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Shiv Kumar

Fluid
Mechanics
(Vol. 1)
Basic Concepts and Principles
Fourth Edition
Fluid Mechanics (Vol. 1)
Shiv Kumar

Fluid Mechanics (Vol. 1)


Basic Concepts and Principles
Fourth Edition

123
Shiv Kumar
New Delhi, India

ISBN 978-3-030-99761-8 ISBN 978-3-030-99762-5 (eBook)


https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-99762-5

Jointly published with ANE Books Pvt. Ltd.


In addition to this printed edition, there is a local printed edition of this work available via Ane Books in South
Asia (India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Nepal and Bhutan) and Africa (all countries in the African
subcontinent).
ISBN of the Co-Publisher’s edition: 978-9-384-72699-7.

© The Author(s) 2010, 2012, 2021, 2023


This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the
whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation,
broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage
and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or
hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does
not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective
laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publishers, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are
believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publishers nor the authors or the editors
give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions
that may have been made. The publishers remain neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps
and institutional affiliations.

This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
Dedicated
to
My Parents
My Wife Dr. Kusum and My Son Tanishq
Contents vii

Preface

This book has been written for the introductory course on Fluid Mechanics at
the undergraduate level. This book fulfills the curriculum needs of UG students of
Mechanical Engineering, Mechanical and Automation Engineering, Chemical
Engineering, Electrical Engineering, Civil Engineering, Production Engineering,
Automobile Engineering, aeronautical Engineering, Manufacturing Engineering,
Tool Engineering and Mechatronics Engineering etc.Fluid Mechanics is dividing into
two volumes. Fluid Mechanics Volume-I includes seven chapters: 1.Properties of
Fluids, 2. Pressure and its Measurement, 3. Hydrostatic Forces on Surface, 4.
Buoyancy and Floatation. 5. Kinematics of Fluid Motion, 6. Dynamics of Fluid Flow,
7. Dimensional and Model Analysis. Fluid Mechanics deals with the innovative use
of the laws of Fluid Mechanics in solving the relevant technological problems. This
introductory textbook aims to provide undergraduate engineering students with the
knowledge (basics principles and fluid mechanics laws) they need to understand
and analyze the fluid mechanics problems they are likely to encounter in practice.
The book is developed in the context of the author’s simpler methodology to
present even complex things. The most positive factor about the book is that it is
concise, and everything is described from an elementary and tangible perspective.
The book presents the concepts in a very logical format with complete word
descriptions. The subject matter is illustrated with a lot of examples. A great deal
of attention is given to select the numerical problems and solving them. The theory
and numerical problems at the end of each chapter also aim to enhance the creative
capabilities of students. Ultimately as an introductory text for the undergraduate
students, this book provides the background necessary for solving the complex
problems in thermodynamics.
Writing this book made me think about a lot more than the material it covers.
The methods I used in this book are primarily those that worked best for my
students. The suggestions from the teachers and students for the further improvement
of the text are welcome and will be implemented in the next edition. The readers
are requested to bring out the error to the notice, which will be gratefully
acknowledged.
Shiv Kumar

vii
Acknowledgements

First of all, I would like to express my deep gratitude to God for giving me the
strength and health for comleting this book. I am very thankful to my colleagues in
the mechanical engineering department for their highly appreciable help and my
students for their valuable suggestions.
I am also thankful to my publishers Shri Sunil Saxena and Shri Jai Raj Kapoor
of Ane Books Pvt. Ltd. and the editorial group for their help and assistance.
A special thanks goes to my wife Dr. Kusum Lata for her help, support and
strength to complete the book.

Shiv Kumar

ix
Contents

Preface to the First Edition vii


Acknowledgements ix

1. Properties of Fluids 1–49


1.1 Introduction 1
1.2 Solid and Fluid 2
1.2.1 Solid 2
1.2.2 Fluid 2
1.3 Standard Temperature and Pressure (STP) and Normal
Temperature and Pressure (NTP) 2
1.4 Mechanics of Fluids 2
1.5 Properties of Fluids 4
1.6 Density 4
1.7 Specific Volume 4
1.8 Specific Weight 5
1.9 Specific Gravity 5
1.9.1 Specific Gravity for Liquids 5
1.9.2 Specific Gravity for Gases 6
1.10 Adhesion 6
1.11 Cohesion 7
1.12 Viscosity 7
1.12.1 Kinematic Viscosity 8
1.12.2 Effect of Temperature on Viscosity 9
1.12.3 Effect of Pressure on Viscosity 10
1.12.4 Types of Fluids
1.13 Vapour Pressure 11
1.13.1 Evaporisation and Boiling 12
1.13.2 Cavitation 13
1.14 Surface Tension 14
1.14.1 Surface Tension on Liquid Droplet 15
1.14.2 Surface Tension on a Hollow Bubble 16
1.14.3 Surface Tension on a Liquid Jet 16

