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Spatial Planning in
Service Delivery

Towards Distributive Justice

in South Africa

Hangwelani Hope Magidimisha

Lovemore Chipungu
Spatial Planning in Service Delivery
 Hangwelani Hope Magidimisha ·
Lovemore Chipungu

Spatial Planning
in Service Delivery
Towards Distributive Justice in South Africa
Hangwelani Hope Magidimisha Lovemore Chipungu
University of Kwazulu-Natal University of Kwazulu-Natal
Durban, South Africa Durban, South Africa

ISBN 978-3-030-19849-7 ISBN 978-3-030-19850-3 (eBook)

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-19850-3

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2019

This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the
Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights
of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction
on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and
retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology
now known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this
publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are
exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and
information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication.
Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied,
with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have
been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published
maps and institutional affiliations.

Cover illustration: © Alex Linch shutterstock.com

This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature
Switzerland AG
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
 Foreword

Through our service we show our solidarity.

We enjoy the same quality of service.
We are connected through our caring.
The beating heart of our country is a community that has all the enablers
of modern life:
• We have water.
• We use a toilet.
• We have food on the table.
• We fall asleep without fear.
• We listen to the rain on the roof.
• We gather together in front of heat.1

This book is unique, relevant and timely. It engages with the future we
want as articulated in the quote above from the Vision Statement of
South Africa’s National Development Plan (NDP 2030).
Engaging critically with spatial planning in service delivery is essential in
a colonially marred society where people were literally, physically separated
from one another (apart-ness). The National Party government in particu-
lar constructed spaces in such a way that the white population occupied the

1National Development Plan 2030 Our Future—Make it Work (2030: 14). Chapter 8 of

the NDP deals with “Transforming human settlements and the national space economy”.
Many of the issues raised in this book contribute to thinking about what a future “space
economy” would look like.

v
vi    Foreword

most convenient spaces with easy access to basic services and public institu-
tions, and the majority black population was pushed to the less abundant
periphery. Spatial injustice was legislated by the architects of apartheid.
Integrated living spaces are what is needed; and in the South African
context the land question is believed to be part of the solution. But the
City of Johannesburg is an example of continued separation, where the
majority of people live in the South Western townships (Soweto and sur-
rounds), far from public institutions such as libraries, theatres, universi-
ties, museums, parks and retails stores, which are all situated in the inner
city, while money and resources are located in Sandton, where wealth is
over-concentrated. Poor or non-existent public transport systems con-
tinue to separate South Africans and entrench power relations as mobility
and influence remain unequal. It is clear that these disparities are about
both justice and economics: redressing the injustices of the past and
effecting economic emancipation.
Spatial justice brings together social justice and space. It has been
acknowledged by scholars that the organisation of space is a crucial
dimension of human societies, reflecting social facts and influencing
social relations. The social and economic facts are stark in South Africa—
where poor and vulnerable people literally living on the margins remain
black. Those who live on the margins in ever-growing townships and
poverty-stricken urban and rural settlements have turned to the govern-
ment most of them voted for to improve their living conditions through
the fulfilment of the justiciable socio-economic rights embedded in the
Constitution of South Africa, 1996.
Section 26 of the Constitution states that “everyone has the right
to have access to adequate housing” and asserts that this right should
be progressively realised by the state. The latter right has been inter-
preted by the Constitutional Court to include sanitation and electricity.
Section 27 provides for access to health care services; sufficient food and
water; and social security. A caveat is built into this section: government
should be given time (“progressive” realisation) if it does not have ade-
quate resources to fulfil these obligations. But progress must be demon-
strated; significantly, the limitation does not apply to children, whose
rights must be fulfilled immediately (section 28). In addition, section 24
of the Bill of Rights states that everyone in South Africa should be enti-
tled to an environment that is not harmful to their health or well-being.
Service delivery protests by the poor who live in intolerable condi-
tions could be classified into two types: those where communities have
 Foreword    vii

