Memory FB
Memory FB
Sensory memory is the simplest and quickest memory system, holding brief representations
of sensory information. In the airport scenario, sensory memory explains why you glance
back at the flight monitor after noticing a change in the display. It retains sensory input long
enough to determine that something important has changed, prompting you to recheck the
screen. Without sensory memory, we would only be able to react to stimuli that are
immediately in front of us, without retaining anything for further processing.
The capacity of sensory memory is quite large, and it can hold representations of nearly all
sensory information we encounter, but the information lasts only for a very short time—just
long enough to process whether further attention is needed.
Sensory memory briefly retains sensory information from what we see, hear, taste, smell, or
feel, but only for a very short time. For example, visual sensory memory lasts less than a
second, while acoustic sensory memory lasts only a few seconds.
One classic study by Sperling (1960) demonstrated this. Participants were shown a card with
nine letters for just 50 milliseconds, and they could only recall about four or five of the
letters. However, they reported that they felt they could remember all of the letters initially,
but the image faded quickly. Sperling used a tone to cue participants to recall specific rows of
letters. When the tone was presented immediately after the letters, participants were able to
recall almost all the letters, suggesting that all the information was initially in sensory
memory but faded quickly.
Further experiments showed that if the tone was delayed by even 100 milliseconds, recall
dropped significantly, and after one second, the memory of the letters almost completely
disappeared. These results indicate that sensory memory can store a lot of information, but it
fades very rapidly, supporting the idea that sensory memory is fleeting—“now you see (hear)
and remember it, now you don’t.”
In the scenario where you witness a hit-and-run accident and try to remember the car's
license plate, the paragraph explains the workings of short-term memory. Here's the
breakdown:
• Short-term memory holds a limited amount of information for brief periods of time.
In this case, you were able to remember the license plate number "GS6087" right after
seeing it.
• However, because short-term memory has a limited capacity and duration, the
information fades quickly unless you actively rehearse it or make an effort to retain it.
After a short time, you forget most of the number, retaining only "GS."
• The importance of short-term memory is highlighted because it acts as a
temporary holding space or "workbench" for information you're using or processing
at the moment. For example, you were actively holding and processing the license
plate number, but because you didn’t rehearse it enough, it was lost from memory.
There is strong evidence supporting the existence of short-term memory (STM) and its
distinction from long-term memory, both from everyday experience and scientific studies.
This passage introduces long-term memory, which is responsible for storing vast quantities
of information for extended periods, often for a lifetime. The text describes several key
features and phenomena related to long-term memory:
1. Capacity: Long-term memory has an enormous capacity, able to store large amounts
of information permanently. The example of a study where participants correctly
recognized 90% of 2,560 slides shown to them supports this idea. Even though the
number of items is vast, long-term memory allows for high accuracy in recalling this
information, highlighting its impressive storage abilities.
2. Accuracy and Reliability: While long-term memory can store vast amounts of
information, it doesn't always work perfectly. A common issue is the tip-of-the-
tongue phenomenon—when you know that you know something but cannot recall it.
For example, people might be able to provide details like the first letter or the number
of syllables of a word they can't fully recall, which suggests the information is stored
but temporarily inaccessible. This phenomenon shows that the memory is there, but
retrieval may be blocked or hindered.
3. Retrieval: The passage also hints that retrieval—the process of accessing stored
information—is a key factor in how long-term memory works. Sometimes, the
desired information is stored in long-term memory but may be difficult to retrieve at
the moment, such as when you're preparing for an exam or giving a speech. The
retrieval process can be complex and may involve frustration or partial recollections,
with the full memory sometimes "surfacing" unexpectedly.
how information enters long-term memory and what factors can influence this process.
Here's a breakdown of the key points:
In conclusion, long-term memory relies on elaborative rehearsal, and anything that impairs
this process—like alcohol or depressive symptoms—can interfere with the effective storage
of information. This highlights the importance of cognitive engagement and motivation for
memory consolidation.
The levels of processing view, proposed by Craik and Lockhart (1972), emphasizes the
importance of the depth of cognitive processing in determining how well information is
encoded into long-term memory. This theory suggests that rather than focusing on the
structures or systems of memory, we should consider how the information is processed. The
deeper the cognitive effort, the more likely it is that the information will be retained in long-
term memory. Here's a breakdown of the concept:
• Shallow Processing: Involves minimal cognitive effort and focuses on simple sensory
judgments. For instance, you might determine if a word is written in uppercase or
lowercase letters, or if two words look similar. This is considered superficial
processing and is less likely to result in long-term memory retention.
