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Shiv Kumar
Fluid
Mechanics
(Vol. 1)
Basic Concepts and Principles
Fourth Edition
Fluid Mechanics (Vol. 1)
Shiv Kumar
123
Shiv Kumar
New Delhi, India
This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
Dedicated
to
My Parents
My Wife Dr. Kusum and My Son Tanishq
Contents vii
Preface
This book has been written for the introductory course on Fluid Mechanics at
the undergraduate level. This book fulfills the curriculum needs of UG students of
Mechanical Engineering, Mechanical and Automation Engineering, Chemical
Engineering, Electrical Engineering, Civil Engineering, Production Engineering,
Automobile Engineering, aeronautical Engineering, Manufacturing Engineering,
Tool Engineering and Mechatronics Engineering etc.Fluid Mechanics is dividing into
two volumes. Fluid Mechanics Volume-I includes seven chapters: 1.Properties of
Fluids, 2. Pressure and its Measurement, 3. Hydrostatic Forces on Surface, 4.
Buoyancy and Floatation. 5. Kinematics of Fluid Motion, 6. Dynamics of Fluid Flow,
7. Dimensional and Model Analysis. Fluid Mechanics deals with the innovative use
of the laws of Fluid Mechanics in solving the relevant technological problems. This
introductory textbook aims to provide undergraduate engineering students with the
knowledge (basics principles and fluid mechanics laws) they need to understand
and analyze the fluid mechanics problems they are likely to encounter in practice.
The book is developed in the context of the author’s simpler methodology to
present even complex things. The most positive factor about the book is that it is
concise, and everything is described from an elementary and tangible perspective.
The book presents the concepts in a very logical format with complete word
descriptions. The subject matter is illustrated with a lot of examples. A great deal
of attention is given to select the numerical problems and solving them. The theory
and numerical problems at the end of each chapter also aim to enhance the creative
capabilities of students. Ultimately as an introductory text for the undergraduate
students, this book provides the background necessary for solving the complex
problems in thermodynamics.
Writing this book made me think about a lot more than the material it covers.
The methods I used in this book are primarily those that worked best for my
students. The suggestions from the teachers and students for the further improvement
of the text are welcome and will be implemented in the next edition. The readers
are requested to bring out the error to the notice, which will be gratefully
acknowledged.
Shiv Kumar
vii
Acknowledgements
First of all, I would like to express my deep gratitude to God for giving me the
strength and health for comleting this book. I am very thankful to my colleagues in
the mechanical engineering department for their highly appreciable help and my
students for their valuable suggestions.
I am also thankful to my publishers Shri Sunil Saxena and Shri Jai Raj Kapoor
of Ane Books Pvt. Ltd. and the editorial group for their help and assistance.
A special thanks goes to my wife Dr. Kusum Lata for her help, support and
strength to complete the book.
Shiv Kumar
ix
Contents
xi
xii Fluid Mechanics
1.15 Capillarity 17
1.16 Compressibility 20
Summary 42
Assignment - 1 46
Assignment - 2 48
References 435
Appendices 437
Index 445
1
Properties of Fluids
1.1 INTRODUCTION
Matter exists basically in three states—solid, liquid, and gas. Fluid is the common name
given to liquid and gas. The differences among solid, liquid and gas are given below:
1. A given mass of solid A given mass of liquid has A given mass of gas has no
has a definite shape and a definite volume but the fixed volume and shape. It
volume. shape or size changes expands continuously to fill
according to the shape of the container in which it is
the container placed.
Fig. 1.1: Definite shape Fig. 1.2: Shape changes Fig. 1.3: Both shape and
and volume. but volume remains same. volume change
2. The molecules of a solid The molecules of a liquid are The intermolecular at-
are bonded together with bonded together with low traction is practically absent,
high degree of force degree of force (cohesion); consequently the gas mole-
(cohesion) which give therefore it can easily acquire cules have a greater freedom
them a rigid and com- the shape of the container in of movement even inside
pact form. which it is placed. the container in which the
gas is kept.