been waiting for too long to have their needs met and their voices heard;
and those where communities receive services but have not been con-
sulted about anything. This lack of participation in the planning process
leads to frustration as, contrary to popular belief, the poor do not want
to be perceived as passive; they have every right to have a say in where
their schools and clinics are built. This is not to condone violence and
the destruction and burning of property, which happens in extreme cases
such as the case of Vuwani. Often cases of poor or inadequate service
delivery are taken to the courts through Public Interest Litigation.
In terms of international law, the Covenant on Economic, Social, and
Cultural Rights (ICESCR) protects additional rights—“red” rights—
many of which have yet to be realised in highly unequal societies such as
South Africa. These include the right to work (art. 6); to just wages and
safe working conditions (art. 7); to social security and social insurance
(art. 9); to a decent standard of living and freedom from hunger (art.
11); to universal basic education (art. 13); and to an enjoyment of the
cultural life and scientific progress of the country. This Covenant applies
to both individuals and impoverished, vulnerable and marginalised com-
munities. Having ratified this Convention the South African government
now has a duty to report to the Committee on what progress has been
made, and what plans it has for further and faster implementation.
The growing gap between the rich and the poor across the globe
is a reflection of inequalities amongst states and within states. Achieving
equality therefore calls for putting these inequalities at the centre of
development efforts and investing resources in efforts that promote
non-discrimination, equity and the empowerment of vulnerable groups.
Development, to which space and land are central, should be both sus-
tainable and inclusive, as articulated in the Sustainable Development Goals
Vision 2030 (SDGs). Goal 11 deals with sustainable cities and commu-
nities; and any study of all the goals requires that the concept of leaving
no-one behind be kept in mind. This goal articulates that

[e]xtreme poverty is often concentrated in urban spaces, and national and

city governments struggle to accommodate the rising population in these
areas. Making cities safe and sustainable means ensuring access to safe
and affordable housing, and upgrading slum settlements. It also involves
investment in public transport, creating green public spaces, and improv-
ing urban planning and management in a way that is both participatory
and inclusive.
viii    Foreword

The targets related to this pressing issue of spatial justice are:

• By 2030, ensure access for all to adequate, safe and affordable hous-
ing and basic services, and upgrade slums
• By 2030, provide access to safe, affordable, accessible and sustain-
able transport systems for all, improving road safety, notably by
expanding public transport, with special attention to the needs of
those in vulnerable situations, women, children, persons with disa-
bilities and older persons; and
• By 2030, enhance inclusive and sustainable urbanisation and capac-
ity for participatory, integrated and sustainable human settlement
planning and management in all countries.

Although the focus is cities, there is also an important target that

requires states to “[s]upport positive economic, social and environmen-
tal links between urban, peri-urban and rural areas by strengthening
national and regional development planning”. This integrated planning
approach must not be pursued without “space” being made for mean-
ingful public participation and citizen engagement, as the results of such
a process affect the lived experiences of the poor the most.
Thinking about inequality in an ethical way—and recognising all the
complexities—could help us to determine how to distribute goods and
services across society in an equitable way, holding the state accountable
for action as provided for in the Constitution. This cannot be done with-
out embedding discussions of distributive justice into domestic political
and policy debates.
This book does that. Through a strong evidence base, the authors
sketch a landscape of both our history and our future and provide poli-
cy-makers with the knowledge required to do things in the right way. Let’s
hope they read and listen, and that the political will is there to implement.

Johannesburg, South Africa Professor Narnia Bohler-Muller

Executive Director of the Democracy
Governance and Service Delivery
Research Programme
Human Sciences Research Council
and Adjunct Professor of Law
University of Fort Hare
 Acknowledgements

The authors acknowledge that compiling this book was not an easy fit. In
the entire duration from the time the study was undertaken to the time
this book was compiled, support was obtained from different sectors. The
first gratitude goes to the Human Science and Research Council where
the initial idea to write the book was conceived and supported strongly. It
is from this institution where access to existing datasets (such SASAS) was
officially granted. On the other hand, the University of KwaZulu-Natal,
provided the platform from which the data was collected and analysed.
Through the NRF financial support, the dream of compiling the book
became a reality as resources were availed for this project.

ix
 Contents

Part I Creating the Stage for Interrogation

1 Spatial Inequality: An Introduction 3

1.1 Introduction 3
1.2 Scope of the Book 6
1.2.1 Creating the Stage for Interrogation 6
1.2.2 The Masquerade of a Rainbow Nation 9
1.3 Concluding Remarks 13
References 14

2 South Africa in a Context 15

2.1 Introduction 15
2.2 General Physical Geography 16
2.3 The Background of Spatial and Socio-Economic
Distribution 18
2.4 The Economic Perspective of South Africa 19
2.5 Spatial and Socio-Economic Inequality in South Africa 20
2.6 Positioning South Africa, Regionally 23
References 25

xi
xii    Contents

3 Hegemonic Global Influences on Service Delivery:

A Theoretical Retreat 27
3.1 Introduction 27
3.2 The Conceptual Framework 27
3.2.1 Inequality and Deprivation 28
3.2.2 Public Goods and Services 30
3.2.3 Region 32
3.3 The Theoretical Framework 38
3.3.1 Regional Planning Theories 38
3.3.2 Theories of Public Service Provision 44
3.3.3 Theories of Deprivation 47
3.4 Summary 49
References 50

