 449-450, 456, 460 439-440, 449-450, 455-457, 462
Cognitive development, 7, 10, 12, 25, 265, 280, 292, resolution, 310, 408, 436, 456 Cultural bias, 456
301, 311, 417, 456, 460 Conflict resolution, 310, 436 Cultural competence, 456
abilities, 12, 25, 311, 456 conflicts, 290-291, 299, 305, 308, 312, 424, 426, 429, Cultural differences, 7
basis, 301, 311, 460 436, 461 Cultural norms, 281, 311, 462
formal operations, 10 Conformity, 273, 425 Cultural values, 17, 268
object permanence, 460 Confrontation, 458, 460 Culture, 6, 12, 16-18, 21-22, 25, 265-268, 276,
of infants, 460 Confusion, 273, 408-409, 411 304-305, 411, 416, 418-419, 424-425, 428,
Piaget, Jean, 10 Connections, 305, 313, 438-439 447, 449, 451, 455-456, 460-462
processing speed, 456 Connotation, 426 Culture:, 425, 456, 460
Cognitive domain, 8 Consciousness, 413, 456, 458 and behavior, 22, 268, 304, 460, 462
Cognitive factors, 462 Consent, 307 and self-esteem, 268, 276, 416, 425, 449
Coherence, 411 Consequence, 300, 408, 447, 456-457 high, 16-18, 21-22, 265-268, 304-305, 411, 416,
Cohesion, 437 Consequences, 8, 17, 24, 268, 281-283, 289-290, 419, 424-425, 449, 455, 460-461
Cohesiveness, 305 297, 300, 309, 408, 421, 423, 430, 435, 450, influence of, 16-17, 266, 424, 428
Collaboration, 305, 309, 439 456, 460 mainstream, 268
multidisciplinary, 309 Conservation, 456 popular, 21-22, 265, 268, 305, 411, 424, 447, 451,
students, 305, 439 Consideration, 274, 293, 418 461
time for, 439 Consistency, 293, 305, 461 Curiosity, 26, 452
College students, 408, 414, 422, 434 Constructive play, 456 Curriculum, 448, 457
Colleges, 19-20 Constructs, 292 Curriculum:, 457
color, 18, 269, 456, 461 consultation, 22 delivery, 457
Colorado, 271 Contact, 11, 16, 269, 300, 302-303, 309-310, 457 emergent, 457
Com, 27, 315, 423, 429-431, 448, 453 Content, 4, 27, 273-274, 276, 280, 283, 285, 300, 315, explicit, 457
Comforting, 461 422-423, 430-431, 436, 446, 450, 452-453, preschool, 457
Commitment, 262, 273-274, 276, 293, 314, 408-409, 462 Custodial parent, 299-300
418, 426, 438, 448-449, 451, 456, 460 expectations, 4, 273, 300, 436, 446, 450, 462 Custody, 299-300
Communication, 19, 268-269, 271, 282, 290, 295, 300, knowledge, 4, 280, 315, 422 Cyberbullying, 430-431, 450-451, 456
421, 427, 429, 436, 439, 446, 455, 462 meaningful, 423, 446 Cyberspace, 430-431
behavior and, 269, 271, 282, 295, 300, 427 Context, 14-16, 21, 25, 263, 269-270, 276, 291, 293,
disorders, 282, 439, 446, 455 311-312, 418-419, 425-427, 435, 437, 456, D
good, 271, 290, 300 461-463 Darwin, Charles, 5
language development, 462 Contextual factors, 439 Data, 5, 20, 24, 279-280, 283, 296, 310, 414, 457, 463
manual, 462 Continuity, 9, 12, 303, 313 validity, 457, 463
of empathy, 271 Contractions, 457 Dating, 409, 418, 425, 427-429, 432, 434, 450
parents, 268-269, 271, 282, 290, 295, 300, 427, Contracts, 273 Day care, 314, 456
429, 436, 439, 446, 455, 462 Control, 6, 16-18, 24, 268-270, 277, 279, 284, Death, 4, 24, 306-307, 310, 440, 444, 456
skills for, 436, 446 289-290, 292, 305-306, 310-311, 420, 423, of child, 4, 24
Communication patterns, 268 432, 437, 449-450, 455-457, 459-460, Debates, 4, 8, 12-13, 24-25, 288
Community, 16, 26, 262, 265, 268-269, 275, 300, 302, 462-463 Decision making, 409
304-306, 308, 310, 314, 418, 438-440, 446, self-control, 6, 24, 268, 270, 279, 284, 290, 306, Decision-making, 284, 421, 432, 439, 458
449, 451, 456, 463 423, 432, 449, 459 Definition, 4, 18, 301, 435
groups, 16, 265, 268-269, 304, 306, 418, 438-440, Conventions, 271, 276, 434, 460, 462 Definitions, 16
449, 451, 456 Convergence, 281 demonstrations, 292
schools and, 446 Conversations, 275, 284, 310, 414, 429, 431 Denial, 269
surveys, 451 beginning, 431 density, 460
Community involvement, 440 Convictions, 278 Department of Health and Human Services, 15, 298
Community resources, 310 Cooking, 442 Dependence, 21, 422, 427, 449
support, 310 cooperation, 277, 284, 293, 301, 305 Dependency, 22
Comparison, 265-266, 268, 276, 311, 411-412, 457 Cooperative activities, 289 Deployment, 308
Comparisons, 264, 266-267, 269, 286, 294, 303, Cooperative learning, 26, 415 Depressed mood, 420, 435
410-412, 437, 450 approaches, 415 Depression, 21, 268, 283, 288, 290, 299-300, 303,
Compatibility, 315 Coordination, 284, 455, 458 306-310, 313, 408, 411, 413, 417, 419,
Compensation, 12, 456 Coping, 23, 269, 280, 283, 294, 298, 300, 309-310, 426-427, 433, 438-439, 442-446, 449-451,
Competence, 6, 24, 264, 266-267, 286-287, 289, 293, 406, 418, 436-437, 446, 463 456
299, 301, 303-304, 307, 309, 311-313, 410, behaviors, 280, 283, 294 adolescent, 309, 408, 411, 413, 426-427, 433, 438,
412, 415, 426, 439, 456 Coping skills, 269, 446 442, 444-445, 450
clinical, 456 Copyright, 1, 261, 405, 435, 440, 455 manifestation of, 443
credentialing, 304 Core Curriculum, 457 Depth, 297
felt, 286 Core values, 432 Description, 16, 272, 407, 458, 460-461, 463
maintaining, 289, 307, 456 Correlation, 274, 438, 460-461 Descriptions, 265, 305, 410, 456
Competencies, 292, 299, 413 Costs, 24 Desensitization, 280
Competing, 418, 449 facilities, 24 Design, 14, 269, 284, 309-310, 415, 445, 463
Competition, 266, 269, 297, 305, 314, 442 Counseling, 22, 26, 443, 451, 458 Development, 1-2, 4-27, 261-315, 405-406, 408-453,
Complaints, 307, 443 psychology, 26 455-457, 459-463
Complexity, 4, 294, 458 Counselors, 269, 307, 313 screening, 460
Compliance, 276, 463 Counting, 13 social and emotional, 294, 409, 422, 424, 427, 433,
Components, 462 Courses, 26, 303, 412, 414-416 437-439, 449
Comprehension, 280, 461 information about, 415 Development of children, 4-5, 23, 422
and vocabulary, 280 Courtesy, 17 intelligence, 5
knowledge and, 280, 461 Courts, 314 Developmental psychologists, 12-13, 25
Comprehension skills, 280 Creating, 304-306, 314, 419, 446, 451, 455 Developmental research, 14
Computers, 406, 415, 430, 447-448, 452, 456 Creative thinking, 461 Developmental theories, 13
software for, 406, 452 Creativity, 26, 410 Developmentally Appropriate Practices (DAP), 456
Concept, 5, 7, 263-265, 269, 308, 311, 313, 407, Credentialing, 304 Deviation IQ, 457
410-411, 413, 416, 437, 450, 457, 462 Credibility, 314 Devices, 455, 463
Concepts, 5, 7, 13, 26-27, 265, 280, 284-285, 315, Crises, 21, 298 Diabetes, 443, 463
414, 417, 449, 453, 459, 463 Crisis, 408-409, 447, 449, 456 Diagnosing, 442

513
Dialogue, 280 egocentrism, 455 Executive functions, 443, 456
Diaries, 463 Eighth grade, 22, 304, 445 Exercise, 9, 16, 292, 302, 314-315, 406, 423, 455
Differences, 5, 7-8, 12-15, 17-18, 20, 25, 264, 266, Electronic media, 421, 430, 450, 456 Exercises, 27, 264, 315, 453
268-269, 276, 278-279, 286-288, 291, 295, Elementary school, 3, 26-27, 267, 276-278, 281, 285, Exosystem, 455