3. It is incompressible in It is incompressible in nature. It is compressible in
nature. nature.
4. Silver, iron, stone etc. are Water, mercury, petrol, Air, carbon dioxide, carbon
solids. vegetable oil, etc. are liquids. monoxide etc. are gases.
1.2.1 Solid
A solid resists force which tends to deform flows upto elastic limit, it regains its shape
and size when load is removed.
1.2.2 Fluid
A fluid is a substance that deforms (flows) continuously when an external shear force
is applied on it. The continuous deformation of the fluid does not stop until the force
is removed. In other words, fluid is a substance which offers no resistance to shear
deformation. This continuous deformation of a substance is known as flow.
Fluids may be classified into two categories:
(i) Liquids (ii) Gases.
The differences between liquids and gases are given below:
S. No. Liquids Gases
1. Liquids are incompressible in nature. Gases are compressible in nature.
2. Liquids can have a free surface. Gases do not have a free surface.
3. A given mass of liquid occupies a They fill the container fully regardless
definite volume of the container. of their mass.
4. Liquids have a high density. Gases have a very low density.
For example: Density of water at For example: Density of air at STP is
STP is 1000 kg/m3 (approximately). 1.22 kg/m3.
1.6 DENSITY
The density of a fluid is defined as the ratio of the mass of a fluid to its volume. It
is denoted by ρ (rho).
Mathematically,
Mass of fluid : M
Density: ρ =
Volume of fluid : V
M
ρ=
V
SI unit of density: ρ is kg/m3
The density (ρ) is also known as specific mass or mass density.
Must Remember
Density of water : ρ = 1000 kg/m3 at temperature 4ºC
Density of mercury : ρ = 13600 kg/m3 at NTP
Density of air : ρ = 1.29 kg/m3 at NTP
V 1
ν = =
M M /V
1
ν =
ρ
It is the reciprocal of density.
1 1 m3
SI unit of specific volume:ν = = =
ρ kg/m3 kg
It is commonly applied in gases.
w ρg ρ
Sl = = =
wwater ρ water .g ρwater
Specific gravity for liquids is also defined as the ratio of the density of a given liquid
to the density of the water. It is also called relative density. Note that the specific
gravity is a ratio, it has no dimension i.e., dimensionless. A hydrometer is used to
measure the specific gravity of liquid
Density of water at 4ºC temperature is 1000 kg/m3
i.e., ρwater = 1000 kg/m3 at 4°C
∴ The density of given liquid: ρ = Sl × ρwater = 1000 Sl kg/m3
Must Remember
Specific gravity of water : S =1
Specific gravity of mercury : S = 13.6
Specific gravity of air : S =1
1.10 ADHESION
The property of a liquid which enables the molecules of a liquid to adhere (stick) the
molecules of a solid boundary surface with which it comes in contact is called
adhesion. Due to adhesion liquid wets the surface of the container which carries the
liquid. For instance, when a dry rod or finger is dipped in water or milk, it becomes
wet. It shows that water or milk has strong property of adhesion. But when a dry rod
or finger is dipped in mercury, it remains dry, which means mercury does not show
adhesion towards rod or finger.
6 Fluid Mechanics
1.11 COHESION
The property of a liquid by which the molecules of the same liquid attract each other is
called cohesion. In the other words, it is defined as the intermolecular attraction between
the molecules of same liquid. For instance, mercury has high cohesive property.
1.12 VISCOSITY
Viscosity is defined as the property of a fluid which offers resistance to fluid flow
under the influence of a shear force. As long as the shear force exists in the fluid it
undergoes a continuous deformation. The rate of deformation is dependent upon the
magnitude of the shear force. In other words, viscosity is the property which controls
the flow of liquid on a horizontal surface. For instance. Water and alcohol are less
viscous liquids so they spread easily and quickly on flat horizontal surface. Honey and
glycerine are more viscous liquids so they do not spread on flat horizontal surface
easily so viscosity controls the flow of liquid.