xi
xii Fluid Mechanics

1.15 Capillarity 17
1.16 Compressibility 20
Summary 42
Assignment - 1 46
Assignment - 2 48

2. Pressure and Its Measurement 51–96


2.1 Pressure and its Units 51
2.2 Pressure Head 52
2.3 Laws of Liquid Pressure, Hydrostatic Equation and its Application 53
2.3.1 Laws of Liquid Pressure 53
2.3.2 Hydrostatic Equation 54
2.3.3 Application 54
2.4 Pascal’s Law 54
2.5 Atmospheric Pressure and its Measurement 55
2.5.1 Measuring Atmospheric Pressure 55
2.5.2 Aneroid Barometer 56
2.6 Absolute, Gauge and Vacuum Pressure 62
2.6.1 Absolute Pressure 62
2.6.2 Gauge Pressure 64
2.6.3 Vacuum Pressure 64
2.7 Measurement of Pressure 67
2.7.1 Simple Manometers 67
2.7.2 Differential Manometers 78
2.8 Mechanical Gauges 86
2.8.1 Diaphragm Pressure Gauge 86
2.8.2 Bourdon Tube Pressure Gauge 86
2.8.3 Dead-weight Pressure Gauge 88
2.8.4 Bellows Pressure Gauge 89
2.9 Pressure Transducer 89
Summary 91
Assignment - 1 94
Assignment - 2 95

3. Hydrostatic Forces on Surface 97–158


3.1 Introduction 97
3.2 Total Pressure and Centre of Pressure 97
3.2.1 Total Pressure (F) 97
3.2.2 Centre of Pressure (CP) 97
3.3 Hydrostatic Pressure 97
3.3.1 Hydrostatic Law 98
3.4 Total Pressure (F) and Centre of Pressure (CP) for Submerged Surfaces 98
3.4.1 Vertical Plane Surface Submerged in Liquid 98
3.4.2 Horizontal Plane Surface Submerged in Liquid 102
3.4.3 Inclined Plane Surface Submerged in Liquid 102
3.4.4 Curved Surface Submerged in Liquid 124
3.5 Total Pressure and Centre of Pressure on Lock Gates 135
Contents xiii

3.6 Pressure Distribution in a Liquid Mass Subjected to Uniform Acceleration 140


3.6.1 Liquid Mass in a Container Subjected to Constant Acceleration in the
Horizontal Direction 141
3.6.2 Liquid Mass in a Container Subjected to Uniform Acceleration in the
Vertical Direction 144
Summary 152
Assignment - 1 156
Assignment - 2 158

4. Buoyancy and Floatation 159–195


4.1 Introduction 159
4.2 Buoyancy or Buoyant Force 159
4.3 Centre of Buoyancy 161
4.4 Principle of Floatation (Archimedes’ principle) 161
4.5 Metacentre and Metacentric Height 167
4.6 Equilibrium of Floating Bodies 168
4.7 Equilibrium of Submerged body 169
4.8 Determination of Metacentric Height 170
4.8.1 Analytical Method of Determination of Metacentric Height (GM) 170
4.8.2 Experimental Method of Determination of Metacentric Height (GM) 172
Summary 190
Assignment - 1 192
Assignment - 2 192

5. Kinematics of Fluid Motion 197–286


5.1 Introduction 197
5.2 Methods of Describing Fluid Motion 197
5.2.1 Langrangian Method 197
5.2.2 Eulerian Method 197
5.3 Types of Flow Lines 198
5.4 Stream Tube 200
5.5 Types of Fluid Flow 201
5.5.1 Steady and Unsteady Flow 201
5.5.2 Uniform and Non-uniform Flow 201
5.5.3 Laminar and Turbulent Flow Reynolds Number (Re) 202
5.5.4 Compressible and Incompressible Flow 204
5.5.5 Rotational and Irrotational Flow 206
5.5.6 One, Two and Three-dimensional Flows 206
5.6 Rate of Flow 207
5.7 Continuity Equation 208
5.8 Continuity Equation in Three-Dimensions in Cartesian Coordinates (x, y, z) 213
5.9 Continuity Equation: Integral Form 215
5.10 Continuity Equation in Cylindrical Coordinates (r, θ, z) 216
5.11 Velocity and Acceleration 219
5.12 Stream Function (ψ) 225
5.13 Velocity Potential (φ) 227
xiv Fluid Mechanics