303, 311-312, 412, 414-416, 418-420, 424, 303, 305-306, 311, 412 Expanded core curriculum, 457
427, 449, 458, 462 Elementary schools, 27, 412, 417, 437, 450, 452 Expectations, 4, 6, 15, 25, 264, 269, 272-273, 284,
socioeconomic, 18, 25, 303, 462 Elementary students, 285 286, 291-294, 300, 303, 306, 311-312, 314,
Differentiation, 271, 410, 412, 457 Elkind, David, 308 409, 413, 424, 429, 433, 436, 438-439,
Differentiation of self, 271 Email, 300, 430-431 446-447, 450, 455, 458, 462
Diffusion, 409, 417, 447, 449, 451, 458 Embarrassment, 282 realistic, 311, 439, 446
Digestive system, 6 Emergent literacy, 457, 459-460 Experience, 7, 13, 17-18, 21, 26-27, 265-267,
Dignity, 274 Emergent writing, 459 270-271, 276, 278, 282-283, 288-290, 292,
Dimensions, 1-2, 4-16, 18-27, 265, 270, 458, 463 Emerging adulthood, 408, 446, 451 295, 299-300, 302-304, 306-308, 310-313,
Direct instruction, 12, 277 Emotion, 268-270, 311, 423 407-409, 411-412, 414, 419-420, 424,
Direct observation, 289 Emotion regulation, 268, 311 427-428, 430, 433, 437, 442-445, 447,
Directions, 459 Emotional development, 14, 261-262, 264-308, 310, 450-451, 457, 461, 463
Disabilities, 14, 23, 26, 282, 298, 306, 440, 455, 459 312-315, 405-406, 408-444, 446-448, experiences, 2, 6, 11-12, 14, 17, 21-23, 25-27,
ADHD, 455 450-453 264-266, 268, 270, 276, 294, 297-299,
intellectual, 440, 459 academic achievement and, 289, 293, 419 302-303, 308-309, 313, 409, 415-417, 419,
Disability, 266, 294, 438, 446, 457, 459-460 Emotional expression, 270 421, 423, 427, 430, 437, 440, 445, 447, 449,
Disaster, 310 Emotional support, 17, 23, 293-294, 297, 299-300, 457, 459, 463
Disasters, 308, 310 303, 424, 449 in school, 22, 268, 276, 294, 298-299, 302-303,
Discipline, 16, 271, 277, 281, 283, 292-293, 311-313, Emotions, 5, 268-271, 276-277, 294, 311, 421, 423, 308, 313, 409, 437, 440, 459
429, 432-433, 438, 440, 450, 457, 459 442, 457, 462 Experimentation, 421, 457
cooperative, 277, 312 anger, 268-269 Experiments, 13
Disclosure, 408, 434-435 loneliness, 421 Expert, 456
discrimination, 18, 417-419, 440, 449 thought and, 271 Experts, 280, 283, 293, 297, 311, 450, 460
Discussion, 12, 14, 16, 275, 283, 305, 308, 314, 407, empathy, 268-269, 271, 276, 281, 283, 311, 411, 455, Explanation, 11, 14, 455
428-429, 433 457, 461-462 Explicit memory, 457
turn-taking, 305 reverse, 461 Expulsion, 457
Discussions, 6, 271, 275, 305, 407, 428, 432 Empiricism, 12 Extended families, 16, 25, 312, 457
conflict, 407 Employers, 411, 447-448, 452 Extended family, 293, 295-296, 299-300
dilemma, 275 Employment, 20, 415, 448 Externalizing, 290-291, 295, 299, 438
Disengagement, 284, 291, 304, 313 Encouragement, 439, 461 Externalizing problems, 290, 299, 438
Disequilibrium, 457 Endocrine system, 457-458 Extinction, 458, 462
Dispositions, 2 Energy, 26, 300, 307, 444, 446, 458 Extracurricular activities, 438, 451
Disruptions, 291-292, 310, 407, 419-420, 462 light, 446 Extrovert, 410
Dissatisfaction, 413-414 sound, 26 Eye contact, 303
Dissociative disorders, 282 Energy level, 307 eyes, 6, 265, 273, 442, 462
Distancing, 432, 450 Engagement, 286, 297, 304, 313, 411, 424, 438
Distress, 269-270, 291, 299-300, 310, 411, 413, 427, English, 13, 15, 17, 280, 286, 312, 416, 422, 452, 455, F
443, 461-462 457, 459, 462 FACES, 413, 460
Distribution, 272, 311, 462 Middle, 17, 280, 286, 312 Facilities, 24
Distributive justice, 272, 313, 457 Old, 280 Factors, 4, 8, 12, 14, 270, 279, 281-282, 284, 288,
distrust, 282 proficiency in, 462 299-301, 306, 308-309, 313, 407-409, 420,
Diversity, 304-305, 456 Standard, 452, 462 422, 426, 436-437, 439-440, 442-444,
Division, 460 English language, 280, 457 450-451, 458, 462
Divorce, 291, 298-300, 313 English Language Learners, 280, 457 Failure, 265-266, 268, 302, 307, 311, 314, 411, 421,
DNA, 14, 457-458 English language learners (ELLs), 457 437, 440, 459
Domain, 5, 7-8, 286-287, 312, 412, 421, 457 Enthusiasm, 307 repeated, 459
Doubt, 408, 449 Entity view, 457 Fairness, 272-273, 276, 438
Down syndrome, 457 Environment, 4, 6-8, 12-14, 16, 279, 288, 298, Falls, 7, 435
Downloading, 447 301-302, 309, 313-314, 412, 416, 418, 422, Families, 6, 14-17, 20, 23-25, 27, 264-265, 267-269,
Drawing, 6, 276, 284, 299, 310, 312, 456 437, 439-440, 456-462 279, 282-284, 288, 291, 293-301, 306-313,
dropping out of school, 302, 304 arranging, 462 415, 417-419, 423, 429, 432-433, 436, 438,
Drug abuse, 292, 411, 442 home, 6, 14, 279, 301-302, 313, 437, 456, 458 444-446, 449, 455, 457-458
Drugs, 11-12, 281-282, 307, 421, 424, 432, 434, Environmental factors, 4, 443-444, 451 children with disabilities, 282
448-449, 458, 462 Enzymes, 462 distinctive, 17
abuse, 12, 282, 449 Epigenesis, 457 foster, 16, 25, 283-284, 295-298, 306, 309, 313,
Due process, 273 Equality, 272, 274, 290 432
Duration, 20, 409, 427, 450 Equilibration, 457 gay and lesbian, 297-298, 417
Dynamic systems, 24 Equilibrium, 432 information for, 310
Equipment, 300, 428 involving, 295, 449, 458
E Erlbaum, Lawrence, 305 military families, 308
Early childhood, 6, 8, 12, 24, 26-27, 266, 277, 284 Ethic of care, 276 needs, 264, 269, 283, 300, 306-307, 309, 311, 313,
Eating disorders, 413 Ethical principles, 274 415, 417, 432, 446, 457
Ecological validity, 457 Ethnic, 15-19, 25, 265, 267-268, 295, 301, 304, remarried, 297
Economic groups, 17 411-412, 417-420, 428, 434-435, 438, 442, single-parent, 295
Economics, 16 449-451, 457 step, 295-296, 312
Economy, 414 Ethnic families, 301 Family, 4, 6-7, 14-20, 23, 25-27, 263, 265-266, 268,
Education, 1, 9, 12-13, 19-20, 22-27, 261, 275, Ethnic group, 295, 411, 417, 419, 457 273-274, 276-277, 279, 281-283, 291-302,
281-282, 306, 309, 405, 414, 418-419, 432, Ethnic groups, 18, 265, 418-419, 428, 434-435, 442 306, 308-309, 311-313, 409, 411, 414-415,
440, 447, 453, 455-456, 462-463 Ethnicity, 4, 18-19, 22, 25, 267, 269, 289-290, 304, 417-418, 420, 422-424, 426, 431-433, 435,
global, 20, 440 417, 438, 440-441, 455, 457, 460 437, 440, 442-446, 448-451, 457-460
perspectives on, 13, 25 race and, 18, 267 equilibrium, 432
supports, 25, 419 Evaluation, 415, 439, 460 Family history, 298, 444
Education programs, 419, 456 Evaluations, 265, 271, 411-412, 437, 462 Family members, 16, 293-296, 300, 306, 309, 312,
Educational games, 463 Events, 10, 21, 23, 269, 275, 283, 299-300, 308, 445-446, 451, 457
Educational goals, 426 310-311, 314, 412, 443, 455-457, 462 Family structure, 16
educational materials, 456 stimulus, 455 Family support, 443
Educational research, 415 Evidence, 8, 11, 14, 266-268, 274-275, 279-280, Family therapy, 27
Educationally blind, 457 284-286, 288-289, 292-293, 298, 301, 304, Fathers, 297, 299, 435-436, 450