4 Methodological Consideration 53
4.1 Introduction 53
4.2 The Research Process 54
4.3 Research Strategies 57
4.4 Sources of Data 57
4.4.1 Secondary Data Sources 57
4.4.2 Primary Data Sources 60
4.4.3 Sampling Procedure and Sample Size 62
4.4.4 Data Analysis 64
4.5 Problems Encountered with Fieldwork 65
References 65

5 Resilience in Service Delivery 67

5.1 Introduction 67
5.2 Literature Review 68
5.2.1 Service Delivery in Developed Countries 68
5.2.2 Service Delivery in Developing Countries 70
5.3 Spatial Inequalities and Service Delivery in Brazil 75
5.4 Regional Development in Germany 78
5.5 Regional Planning in Zimbabwe 80
5.6 Lessons from International Precedents 83
5.7 Summary 84
References 85
 Contents    xiii

Part II The Masquerade of a ‘Rainbow Nation’

6 Exploring the Changing Context of Development

in South Africa 89
6.1 Introduction 89
6.2 Land 90
6.3 Capital 91
6.4 Labour 93
6.5 Key Strands that Emerge from This Colonial Discourse 95
6.6 Summary 96
References 96

7 The Development Ideology of South Africa as a

Rainbow Nation 99
7.1 Introduction 99
7.2 An Overview of South Africa’s Socio-Economic Profile 99
7.3 The Institutional Framework for Service Delivery 102
7.3.1 The Policy/Legislative Framework
for Service Delivery 103
7.3.2 The Administrative Framework for Service
Delivery 118
7.4 Summary 126
References 127

8 Re-living Socialism in a Neo-liberal Dispensation 131

8.1 Introduction 131
8.2 Mapping Dimensions of Service Inequality 131
8.3 Unequal Distribution of Services in South Africa
Provinces 133
8.4 Service Delivery and People’s Attitude 144
8.4.1 National Trend of Satisfaction with Services 144
8.4.2 Satisfaction with Democracy 148
8.4.3 Confidence in National and Local
Government 149
8.4.4 Service Perception and Political Behaviour 150
8.5 Challenges Affecting Service Delivery in South Africa 151
8.6 Summary 153
References 154
xiv    Contents

9 “We Have a Better Story to Tell” 155

9.1 Introduction 155
9.2 Service Delivery Progress in Perspective 157
9.3 Achievements to Celebrate in Service Delivery Front 158
9.3.1 The Consolidation of the Public Service 159
9.3.2 The Creation of a Democratic and
Representative Public Service Delivery 159
9.3.3 Legislation Transformation Along Service
Delivery 160
9.3.4 The Expansion of Access to Basic Services
for All South Africans 161
9.4 Improved Political Representation and Declining
Frequency of Service Delivery Protests 163
9.5 Accessibility to Basic Services 164
9.5.1 Water Service 165
9.5.2 Sanitation Services 165
9.5.3 Solid Waste Removal Services 166
9.5.4 Electricity Services 167
9.6 Summary 168
References 168

10 The Quantitative and Qualitative Manifestations

of Spatial Inequality in Vhembe District 171
10.1 Introduction 171
10.2 Background to Vhembe District Municipality (VDM) 172
10.3 The Socio-Economical Profile of VDM 173
10.4 Land Use Planning in VDM 175
10.5 An Overview of Case Studies in Vhembe District 177
10.5.1 Socio-Economic Profile of Case Studies
Within Vhembe District 179
10.5.2 Service Delivery in Vhembe District 185
10.6 Summary 201
References 201

11 Citizen Participation in Planning: Balancing

the Equation Between Equitable Involvement
and Equitable Service Distribution 203
11.1 Introduction 203
 Contents    xv

11.2 People’s Perceptions Towards Service Delivery

in Vhembe District 204
11.3 People’s Perceptions in Rural Areas
for the Past 5-Year Period 204
11.4 People’s Perceptions in Urban Areas
for the Past 5-Year Period 214
11.5 Summary 220

12 The Spatial Implication of Service Generation 221

12.1 Introduction 221
12.2 Inequality Within and Between Rural and Urban
Environments 221
12.3 Income Levels and Inequality in Service Provision 224
12.3.1 Income Disparity and Employment
Opportunities 224
12.3.2 Income Disparity and Service Delivery 225
12.4 Public Institutions and Service Delivery 226
12.4.1 Service Delivery and Rules and Regulations 226
12.4.2 Service Delivery and Funding 227
12.4.3 Service Delivery and Leadership Structures 228
12.5 Execution of Service Delivery Projects 230
12.6 Summary 232
References 233