5.14 Types of Motion or Deformation of Fluid Elements 241


5.14.1 Pure (or linear) Translation 241
5.14.2 Linear Deformation 241
5.14.3 Angular (or shear) Deformation 241
5.14.4 Pure Rotation 242
5.15 Vorticity 244
5.16 Vortex Flow or Whirling Flow 248
5.16.1Forced Vortex Flow 248
5.16.2Free Vortex Flow 249
5.17 Stream Line 261
5.17.1Equipotential Line 261
5.18 Flow Net 262
5.19 Uses of Flow Net 263
5.20 Methods of Drawing the Flow Net 263
5.20.1Analytical (or Mathematical) Method 263
5.20.2Graphical Method 263
5.21 Source and Sink Flows 263
5.21.1Source Flow 265
5.21.2Sink Flow 269
5.22 Circulation 269
5.23 Doublet 270
5.24 Half-body– Source in a Uniform Stream 274
Summary 277
Assignment - 1 283
Assignment - 2 285

6. Dynamics of Fluid Flow 287–360


6.1 Introduction 287
6.2 Types of Forces Influencing Motion 287
6.3 Equations of Motion 288
6.4 System 289
6.5 Types of System 289
6.5.1 Control Mass System 289
6.5.2 Control Volume System 290
6.5.3 Isolated System 290
6.6 Reynolds Transport Theorem (RTT) 291
6.7 Euler’s Equation of Motion 294
6.8 Bernoulli’s Equation 295
6.9 Limitations of Bernoulli’s Theorem 298
6.10 Graphical Representation of Bernoulli’s Equation 314
6.11 Practical Application of Bernoulli’s Equation 316
6.12 Impulse Momentum Equation 317
6.12.1 Application of Momentum Equation or Momentum Principle 318
6.13 Force Exerted by a Flowing Fluid on a Pipe-bend 318
6.14 Summary 320
6.15 Fluid Jet or Jet 339
Contents xv

6.16 Impact of Jet 339


6.17 Force Exerted by the Jet on a Stationary Flat Plate 339
6.17.1 Plate is Vertical to the Jet 339
6.17.2 Plate is Inclined to the Jet 340
6.17.3 Plate is Curved 342
6.18 Force Exerted by the Jet on a Hinged Plate 350
Summary 356
Assignment - 1 359
Assignment - 2 360

7. Dimensional and Model Analysis 361–434


7.1 Introduction 361
7.2 Primary (or Basic or Fundamental) Quantities And
Secondary (or Derived) Quantities 362
7.3 Dimensional Homogeneity 365
7.4 Method Used for Dimensional Analysis 367
7.4.1 Rayleigh’s Method 368
7.4.2 Buckingham’s π-Theorem 374
7.5 Method of Selecting Repeating Variables 376
7.6 Procedure for Solving Problem by Buckingham’s Pi-Theorem 376
7.7 Model Analysis 385
7.8 Similitude 387
7.8.1 Geometric Similarity 387
7.8.2 Kinematic Similarity 387
7.8.3 Dynamic Similarity 388
7.9 Types of Forces Acting in Moving Fluid 389
7.9.1 Inertia Force (Fi) 389
7.9.2 Viscous Force (Fv) 389
7.9.3 Gravity Force (Fg) 389
7.9.4 Pressure Force (FP) 389
7.9.5 Surface Tension Force (Ft) 410
7.9.6 Elastic Force (Fe) 410
7.10 Dimensionless Numbers 410
7.10.1 Reynolds Number (Re) 410
7.10.2 Froude’s Number (Fr) 411
7.10.3 Euler’s Number (Eu) 411
7.10.4 Weber’s Number (We) 412
7.10.5 Mach’s Number (M) 412
7.11 Model Laws or Similarity Laws 413
7.11.1 Reynolds Law 413
7.11.2 Froude’s Law 414
7.12.3 Euler’s Law 418
7.12.4 Weber’s Law 418
7.12.5 Mach’s Law 419
7.12 Types of Models 426
7.12.1 Undistorted models 426
xvi Fluid Mechanics

7.12.2 Distorted models 427


Summary 429
Assignment - 1 433
Assignment - 2 434

References 435
Appendices 437
Index 445
1

Properties of Fluids

1.1 INTRODUCTION
Matter exists basically in three states—solid, liquid, and gas. Fluid is the common name
given to liquid and gas. The differences among solid, liquid and gas are given below:

S. No. Solid Liquid Gas

1. A given mass of solid A given mass of liquid has A given mass of gas has no
has a definite shape and a definite volume but the fixed volume and shape. It
volume. shape or size changes expands continuously to fill
according to the shape of the container in which it is
the container placed.