• Deep Processing: Involves a more complex and meaningful engagement with the
information. For example, asking if two words rhyme or fit within a sentence requires
deeper thought. The deepest level of processing occurs when you think about the
meaning of a word or its relation to other concepts. For instance, asking if two words
have the same meaning or how they fit into a larger context engages deeper cognitive
processes and results in better encoding for long-term memory.
A study by Craik and Tulving (1975) supported this view. Participants were asked to process
words in three different ways:
Participants were later asked to recall which words they had seen earlier. Those who
processed the words deeply (i.e., thinking about their meaning or context) were more likely to
remember them accurately, even though they took longer to respond. This suggests that deep
processing leads to better memory retention.
• Difficulty in Defining Depth: It's hard to clearly define what constitutes "shallow"
versus "deep" processing. The depth of processing can be subjective and may vary
between individuals.
• Multiple Processes: It’s also likely that different types of processing can occur
simultaneously. For example, when reading a word, you may simultaneously process
both its visual appearance and its meaning, making it hard to classify processing as
purely shallow or deep.
Despite these criticisms, the levels of processing view has significantly contributed to our
understanding of how information enters long-term memory. It highlights that the more
effort and meaning we invest in processing new information, the more likely we are to
remember it in the long term.
RETRIEVAL CUES
In this section, the focus is on retrieval, which refers to the process of locating and accessing
information stored in long-term memory. While long-term memory has a vast capacity and
can store information for extended periods, it is not a flawless system. One common problem
is difficulty retrieving information when we need it most, only for it to suddenly "pop" into
consciousness at a later time. This phenomenon is often frustrating and is due to various
factors related to retrieval difficulties.
One important principle that helps retrieval is organization. The better organized the
information is when it is initially stored, the easier it is to retrieve later. This principle
suggests that structured information is more easily recalled than information that lacks
structure.
For example, imagine trying to remember a list of words. If the words are randomly
presented, you might struggle to recall them. However, if the words are grouped into
categories like "fruits," "vegetables," and "vehicles," the structured format makes it easier to
retrieve the information because it follows a logical, organized pattern. This shows that
organization aids in memory retrieval.
Hierarchical Organization:
One common way information can be organized is in hierarchies—systems where items are
classified from general categories to more specific ones. For instance, consider an animal
classification hierarchy:
• Animals
o Mammals
▪ Herbivores (e.g., cows, goats)
▪ Carnivores (e.g., lions, tigers)
▪ Primates (e.g., monkeys, chimpanzees)
While organizing information requires extra cognitive effort, the rewards are clear: better
retrieval later on. By putting in the effort to organize information at the time of encoding
(when it's first learned or encountered), you increase the chances of being able to retrieve it
effectively when required.
Studies have confirmed the existence of mood-dependent memory, though it tends to occur
under certain conditions. For instance, mood-dependent memory is more pronounced when
the mood experienced at the time of encoding is intense, and when individuals generate the
information themselves, rather than having it presented to them.
For example, research shows that people who are currently in a negative mood may have
difficulty recalling moments when they felt happy. This is because they are likely to retrieve
memories from when they were in a similar negative mood. This phenomenon can be
particularly significant for individuals who are depressed, as it can reinforce negative feelings
and make it harder to access positive memories, potentially hindering recovery.
Understanding mood-dependent memory helps explain some emotional patterns in depression
and could provide insights into effective coping strategies.
FORGETTING
We become most aware of memory when it fails us—when we can't recall something we
need at a given moment. Early memory research, notably by Hermann Ebbinghaus, focused
on understanding this phenomenon of forgetting. Ebbinghaus conducted self-experiments,
observing how quickly he forgot nonsensical syllables, finding that forgetting was initially
rapid but slowed over time.
Later studies have built on Ebbinghaus's work, affirming his results with meaningless
materials but also highlighting that people remember meaningful information much better.
For instance, college professors could accurately recall former students' names and faces even
after many years (Bahrick, 1984). Similarly, we retain complex skills, such as riding a bike or
swimming, even with minimal practice over long periods. However, some specific, stimulus-
response associations, called discrete skills, are forgotten more easily. For example,
individuals often forget details of CPR procedures within months after learning them, as
noted in studies by McKenna and Glendon (1985).