13 Reflections on Interactive Planning Decisions 235

13.1 Introduction 235
13.2 “The Endowed Pole”—Is It a Missing Cog in
Addressing Spatial Inequality? 235
13.3 Is There a Silver Bullet That Can Redress Inequality? 236
13.4 The Sphere of Spatial Equality 238
13.4.1 Drivers of Spatial Equity 239
13.4.2 Cogs of Spatial Equity 240
13.4.3 Sphere of Equity 243
13.5 Summary 244
References 244

Index 245
 Abbreviations

ANC African National Congress

BRICS Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa
COGTA Department of Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs
DOE Department of Education
DWAF Department of Water Affairs and Forestry
FBE Free Basic Electricity
FBW Free Basic Water
GDP Gross Domestic Product
GEAR Growth, Employment and Redistribution
HSRC Human Sciences Research Council
IDASA Institute for Democracy in Africa
IDP Integrated Development Plan
IEC Independent Electoral Commission
MDG Millennium Development Goals
MFMA Municipal Finance Management Act
NDP National Development Plan
NEP National Electrification Programme
NIMBY Not In My Back Yard
NWA National Water Act
OECD Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development
PHP People’s Housing Process
RDP Reconstruction and Development Programme
SA South Africa
SAIMD South Africa Indices of Multiple Deprivations

xvii
 List of Figures

Fig. 3.1 An anatomy of deprivation (Source Author—adapted

from Pacione [2001: 291]) 29
Fig. 4.1 Research conceptualisation (Source Author 2014) 56
Fig. 7.1 A framework of service delivery in South Africa (Source
Republic of South Africa: Handbook for Batho Pele [2003]) 126
Fig. 8.1 Overall protests per province (Source http://mlgi.org.za/
barometers/service-delivery-protest-barometer/service-
delivery-protests-barometer-2-provincial-distribution-
of-protests-per-year [2013]) 133
Fig. 8.2 Income and employment deprivation in former
homelands (Source SAIMD 2007) 137
Fig. 8.3 Municipalities deprivation levels in 2001 and 2007
(Source SAIMD 2001 and 2007) 139
Fig. 8.4 Income Domain in the Municipalities in Limpopo
(SAIMD 2001 and 2007) 139
Fig. 8.5 Levels of satisfaction with service delivery
(Source Compiled by author from SASAS Data [2011]) 148
Fig. 8.6 Levels of satisfaction with democracy (Source Author
from SASAS Data [2011]) 149
Fig. 8.7 Trust in national government (Source Author
from SASAS Data [2011]) 150
Fig. 9.1 Trends in access to basic services, 1996–2010
(Sources Author, extrapolation model based on 1996
and 2001 Censuses and the 2007 Community Survey
[2014]) 162

xix
xx    List of Figures

Fig. 10.1 Limpopo province and district municipalities

(Source Prepared by Researcher [2014]) 172
Fig. 10.2 Population distribution per gender (Source VDM IDP 2012) 174
Fig. 10.3 Study areas in Vhembe District Municipality
(Source SAIMD 2009) 178
Fig. 10.4 Urban gender balance (Source Survey Results 2013) 179
Fig. 10.5 Gender balance in rural areas (Source Survey Results 2013) 180
Fig. 10.6 Household heads (Source Survey Results 2013) 181
Fig. 10.7 Number of dependents per household in rural areas
(Source Survey Results 2013) 182
Fig. 10.8 Number of dependents per household in urban areas
(Source Survey Results 2013) 182
Fig. 10.9 Employment status of household heads (Source Survey
Results 2013) 183
Fig. 10.10 Level of education in urban areas (Source Survey Results
2013) 184
Fig. 10.11 Level of education in rural areas (Source Survey Results
2013) 185
Fig. 10.12 Type of housing in urban areas (Source Survey
Results 2013) 186
Fig. 10.13 Housing typology per urban area (Source Survey
Results 2013) 187
Fig. 10.14 Type of housing in rural areas (Source Survey Results 2013) 187
Fig. 10.15 Housing typology by village (Source Survey Results 2013) 188
Fig. 10.16 Source of money for housing (Source Survey Results 2013) 188
Fig. 10.17 Sources of housing finance per urban area
(Source Survey Results 2013) 189
Fig. 10.18 Source of money for housing construction
(Source Survey Results 2013) 190
Fig. 10.19 Housing finance sources per village (Source Survey
Results 2013) 191
Fig. 10.20 Access to running water (Source Survey Results 2013) 192
Fig. 10.21 Sources of water in urban areas (Source Survey Results 2013) 192
Fig. 10.22 Water sources per urban area (Source Survey Results 2013) 193
Fig. 10.23 Quality of water in urban centres (Source Survey Results
2013) 194
Fig. 10.24 Sources of water in rural areas (Source Survey Results 2013) 194
Fig. 10.25 Water sources by village (Source Survey Results 2013) 196
Fig. 10.26 Safety for consumption (Source Fieldwork 2013) 196
Fig. 10.27 Sanitation in urban areas (Source Survey Results 2013) 197
Fig. 10.28 Type of sanitation in urban areas (Source Survey Results
2013) 198
 List of Figures    xxi