Educators, 26, 309, 431, 448 306, 309, 416, 419, 422, 424, 426-427, 433, fear, 17, 264, 269, 283, 306-309, 313, 417, 427, 432,
Effective managers, 303, 313 455-456 450
Effectiveness, 299 Evolution, 5, 11, 13, 25 Feedback, 22, 265-266, 269, 285, 304, 312, 448
Efficiency, 458, 460 Exceptional, 272, 311, 446 and practice, 312
Effort, 266, 275, 408, 412, 438, 443, 455, 457, 463 Exceptions, 4, 411 evaluative, 265
Ego, 268, 314, 458 Exclusion, 277 general, 266, 312
Egocentric, 270-271, 273, 457 Executive functioning, 457 Feeding, 6, 307

514
feelings, 7, 14, 264, 266, 268-271, 273, 286-287, 290, Girls, 8, 20, 264, 279, 281-286, 288-289, 291, 295, How People Learn, 5
294, 300, 305-308, 310-313, 411, 416-418, 299, 301, 303-304, 306, 308, 311-313, Human condition, 26
420-421, 423, 427, 438, 447, 449, 455, 457, 412-416, 420-421, 426-428, 430-431, Human development, 9, 12, 14, 24, 26, 301
462-463 434-435, 440, 449-450, 459, 462 Human rights, 274
control of, 268, 457 personality, 264, 285, 440 Human services, 15, 23, 298
reflection of, 266 Globalization, 418, 424 Humor, 429
Females, 17, 278, 280, 285, 413, 415-416, 419, 441, Glucose, 463 Hurricane Katrina, 308, 310
458, 462 Goals, 263, 268-269, 280, 289, 302, 304-305, 311, Hurricanes, 21
Femininity, 288, 413, 458 408, 411, 414-415, 423-424, 426, 447-449, Hyperactivity, 290, 298, 455, 457
Fetal alcohol syndrome, 457 457-459, 462 Hypotheses, 458
Fetal alcohol syndrome (FAS), 457 Golden Rule, 273-274
Fetus, 11, 25, 455, 457-463 Gonads, 459 I
period of, 455, 458-459 Goodness of fit, 458 Id, 423, 458
Fiction, 280, 284 Governance, 439 IDEAL, 265-266, 411, 413-414, 449
short, 280 Government, 20-21, 24, 272, 301, 309, 418 Idealism, 7, 448
Fighting, 436 relations, 24 Ideas, 8, 10, 12-13, 18, 27, 268, 272, 283, 300, 305,
Findings, 16-17, 266, 275-276, 279, 281, 285-286, Grades, 17, 274, 286-287, 291, 302-305, 313-314, 415, 439, 443, 446, 455, 461
288, 295, 303, 312, 414, 416, 421-422, 434, 410, 412, 427, 437, 441, 450, 452 sequence of, 18
447-449, 458, 460 Graduation rates, 303 identity, 7-8, 18, 264-265, 267-268, 288-289, 298, 312,
fine motor skills, 458 Grammar, 457, 460 407-409, 412-413, 416-419, 425-426, 440,
First grade, 286, 302-303, 313 Grants, 11 446-447, 449, 451, 457-460
Flat affect, 442, 460 Graphemes, 459 Identity achievement, 409, 449, 451, 458
Flexibility, 285, 413-414, 458 Graphs, 456 Identity crisis, 408
Flip-flops, 447 Grasping, 461 Identity development, 409, 417-418, 449
Flynn effect, 458 Great Depression, 21 Illegal drugs, 448
FOCUS, 4-5, 14, 26-27, 262, 264, 268-269, 271, Greek, 18 Illinois, 452
274-276, 284, 288, 291, 298, 303, 311-312, gross motor skills, 458 Illness, 4, 7, 14, 306, 309, 408, 439-440, 443-446,
314, 408, 415, 417, 419, 421, 425, 427, 450, Group cohesiveness, 305 451, 455
455-457 Group membership, 417, 425, 457 Imitation, 456
Food, 24, 442, 455, 458 Group support, 300 deferred, 456
Foreclosure, 409, 449, 451, 458 Grouping, 456 Immediacy, 303
Formal operations, 10, 458 Groups, 16-19, 25, 265-266, 268-270, 272, 276, 282, Immune system, 458
Forms, 277, 279, 282, 312, 413, 416, 430, 433, 439, 284-286, 288-289, 293, 295, 298-299, Impairment, 298, 445, 460
446, 451, 456, 460 303-304, 306, 309, 312-313, 408, 411-412, Implantation, 458
Formulas, 18 417-421, 424-428, 434-435, 438-440, 442, Implementation, 306
Forum, 447, 458 449-451, 456-460, 462 Implicit memory, 458
Forward, 262, 302, 314 Groups:, 289, 412, 460 Importance, 14, 266-267, 277, 292, 305, 308, 414,
Fowler, 433 Growth, 4-5, 7, 24, 455-456, 459-460, 462 416, 432, 437-438, 446
France, 20 illness, 4, 7, 455 In vitro fertilization, 457
Freedom, 17, 293, 312, 418, 431-432, 450 Guidance, 5, 277, 297, 456 Incentives, 15, 25
Frequency, 314, 434, 436, 450 Guided participation, 455 Inclusion, 306
Friendships, 7, 263, 267, 282, 285, 288-291, 294, 299, Guidelines, 268-269, 283, 300, 305, 309-310, 415, Income, 15, 19, 297, 299, 301, 303, 462
312, 407, 409-410, 425-427, 450 423, 428-429, 439, 443, 446, 452 Inconsistencies, 410
Frustration, 268, 427 Guides, 461 Incremental view, 459
Fun, 262, 275, 285, 314, 410, 421, 423, 429, 431, 444 Guilt, 282, 307, 462 independent variable, 456, 459
Functional magnetic resonance imaging, 458 Guttmacher Institute, 428 India, 7, 418
Functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI), 458 Individual differences, 12, 269, 311, 412, 419
functional skills, 463 H Individualism, 273, 275, 311, 424
Functioning, 11, 26, 279, 290, 293, 308, 312-313, 438, Habituation, 13, 458 Individuation, 425, 438
440, 443, 457, 460 Handedness, 458 Induction, 433
Functions, 291, 312, 432, 443, 456-457 Happiness, 411, 420, 442, 449, 463 Inductive reasoning, 459
Funding, 12 Harvard University, 14 Industry, 264, 285, 302, 311, 313, 459
Funds of knowledge, 458 Hawaii, 15 Infants, 6, 8-9, 11, 13, 271, 298, 431, 455, 458-461,
Fusion, 463 Health, 7, 11, 14-17, 19, 23, 25, 283, 297-298, 301, 463
306-307, 309-310, 413-414, 417, 420, 435, environment, 6, 8, 13, 298, 458-461
G 437-446, 448-451, 458-460, 463 Infants and toddlers, 458
Games, 7, 26-27, 266, 272, 277, 279, 283, 285, 298, exercise, 16 Inferiority, 264, 302, 311
314-315, 421-423, 449, 463 of family, 445 Influence, 8, 13-18, 24-25, 263-264, 266, 270,
organized, 7, 314 Health and well-being, 446 276-277, 280-281, 286, 288-291, 301,
Gametes, 459 Health care, 444-445 303-304, 311-312, 408, 411, 414, 416,
Gay and lesbian parents, 298 Health issues, 445 418-419, 424-426, 428, 432-433, 437,
Gender, 8, 16, 19, 22, 264, 276, 279, 284-288, 298, Health problems, 417, 445, 449, 451 449-450, 460, 463
304, 312-313, 412-414, 416-417, 427, heart, 3, 6, 459-460 Information, 5, 19, 21, 23-24, 26, 270-271, 279, 285,
440-441, 449, 451, 455, 458 Height, 455, 460-461 298, 310, 412, 415, 421-423, 433-435, 438,
childhood and, 284, 298 Helping, 23-24, 27, 269, 276, 282-283, 292, 298, 300, 443, 446, 449-450, 452, 455-463
stereotypes, 286, 312, 413 303, 305, 310, 312-313, 415, 422, 426, 443, destruction of, 21
Gender bias, 285 449, 458, 461 policies, 19, 21, 24, 412, 438
Gender constancy, 284, 313, 458 helping others, 422 Information management, 435
Gender differences, 8, 276, 279, 286-287 Helplessness, 307, 459 Information processing, 270, 459
Gender identity, 264, 288, 298, 312, 412-413, 416, learned, 307, 459 Initiative, 268, 459
449, 458 Herbert, George, 265 Inner speech, 461
Gender roles, 284-285, 413, 416, 449, 458 Heritability, 458 Instruction, 12, 277, 307, 412, 419
Gender stereotypes, 286, 312, 413 Heteronomous, 273, 458 adequate, 12
Genderlects, 458 Heuristics, 458, 461 indirect, 277
General intelligence, 458 Hierarchy, 425 individualized, 307
Generativity, 458 high school graduation, 303, 442 Instructional objectives, 27, 315, 453