Memory research has explored multiple explanations for why we forget information stored in
long-term memory, including trace decay theory (the idea that memories fade with time if not
used) and interference theory (where new or similar information disrupts recall). A
contrasting view, repression, suggests that some memories are actively suppressed, often
discussed in the context of traumatic experiences, such as childhood abuse. Additionally,
psychologists have investigated intentional forgetting, where individuals consciously try to
remove unnecessary memories from their minds, a topic relevant to managing mental clutter
and focusing on current, relevant information.
RETRIEVAL FAILURE
Retrieval Failure refers to the inability to access or retrieve information from memory,
despite the fact that the information is stored there. This phenomenon is central to
understanding why we sometimes "forget" things, even when we know that the information
was once learned or experienced. There are several key aspects to retrieval failure that can be
explained based on the theories and concepts discussed in the paragraphs you provided.
2. Encoding Failure
• Encoding failure occurs when the information is never properly encoded into
memory in the first place, meaning the brain did not store it in a way that allows for
easy retrieval later. For example, if you were distracted or not paying full attention
during an event, the memory trace might not be strong enough for later recall.
• This is not strictly retrieval failure in the traditional sense (as the information was
never properly stored), but it can contribute to the impression of retrieval failure
because the memory is not there to retrieve.
3. Interference Theory
4. Context-Dependent Memory
• Retrieval can also be hindered when the context in which the memory was learned
differs from the context in which the retrieval attempt occurs. For example, if you
study in a particular room, you may find it easier to recall the information when
you’re in that same room later (because the environment provides retrieval cues).
Changing contexts (like studying in one place and testing in another) can result in
retrieval failure, as the cues are no longer available.
• This concept is related to encoding specificity (the principle that memory retrieval is
more effective when it occurs in the same context as learning), and it highlights how
retrieval failure can occur due to mismatched environmental cues.
• Memory construction (as discussed in the previous sections) can also play a role in
retrieval failure. When we attempt to recall a memory, we may inadvertently distort it
by filling in gaps with incorrect or fabricated details. This is why sometimes our
memories seem incomplete or incorrect during recall.
• When we try to retrieve a memory but the details are vague or distorted, it can feel
like retrieval failure because we may recall false or fragmented information that
doesn’t align with the original experience.
6. Repression
• Motivated forgetting refers to the idea that we may intentionally forget certain
information because we want to avoid unpleasant or irrelevant memories. For
example, if you are trying to forget where you parked your car, you engage in
intentional forgetting, which involves the purposeful inhibition of memory retrieval
for information that is no longer useful.
• Similarly, in cases where information is irrelevant or damaging (such as in court
trials), individuals may attempt to forget certain facts to avoid bias or emotional
reaction. This can lead to retrieval failure when the unwanted memories are not
readily accessible.
8. The Role of Cues and Retrieval Pathways
• Effective memory retrieval often relies on retrieval cues—stimuli that help trigger
access to stored information. If the appropriate cues aren’t available or are weak,
retrieval failure can occur. This is why sometimes, when you are reminded of
something, it immediately becomes clear to you, but without that cue, you would
struggle to recall it.
• Memory traces in the brain are thought to be connected by neural pathways, and the
strength of those pathways can affect retrieval. If those pathways are weak or
disrupted, retrieval failure becomes more likely.
Conclusion:
Retrieval failure is a multifaceted process that can occur for a variety of reasons. Whether it’s
due to interference, lack of proper encoding, changes in context, memory distortions,
repression, or intentional forgetting, it is clear that memory is not a perfect recording system.
Instead, memory retrieval is influenced by complex interactions between stored information,
the cues available, and our cognitive processes. Understanding these factors can help explain
why we sometimes struggle to recall information, even when we are confident it is stored in
our memory.
DECAY THEORY
The trace decay hypothesis suggests that memories fade or decay over time, leading to
forgetting. While this may seem intuitive, evidence challenges the idea that time alone causes
forgetting.