Fig. 10.29 Sanitation in rural areas (Source Survey Results 2013) 198
Fig. 10.30 Sanitation facilities at village level (Source Survey Results
2013) 199
Fig. 10.31 Perceptions on quality of services (Source Survey Results
2013) 200
Fig. 10.32 Perceptions on specific existing services (Source Survey
Results 2013) 201
Fig. 11.1 Level of satisfaction with housing (Source Survey Results
2013) 206
Fig. 11.2 Level of satisfaction as per village (Source Survey Results
2013) 206
Fig. 11.3 Level of housing satisfaction in urban areas
(Source Survey Results 2013) 207
Fig. 11.4 Perceptions on service delivery for the past 5 years
(Source Survey Results 2013) 209
Fig. 11.5 Perceptions on service delivery in the next 5-year period
(Source Survey Results 2013) 210
Fig. 11.6 Households perceptions on service providers
(Source Survey Results 2013) 212
Fig. 11.7 Contact authorities in service delivery (Source Survey
Results 2013) 213
Fig. 11.8 A composite overview of people’s perception
in the four villages (Source Survey Results 2013) 214
Fig. 11.9 Perceptions on service delivery in the next 5-year period
(Source Survey Results 2013) 215
Fig. 11.10 Perceptions on service delivery in the past 5-year
(Source Survey Results 2013) 216
Fig. 11.11 Perceptions on service delivery in the next 5-year period
(Source Survey Results 2013) 217
Fig. 11.12 Perceptions on level of trust in the municipality
by households (Source Survey Results 2013) 218
Fig. 11.13 Authorities contacted for service delivery (Source Survey
Results 2013) 218
Fig. 11.14 Composite picture of people’s perceptions in the four
urban centres (Source Survey Results 2013) 220
Fig. 13.1 The spatial sphere of equality (Source Authors 2014) 239
Fig. 13.2 Recommended model of redressing spatial inequality
(Source Authors 2014) 240

Map 4.1 Map of South Africa showing levels of deprivation

represented by former Bantustans (Source SAIMD [2009]) 55
Map 4.2 Vhembe district municipality (Source Vhembe.govt.za
[2008]) 55
xxii    List of Figures

Map 4.3 Districts in Limpopo province (Source gis.limpopo.govt.za

[2008]) 63
Map 4.4 Areas where household interviews were conducted
(Source SAIMD [2009]) 64
Map 8.1 Living environment domain of South Africa
(Source SAIMD 2001) 136
Map 8.2 Multiple deprivation in former homelands (Source SAIMD
2007) 138
 List of Tables

Table 3.1 Regional planning levels 38

Table 3.2 Theories of deprivation 48
Table 7.1 Population profile of South Africa 100
Table 7.2 An overview of housing policies in South Africa 108
Table 7.3 Key strategies for housing implementation in South Africa 109
Table 7.4 Legislations for water and sanitation 113
Table 7.5 Selected educational policies and legislations 116
Table 7.6 The Batho Pele principles 121
Table 7.7 Sources of funds for infrastructure provision 122
Table 7.8 Government departments involved in water
and sanitation provision 125
Table 8.1 Level of deprivation/ineqality for South Africa 134
Table 8.2 Household sources of energy per province 141
Table 8.3 Sources of water in different provinces 142
Table 8.4 Type of toilet facility 143
Table 8.5 Service delivery index on level on satisfaction 146
Table 10.1 Population figures in Vhembe District Municipalities 173
Table 10.2 Educational status in Vhembe District Municipality 174
Table 10.3 Level of employment in Vhembe District 175
Table 10.4 Growth poles in Vhembe District 176
Table 10.5 Major facilities in Vhembe District Municipality 177
Table 10.6 Number of household members 181
Table 10.7 Duration of staying in the area 183
Table 10.8 Income levels 184
Table 11.1 Level of satisfaction for service delivery in rural areas 204

xxiii
 List of Boxes

Box 7.1 Policy principles governing water and sanitation in South Africa 112
Box 7.2 The regulatory framework that empowers local authorities 123