Genes, 12-14, 25, 456-458, 460, 462-463 High schools, 412, 417, 425, 437, 450, 452 Instrumental aggression, 277, 459
Genetic counseling, 458 Higher education, 20, 27 Integration, 410
Genetics, 14, 288, 455, 458 History, 7, 12, 18, 298, 419, 421, 437, 442, 444 Integrity, 310, 459
germ cells, 458 websites, 421 Intellectual disabilities, 459
Human Genome Project, 14 Home, 6, 14-15, 19, 23, 263-264, 268, 279, 292-294, severe, 459
Genie, 11-12 299, 301-302, 305, 308, 311-313, 410, 420, Intellectual skills, 311
Geography, 22 423, 426, 437, 446, 450, 452, 456, 458 intelligence, 5, 14, 298, 412, 456, 458-459, 463
Geometry, 4 Homework, 283, 292, 420 crystallized, 456
Georgia, 15 sharing, 283 fluid, 458, 463
Germ, 458, 462 Hope, 22, 24, 26, 445 growth of, 459
Germ cells, 458, 462 hormones, 14, 288, 306, 458, 461-462 Intelligent agents, 422
Germany, 5 Hospitalization, 23 Intensity, 279, 294, 421, 423, 427, 436, 449-450
Giftedness, 314 Hostile aggression, 277, 458 Interaction, 4, 271, 315, 416, 436, 462

515
Interactions, 12-13, 25-26, 264, 268-269, 272, 277, Languages, 8, 12-13, 15, 18, 26, 455-456, 462 of words, 463
279, 285, 290, 293, 301, 303, 305-306, 312, Latency, 264 search for, 457
423, 428, 432-434, 436, 443, 455-456, 459, Latency stage, 264 Measurements, 456
462 Lateralization, 459 Measures, 267-268, 289, 295, 298, 433, 463
Interference, 422 Latino adolescents, 438 of depression, 268
Internalizing problems, 290 Latinos, 15 Media, 17, 21, 279-281, 284-285, 308, 311, 414, 418,
Internet, 21, 279, 406, 414, 418, 421-423, 430-432, Law, 8, 272-274, 311, 431 421-424, 428-430, 434, 447, 450, 456
450, 452-453, 462 Leaders, 12, 263, 281, 411 advertising, 422
conduct, 450 Leadership, 263, 269, 285, 306 magazines, 279, 414
Internet access, 421, 452-453 Leads, 22, 264, 280, 284, 297, 303, 311, 314, 412, radio, 21
Interpretation, 280, 412 421-422 Media violence, 279
Interpreting, 270, 285, 306 Learners, 280, 419, 447, 457 Medications, 307, 313, 443, 445, 451
Intervention, 24, 282-283, 303, 310, 313, 455 Learning, 6-7, 11-12, 14, 23, 25-27, 262-263, 266, Meetings, 300, 305
Intervention programs, 303, 313 268, 275, 277, 280, 284, 295, 298, 303-304, class, 305
Interventions, 14, 24, 271, 282-284, 303, 309, 418 306, 312-314, 415, 437-438, 440, 446, telephone, 300
Interviews, 16, 286, 297, 305, 445, 463 450-452, 455-457, 459-463 Meiosis, 459
intake, 16 and problem solving, 446, 461 Memories, 11, 21, 262, 314, 457
Intimacy, 312, 409, 426-427, 446-447, 450, 459 connected, 277, 438, 451 Memory, 7, 11, 13, 443, 455-463
Intonation, 459 contexts for, 14, 25 constructed, 456
Intrinsic value, 414-415 distance, 460 enhanced, 443, 458
Introduction, 1-2, 4-16, 18-27 events, 23, 275, 314, 455-457, 462 Memory strategies, 11
Intuitive, 457-458 mastery, 27, 459 Menarche, 459, 462
Intuitive thinking, 457 observable, 455, 460 Mental health, 11, 17, 23, 25, 283, 306-307, 309-310,
Investigator, 461 readiness, 461 413, 417, 437-441, 444-445, 449, 459
IPods, 421, 447 scaffold, 312 Mental health professionals, 309-310
Iron, 459 scenarios, 461 Mental illness, 14, 309, 408, 439-440, 444-446, 451
Islamic traditions, 428 to learn, 6, 11-12, 284, 298, 312, 440, 459, 463 chronic, 446, 451
Issues, 8, 14, 271-272, 275-276, 280-281, 288, 297, Learning communities, 304, 313, 459 Mental retardation, 460
301, 305, 311, 314, 408, 418, 422-423, 427, Learning disabilities, 14, 23, 298 Mentoring, 27
429, 432, 434-436, 445-446, 449-450 Learning disability, 266, 459 Mesosystem, 455
Italics, 421 Learning environment, 460 Messages, 408, 411, 430-431, 449, 462
Italy, 20 Learning environments, 463 Metacognition, 459
Items, 420, 438, 449 Leisure, 420, 440 Mexico, 20
Lesbian and gay parents, 297 Michigan, 414
J Lessons, 26, 427 Microgenetic approach, 459
Japan, 20 ending, 427 Microsystem, 455
Job training, 20 Letter names, 280 Middle class, 19
Joint, 13, 25, 453, 456 Level, 10, 16-18, 20, 22, 26, 266, 271, 273-274, 276, Middle school, 26, 266-267, 291, 314, 412, 437
Jokes, 284 294-295, 301-302, 304-305, 307-308, Military families, 308
Journals, 460 313-315, 411, 415, 440-441, 452, 455, 459, Milk, 460
Judging, 267, 271, 455, 461 461, 463 Minorities, 18, 416-417
Judgment, 272, 275, 311, 432-433 Level of care, 294 Minority children, 267
judgments, 266, 271-272, 286, 311-312, 414, 421, Liberty, 273 Minority groups, 285, 293, 304, 312-313, 420, 438,
460, 462 Libraries, 421 440, 450
avoiding, 312 Library, 406, 435, 452 Minors, 431, 452-453
Junior high schools, 412 life experiences, 12 Misbehavior, 284
Justice, 272, 274, 276, 278, 313, 457 Life satisfaction, 420, 437-438, 449 Mitosis, 459
distributive, 272, 313, 457 Lifestyles, 425 Mnemonics, 459
juvenile delinquency, 299 Limitations, 6, 265, 311 Mobility, 16, 432, 459
Limits, 24, 293, 312, 455 Modeling, 279, 283, 305, 314
Lines, 16, 267, 415, 417 live, 314
K Lip reading, 462 Models, 15, 25, 270, 277, 279, 284, 293, 297, 311,
Kentucky, 314 Listening, 434 415, 423, 440
Key terms, 4, 24-25, 264, 311, 313, 408, 449, 451 Literacy, 26, 266, 416, 457, 459-460 Modification, 423
Keyword method, 459 Literacy skills, 459-460 Money, 18-21, 288, 310, 414, 434-435, 448
Kim, 418, 422 Literature, 26, 279, 283, 452 Monitoring, 280-281, 293, 300, 423, 433-434, 436,
Kindergarten, 6, 8, 20, 22, 24, 26, 303-304, 313, 461 Locke, John, 9 442-443, 449-450, 452, 455, 462
Knowledge, 2, 4, 9, 11, 15-16, 22, 24-26, 264, 280, logical reasoning, 433 Monologue, 456
291, 298, 311-312, 315, 413, 421-422, Longitudinal research, 288 Mood disorders, 445
433-435, 445, 456-461, 463 Longitudinal study, 16, 274-276, 278, 286, 438 Moodiness, 300, 306, 432
domains, 311, 413 Long-term goals, 415 Moral development, 263, 271-272, 274-277, 311
domain-specific, 457 Long-term memory, 459 Moral principles, 274, 277
of child development, 2, 4, 22, 24-25 Loss, 282, 284, 300, 307-308, 442, 444, 456, 460 Moral reasoning, 264, 271, 274-276, 279, 311, 313,
of community, 26 feelings of, 307-308 458, 460
prior, 280 Louisiana, 15 Moral rules, 277
syntactic, 459 Love, 26, 292, 310, 312, 418, 445, 448, 463 Morality, 7, 271, 273-274, 276, 409, 448
topic, 434, 457 Low birth weight, 459, 463 Moratorium, 409, 417, 449, 451, 460
Kohlberg, Lawrence, 272, 274 Lunchtime, 415 motion, 461
Motivating students, 305
L M Motivation, 284, 295, 303, 307, 409, 419, 437-438,
Labels, 12, 410 Macrosystem, 455 446, 450
Language, 4-7, 10-12, 15, 17-18, 25-26, 280, 285, Magazines, 279, 414 achievement, 303, 409, 419, 437-438, 450
305-306, 314-315, 416, 419, 423, 425, 449, Magnitude, 412 states, 419
452, 456-463 maintenance, 446, 448, 459 Motor skills, 314, 455, 457-458
animal, 462 Malnutrition, 7, 440 Movement, 7, 21, 442, 455, 458, 461-462