Fig. 1.1: Definite shape Fig. 1.2: Shape changes Fig. 1.3: Both shape and
and volume. but volume remains same. volume change
2. The molecules of a solid The molecules of a liquid are The intermolecular at-
are bonded together with bonded together with low traction is practically absent,
high degree of force degree of force (cohesion); consequently the gas mole-
(cohesion) which give therefore it can easily acquire cules have a greater freedom
them a rigid and com- the shape of the container in of movement even inside
pact form. which it is placed. the container in which the
gas is kept.
3. It is incompressible in It is incompressible in nature. It is compressible in
nature. nature.
4. Silver, iron, stone etc. are Water, mercury, petrol, Air, carbon dioxide, carbon
solids. vegetable oil, etc. are liquids. monoxide etc. are gases.

© The Author(s) 2023 1


S. Kumar, Fluid Mechanics (Vol. 1),
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-99762-5_1
2 Fluid Mechanics

1.2 SOLID AND FLUID

1.2.1 Solid
A solid resists force which tends to deform flows upto elastic limit, it regains its shape
and size when load is removed.

1.2.2 Fluid
A fluid is a substance that deforms (flows) continuously when an external shear force
is applied on it. The continuous deformation of the fluid does not stop until the force
is removed. In other words, fluid is a substance which offers no resistance to shear
deformation. This continuous deformation of a substance is known as flow.
Fluids may be classified into two categories:
(i) Liquids (ii) Gases.
The differences between liquids and gases are given below:
S. No. Liquids Gases
1. Liquids are incompressible in nature. Gases are compressible in nature.
2. Liquids can have a free surface. Gases do not have a free surface.
3. A given mass of liquid occupies a They fill the container fully regardless
definite volume of the container. of their mass.
4. Liquids have a high density. Gases have a very low density.
For example: Density of water at For example: Density of air at STP is
STP is 1000 kg/m3 (approximately). 1.22 kg/m3.

1.3 STANDARD TEMPERATURE AND PRESSURE (STP) AND


NORMAL TEMPERATURE AND PRESSURE (NTP)
(i) Standard Temperature and Pressure (STP): It refers to the conditions of
standard atmospheric pressure of 760 mm of mercury (1.01325 bar) and a
temperature of 15°C (or 288 K), i.e., the values of temperatures and
pressure at STP are 15ºC and 760 mm of Hg respectively.
(ii) Normal Temperature and Pressure (NTP): It refers to the conditions of
atmospheric pressure of 760 mm of mercury (1.01325 bar) and a temperature
of 0ºC (or 273 K), i.e., the values of temperature and pressure at NTP are
0ºC and 760 mm of Hg.

1.4 MECHANICS OF FLUIDS


Mechanics of fluids or Fluid Mechanics is the branch of science that deals with the
behaviour of fluid at rest or in motion. This subject gives a detailed study of the kinds
of energies present in fluids (i.e., pressure energy, kinetic energy, potential energy
etc.), how one form of energy is transferred to another form by means of nozzle or
diffuser and nature of fluid flow (i.e., flow either laminar or turbulent) etc.
Properties of Fluids 3

Fluid Mechanics may be classified into three categories:


(i) Fluid statics: The study of fluids at rest is called fluid statics.
(ii) Fluid kinematics: The study of fluids in motion, without considering the
pressure forces or causes of motion.
(iii) Fluid dynamics: The study of fluids in motion, considering the pressure
forces or causes of motion.

1.5 PROPERTIES OF FLUIDS


In order to study the behaviour of a fluid, some important properties of fluids are listed
below:
1. Density 2. Specific volume
3. Specific weight 4. Specific gravity
5. Adhesion 6. Cohesion
7. Viscosity 8. Vapour pressure
9. Surface tension 10. Capillarity, and
11. Compressibility.