The nature of viscosity of a fluid can be understood most easily by the
following experiment: Consider the flow between two long parallel plates, one fixed
and the other moving at constant velocity U. The distance between the plates is h
as shown in Fig. 1.4. To maintain velocity U of upper plate, a tangential or shearing
force in the direction of motion must act on the upper plate.
Now if we consider two layers of fluid ab and cd, the distance between two
layers is dy, layer ab moving with velocity u and upper layer cd moving with velocity
u + du, the viscosity and relative velocity causes a shear stress acting between the fluid
layers. The upper layer (cd) causes a shear stress on the adjacent lower layer (ab)
while the lower layer causes a shear stress on the adjacent upper layer. This shear
stress is directly proportional to the rate of change of velocity with respect to y
(velocity gradient). It is denoted by τ (tau).
c u + du Velocity profile
dy u d
a b
h
du
Fixed plate
Fig. 1.4: Velocity distribution of a viscous fluid between two parallel plates,
one is fixed and other is moving.
Mathematically,
du
Shear stress: τ ∝ Velocity gradient dy
du
or τ ∝
dy
Properties of Fluids 7
du
τ= µ ... (i)
dy
where µ (mu) is the constant of proportionality and is known as the coefficient of
viscosity or dynamic viscosity (because it involves dimension of force). It is also
known as the ‘absolute viscosity’ or simply the ‘viscosity’ of the fluid.
Equation (i) is known as Newton’s law of viscosity. This law states that the shear
stress (τ) on a fluid element layer is directly proportional to the velocity gradient. The
constant of proportionality is called viscosity (µ).
From Eq. (i), we have
τ
Viscosity: µ =
du / dy
du
( is also known as rate of shear strain or angular deformation)
dy
Viscosity may be defined as the shear stress (τ) required to produce unit velocity
gradient.
Units of viscosity:
τ N/m2
In SI unit: µ= = m/s = Ns/m2 = kg/ms ( 1 N = 1 kgm/s2)
du / dy
m
In MKS unit: kgf.s/m2
dyne−s
In CGS unit: poise or
cm 2
dyne−s 1 N
1 poise = = Pa.s (pascal second) ( 1 pascal, Pa = 2 )
cm 2 10 m
1 centipoise (cP) = 10–2 poise = 10–3 Ns/m2 = 10–3 Pa.s
Viscosity of water and air at 20ºC and at atmospheric pressure are:
µ = 1 cP = 10–3 Ns/m2 for water
= 0.0181 cP = 0.0181 × 10–3 Ns/m2 for air
(Water is nearly 55 times more viscous than air)
1
µ = µ 0
1 + at + bt 2
where µ = viscosity of the liquid at t ºC in poise
µ 0 = viscosity of the liquid at 0ºC in poise a, b are constant
for the liquid
For water, µ 0 = 1.79 × 10–2 poise
a = 0.03368
b = 0.000221
In the case of gases, we know the intermolecular cohesion being negligible, the
viscosity depends mainly on transfer of molecular momentum in a direction normal
to the flow. As the temp. increases, molecular momentum transfer increases and hence
viscosity increases.
Holman gave the following expression for the viscosity of a gas:
µ = µ0 + at2 – bt2
where µ = viscosity of gas at tºC in poise
µ 0 = viscosity of the gas at 0ºC in poise a, b are constant for
the gas.
For air, µ 0 = 1.72 × 10– 4 poise
a = 4.716 × 10–7 poise
b = 5.84 × 10–11.
is having such properties thus it is an imaginary fluid. But there are a few
liquids which can be considered ideal for all practical purposes like water
which has low viscosity, low surface tension and great resistance to compression.
Thus water can be considered an ideal fluid for all practical purposes without
incurring much appreciable error in arriving at the result.