body, 5, 7, 306, 416, 457-458, 461-463 Management, 432, 435, 440, 443 Movies, 26, 414, 421, 426
clear, 17, 285 Mandatory school attendance, 6 Multidisciplinary teams, 309
difference, 11, 26 marriage, 7, 288, 295, 447-448, 451, 455 Multimedia, 463
play with, 458 same-sex, 288, 295 Multiple intelligences, 463
playing with, 285, 458 Mass media, 17, 281 muscles, 7, 459-460, 462
production, 459-461 Mastery, 27, 264, 311, 315, 453, 459 Music, 8, 286, 307, 421, 423-424, 426, 447-449
receptive, 461 Material resources, 295, 297 Mutual role taking, 271
written, 5, 26, 314, 452, 459, 461 Materials, 272, 285, 452-453, 456-457 Myths, 429-430, 445, 448
Language arts, 314-315, 416, 449, 452 Mathematics, 8, 11, 26, 269
Language development, 7, 11-12, 462 lessons, 26 N
early childhood experiences, 12 matter, 14, 24, 279, 288, 315, 429 Narcissism, 268, 411
use, 11, 462 Maturation, 7, 12, 25, 301, 459, 462 National Association of School Psychologists, 310
Language explosion, 459 Mean, 17, 265, 278-279, 299, 409, 412, 431 National Center for Children in Poverty, 441
Language skills, 26 Meaning, 5, 7, 13-14, 304, 309, 446, 457, 463 National Institute of Child Health and Human

516
 Development, 301 Panic attacks, 282 Policies, 4, 12, 15, 19-21, 24-25, 281, 311, 314, 412,
National Institute of Child Health and Human Paranoia, 282, 442 438
Development (NICHD), 301 Parenting styles, 16-17, 25, 270, 293, 420, 449, 460 Policy, 2, 19-20, 24-25, 422
National Institute of Mental Health, 11 permissive, 293, 420, 460 government, 20, 24
National Mental Health Association, 306-307, 310 Parents, 5, 8-9, 13-14, 16-17, 20-22, 24, 262-266, Popular children, 289-290, 305, 312-313, 461
Nationality, 3 268-272, 276-277, 279-280, 282-283, Population, 15, 18, 308, 417, 442-443, 458, 461
Nativism, 12 285-286, 288, 290-295, 297-309, 311-315, Populations, 18, 285, 311-312, 440
Nature, 9, 12-14, 25, 274, 288, 301, 415-416, 435, 407-412, 418-420, 422-429, 431-436, 439, Positive behavior, 284, 312
456, 463 441, 443-453, 455-458, 460-463 Positive correlation, 461
needs, 8, 22, 26, 264, 269, 271-273, 277, 283, 292, collaboration with, 309 Positive reinforcement, 440, 461
300, 302-304, 306-307, 309, 311, 313, 412, communication with, 439 positive relationships, 289, 295, 300, 303-305,
414-415, 417, 425, 432, 437, 439, 446, expectations of, 272, 291, 311, 446 312-313, 436-437, 443, 451
450-451, 456-457, 460-463 involvement, 269, 304, 308, 422, 432-433, 449 Positive self-regard, 411, 414
and desires, 463 Participants, 272, 274, 295, 299, 313, 456, 459-460 Positron emission tomography (PET), 461
during transitions, 412 Participation, 275, 289, 301, 305-306, 314, 415, 418, Possible Selves, 408
Negative correlation, 460 424, 455 Posters, 315
Negative reinforcement, 460 Participation structures, 305-306 Potential, 269, 301, 406, 420-422, 426-427, 435, 441
Neglected children, 289-290, 313, 460 Partnerships, 269 Poverty, 15, 270, 281, 301, 308-309, 313, 441
Nervous system, 457, 459-460 Path, 12, 26-27, 265, 303, 311, 418 power, 18-19, 267-268, 273, 276, 281, 284, 414, 426,
Net, 23, 310, 416, 429, 447 Patience, 26 461-462
Networking, 411, 421, 428, 430, 432, 449-450 Patterns, 4, 6, 22, 268, 270, 409, 425, 436, 445, 455, and authority, 273
Networks, 17, 309, 427-428, 445-446 462 destructive, 426
Neuromotor impairments, 460 growing, 6, 22 Power assertion, 461
Neuroscience, 16 number, 22, 268 Practice, 11, 27, 271, 274, 291, 293-295, 301, 312,
Neurotransmitters, 279, 443 patterns of behavior, 455 315, 430, 439, 453, 456, 462
New Jersey, 315 Paying attention, 300 acts, 271, 274
New York, 19, 267, 271-272, 409-410, 431, 441 Peak, 436, 450 DAP, 456
News, 310 Pedagogy, 456 dyad, 271
Newspapers, 279 Peer assessment, 289 Pragmatics, 461
NICHD, 301-302 Peer nominations, 289, 460 Praise, 267, 283, 305
NICHD Early Child Care Research Network, 302 Peer pressure, 414, 426, 451, 460 Preadolescents, 420, 449
Nicotine, 279, 421 peer relationships, 264, 288, 290, 292, 301, 312-313, Predicting, 301, 461
Noise, 446 408, 426, 437, 449 Prediction, 458
Norm, 447 Peer review, 460 Pregnancy, 8, 11, 27, 431, 440, 456-458, 460, 462
Normal development, 442 Peer support, 310 alcohol consumption, 457
Norms, 14, 281, 285, 291, 304, 311-312, 413, Peer tutoring, 269 in vitro fertilization, 457
424-425, 428, 458, 460, 462 Pencils, 3 prenatal development, 11
Notes, 5, 9, 310 Pennsylvania, 431 prejudice, 267, 297-298, 417, 419
Nuclear family, 16, 25, 460 Perceiving, 9 in children, 267
Nucleus, 456 Perception, 4, 270, 290, 410, 447, 455, 458, 461, 463 Preoperational stage, 11
Number continuum, 13 Perceptions, 264-265, 272, 286, 307, 311, 412, 414, Preparedness, 302
Numbers, 13, 15, 18, 301, 306, 416, 456, 459 434, 437, 445, 462 Preschool, 6, 16, 20, 265, 269-270, 277, 301, 303,
Nurse, 2, 23, 25, 438 Performance, 265, 303, 306, 308, 412, 414, 416, 420, 313, 438, 457, 461
Nurturance, 433 433, 437-439, 448-449, 457, 462 Preschool children, 16, 265, 269-270
Nutrients, 463 level of, 308 Preschoolers, 269, 280
Nutrition, 11, 16 Performance standards, 306 aggression, 280
Period, 4, 6-7, 11-12, 21, 24-25, 263-264, 266, 298, Presence, 310, 439, 458, 463
O 301, 311, 407, 413, 416, 419-421, 425, 431, Presentation, 461
Obesity, 20 435, 437, 444, 449, 455-459, 461-462 Prestige, 18, 462
Object, 4, 11, 293, 456, 458, 460 Perpetrators, 293, 450 Pretend play, 461
permanence, 458, 460 Perseverance, 455 Prevalence, 281, 306
Object permanence, 460 Personal characteristics, 8, 408 prevention, 27, 283
Objective, 4, 263-264, 270, 273, 407-408 Personal experience, 267 Pride, 268, 286, 418, 462
Objectives, 3-4, 27, 263-264, 315, 407-408, 453 personal identity, 417, 425-426 Print, 279, 460
Observation, 16-17, 277, 281, 289, 459-460, 462-463 Personal relationships, 421-422 Print media, 279
focused, 16, 463 Personality, 7, 14, 27, 264, 285, 408, 440, 455, Privacy, 406, 408, 429, 432-433, 450, 452
of cognitive development, 460 457-458 Privacy rights, 406
Observation of children, 16, 460 Personality traits, 440 Private speech, 461
Observations, 5, 281, 455 Personnel, 309 Probability, 433
Occupational therapist, 23 Persuasion, 9, 433 Problem behavior, 427, 433, 435, 437, 450
occupations, 285, 409, 414-415, 458 Peterson, 16, 265, 272, 293, 433 Problem solving, 5, 7, 276, 310, 436, 446, 456, 461
Ohio, 26 Pets, 441 backward, 461
Ohio State University, 26 Philosophy, 17, 306, 448 heuristics, 461
Oklahoma, 310 Phobia, 309 Problem-solving, 272, 305, 440, 456, 458, 460
Older adults, 412 Phobias, 306-308, 313, 460 knowledge and skills, 456
Onset, 428, 442, 450 Phonological awareness, 459 Problem-solving skills, 272
Open adoption, 298, 313, 460 Phonological loop, 461 Procedures, 457, 459, 461