xxv
 PART I

Creating the Stage for Interrogation

 CHAPTER 1

Spatial Inequality: An Introduction

1.1  Introduction
The creation and further sustenance of spatial inequality in most
developing countries has been labelled as a colonial creation
(Lester et al. 2000). This in its basic sense was a result of disinvest-
ment in African areas of interest which was explicitly aggravated by the
exploitation of indigenous resources. This exploitation saw the creation
of bare-minimum conditions for the local population while resources
were transported and invested elsewhere where comfortable conditions
for the minority were generously provided. The history of the develop-
ing world is rich in such discourse and as such, South Africa, though a
young democracy, also witnessed this aggravating level of marginalisation
which the country is still struggling to repair. It has been observed that
some young democracies tend to sustain such inconsistencies in devel-
opment since they fail to develop policies that respond positively to such
historical imbalances (Lester et al. 2000).
According to Lester et al. (2000) apartheid planning in South Africa
reinforced a scenario of underdevelopment in a country already marked
by regional disparities in terms of access to resources and land which
had emerged in the colonial period. The same views are echoed by May
(1998) who noted that apart from unsatisfactory access to clean water,
energy, health care and education among households, the distribution
of income and wealth in South Africa is among the most unequal in

© The Author(s) 2019 3

H. H. Magidimisha and L. Chipungu,
Spatial Planning in Service Delivery,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-19850-3_1
4 H. H. MAGIDIMISHA AND L. CHIPUNGU

the world. He further argues that although the country has shifted the
regime to a more democratic government, racial inequality is still visible
in poverty as seen in, 61% of Africans and 38% of Coloureds as compared
to only 5% Indians and 1% Whites. The persisting unequal distribution
of resources, skills and opportunities between racial groups and between
geographical areas presents major policy challenges to the South African
government (The Presidency 2006). The National Planning Commission
(2011) substantiates these views by contending that spatial patterns
exclude the poor from the fruits of development since public services
are uneven and often of poor quality and the country remains a divided
society.
Apartheid planning consigned the majority of South Africans to places
far away from work, where services could not be sustained, and where it
was difficult to access the benefits of society and participate in the econ-
omy. For this reason, the Commission proposed a strategy to address
the apartheid geography and create the conditions for more humane
and environmentally sustainable living and working environments that
respond directly to the South African Constitution—especially to the
provisions in the Bill of Rights that affirm the right of all to a healthy
environment, access to adequate housing, and basic services (National
Development Plan 2011: 260).
During the apartheid era, inequality was based on race. Most of
the effort of the liberation movement (pre-1994), were devoted
towards eliminating racial exclusion. Lester et al. (2000) argue that the
post-apartheid government, in a bid to respond to deep-rooted ine-
quality has implemented a range of interventions that intend to redress
inequality by addressing development backlogs and creating opportuni-
ties for historically disadvantaged groups. Some of the key policy doc-
uments that intend to address spatial inequalities as noted by Nel and
Rogerson (2009) include the National Spatial Development Perspective
(NSDP) of 2006, Regional Industrial Development Strategy of 2006 and
a number of other policies ranging from Spatial Development Initiatives
to Cluster Development Support Programmes, Provincial Growth and
Development strategies and Local Economic Development. All these
policy interventions mark the commitment of the post-apartheid gov-
ernment to address the deep-rooted spatial inequalities of the country.
However, it should be noted that:
 1 SPATIAL INEQUALITY: AN INTRODUCTION 5

None of these interventions were designed explicitly to respond to

regional and national spatial inequalities, Indeed, most of the ‘spatial’
interventions undertaken during the first decade of democracy functioned
only on an ad hoc and often decentralized basis, with the (unintended)
consequence that ultimately the most well-resourced (mainly large urban)
areas benefited the most, whilst less well-off areas of South Africa experi-
enced little or no change in their status. (Nel and Rogerson 2009: 143)

Most former homelands such as Transkei, Bophuthatswana, Venda and

Ciskei are still among the most deprived regions in the country. The
lack of any significant change in the country’s spatial inequalities was
confirmed by the NSDP which started that nearly 80% of the coun-
try’s economy is generated in four core areas namely Gauteng, City of
Cape Town, Durban and Port Elizabeth (The Presidency 2006). May
(1998) commenting on disparities in the country argues that high lev-
els of human development are reflected in the provinces of the Western
Cape and Gauteng and they are similar to those found in Venezuela or
Singapore. The Northern Province, on the other hand, has a low human
to that of Zimbabwe or Namibia. This is a pointer to the fact that the
level of disparities is not only at racial level but also in different geo-
graphical locations. Former president Thabo Mbeki (2017) shared the
same sentiments by noting that:

Material conditions …have divided our country into two nations, the one
black, and the other white. …[the latter] is relatively prosperous and has
ready access to a developed economic, physical, educational, communi-
cation and other infrastructure…The second, and larger, nation of South
Africa is black and poor, [and] lives under conditions of a grossly underde-
veloped infrastructure.