(ii) Real Fluid: A fluid which possesses properties such as viscosity, surface
tension and compressibility, is known as real fluid or practical fluid. All fluids
available in nature are real fluids.
(iii) Newtonian Fluid: A real fluid which obeys the Newton’s law of viscosity
du
[shear stress (τ) is directly proportional to velocity gradient ], is
dy
known as Newtonian fluid. For example; water, air, glycerine, kerosene etc.
Thus, in Newtonian fluids:
du
Shear stress: τ= µ
dy
du
where = velocity gradient or shear strain.
dy
µ = viscosity of fluid.
(iv) Non-Newtonian Fluid: A real fluid which does not obey the Newton’s law of
viscosity, is known as non-Newtonian fluid. Blood, grease and sugar solutions
are some common non-Newtonian fluids. In non-Newtonian fluid:
du
Shear stress: τ ≠ µ .
dy
A general relationship between shear and stress and velocity gradient for non-
Newtonian fluid may be written as
n
du
=µ A + B
dy
where A and B are constant which depend upon the type of fluid and condition
imposed on the flow.
For Newtonian fluid, power index; n = 1, B = 0 and the constant A varying only
with the type of fluid.
(v) Dilatant Fluids: Dilatant Fluids exhibit an increase in viscosity with increasing
rate of shear deformation.
In these fluids, n > 1, B = 0
Examples: Butter, Sugar solution, wet beach sand, starch in water etc.
(vi) Bingham Plastics: They resist a small shear stress but flow very easily
under large shear stress.
In these fluids, n = 1, B ≠ 0
Examples: Seewage sludge, drilling muds, gel, toothpaste etc.
12 Fluid Mechanics
molecules. The partial pressure of water vapour of saturated air exerted on the
liquid surface is called vapour pressure. It is denoted by pv. Vapour pressure
increases with increase in temperature (Table 1.3).
Vapour pressure .... ...... .... .....Saturated
. . . . . .... .... .... .... ..
.... . . .... . . .... .... .... .air ... .... .... .... ...
.... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... ... . ..
.. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. T=C
...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ....
Liquid (water)
1.13.2 Cavitation
The mechanism of cavitation is defined as the following steps:
p>p The local static pressure
Formation of vapour cause becomes equal to or less
bubbles inside the than the liquid vapour
liquid pressure, i.e., p≤ pv
cause
Collapse of vapour
× ×× bubbles
Zone-II ××
× ×× ≤
p>pv ××
Zone-III
p >>pv Cavitation
Air
Water B
Free Surface
(a) (b)
Table 1.4
Liquid in Contact with Air Surface Tension (σ): N/m
Water–air 0.0728
Kerosene–air 0.0277
Glycerine–air 0.0633
Benzene–air 0.0289
Mercury–air 0.5140
∆p
π 2
σπd ∆p d
4
Considering the equilibrium of one half of the droplet, from Figs. 1.9 (d) and
1.9 (e);
Bursting force = Surface tension force
π
∆p. d 2 = surface tension × circumference
4
= σ.πd
σ.πd 4σ
∆p = =
π 2 d
d
4
Properties of Fluids 17
4σ
∆p = ... (i)
d
Above Eq. (i), shows that with the decrease of diameter of the droplet, pressure
intensity inside the droplet increases.
Outer Surface
Inner Surface
The above Eq. (ii), shows that a soap solution has a high value of surface tension
(σ), which causes a soap bubble to be large in diameter for small pressure of blowing.
∆pld
d
l
With a view to meet the wishes of all parties, and arrive at some
definite and permanent adjustment of the slavery question, Mr. Clay
early in the session introduced compromise resolutions which were
practically a tacking together of the several bills then on the calendar,
providing for the admission of California—the territorial government
for Utah and New Mexico—the settlement of the Texas boundary—
slavery in the District of Columbia—and for a fugitive slave law. It
was seriously and earnestly opposed by many, as being a concession
to the spirit of disunion—a capitulation under threat of secession;
and as likely to become the source of more contentions than it
proposed to quiet.