Opinions, 265, 273, 275, 411-412, 420, 429, 431 Phonology, 461 Processing, 12, 270, 443, 456, 458-459, 463
Org, 13, 20, 23, 271, 310, 415, 423, 446 Photography, 294 task, 12, 443, 463
Organization, 12, 25, 27, 412, 462 Physical development, 7, 25, 282, 440, 461 Processing speed, 443, 456
Organizations, 27, 289, 308, 412, 425, 431 Physical education, 414 Product, 266, 456
Organizers, 6 Physical fitness, 13, 414 Productivity, 426, 450
post, 6 Physical health, 440 Products, 413, 422
Organizing, 284, 443, 456, 462-463 Piaget, Jean, 10 Professionals, 23, 269, 283, 300, 307, 309-310, 314,
Orientation, 276, 284, 287-288, 297, 312-313, 412, Picture, 288, 312, 428 423, 438, 443, 446, 451-452, 459
416-417, 427, 449, 451, 460, 462 Pictures, 21, 285, 430-431, 447, 461-462 Profiles, 270, 421-422
Orthopedic impairment, 460 PILOT, 414 Programs, 15, 23, 25, 271, 280, 283, 285, 301, 303,
Osteoporosis, 460 Planning, 22, 310, 439, 443, 456 306, 309, 313-314, 414-416, 419, 423, 439,
Outcomes, 22, 24, 268, 279, 292, 294-295, 297, 299, Plasticity, 12, 25, 461-462 446, 456, 463
303-304, 309, 311-313, 411, 415, 417-420, Play, 7, 23, 26-27, 265, 279, 282-283, 285, 288-289, Project, 14, 305, 415, 421, 448
426, 437-438, 449-451 292, 294, 307, 315, 428, 447, 456, 458, 461 Projects, 276
Ovaries, 461 constructive play, 456 Property, 273-274, 277, 299, 455
Overlap, 286, 445 functional play, 456, 458 Prosocial behavior, 269-270, 276-277, 279-281, 311,
Overweight, 8 in middle childhood, 265, 279, 282-283, 285, 313, 422, 459
Ovum, 458 288-289, 292, 294, 307, 315 cooperating, 276
pretend, 283, 461 Prosocial behaviors, 276, 290
Plays, 279, 314 Protecting, 406, 419, 423, 433, 452
P Point of view, 273-274, 418 Protective factors, 300, 308, 313, 426, 440, 450
Paintings, 8, 307 Pointing, 437 Proteins, 458

517
Protocol, 274 426, 449 Scales, 456
Psychiatrists, 307, 313 RELATE, 16, 265, 273, 293, 304, 408, 428, 432, 436, Schedules, 300, 448
Psychoanalysis, 461 459 Scheduling, 414
Psychoanalytic theory, 264, 311 Relational aggression, 277, 279, 283, 289, 311, 461 Schema, 458, 462
Psychological problems, 297-299, 308 Relationship, 14, 17, 22, 26, 274, 278-280, 282, 284, Schema theory, 458
Psychological well-being, 17, 308 290, 292, 294, 297-298, 300, 304, 313, 420, Schemas, 269, 458, 461
Psychologists, 12-13, 18, 25, 307, 310, 313 425-428, 432, 435-439, 447, 450, 456, Schemes, 455, 457, 461
Psychology, 4, 9, 13, 18, 26, 267, 269, 274, 278, 300, 458-461 School, 3, 6-7, 14, 18-23, 25-27, 263-271, 276-278,
314, 407, 409 benefit, 300, 460-461 280-282, 284-286, 289-295, 297-315,
Psychometrics, 410 Relationships, 5, 7, 24, 263-264, 266, 268-270, 273, 406-412, 414-422, 424-427, 431, 433-434,
Psychosis, 442 284-285, 288-295, 297-301, 303-305, 437-444, 446-453, 459, 461
Psychosocial, 7, 290-291, 298, 302, 312, 419, 446, 307-308, 311-314, 407-410, 412, 416, School activities, 269, 300, 426
449, 461 420-422, 424-428, 431-432, 434-439, 443, School counselor, 27, 314
Psychotherapy, 445, 451 446-451, 458, 461 School district, 22, 304, 309, 453
Puberty, 7-8, 11, 432, 461-462 healthy, 266, 284, 407-409, 424-425, 437, 439, School districts, 303
Public policy, 2, 25, 422 446, 449, 458, 461 School psychologist, 23, 25
Publications, 439 Relative standing, 462 School psychologists, 310
Punishment, 268-269, 272-273, 279, 282, 311, 431, Reliability, 461 School success, 22, 304
461 Religion, 18-19, 314, 408, 432 School violence, 312, 438
Purchasing, 452 Remembering, 444, 462 bullying and, 312
purging, 455 Reminders, 267, 310, 461 zero-tolerance policies, 438
Puritans, 9 Renegotiation, 432 School-age children, 18, 263, 265, 269-270, 281, 290,
Replication, 458 292, 294, 298, 301-302, 306-308, 311, 313,
Q Reporting, 11 411
Quality, 22, 24, 270, 281, 294, 301, 303, 310, 313, Reports, 281, 288, 416, 420, 435 Schooling, 6, 300, 458, 461
419, 426-427, 437, 443, 450, 457 library, 435 Schools:, 439
Quantities, 458 Representativeness, 461 decline in, 412, 437, 450
Quantity, 10 reproduction, 458, 461-462 in the United States, 15, 19, 267, 281, 304, 308,
Questioning, 5, 287, 432, 448, 456, 461 Research, 5, 8, 12, 14, 16-19, 22, 26, 265-266, 271, 418-419
Questions, 2, 4-5, 7-8, 11, 13-14, 17, 24-25, 272, 274-276, 279-281, 285-286, 288-291, 293, urban, 438, 450
275-276, 280, 285, 289, 291, 312, 435 295, 297, 301-305, 307, 309, 311-313, 408, Science, 4-5, 7, 22, 24-26, 284, 314, 414-415, 434,
formulating, 275 410, 412-416, 418-422, 424, 426, 432-439, 449, 456, 463
leading, 7, 13, 25 443, 447-448, 451, 455-457, 459-462 new, 5, 7, 22, 24, 414, 449, 456, 463
leads, 280 findings, 16-17, 266, 275-276, 279, 281, 285-286, women in, 414-415
288, 295, 303, 312, 414, 416, 421-422, Science fiction, 284
434, 447-448, 460 Sciences, 26, 310, 414-415
R Institutional Review Boards, 459 Scientists, 4-5, 12, 14, 24-25, 445
Race, 18-19, 25, 267, 289, 304, 441-442, 455, market, 297 Scores, 18, 268, 314, 458
460-461 neurological, 460 Screening, 460
Race and ethnicity, 18, 267 scholarly, 460 Script, 462
Race/ethnicity, 289, 441, 460 Research and evaluation, 415 Search, 24, 407-408, 416-418, 449, 457
Racial identity, 8 Research methods, 5 Seating, 439
Racial segregation, 21 Resilience, 309-310, 421 Seating arrangements, 439
Racism, 18 Resiliency, 308 Secondary school, 406, 452
class and, 18 Resolution, 310, 408, 436, 456 Section, 12-13, 268, 271, 276, 284, 286, 288,
institutionalized, 18 achieving, 408 291-292, 295, 298, 302, 419-420, 432, 439,
Radio, 21, 458 Resources, 15, 18, 24-25, 264, 269, 272, 295, 297, 443, 455
Rainbow Reading, 280 299, 309-311, 423, 431, 439, 450, 455 Secure attachments, 433
Rand Corporation, 308 Respect, 15, 17, 273-274, 276, 292, 303, 406, 418, Security, 297, 302, 309, 425, 436, 458, 463
Range, 22-23, 26, 265, 271, 290, 293-294, 312, 408, 420, 426, 431, 436 Segregation, 21, 284, 312-313, 458
413, 415, 424, 433-434, 436, 438, 442, 447, Responding, 270-271, 310, 461 Seizures, 457
455, 459 Response, 270-271, 280, 297, 441-442, 455-456, 461 Self, 5-7, 23-24, 26-27, 263-271, 274, 276, 279,
Rapid Eye Movement (REM), 461 Responses, 274, 285, 303, 313, 418, 456, 458 281-284, 286-288, 290-293, 295, 301-302,
Rates, 20, 279-281, 290, 292, 295, 299, 303, 309, Responsiveness, 455 304, 306-309, 311-315, 407-408, 410-414,
420-421, 427, 430, 436-438, 440-443, warmth, 455 416-420, 423, 425, 427, 432-433, 437-441,
449-450 Retention, 438 444, 449-451, 453, 455-459, 461-462
Reaching, 417, 448 Reversibility, 461 self-acceptance, 459
Readiness, 461 Review boards, 459 Self-awareness, 284, 407
Reading, 6-7, 24, 27, 270, 280, 283-284, 286, 312, Rewards, 269, 440 Self-concept, 5, 7, 263-265, 269, 308, 311, 313, 407,
315, 416, 457, 460-462 Risk factors, 270, 422, 436, 440 410-411, 413, 416, 437, 450, 457, 462