Noble et al. (2006) expound on these views in their study whose findings
reveal the degree to which former homelands are still more deprived as
compared to other areas. In their study of 2009, Noble et al. used the
indices of multiple deprivations for South Africa to demonstrate that many
former homeland areas, such as the former Transkei and former Ciskei
and Venda are characterised by almost uniformly high levels of poverty
and deprivation. The findings are contrasted with the much more varied
composition of urban areas, where affluent neighbourhoods and poor
6 H. H. MAGIDIMISHA AND L. CHIPUNGU

neighbourhoods are often found in close proximity. What can be deduced

is that former homelands are still marred with poverty despite government
interventions to address this inequality. The NPC’s (2011) diagnostic
report also substantiates these finding by noting that in South Africa:

• Public services are uneven and often of poor quality,

• South Africa remains a divided society,
• Spatial patterns exclude the poor from the fruits of development.

These findings are controversial as they seriously question the effec-

tiveness of policies in place to address spatial inequality. In the light of
well-articulated policies, one cannot help but to ask the effectiveness of
the policies in place, as to whether they are being well implemented or
whether the government has enough capacity to implement such policies.
Regardless of the persistence of spatial inequality within the country,
research on the spatial distribution of poverty and deprivation in South
Africa is fairly limited. Following the 1996 Census, work was under-
taken to produce simple indices of deprivation to analyse health inequal-
ities (Day et al. 2007) and to map income poverty down to relatively
small area levels (Alderman et al. 2003). However, most analyses in
South Africa have been undertaken at national or provincial level (e.g.
Bhorat et al. 2004; Hoogeveen and Ozler 2004; Leibbrandt et al. 2005).
Therefore, this book intends to close this gap.

1.2  Scope of the Book

The trust of the book is on spatial inequality in South Africa and it
revolves around specific themes which in essence, are chapter outlines.
However, these chapters structurally fall into two main sections of the
book—viz: Sects. 1.2.1 and 1.2.2.

1.2.1   Creating the Stage for Interrogation

Creating the stage for interrogation is a critical section that introduces
the subject on spatial inequality in South Africa and also draws refer-
ence to what is happening around the global. As a background section,
it formulates fundamental issues that drive the whole book under specific
themes that are expressed as in the form of chapters as outlined below.
 1 SPATIAL INEQUALITY: AN INTRODUCTION 7

This chapter, which is the introductory chapter, provides an overview

of spatial inequality in South Africa and the borders beyond. It sets the
scene of the whole book by giving insight into the prevailing nature of
spatial inequality in South Africa. As an introductory chapter, it starts-off
by explaining inequality in the South African context. The dimensions
of inequality and some of the factors that contribute to the growth of
inequality are discussed in the background section both from a historical
perspective and a contemporary perspective. Above all, this chapter out-
lines the key sections and chapters of the book.
South Africa is a country of contradictions in as much as it is a coun-
try with a wealth of resources. Chapter 2 takes a retreat into the physi-
cal attributes of South Africa by providing a geopolitical context of the
country. As a country, South Africa is among the biggest countries on
the continent which is endowed with a lot of resources. Its geographical
position, close to the major oceans, provides an immediate gateway to
the world which ironically, is the same attribute which easily opened the
country to international access to its resources. The exploitation of the
vast mineral resources and the subsequent development of spatial ine-
quality through colonial intervention measures is also a pointer to the
country as an economic giant in as much as it is a pointer to the level
of impoverishment the country is currently experiencing in some quar-
ters. While the chapter asserts that spatial inequality has its origin in the
search for capital formation, access and exclusive consumption by the
minority, it also acknowledges that contemporary developments (such as
misguided policies and corruption) are equally to blame for its perpetu-
ation. Thus Chapter 2 puts South Africa in a mirror by exploring how
its physical endowments have contributed greatly to its growth as both a
regional and to some extent, a global political and economic powerhouse
despite deep-rooted structural problems of spatial inequality the country
is experiencing.
Chapter 3 is divided into two key sections viz: the conceptual and
theoretical framework. The conceptualisation of issues in the opening
section of this chapter is meant to clarify confusions associated with ine-
quality, social exclusion and deprivation. Although these concepts can be
used interchangeably, there are philosophical underpinnings that should
be clarified in order to avoid unnecessary misinterpretation. Hence from
a purely spatial perspective, the meaning and implication of these terms
in certain prevailing situations can differ significantly. The situation can
be further aggravated by the general public notion that inequality is
8 H. H. MAGIDIMISHA AND L. CHIPUNGU