The resolutions were referred to a special committee, who
promptly reported a bill embracing the comprehensive plan of
compromise which Mr. Clay proposed. Among the resolutions
offered, was the following: “Resolved, that as slavery does not exist
by law and is not likely to be introduced into any of the territory
acquired by the United States from the Republic of Mexico, it is
inexpedient for Congress to provide by law either for its introduction
into or exclusion from any part of the said territory; and that
appropriate territorial governments ought to be established by
Congress in all of the said territory, and assigned as the boundaries
of the proposed State of California, without the adoption of any
restriction or condition on the subject of slavery.” Mr. Jefferson
Davis of Mississippi, objected that the measure gave nothing to the
South in the settlement of the question; and he required the
extension of the Missouri compromise line to the Pacific Ocean as
the least that he would be willing to take, with the specific
recognition of the right to hold slaves in the territory below that line;
and that, before such territories are admitted into the Union as
States, slaves may be taken there from any of the United States at the
option of their owner.
Mr. Clay in reply, said: “Coming from a slave State, as I do, I owe it
to myself, I owe it to truth, I owe it to the subject, to say that no
earthly power could induce me to vote for a specific measure for the
introduction of slavery where it had not before existed, either south
or north of that line.*** If the citizens of those territories choose to
establish slavery, and if they come here with constitutions
establishing slavery, I am for admitting them with such provisions in
their constitutions; but then it will be their own work, and not ours,
and their posterity will have to reproach them, and not us, for
forming constitutions allowing the institution of slavery to exist
among them.”
Mr. Seward of New York, proposed a renewal of the Wilmot
Proviso, in the following resolution: “Neither slavery nor involuntary
servitude, otherwise than by conviction for crime, shall ever be
allowed in either of said territories of Utah and New Mexico;” but his
resolution was rejected in the Senate by a vote of 23 yeas to 33 nays.
Following this, Mr. Calhoun had read for him in the Senate, by his
friend James M. Mason of Virginia, his last speech. It embodied the
points covered by the address to the people, prepared by him the
previous year; the probability of a dissolution of the Union, and
presenting a case to justify it. The tenor of the speech is shown by the
following extracts from it: “I have, Senators, believed from the first,
that the agitation of the subject of slavery would, if not prevented by
some timely and effective measure, end in disunion. Entertaining
this opinion, I have, on all proper occasions, endeavored to call the
attention of each of the two great parties which divide the country to
adopt some measure to prevent so great a disaster, but without
success. The agitation has been permitted to proceed, with almost no
attempt to resist it, until it has reached a period when it can no
longer be disguised or denied that the Union is in danger. You have
had forced upon you the greatest and gravest question that can ever
come under your consideration: How can the Union be preserved?
*** Instead of being weaker, all the elements in favor of agitation are
stronger now than they were in 1835, when it first commenced, while
all the elements of influence on the part of the South are weaker.
Unless something decisive is done, I again ask what is to stop this
agitation, before the great and final object at which it aims—the
abolition of slavery in the States—is consummated? Is it, then, not
certain that if something decisive is not now done to arrest it, the
South will be forced to choose between abolition and secession?
Indeed as events are now moving, it will not require the South to
secede to dissolve the Union.*** If the agitation goes on, nothing will
be left to hold the States together except force.” He answered the
question, How can the Union be saved? with which his speech
opened, by suggesting: “To provide for the insertion of a provision in
the constitution, by an amendment, which will restore to the South
in substance the power she possessed of protecting herself, before
the equilibrium between the sections was destroyed by the action of
the government.” He did not state of what the amendment should
consist, but later on, it was ascertained from reliable sources that his
idea was a dual executive—one President from the free, and one from
the slave States, the consent of both of whom should be required to
all acts of Congress before they become laws. This speech of Mr.