In a study by Jenkins and Dallenbach (1924), two participants learned nonsense syllables and
either went to sleep afterward or stayed awake. They forgot more when they stayed awake,
suggesting that forgetting isn’t just a result of time passing. However, a flaw in this study was
that the participants slept at night and stayed awake in the morning, raising the possibility that
circadian rhythms influenced the results. Additionally, other research with animals, like a
study by Minami and Dallenbach (1946) on cockroaches, found that restrained roaches
retained information better than those allowed to move freely. These findings imply that
activity or interference, not merely time, plays a key role in forgetting.
The trace decay theory proposes that memories weaken or decay over time if they’re not
actively rehearsed or recalled. This theory suggests that memories are like physical traces or
imprints on the brain, often referred to as “memory traces,” which gradually fade or erode
with the passage of time. According to this view, time itself is the main factor in forgetting:
as time passes without using or accessing a memory, the trace gradually weakens until it’s
lost.
In summary, while the trace decay theory offers a simple explanation for forgetting by
emphasizing the effect of time on memory, research suggests that interference, activity, and
even physical states (like sleep) have a more prominent role in memory retention and
forgetting. This has led to a broader understanding of forgetting, moving beyond time-based
decay to incorporate how our environments and actions affect our memories.
INTERFERENCE THEORY
Interference theory suggests that memory retrieval can be disrupted when similar information
competes with the target memory. This interference is especially strong when the information
in question is similar to previously or newly learned material. Psychologists view interference
as a primary mechanism of forgetting in long-term memory, challenging earlier theories that
suggested forgetting was simply due to the natural decay of memory traces over time.
Here’s a deeper look at the two types of interference:
1. Retroactive Interference:
o This occurs when new information disrupts the recall of old information. For
example, if someone learns Spanish after learning French, they might find it
harder to remember French vocabulary. The new Spanish vocabulary
"interferes" with the older French words stored in memory. This is often seen
in situations where individuals need to learn and remember similar types of
information, such as languages or procedures for similar tasks.
o Research indicates that the more similar the new material is to the older
material, the stronger the retroactive interference. This is because similar
information creates overlapping cues, making it harder for the mind to
distinguish between the two when retrieving specific memories.
2. Proactive Interference:
o Proactive interference occurs when old information disrupts the ability to learn
or remember new information. For instance, someone who learned to drive on
a manual transmission might struggle to adjust to an automatic transmission
because the old habit interferes with the new one.
o In proactive interference, older memories are more robust and tend to "stick,"
making it harder to learn new, conflicting information. Studies show that when
previously learned information is highly ingrained, it becomes more resistant
to change and thus interferes more strongly with new learning.
• Similarity Effect: Studies find that interference is stronger when the competing
pieces of information are similar. For instance, if participants learn two lists of words
with similar themes or meanings, they are more likely to experience interference than
if the lists were unrelated (Tulving & Psotka, 1971). This suggests that interference
depends on the level of similarity between the new and old material.
• Contextual Cues and Forgetting: Laboratory research shows that when participants
are asked to remember lists of similar items over time, their recall tends to worsen as
they learn additional similar lists. This is because cues that help recall (like the list
structure or category) become muddled with additional, similar information, causing
interference (Gruneberg, Morris, & Sykes, 1988).
INTENTIONAL FORGETTING
This paragraph explains the concept of intentional forgetting, where we deliberately try to
remove or ignore information from our memory that is either inaccurate or no longer useful.
The example of forgetting where you parked your car is used to illustrate a trivial situation in
which we engage in intentional forgetting. When you head to the spot where you thought
your car was parked and realize it’s not there, you might push the memory of where you
parked it last time out of your mind in order to remember the correct location for this time.
This is an example of trying to "forget" something that is no longer relevant in that moment.
While this example may seem simple, intentional forgetting is important in many other
contexts as well. For instance, in legal trials, a judge might instruct jurors to “strike that
information from the record” and forget what they just heard, thus preventing irrelevant
details from influencing their decision-making. Similarly, when job interviewers evaluate
candidates, they may try to ignore irrelevant factors like the applicants’ gender, race, or
ethnic background because those factors should not influence their judgment about who is the
best fit for the job.
The paragraph also discusses how we can manage to forget things intentionally. In some
cases, we know ahead of time that we will want to forget certain details, like the place where
we parked our car in the previous example. In these situations, we encode the information in
a way that helps us easily recognize it as something we will want to forget, making it easier
to ignore when it's no longer useful. In other situations, we might not realize we will want to
forget something until after the fact. In these cases, we try to inhibit the retrieval of that
information. If it comes to mind, we quickly reject it, making it harder to bring up again, as
we stop rehearsing or using it.