1.6 DENSITY
The density of a fluid is defined as the ratio of the mass of a fluid to its volume. It
is denoted by ρ (rho).
Mathematically,
Mass of fluid : M
Density: ρ =
Volume of fluid : V
M
ρ=
V
SI unit of density: ρ is kg/m3
The density (ρ) is also known as specific mass or mass density.

Must Remember
Density of water : ρ = 1000 kg/m3 at temperature 4ºC
Density of mercury : ρ = 13600 kg/m3 at NTP
Density of air : ρ = 1.29 kg/m3 at NTP

1.7 SPECIFIC VOLUME


It is defined as volume per unit mass of a fluid. It is denoted by v.
Mathematically,
Volume of fluid : V
Specific volumec: ν =
Mass of fluid : M
4 Fluid Mechanics

V 1
ν = =
M M /V
1
ν =
ρ
It is the reciprocal of density.
1 1 m3
SI unit of specific volume:ν = = =
ρ kg/m3 kg
It is commonly applied in gases.

1.8 SPECIFIC WEIGHT


It is defined as weight per unit volume of a fluid. It is denoted by w.
Mathematically,
Weight of fluid : W
Specific weight: w =
Volume of fluid : V
W
w =
V
Mg
=  W = Mg
V
M
w = ρg  =ρ
V
It is also defined as the product of the density of a fluid (ρ) and acceleration due to
gravity (g).
SI unit of specific weight:
w = ρg
kg m
= ×
m3 s 2
N kg m
=  =N
m3 s2
Specific weight is also known as weight density.

1.9 SPECIFIC GRAVITY


It is defined as the ratio of specific weight of a given fluid to the specific weight of
a standard fluid. It is denoted by S.
We know, fluids are classified in two groups:
(i) Liquids (ii) Gases

1.9.1 Specific Gravity for Liquids


It is defined as the ratio of the specific weight of a given liquid to the specific weight
of water. It is denoted by Sl.
Properties of Fluids 5

w ρg ρ
Sl = = =
wwater ρ water .g ρwater
Specific gravity for liquids is also defined as the ratio of the density of a given liquid
to the density of the water. It is also called relative density. Note that the specific
gravity is a ratio, it has no dimension i.e., dimensionless. A hydrometer is used to
measure the specific gravity of liquid
Density of water at 4ºC temperature is 1000 kg/m3
i.e., ρwater = 1000 kg/m3 at 4°C
∴ The density of given liquid: ρ = Sl × ρwater = 1000 Sl kg/m3

1.9.2 Specific Gravity for Gases


It is defined as the ratio of the specific weight of a given gas to the specific weight
of air at NTP. It is denoted by Sg.
Mathematically,
Specific weight of given gas
Specific gravity for gases: Sg =
Specific weight of air at NTP
w ρg ρ
= = =
wair ρair .g ρ air
Specific gravity for gases is also defined as the ratio of the density of a given gas to
the density of air at NTP.
Density of air at NTP is 1.29 kg/m3.
i.e., ρair = 1.29 kg/m3.
∴ The density of given gas: ρ = Sg × ρair
ρ = 1.29 Sg kg/m3

Must Remember
Specific gravity of water : S =1
Specific gravity of mercury : S = 13.6
Specific gravity of air : S =1

1.10 ADHESION
The property of a liquid which enables the molecules of a liquid to adhere (stick) the
molecules of a solid boundary surface with which it comes in contact is called
adhesion. Due to adhesion liquid wets the surface of the container which carries the
liquid. For instance, when a dry rod or finger is dipped in water or milk, it becomes
wet. It shows that water or milk has strong property of adhesion. But when a dry rod
or finger is dipped in mercury, it remains dry, which means mercury does not show
adhesion towards rod or finger.
6 Fluid Mechanics

1.11 COHESION
The property of a liquid by which the molecules of the same liquid attract each other is
called cohesion. In the other words, it is defined as the intermolecular attraction between
the molecules of same liquid. For instance, mercury has high cohesive property.