Calhoun’s, is important as explaining many of his previous actions;
and as furnishing a guide to those who ten years afterwards
attempted to carry out practically the suggestions thrown out by him.
Mr. Clay’s compromise bill was rejected. It was evident that no
compromise of any kind whatever on the subject of slavery, under
any one of its aspects separately, much less under all put together,
could possibly be made. There was no spirit of concession
manifested. The numerous measures put together in Mr. Clay’s bill
were disconnected and separated. Each measure received a separate
and independent consideration, and with a result which showed the
injustice of the attempted conjunction; for no two of them were
passed by the same vote, even of the members of the committee
which had even unanimously reported favorably upon them as a
whole.
Mr. Calhoun died in the spring of 1850; before the separate bill for
the admission of California was taken up. His death took place at
Washington, he having reached the age of 68 years. A eulogy upon
him was delivered in the Senate by his colleague, Mr. Butler, of South
Carolina. Mr. Calhoun was the first great advocate of the doctrine of
secession. He was the author of the nullification doctrine, and an
advocate of the extreme doctrine of States Rights. He was an
eloquent speaker—a man of strong intellect. His speeches were plain,
strong, concise, sometimes impassioned, and always severe. Daniel
Webster said of him, that “he had the basis, the indispensable basis
of all high characters, and that was unspotted integrity, unimpeached
honor and character!”
In July of this year an event took place which threw a gloom over
the country. The President, General Taylor, contracted a fever from
exposure to the hot sun at a celebration of Independence Day, from
which he died four days afterwards. He was a man of irreproachable
private character, undoubted patriotism, and established reputation
for judgment and firmness. His brief career showed no deficiency of
political wisdom nor want of political training. His administration
was beset with difficulties, with momentous questions pending, and
he met the crisis with firmness and determination, resolved to
maintain the Federal Union at all hazards. His first and only annual
message, the leading points of which have been stated, evinces a
spirit to do what was right among all the States. His death was a
public calamity. No man could have been more devoted to the Union
nor more opposed to the slavery agitation; and his position as a
Southern man and a slaveholder—his military reputation, and his
election by a majority of the people as well as of the States, would
have given him a power in the settlement of the pending questions of
the day which no President without these qualifications could have
possessed.
In accordance with the Constitution, the office of President thus
devolved upon the Vice-President, Mr. Millard Fillmore, who was
duly inaugurated July 10, 1850. The new cabinet, with Daniel
Webster as Secretary of State, was duly appointed and confirmed by
the Senate.
The bill for the admission of California as a State in the Union, was
called up in the Senate and sought to be amended by extending the
Missouri Compromise line through it, to the Pacific Ocean, so as to
authorize slavery in the State below that line. The amendment was
introduced and pressed by Southern friends of the late Mr. Calhoun,
and made a test question. It was lost, and the bill passed by a two-
third vote; whereupon ten Southern Senators offered a written
protest, the concluding clause of which was: “We dissent from this
bill, and solemnly protest against its passage, because in sanctioning
measures so contrary to former precedents, to obvious policy, to the
spirit and intent of the constitution of the United States, for the
purpose of excluding the slaveholding States from the territory thus
to be erected into a State, this government in effect declares that the
exclusion of slavery from the territory of the United States is an
object so high and important as to justify a disregard not only of all
the principles of sound policy, but also of the constitution itself.
Against this conclusion we must now and for ever protest, as it is
destructive of the safety and liberties of those whose rights have been
committed to our care, fatal to the peace and equality of the States
which we represent, and must lead, if persisted in, to the dissolution
of that confederacy, in which the slaveholding States have never
sought more than equality, and in which they will not be content to
remain with less.” On objection being made, followed by debate, the
Senate refused to receive the protest, or permit it to be entered on
the Journal. The bill went to the House of Representatives, was
readily passed, and promptly approved by the President. Thus was
virtually accomplished the abrogation of the Missouri compromise
line; and the extension or non-extension of slavery was then made to
form a foundation for future political parties.