Regarding how successful we are at intentional forgetting, the paragraph suggests that people
are generally good at it but not always perfect. For example, people sometimes struggle to
completely ignore factors like gender, race, or age, which can influence how we react to
others, even if we consciously try to disregard them. Despite this, we can still successfully
remove unnecessary or irrelevant information from memory in many instances, which can
help prevent it from negatively impacting our decisions and behavior.
RECONSTRUCTION THEORY
The author shares a personal experience as an example of memory construction: The author
vividly remembers seeing their great-grandfather’s uniform as a child, but upon discussing it
with their father, they discovered the uniform had been thrown away long before the author
was born. The author realized that their memory of seeing the uniform was likely a
construction based on their grandfather's descriptions of it rather than an actual event.
In one study, children were exposed to lists of words and tested on their memory of them.
When tested again a week later, some children falsely recalled words they had not actually
heard. The results showed that the persistence of false memories was especially strong in
older children, and this effect was exacerbated when the words were categorized in a way that
encouraged them to focus on the "gist" (or underlying meaning) rather than exact details.
This persistence of false memories in children was also observed in studies where children
witnessed staged events. They showed a tendency to remember events that didn’t happen,
which indicates that memory construction can pose a significant risk to the accuracy of
memory reports, especially in legal settings.
The text then mentions the implications of this for legal contexts such as child sexual abuse
cases, where memories of abuse may be reconstructed over time, and for eyewitness
testimony, where false memories could lead to mistaken identification of suspects or
incorrect accounts of events.
In conclusion, memory construction means that we may unknowingly remember things that
didn’t happen or alter details of events over time. This can be particularly problematic in
situations where accurate recollection of events is critical, such as in legal trials involving
serious crimes or eyewitness testimonies.
MEMORY DISORDERS
1. Amnesia
Amnesia is a condition in which an individual experiences severe memory loss, either partial
or total, often due to brain injury, trauma, or disease. There are two major types of amnesia:
• Anterograde Amnesia: This type of amnesia refers to the inability to form new long-
term memories after the event that caused the memory loss. Individuals with
anterograde amnesia may forget new information within minutes, even though they
can recall events that happened before the injury. This condition often results from
damage to the hippocampus or other parts of the brain involved in memory
processing.
o Example: A person may be unable to remember what they had for breakfast or
where they placed their keys moments ago, even if they are told this
information several times.
• Retrograde Amnesia: In retrograde amnesia, individuals lose memories that were
formed before the onset of the amnesia. The degree of memory loss can vary, with
some people losing only the most recent memories, while others may lose long
periods of their past. This form of amnesia is often caused by head trauma, stroke, or
degenerative diseases like Alzheimer's.
o Example: A person might not be able to recall their name, family members, or
previous life events but can remember how to perform basic tasks like walking
or eating.
2. Alzheimer's Disease
Alzheimer’s disease is the most common cause of dementia, a group of conditions that affect
memory, thinking, and behavior. It is a progressive, degenerative brain disorder that leads to
the gradual loss of memory, thinking skills, and the ability to perform everyday tasks. Early
symptoms include forgetfulness, disorientation, and difficulty in retaining new information.
As the disease progresses, people may forget familiar faces, places, and the ability to
communicate effectively.
3. Dementia
Dementia is an umbrella term for a range of memory disorders that cause cognitive decline
and interfere with an individual's ability to perform everyday activities. Dementia is usually
associated with aging, but it can be caused by a variety of factors, including brain injury,
infections, and other neurological conditions.
• Types:
o Vascular Dementia: Caused by problems with blood supply to the brain, often
due to strokes or mini-strokes.
o Lewy Body Dementia: Associated with abnormal protein deposits (Lewy
bodies) in brain cells.
o Frontotemporal Dementia: Characterized by damage to the frontal and
temporal lobes of the brain, affecting behavior, personality, and speech.
• Symptoms: Memory loss, difficulty concentrating, language issues, changes in
personality, and loss of executive function (decision-making, planning).
4. Korsakoff's Syndrome
• Symptoms: Loss of memory for the event, confusion, disorientation, and difficulty
forming new memories.
• Cause: Trauma to the brain, which disrupts memory formation and storage processes.