synonymous with poverty. It is for this very reason that the subsequent
section on theoretical underpinnings further explains inequality and
its derivatives within certain frameworks. These range from theories of
regional planning to theories of communicative planning. The detailed
discussion analyses the underlying principles, strengths and weaknesses of
these theories in a bid to draw strands that apply directly to the under-
standing of spatial inequality.
Spatial inequality in South Africa, its origin and its perpetuation
requires concrete evidence in order to substantiate any emerge discourses
around it. For quite some time, the colonial dispensation had borne the
blame for the current predicament the majority are experiencing. While
not discarding the fundamentals associated with is phase (i.e. colonial-
ism) in sowing the seeds of spatial inequality and propagating it, cogni-
sance of the dynamic of social formations and their spatial impact should
equally be considered. For this reason, this book is not based on mere
abstractions, but is driven by empirical evidence drawn from specific
case studies—in this case Vhembe District in Limpopo. In this regard,
Chapter 4 provides tools and techniques that were used to gather data
and compile this book. Both secondary and primary data sources were
used in this study. Emphasis is made on the fact that both qualitative and
quantitative research methods were used in order to provide a holistic
picture on spatial inequality. In addition, existing data sets such as South
Africa Social Attitudes Survey (SASAS) which were also used in this
book are equally explained in this chapter. Towards its concluding sec-
tions, insight is also provided in the data analysis techniques that were
employed among them being STATA and Microsoft Excel.
Is spatial inequality a South African problem alone? If not, how do
other governments intervene in the spatial, socio-economic space
in order to meet the positive expectations of the populace? Chapter 5
responds to these and other issues associated with spatial inequality by
interrogating how other governments are responsive to such challenges.
The need to understand governmental interventions in other coun-
tries is done through precedent studies. Three international case stud-
ies from Brazil, Germany and Zimbabwe were used in this book. Brazil,
whose economy is almost at the same economic level with South Africa
is a case study that was essentially selected to compare and learn some
of the intervention measures in service delivery. The Germany expe-
rience, being a developed country is meant to demonstrate how gov-
ernment interventional measures can be effectively used to resuscitate
 1 SPATIAL INEQUALITY: AN INTRODUCTION 9

those regions that are depressed or without adequate resources. Lastly,

the Zimbabwean experience simply demonstrates inequities associated
with poor policies and poor application of theoretical underpinnings of
regional planning.

1.2.2   The Masquerade of a Rainbow Nation

Insight into historical and contemporary challenges and intervention
measures relating to spatial inequality are comprehensively unpacked
in this section. The colonial and apartheid regimes created a stage for
appropriation and exclusive use of proceedings emanating from the coun-
try’s endowed natural resources. Indeed in the ensuing years, a divided
nation (spatially) was created with the minority largely benefitting from
capital investments into the built environment. From those early years,
a strong foundation for spatial inequality was built and over the years,
it has resisted attempts by both historical and contemporary regimes to
effectively eradicate such spatial divides. Indeed one can argue emphat-
ically that there were half-hearted attempts (if any) by the then regimes
(colonial and apartheid) to change the status-quo. On the other hand,
the emergence of the majority African National Congress (ANC) govern-
ment in 1994 changed the status-quo as the “creation” of the rainbow
nation was a bold step taken by the then leadership to stamp out vestiges
of the apartheid regime. However, the section on the Masquerade of a
rainbow nation, while acknowledging that the post-apartheid govern-
ment has made significant policy interventions to rectify deep-rooted ine-
qualities observable spatially, there are still structural deficiencies which
are militating against change. Hence the rainbow nation emerges as a fal-
lacy given the magnitude of challenges and incompatible realities that still
prevail spatially. This book portrays this reality by thematically exploring
them in various chapters briefly presented below.
Chapter 6, which is the first chapter in this section is based on the
compelling notion that spatial inequality in South Africa is a colonial cre-
ation and as such, there is no way discussions on contemporary inequali-
ties can be undertaken without borrowing a niche from the past. Hence
an insight into the pre-democracy era is presented by discussing key poli-
cies, legislations and other regulations that were undertaken both during
the colonial and the apartheid periods. This discussion is done from a
spatial perspective with examples based on specific developments used to
amplify on the impact of such undertakings. What emerges clearly from
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