The year 1850 was prolific with disunion movements in the
Southern States. The Senators who had joined with Mr. Calhoun in
the address to the people, in 1849, united with their adherents in
establishing at Washington a newspaper entitled “The Southern
Press,” devoted to the agitation of the slavery question; to presenting
the advantages of disunion, and the organization of a confederacy of
Southern States to be called the “United States South.” Its constant
aim was to influence the South against the North, and advocated
concert of action by the States of the former section. It was aided in
its efforts by newspapers published in the South, more especially in
South Carolina and Mississippi. A disunion convention was actually
held, in Nashville, Tennessee, and invited the assembly of a Southern
Congress. Two States, South Carolina and Mississippi responded to
the appeal; passed laws to carry it into effect, and the former went so
far as to elect its quota of Representatives to the proposed new
Southern Congress. These occurrences are referred to as showing the
spirit that prevailed, and the extraordinary and unjustifiable means
used by the leaders to mislead and exasperate the people. The
assembling of a Southern “Congress” was a turning point in the
progress of disunion. Georgia refused to join; and her weight as a
great Southern State was sufficient to cause the failure of the scheme.
But the seeds of discord were sown, and had taken root, only to
spring up at a future time when circumstances should be more
favorable to the accomplishment of the object.
Although the Congress of the United States had in 1790 and again
in 1836 formally declared the policy of the government to be non-
interference with the States in respect to the matter of slavery within
the limits of the respective States, the subject continued to be
agitated in consequence of petitions to Congress to abolish slavery in
the District of Columbia, which was under the exclusive control of
the federal government; and of movements throughout the United
States to limit, and finally abolish it. The subject first made its
appearance in national politics in 1840, when a presidential ticket
was nominated by a party then formed favoring the abolition of
slavery; it had a very slight following which was increased tenfold at
the election of 1844 when the same party again put a ticket in the
field with James G. Birney of Michigan, as its candidate for the
Presidency; who received 62,140 votes. The efforts of the leaders of
that faction were continued, and persisted in to such an extent, that
when in 1848 it nominated a ticket with Gerritt Smith for President,
against the Democratic candidate, Martin Van Buren, the former
received 296,232 votes. In the presidential contest of 1852 the
abolition party again nominated a ticket, with John P. Hale as its
candidate for President, and polled 157,926 votes. This large
following was increased from time to time, until uniting with a new
party then formed, called the Republican party, which latter adopted
a platform endorsing the views and sentiments of the abolitionists,
the great and decisive battle for the principles involved, was fought
in the ensuing presidential contest of 1856; when the candidate of
the Republican party, John C. Fremont, supported by the entire
abolition party, polled 1,341,812 votes. The first national platform of
the Abolition party, upon which it went into the contest of 1840,
favored the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia and
Territories; the inter-state slave trade, and a general opposition to
slavery to the full extent of constitutional power.
Following the discussion of the subject of slavery, in the Senate
and House of Representatives, brought about by the presentation of
petitions and memorials, and the passage of the resolutions in 1836
rejecting such petitions, the question was again raised by the
presentation in the House, by Mr. Slade of Vermont, on the 20th
December 1837, of two memorials praying the abolition of slavery in
the District of Columbia, and moving that they be referred to a select
committee. Great excitement prevailed in the chamber, and of the
many attempts by the Southern members an adjournment was had.
The next day a resolution was offered that thereafter all such
petitions and memorials touching the abolition of slavery should,
when presented, be laid on the table; which resolution was adopted
by a large vote. During the 24th Congress, the Senate pursued the
course of laying on the table the motion to receive all abolition
petitions; and both Houses during the 25th Congress continued the
same course of conduct; when finally on the 25th of January 1840,
the House adopted by a vote of 114 to 108, an amendment to the
rules, called the 21st Rule, which provided:—“that no petition,
memorial or resolution, or other paper, praying the abolition of
slavery in the District of Columbia, or any state or territory, or the
slave-trade between the States or territories of the United States, in
which it now exists, shall be received by this House, or entertained in
any way whatever.” This rule was afterwards, on the 3d of December,
1844, rescinded by the House, on motion of Mr. J. Quincy Adams, by
a vote of 108 to 80; and a motion to re-instate it, on the 1st of
December 1845, was rejected by a vote of 84 to 121. Within five years
afterwards—on the 17th September 1850,—the Congress of the
United States enacted a law, which was approved by the President,
abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia.