8. Dissociative Amnesia
Childhood amnesia refers to the inability of most adults to recall early childhood memories,
typically from before the age of 3 or 4. This phenomenon is believed to be caused by the
underdevelopment of the hippocampus and other brain regions involved in memory
formation in early life.
• Symptoms: Lack of memories from early childhood, particularly from before the age
of 3.
• Cause: Brain regions responsible for encoding and storing memories are still
developing during infancy.
Conclusion:
These basic elements—concepts, propositions, and images—work together to form the
foundation of our thinking process. Concepts help us categorize and organize information
efficiently, propositions enable us to combine and articulate those concepts meaningfully, and
images provide sensory-rich representations of our experiences or imagined scenarios.
CONCEPTS
concepts are fundamental categories that help us understand and categorize the world around
us. Here's a detailed breakdown of the key points:
1. Concepts as Mental Categories
Concepts are mental categories that group objects, events, experiences, or ideas that share
similar features. These categories help us organize the vast amount of information we
encounter daily and simplify how we understand the world.
• Example 1: Buildings
Even though a country home, a skyscraper, and a grass hut look different, they share
the common feature of being buildings. You can easily group these diverse items
together because they all serve the same general function—providing shelter.
• Example 2: Vehicles
A Ford Explorer, the space shuttle Discovery, and an elevator also look different, but
you can still classify them as vehicles because they are designed for movement or
transportation, despite their functional differences.
The ability to group these items into categories reflects your existing concepts of what a
"building" or a "vehicle" is. This is how we can recognize commonalities among things that
appear different on the surface.
2. Concepts Help Us Understand the World
Concepts serve as tools for understanding and mentally representing the world. They allow us
to efficiently process information without needing to evaluate every object or experience
individually. Concepts provide structure for how we perceive and organize knowledge.
• Example: Understanding a New Term (Zip Drive)
When you hear the term "zip drive" for the first time, you can understand it more
quickly because you already have a concept for "hard drive." You can place the new
term into this existing category and think about it in terms of its function—storing
and transferring computer files. By grouping it under the concept of "hard drive," you
instantly know it is portable, stores large files, and has a similar function to other
storage devices you are familiar with.
3. Efficient Thinking
Concepts enable us to think about and process information efficiently. When new information
is introduced, we can use our existing concepts to immediately make sense of it, without
needing to re-evaluate everything from scratch. This helps us navigate the world more
quickly and effectively.
Summary:
Concepts are essential mental categories that help us organize and understand the world by
grouping similar objects, events, or ideas. They allow us to make sense of new information
more efficiently by connecting it to existing knowledge.
The passage makes a distinction between artificial concepts and natural concepts:
1. Artificial (Logical) Concepts:
• Definition: Artificial concepts are clearly defined by a set of rules or properties.
These rules make it easy to categorize things based on specific characteristics.
• Example: A tomato is scientifically classified as a fruit because it has seeds and fits
the botanical properties that define fruits. Similarly, in geometry, a triangle is defined
by having three sides and angles that add up to 180 degrees, and a square is defined
by having four equal sides and four right angles. These concepts are precise and are
particularly useful in fields like mathematics and science, where clarity and precision
are needed.
2. Natural Concepts:
• Definition: Natural concepts, on the other hand, are not easily defined by strict rules.
They are "fuzzy" and can vary in how they are interpreted or applied.
• Characteristics: They tend to reflect the real-world complexity, which is not always
clear-cut. Natural concepts might have general characteristics but lack exact
definitions.
• Example: The question of whether a tomato is a fruit or a vegetable demonstrates the
difference between the two types of concepts. Botanically, it is a fruit, but many
people think of it as a vegetable because of how it is used in cooking. This reflects the
"fuzziness" of natural concepts, which don’t always fit neatly into predefined
categories.
1. Natural Concepts and Their Ambiguity:
o The questions like "Is chess a sport?" or "Is a pickle a vegetable?" highlight
the ambiguity of natural concepts. Unlike artificial concepts, which have clear
rules, natural concepts have fuzzy boundaries. This means that it is often
unclear what exactly belongs within certain categories, as their definitions are
not always precise.
2. Prototypes:
o Natural concepts are often based on prototypes, which are the best or most
typical examples of a category. Prototypes emerge from our experience with
the world. For example:
▪ Clothing might be represented by items like shirts, pants, and shoes.