assisted, 461 risks, 283, 421-422, 433, 438, 445 Self-conscious emotions, 462
difficulties, 312 Risky behaviors, 444, 449 Self-control, 6, 24, 268, 270, 279, 284, 290, 306, 423,
dominant, 457, 460, 462 Rituals, 419 432, 449, 459
ELLs, 457 Role taking, 271 prosocial behavior and, 270, 279, 459
wide, 283-284, 312 egocentric, 271 Self-discipline, 283
Reading comprehension, 280, 461 mutual, 271 Self-efficacy, 268, 307, 437-438, 462
Reagan, Ronald, 21 self-reflective, 271 low, 268, 307, 438
Reasoning, 5, 7-8, 26, 264, 271-272, 274-276, 279, social-informational, 271 self-esteem, 263-266, 268-269, 276, 281-282, 284,
290, 305, 311, 313, 421, 432-433, 435, 456, Role-playing, 283 286, 290, 292, 295, 307, 311-314, 411-414,
458-460 Roles, 2, 263, 273, 284-286, 314, 408, 410-411, 413, 416, 419-420, 425, 433, 437-438, 440,
Reassurance, 310 416, 429, 449, 458 449-451, 456, 462
Recall, 265, 286, 302, 308, 416, 421, 423, 427-428, Roots, 271 of girls, 286, 414
447, 457 Rousseau, Jean-Jacques, 9 Self-image, 411
Receiving, 19, 266, 269, 281, 442, 445, 448 Routines, 22, 297, 300, 302, 305-306 Self-injurious behavior, 306
Receptive vocabulary, 461 Rubella, 11, 25 Self-management, 432
Recess, 281 Rules, 4, 16-17, 25, 269-270, 272-275, 277, 284, 293, Self-mutilation, 282
Reciprocal teaching, 461 297, 300, 302, 311, 314, 423-426, 432-433, Self-reflective role taking, 271
Reciprocity, 290-291, 312, 426 438-439, 456-462 Self-regulation, 24, 264, 268-270, 276, 291-293, 311,
Recording, 5 313, 438-439, 449, 457, 462
Recreational activities, 418, 436 self-talk, 461
Redefining, 432 S
Sadness, 307, 442 self-worth, 264, 266-268, 291, 295, 311, 412-413, 427,
Reference, 265 450, 462
Reflecting, 9, 414, 435, 450 Safety, 293, 313, 421, 431-432, 435, 448, 450
of self, 293 Selling, 421-422
Refugees, 438 Sensation, 422
Register, 18 SAT, 275
Satisfaction, 264, 281, 311, 408, 414, 420, 437-438, Sensation seeking, 422
Regulations, 439 Sense of self, 265-266, 268, 311, 408, 410-411, 418,
Reinforcement, 440, 460-461 449, 457-458
Scaffold, 290, 312, 423 449, 458-459
Rejected children, 289-291, 313, 461 senses, 456
Rejection, 266, 268, 289-290, 304, 307, 313, 411, 419, Scaffolding, 423, 449, 461
Scale, 21, 422, 460 Sensitive periods, 12, 25, 462

518
Sensitivity, 268, 307, 411, 446 Sounds, 280, 460-461 dynamic, 24, 455
Sensorimotor play, 458 speech, 461 human, 14, 23-24, 455-456
Sensory memory, 462 Space, 262, 314
Sentences, 12, 26, 459, 463 Speaking, 11, 455, 457, 461-462 T
Separation, 291, 299, 422 Special education, 26 Talking, 3, 283, 310, 428, 430, 436, 444-445, 447, 458
Sequence, 18, 272, 274-275, 460, 462 Special education teacher, 26 Tantrums, 300, 462
Seriation, 462 Special needs, 8, 272 Tasks, 265, 268, 277, 286, 288, 302, 305, 311, 416,
Servants, 452 Speech, 2, 23, 25, 282, 456, 459, 461-462 435-436, 439, 442, 444, 448, 455-456,
Service plan, 459 speed, 443, 456 458-459
Setting, 14, 25-26, 269, 304, 312, 410, 412, 414, 429, Sperm, 458-459, 462 Teacher, 2, 22-23, 25-26, 264, 269, 272, 275, 280,
439, 449, 452-453, 456, 459-460 Spermarche, 462 283-285, 289, 302-305, 419-420, 437-438,
Sex, 16, 280, 284-291, 294-295, 298, 312, 413, Splitting, 12, 25 451-452
415-417, 421, 425, 427-429, 436, 438, 444, Sports, 6-7, 20, 266, 283-284, 286, 291, 300, 307, Teacher control, 305, 437
449-450, 455-456, 458, 460-462 312, 314-315, 410, 418, 423, 439, 449 Teacher education, 419
gender roles and, 285, 413, 458 Stability, 12, 278, 291, 301, 308, 412, 414 Teacher education programs, 419
Sex chromosomes, 462 Staff, 281, 306 Teachers, 5-6, 13-15, 22, 25, 263-265, 268-270, 272,
Sex education, 455-456 Stage theory, 11, 272, 275-276 279-280, 283-286, 300-306, 308, 310-313,
Sexting, 431, 450-451, 462 Stages, 8-10, 24, 271-276, 455-457 408-409, 411-412, 415, 419-424, 428-429,
Sexual abuse, 423 Stages of learning, 455 437, 439, 441, 443, 445-450, 452, 455, 459
Sexual behavior, 292, 411, 416, 449 Stakeholders, 309 Teachers:, 305, 415, 429
Sexual identity, 412 Standards, 7, 265, 269, 277, 303, 306, 311, 313, beliefs and attitudes, 264
Sexual minority youth, 449-450 413-414, 425, 429, 437, 439, 448, 450, 455, caring, 286, 304-306, 312-313, 439
Sexual orientation, 284, 287-288, 312-313, 412, 457, 459-460 collaboration among, 305
416-417, 427, 449, 451, 462 States, 5-6, 9, 15-16, 18-21, 267, 279, 281, 297-299, educators, 448
Sexual relations, 428 304, 308, 411, 418-419, 424, 427, 436, influence on, 263, 304, 311, 419, 449
Sexual relationships, 428, 432 441-442, 460, 462-463 leadership roles, 263
Shadow, 415 Statistics, 5, 15, 298, 417, 420 substitute, 300
Shame, 462 Stepfathers, 297 technology skills, 415
Shapes, 291, 312 Stereotypes, 267, 286, 297, 312, 413, 431, 445 Teaching, 11-12, 22, 27, 281, 303, 305, 315, 407,
Sharing, 26, 276, 283, 293-294, 312, 457 Stigma, 309, 425, 444-445 452-453, 455-456, 461
Shock, 299 Stimulus, 455, 460-461 Teaching:, 461
Sibling rivalry, 294, 312 Stomach, 300 Teaching skills, 27, 315, 453
Siblings, 264, 268, 277, 279, 282, 291-296, 299-300, Stop, 7, 303, 313, 461 Teaching strategies, 303, 305
312, 444 Stories, 279, 284, 302 Teams, 15, 25, 305, 309, 314-315
Sickle cell anemia, 462 Strategies, 11, 22, 25, 27, 268-271, 283, 290, 294, Teamwork, 314
Sight words, 280 300, 303, 305, 315, 406, 418, 423, 428, Teasing, 417
Sign language, 462 434-435, 443, 446, 449, 453, 459-461 Techniques, 289, 310
Signals, 420 intended, 461 Technology, 21, 411, 414-415, 422, 428, 445, 447,
Significance, 288, 291, 312, 414 Strategy use, 460 451, 455, 457, 463
Significant others, 266, 311, 411, 449 Stress, 8, 16, 264, 266, 277, 281-282, 289, 297, 300, assistive, 455
Signs, 300, 306-307, 310, 313, 441, 443, 462 306-310, 313, 407-408, 419-421, 424, 432, computers, 415, 447
Silence, 12 443, 446, 449 Technology applications, 415
Simulations, 463 Structure, 16, 288-289, 433, 450, 460-461 Teen pregnancy, 27
Sixth grade, 26, 286 Student teachers, 305 Television, 21, 24, 272, 279-280, 283, 285, 310-311,
Size, 7, 13, 312, 413, 425, 438, 445, 462 Students, 15-17, 22, 26-27, 274-275, 280-281, 418, 422-423, 442, 447
Skills, 5-6, 11, 16, 24, 26-27, 262-264, 266, 269-270, 284-286, 303-306, 310, 313, 406, 408, 412, Television viewing, 310, 422
272, 280, 284, 289-291, 293-294, 302, 307, 414-415, 420, 422, 424, 434, 437-439, Temperament, 270, 299, 306, 308, 313, 416, 440, 458,
310-312, 314-315, 410, 415-416, 418, 421, 445-446, 448, 450-453, 455-457, 459, 461 463
423, 427, 436, 440, 446-447, 449, 453, antisocial, 280-281, 284, 461 Test, 11, 13, 314, 456, 458, 461, 463
455-461, 463 differences between, 286, 414, 424 Test scores, 458
attending, 302 exceptional, 446 testing, 24, 285, 410, 416, 448, 461