On the 25th of February, 1850, there was presented in the House
of Representatives, two petitions from citizens of Pennsylvania and
Delaware, setting forth that slavery, and the constitution which
permits it, violates the Divine law; is inconsistent with republican
principles; that its existence has brought evil upon the country; and
that no union can exist with States which tolerate that institution;
and asking that some plan be devised for the immediate, peaceful
dissolution of the Union. The House refused to receive and consider
the petitions; as did also the Senate when the same petitions were
presented the same month.
The presidential election of 1852 was the last campaign in which
the Whig party appeared in National politics. It nominated a ticket
with General Winfield Scott as its candidate for President. His
opponent on the Democratic ticket was General Franklin Pierce. A
third ticket was placed in the field by the Abolition party, with John
P. Hale as its candidate for President. The platform and declaration
of principles of the Whig party was in substance a ratification and
endorsement of the several measures embraced in Mr. Clay’s
compromise resolutions of the previous session of Congress, before
referred to; and the policy of a revenue for the economical
administration of the government, to be derived mainly from duties
on imports, and by these means to afford protection to American
industry. The main plank of the platform of the Abolition party (or
Independent Democrats, as they were called) was for the non-
extension and gradual extinction of slavery. The Democratic party
equally adhered to the compromise measure. The election resulted in
the choice of Franklin Pierce, by a popular vote of 1,601,474, and 254
electoral votes, against a popular aggregate vote of 1,542,403 (of
which the abolitionists polled 157,926) and 42 electoral votes, for the
Whig and Abolition candidates. Mr. Pierce was duly inaugurated as
President, March 4, 1853.
The first political parties in the United States, from the
establishment of the federal government and for many years
afterwards, were denominated Federalists and Democrats, or
Democratic-Republicans. The former was an anti-alien party. The
latter was made up to a large extent of naturalized foreigners;
refugees from England, Ireland and Scotland, driven from home for
hostility to the government or for attachment to France. Naturally,
aliens sought alliance with the Democratic party, which favored the
war against Great Britain. The early party contests were based on the
naturalization laws; the first of which, approved March 26, 1790,
required only two years’ residence in this country; a few years
afterwards the time was extended to five years; and in 1798 the
Federalists taking advantage of the war fever against France, and
then being in power, extended the time to fourteen years. (See Alien
and Sedition Laws of 1798). Jefferson’s election and Democratic
victory of 1800, brought the period back to five years in 1802, and
reinforced the Democratic party. The city of New York, especially,
from time to time became filled with foreigners; thus naturalized;
brought into the Democratic ranks; and crowded out native
Federalists from control of the city government, and to meet this
condition of affairs, the first attempt at a Native American
organization was made. Beginning in 1835; ending in failure in
election of Mayor in 1837, it was revived in April, 1844, when the
Native American organization carried New York city for its
Mayoralty candidate by a good majority. The success of the
movement there, caused it to spread to New Jersey and
Pennsylvania. In Philadelphia, it was desperately opposed by the
Democratic, Irish and Roman Catholic element, and so furiously,
that it resulted in riots, in which two Romish Churches were burned
and destroyed. The adherents of the American organization were not
confined to Federalists or Whigs, but largely of native Democrats;
and the Whigs openly voted with Democratic Natives in order to
secure their vote for Henry Clay for the Presidency; but when in
November, 1844, New York and Philadelphia both gave Native
majorities, and so sapped the Whig vote, that both places gave