1.12 VISCOSITY
Viscosity is defined as the property of a fluid which offers resistance to fluid flow
under the influence of a shear force. As long as the shear force exists in the fluid it
undergoes a continuous deformation. The rate of deformation is dependent upon the
magnitude of the shear force. In other words, viscosity is the property which controls
the flow of liquid on a horizontal surface. For instance. Water and alcohol are less
viscous liquids so they spread easily and quickly on flat horizontal surface. Honey and
glycerine are more viscous liquids so they do not spread on flat horizontal surface
easily so viscosity controls the flow of liquid.
The nature of viscosity of a fluid can be understood most easily by the
following experiment: Consider the flow between two long parallel plates, one fixed
and the other moving at constant velocity U. The distance between the plates is h
as shown in Fig. 1.4. To maintain velocity U of upper plate, a tangential or shearing
force in the direction of motion must act on the upper plate.
Now if we consider two layers of fluid ab and cd, the distance between two
layers is dy, layer ab moving with velocity u and upper layer cd moving with velocity
u + du, the viscosity and relative velocity causes a shear stress acting between the fluid
layers. The upper layer (cd) causes a shear stress on the adjacent lower layer (ab)
while the lower layer causes a shear stress on the adjacent upper layer. This shear
stress is directly proportional to the rate of change of velocity with respect to y
(velocity gradient). It is denoted by τ (tau).

Moving plate U Shearing force (Ft)

c u + du Velocity profile
dy u d
a b
h
du

Fixed plate

Fig. 1.4: Velocity distribution of a viscous fluid between two parallel plates,
one is fixed and other is moving.
Mathematically,
 du 
Shear stress: τ ∝ Velocity gradient  dy 
 
du
or τ ∝
dy
Properties of Fluids 7

du
τ= µ ... (i)
dy
where µ (mu) is the constant of proportionality and is known as the coefficient of
viscosity or dynamic viscosity (because it involves dimension of force). It is also
known as the ‘absolute viscosity’ or simply the ‘viscosity’ of the fluid.
Equation (i) is known as Newton’s law of viscosity. This law states that the shear
stress (τ) on a fluid element layer is directly proportional to the velocity gradient. The
constant of proportionality is called viscosity (µ).
From Eq. (i), we have
τ
Viscosity: µ =
du / dy

du
( is also known as rate of shear strain or angular deformation)
dy
Viscosity may be defined as the shear stress (τ) required to produce unit velocity
gradient.
Units of viscosity:
τ N/m2
In SI unit: µ= = m/s = Ns/m2 = kg/ms ( 1 N = 1 kgm/s2)
du / dy
m
In MKS unit: kgf.s/m2
dyne−s
In CGS unit: poise or
cm 2
dyne−s 1 N
1 poise = = Pa.s (pascal second) ( 1 pascal, Pa = 2 )
cm 2 10 m
1 centipoise (cP) = 10–2 poise = 10–3 Ns/m2 = 10–3 Pa.s
Viscosity of water and air at 20ºC and at atmospheric pressure are:
µ = 1 cP = 10–3 Ns/m2 for water
= 0.0181 cP = 0.0181 × 10–3 Ns/m2 for air
(Water is nearly 55 times more viscous than air)

1.12.1 Kinematic Viscosity


Kinematic viscosity is defined as the ratio of dynamic viscosity (µ) to density (ρ) of
fluid. It is denoted by v (called nu).
Dynamic viscosity (µ)
Kinematic viscosity: v =
Density of fluid (ρ)
µ
v=
ρ
µ kg/ms m2
In SI unit: v= = =
ρ kg/m 3
s
8 Fluid Mechanics

In CGS unit: cm2/s or stoke


1 stoke = 1 cm2/s ( 1 stoke = 1 cm2/s)
1 stoke = 10– 4 m2/s
1
1 centistoke or cSt = stoke = 10−2 stoke = 10 –6 m2/s
100
It is known as kinematic viscosity because it can be defined dimensionally by only
length and time dimensions mass or force dimensions being not involved.
Table 1.1: Values of Dynamic Viscosity and Kinematic
Viscosity for Some Common Fluids at 20ºC and 1.01325 bar.

Fluids Dynamic Viscosity Kinematic Viscosity


Ns/m2 m2/s
Liquid
Water 1 × 10–3 1 × 10–6
Seawater 1.07 × 10–3 1.04 × 10–6
Petrol 2.92 × 10–4 4.29 × 10–7
Kerosene 1.92 × 10–3 2.39 × 10–4
Glycerin 1.49 × 10–3 1.18 × 10–3
Mercury 1.56 × 10–3 1.15 × 10–7
Castor Oil 9.80 × 10–1 1.02 × 10–3
Gases
Air 1.80 × 10–5 1.49 × 10–5
Carbon Dioxide 1.48 × 10–5 0.80 × 10–5
Hydrogen 0.90 × 10–5 10.71 × 10–5
Nitrogen 1.76 × 10–5 1.52 × 10–5
Oxygen 2 × 10–5 1.50 × 10–5
Water Vapor 1.01 × 10–5 1.352 × 10–5