fine motor, 284, 458 self-evaluations, 412, 437 Tests, 14, 432, 455
practicing, 264 Student-teacher relationships, 303 norms, 14
prosocial, 269-270, 280, 289-290, 293-294, Studies, 13, 17-20, 26, 266, 274-277, 279-281, 288, select, 14
311-312, 459, 461 290, 297, 299, 304, 307, 311, 315, 408-409, Texas, 15, 27
receiving, 266, 269 413, 416, 420, 433-434, 445, 456, 459, 462 Text, 5-6, 8, 24, 272, 288, 303, 428, 430-431, 462
speaking, 11, 455, 457, 461 D, 26 Textbooks, 285
Sleep, 282, 460-462 G, 13, 266, 275-277, 279, 281, 290, 299, 307, 311, Texting, 21
Small groups, 427 408-409, 413, 416, 434, 462 The Parent, 299, 315, 432, 435, 450, 459
SMART, 264, 410, 447 Style, 16-17, 270, 424, 426, 429 Theme, 435
Social and conventional system, 271 Substance abuse, 23, 290, 408, 417, 440, 443-444, theories, 4-5, 10, 13, 22, 24-25, 277, 417, 456-457,
Social and emotional development, 294, 422, 437, 439 449 460
Social cognitive theory, 462 treatment, 443-444 Theory, 4-5, 8, 10-12, 14, 25, 264, 271-272, 275-276,
social comparison, 266, 412 Substance use, 283, 433, 450 311, 408-409, 417, 447, 455, 457-460,
Social competence, 6, 289, 301, 303, 309, 312, 410 Suggestions, 269, 283, 445 462-463
Social environment, 288, 302, 461 Suicides, 442, 451, 456 Theory of evolution, 5
Social hierarchy, 425 Superego, 458 Theory of mind, 463
Social interaction, 315 Supervision, 277, 302, 427, 433, 436, 442, 450, 452 Theory of multiple intelligences, 463
Social issues, 271 relationships in, 427 Therapist, 2, 23, 25
Social learning, 462 Support, 12, 16-17, 20, 23-24, 264, 266-269, 273, 275, Therapy, 26-27, 445, 458, 461
Social network, 17 280, 282, 289, 291-295, 297-301, 303-305, concentration, 26
Social networking, 411, 421, 428, 430, 432, 449-450 310-313, 315, 407, 412, 415, 417, 420-421, Think, 2, 7, 10-11, 14, 25, 265, 271, 275-276, 283,
Social networks, 17, 309, 428, 445 423-426, 429, 433, 435-436, 438-440, 443, 290, 301, 310-311, 313, 408, 410-413, 432,
Social relationships, 285, 291, 314 446-451, 455, 457, 459, 461, 463 435, 446, 449-450, 452-453, 456, 458, 461
Social responsibility, 275, 295, 306 Supporting, 20, 295, 455, 457, 461 Thinking, 2, 5, 9-12, 18, 26, 263, 270-271, 276, 284,
Social skills, 5, 27, 263, 289, 307, 427, 440 Supportive environments, 446 289, 305, 310-311, 314, 406, 410, 421,
Social studies, 315 Surveys, 281, 451 444-445, 455-461, 463
Social values, 424, 433, 460 Susceptible, 302, 452 possibility, 11
Social worker, 2, 23, 25 Sustainability, 292 Thomas, 310
Social-informational role taking, 271 Swallowing, 462 Thompson, 440, 442
Socialization, 288-289, 408, 426, 451, 462 Sweden, 420 Threats, 303, 407, 421, 446, 449, 461
school and, 426 Switch, 410, 444, 451 Time, 3-4, 6-7, 11-12, 14, 18, 20-21, 24-27, 263,
Socioeconomic status, 18, 25, 462 Symbols, 6, 10, 267, 462 265-266, 268, 272, 274, 277-281, 284, 286,
socioeconomic status (SES), 25, 462 Sympathy, 276, 279, 462 289-295, 297-303, 305-306, 309, 312-313,
Sociology, 19, 297 Syntax, 460, 463 315, 407, 409-410, 412-414, 416-418,
Software, 285, 406, 450, 452 System, 6, 17, 271, 273, 285, 293, 418, 455, 457-463 420-424, 427, 431-433, 435-437, 439, 442,
Solutions, 313, 423, 446, 458 Systems, 5, 13-14, 23-25, 284, 312, 421, 423, 446-448, 450-452, 455-463
Sony, 447 455-456, 461, 463 engaged, 292, 421-422, 431, 433
Sound, 26, 456, 461 belief, 455 to think, 7, 25, 290, 410, 432, 446, 461

519
 units, 455 district, 452
Title, 19-20 Weight, 299-300, 414, 441, 455, 459, 461-463
Tone, 263, 455 Welfare, 23, 273, 277
Tools, 12, 14-15, 25, 281, 411, 449, 456, 463 Well-being, 17, 293, 308, 407, 411, 421, 426, 438,
Topics, 7, 267, 445 446, 449, 451, 463
touch, 416, 447 life satisfaction and, 449
Toys, 288, 298, 458, 461 Whole, 5, 13, 262, 273, 280, 285, 314, 411, 423, 452
Training, 9, 17, 20, 426, 451, 457, 463 Wikipedia, 20
Traits, 285, 294, 426, 440, 458, 460 Wisdom, 21
Transitions, 291, 412, 414, 419, 437, 440, 450 Withdrawal, 307, 422, 463
Travel, 21 Women, 16, 20, 24, 276, 285-286, 288, 295, 297, 299,
Treatment, 18, 285, 294-295, 298, 307, 311-312, 311, 413-416, 442-443, 457, 461-462
442-446, 451, 456, 458-459 Words, 6, 11, 26, 271, 275, 280, 283, 420, 452,
Treatment plans, 445 456-457, 459-461, 463
Treatments, 307, 445-446, 451 contractions, 457
Trend, 27, 424, 430, 462 Work, 6-7, 9, 13-14, 16, 24, 26, 263-264, 269, 273,
Triangulation, 463 276, 285, 292-294, 298-299, 301-303,
Triarchic Theory, 459, 463 305-306, 312, 410, 414-415, 421-422, 426,
Triarchic theory of intelligence, 459 432, 436-437, 441, 443-444, 446-448,
Trisomy, 457 450-452, 456, 458-460, 463
Truth, 431, 448 Work habits, 263, 303
Turns, 275, 431 Workforce, 286, 292, 312, 414
Turn-taking, 284, 305 Working memory, 443, 455-459, 461, 463
Twin studies, 311 Workplace, 414, 447-448
Twitter, 21, 421 World Trade Center, 21
Type 2 diabetes, 463 Worldview, 418
Writing, 6-7, 284, 310, 312, 416, 447, 457, 459
U form of, 459
Understanding, 5, 13, 17, 22, 26-27, 270-272, 275, to solve, 457, 459
284, 311, 314-315, 411-412, 453, 455-456, Writing skills, 416
458-460 Written language, 459
Uniqueness, 315
United States, 5-6, 9, 15-16, 18-21, 267, 279, 281, X
297-299, 304, 308, 418-419, 424, 427, 436, X chromosomes, 461
441
Units, 455 Y
Universal design, 463 Young adulthood, 303-304
Universities, 419, 459 Young children, 12, 265, 269, 272, 276-277, 289-290,
University of Wisconsin, 26 299, 303, 306-307, 311, 313, 411, 420, 451,
Urban schools, 438, 450 458-459
U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 298
Z
V Zero, 284, 438
Vacations, 446 Zero-tolerance policies, 438
Validity, 274, 276, 457, 463 Zone of proximal development, 463
face, 457 Zone of Proximal Development (ZPD), 463
Values, 16-17, 268, 273-274, 280, 286-287, 289, 291, Zygote, 455, 463
304-305, 311-312, 408, 413, 415, 418,
423-424, 432-433, 439, 447-450, 456-457,
459-460
Asian American, 17, 418
Latino, 17, 418
philosophy, 17, 448
Variables, 5, 19, 289, 293, 456-458, 460-461
Variance, 458
Victim, 271, 281-283, 422
Victimization, 291, 294, 438
Video, 277, 279, 283, 285, 421-423, 449
Video games, 277, 279, 285, 422-423, 449
Videos, 415, 431, 452
violence, 21, 270, 279-281, 283-284, 293, 308-313,
422-423, 438, 440, 449
domestic, 309
Virtual worlds, 463
Virus, 21, 458
Virus, HIV, 21
Vision, 457, 459, 463
Visual acuity, 463
Visual impairments, 457
Visual information, 458, 463
Visual perception, 463
Vocabulary, 5-6, 280, 457, 461
ideas and, 461
sight, 280
Vocabulary Development, 5
Voice, 16, 430
Volume, 462
volunteering, 26

W
Wages, 20
wants, 3, 314, 448, 459
Warmth, 16-17, 277, 282, 293-294, 303, 429, 433,
443, 450, 455, 460
Warning signs, 441
Watson, 304-305, 427
Wealth, 18, 24
Websites, 24, 421-423, 452, 463

520