▪ Art might be represented by paintings, drawings, and sculptures.
o New items are compared to these prototypes, and the more they resemble the
prototype, the more likely they are to be included in the concept.
3. Probabilistic Nature of Concept Membership:
o Deciding whether something fits into a category is probabilistic rather than
absolute. This means we judge membership based on how closely an object or
event resembles other items in the category, particularly the prototype. For
example, a wet suit may fit clothing, but it is less prototypical than a shirt.
o This approach is graded rather than all-or-nothing. Some items fit better than
others, but there is no strict cutoff.
4. Concepts as Mental Shortcuts:
o We use these natural concepts and prototypes to quickly make judgments
about the world. While these judgments may not always be precise, they are
effective for navigating everyday situations.
Examples:
• Clothing: While shirts and pants are clearly examples of clothing, mink coats or
coats of armor are less prototypical, but still considered part of the category.
• Art: Traditional examples like paintings are prototypes of art, while something like a
light show might be viewed as art by some but isn’t as typical.
REASONING
Cognitive activity that transforms information in order to reach specific conclusions.
Formal vs. Everyday Reasoning
1. Formal Reasoning:
o Involves structured methods and specific procedures to reach conclusions.
o The information required is typically supplied, and there is often only one
correct answer.
o An example is syllogistic reasoning, where conclusions are based on two
premises:
▪ Example: "All people who are churchgoers are honest" and "All
politicians are churchgoers," leading to the conclusion that "All
politicians are honest."
▪ The reasoning process is valid if the premises are correct, but the
conclusion may still be flawed if the premises are incorrect (e.g., not
all politicians attend church).
2. Everyday Reasoning:
o Involves the kind of reasoning we use in daily life, such as planning,
evaluating situations, and making decisions.
o The premises are often implicit, not stated explicitly, and the problems may
have multiple answers of varying quality.
o An example: When reasoning about why a neighbor is parking in the
driveway, you might create multiple premises, like "She has been ill" or "She
is using illness as an excuse." The conclusion may vary depending on your
assumptions and experiences.
o Everyday reasoning is less structured and can be more complex and uncertain
because it often involves subjective judgments, experiences, and multiple
possible interpretations.
ERRORS IN REASONING
Mood states can significantly influence our ability to reason effectively. Negative moods
often hinder reasoning, as they may impair cognitive processes. Interestingly, positive moods
can also reduce reasoning effectiveness in certain tasks. A study by Oaksford and colleagues
(1996) found that participants in a positive mood took more trials to solve an analytical task
compared to those in a neutral or negative mood. This happens because positive moods tend
to broaden our memory access, making it harder to focus on the specific steps required for
analytical tasks. While positive moods can be helpful for creative tasks, they do not always
improve reasoning in structured problem-solving.
The role of beliefs in reasoning is significant, as deeply held convictions can heavily
influence how we process and evaluate information. When a person with strong beliefs
encounters logical arguments that contradict their views, they may distort or reject the
premises of the argument, even if they cannot directly refute them. For instance, someone
who opposes the death penalty might reject a well-reasoned argument in favor of it, altering
the meaning of the premises or selectively "remembering" things that were not said to make
the argument seem weaker. This highlights how powerful emotions and beliefs can override
logical reasoning, often leading people to dismiss arguments that conflict with their deeply
held views.
The social context plays a significant role in how we reason and make decisions. For
example, when you ask a couple leaving a restaurant about their experience, their positive
response might lead you to conclude that the restaurant is great, even though they didn't
directly comment on key factors like the food or service. This conclusion is influenced by
contextual cues, such as their satisfaction and the atmosphere around the restaurant, though it
may not be entirely logical reasoning.
The confirmation bias is another factor that affects reasoning. It occurs when individuals
selectively seek out or give more weight to information that supports their preexisting beliefs,
while disregarding contradictory evidence. For instance, someone opposed to the death
penalty might only focus on articles that support their stance, reinforcing their view and
preventing them from considering alternative perspectives.
Hindsight bias, or the "I knew it all along" effect, also distorts our reasoning. After an event
occurs, people often feel they could have predicted it, even if they didn't foresee it
beforehand. This was evident after the Hubble Space Telescope's defect was discovered, with
several officials claiming they had known the issue would arise, despite there being no prior
evidence to support this.