1.12.2 Effect of Temperature on Viscosity


The viscosity of a fluid is due to two causes:
(i) Due to intermolecular cohesion and
(ii) Due to transfer of molecular momentum.
In case of gases the interspace between the molecules is large and so the
intermolecular cohesion is negligible. But in the case of liquids the molecules are very
close to each other and therefore more cohesion exists. Hence in liquids, the viscosity
is mainly due to intermolecular cohesion, while in gases, viscosity is mainly due to
molecular momentum exchange. The intermolecular cohesive forces decrease with
the increase in temperature and hence the viscosity of liquid decreases. The following
formula shows the dependence of the viscosity of a liquid on temperature.
Properties of Fluids 9

 1 
µ = µ 0  
1 + at + bt 2 
where µ = viscosity of the liquid at t ºC in poise
µ 0 = viscosity of the liquid at 0ºC in poise a, b are constant
for the liquid
For water, µ 0 = 1.79 × 10–2 poise
a = 0.03368
b = 0.000221
In the case of gases, we know the intermolecular cohesion being negligible, the
viscosity depends mainly on transfer of molecular momentum in a direction normal
to the flow. As the temp. increases, molecular momentum transfer increases and hence
viscosity increases.
Holman gave the following expression for the viscosity of a gas:
µ = µ0 + at2 – bt2
where µ = viscosity of gas at tºC in poise
µ 0 = viscosity of the gas at 0ºC in poise a, b are constant for
the gas.
For air, µ 0 = 1.72 × 10– 4 poise
a = 4.716 × 10–7 poise
b = 5.84 × 10–11.

1.12.4 Effect of Pressure on Viscosity


For most liquids, viscosity increases with increasing pressure (except water)
because the amount of free volume in the internal structure decreases due to
compression. Consequently, the molecules can move less freely and the internal
friction force increase.
According to Barus, the relationship between the viscosity and pressure is given
as follows:
µ = µ0eαp
where µ = Dynamic viscosity at the pressure ‘p’ (Pa.s)
µ0= Dynamic viscosity at the atmospheric pressure (Pa.s)
α = Viscosity-pressure constant coefficient (mm2/N)
p = Pressure (N/mm2)
where α is multiplied by pressure, p, with units N/mm2, in the Barus equation,
the units cancel giving the dimensionless exponent of the natural number, e. Thus,
viscosity increases exponentially with pressure.
The viscosities of water and ammonia at pressure values ranging from 1MPa to
20 MPa is shown in Table 1.2. It can be seen that the viscosity of water falls with
increasing pressure, while the viscosity of liquid ammonia rises.
10 Fluid Mechanics

Table 1.2: Viscosities of Water and Ammonia are varied


with increasing pressure

S.No. Pressure Dynamics Viscosity


(MPa) (µPa.s.)
Water Ammonia
1. 1 889.87 131.68
2. 2 889.64 132.50
3. 3 889.42 133.30
4. 4 889.20 134.11
5. 5 888.99 134.90
6. 6 888.78 136.69
7. 7 888.58 136.48
8. 8 888.38 137.26
9. 9 888.19 138.03
10. 10 888.00 138.80
11. 11 887.82 139.57
12. 12 887.64 140.33
13. 13 887.47 141.08
14. 14 887.31 141.84
15. 15 887.14 142.58
16. 16 886.99 143.32
17. 17 886.84 144.06
18. 18 886.69 144.80
19. 19 886.55 145.53
20. 20 886.41 146.26

1.12.4 Types of Fluids


The fluids may be classified into following types:
(i) Ideal fluid (ii) Real fluid
(iii) Newtonian fluid (iv) Non-Newtonian fluid
(v) Ideal plastic fluid (vi) Thyxotropic fluid.
(i) Ideal Fluid: A fluid which is inviscid (no viscosity), no surface tension and
incompressible, is known as an ideal fluid or perfect fluid. In nature, no fluid
Properties of Fluids 11

is having such properties thus it is an imaginary fluid. But there are a few
liquids which can be considered ideal for all practical purposes like water
which has low viscosity, low surface tension and great resistance to compression.
Thus water can be considered an ideal fluid for all practical purposes without
incurring much appreciable error in arriving at the result.
(ii) Real Fluid: A fluid which possesses properties such as viscosity, surface
tension and compressibility, is known as real fluid or practical fluid. All fluids
available in nature are real fluids.
(iii) Newtonian Fluid: A real fluid which obeys the Newton’s law of viscosity
 du 
[shear stress (τ) is directly proportional to velocity gradient   ], is
 dy 
known as Newtonian fluid. For example; water, air, glycerine, kerosene etc.
Thus, in Newtonian fluids:
du
Shear stress: τ= µ
dy
du
where = velocity gradient or shear strain.
dy
µ = viscosity of fluid.
(iv) Non-Newtonian Fluid: A real fluid which does not obey the Newton’s law of
viscosity, is known as non-Newtonian fluid. Blood, grease and sugar solutions
are some common non-Newtonian fluids. In non-Newtonian fluid:
du
Shear stress: τ ≠ µ .
dy
A general relationship between shear and stress and velocity gradient for non-
Newtonian fluid may be written as
n
 du 
=µ A  + B
 dy 
where A and B are constant which depend upon the type of fluid and condition
imposed on the flow.
For Newtonian fluid, power index; n = 1, B = 0 and the constant A varying only
with the type of fluid.
(v) Dilatant Fluids: Dilatant Fluids exhibit an increase in viscosity with increasing
rate of shear deformation.
In these fluids, n > 1, B = 0
Examples: Butter, Sugar solution, wet beach sand, starch in water etc.
(vi) Bingham Plastics: They resist a small shear stress but flow very easily
under large shear stress.
In these fluids, n = 1, B ≠ 0
Examples: Seewage sludge, drilling muds, gel, toothpaste etc.
12 Fluid Mechanics

Fig. 1.5: Types of fluids.


(vii) Pseudoplastic Fluids: Pseudo plastic fluids exhibit a viscosity which
decreases with increasing velocity gradient.
In these fluids, n < 1, B = 0
Examples: Paper pulp, Polymer solutions, blood, milk etc.
(viii) Thixotropic fluids: Thixotropic fluids exhibit a decrease in viscosity with
time. Common example is honey, if you keep stirring solid honey will
become liquid.
In these fluids, n < 1, B ≠ 0
Examples: Crude Oils, Yoghurt, Honey, Paints, Synovial Fluid (present in the
knee joints).
(ix) Rheopectic Fluids: The viscosity increases with time for which shearing
forces are applied.
In these fluids, n > 1, B ≠ 0
Examples: Gypsum suspension, bentonite clay suspension etc.

1.13 VAPOUR PRESSURE


All liquids possess a tendency to evaporise when exposed to air or gaseous atmosphere.
The evaporisation takes place due to liquid molecules escaping from the liquid free
surface. The rate of evaporisation depends upon:
(i) Nature of Liquid: Low or high volatile, petrol is highly volatile and diesel
is low volatile liquid.
(ii) Temperature of Liquid: Evaporisation increases with rise in temperature.
(iii) Condition of the atmosphere adjoining it.
Consider a liquid in a sealed container and maintained at a constant temperature
within the container (Fig. 1.6). The temperature of both the liquid and its surrounding
atmosphere is same. By nature of liquid, the molecules of liquid start evaporizing and
leaving the liquid surface. After a certain time, the equilibrium condition will be
reached, i.e., the rate at which the molecules are leaving the liquid surface will be the
same as the rate of return of molecules i.e., rate of evaporisation and condensation
is same. In this condition the air above the liquid is saturated with liquid vapour
Properties of Fluids 13

molecules. The partial pressure of water vapour of saturated air exerted on the
liquid surface is called vapour pressure. It is denoted by pv. Vapour pressure
increases with increase in temperature (Table 1.3).
Vapour pressure .... ...... .... .....Saturated
. . . . . .... .... .... .... ..
.... . . .... . . .... .... .... .air ... .... .... .... ...
.... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... ... . ..
.. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. T=C
...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ....

Liquid (water)

Fig. 1.6: Vapour Pressure.

Table 1.3: Vapour Pressure of Water


Temperature Vapour Pressure ( pv)
°C m of water
0 0.63
10 0.125
15 0.165
20 0.239
30 0.437
40 0.762
50 1.275
60 2.075
80 4.960
100 10.790

1.13.1 Evaporisation and Boiling


The phenomenon of vaporisation and boiling are differentiated as follows:
(i) Evaporisation: It is defined as rate of liquid leaving from its free surface
when the vapour pressure of liquid is less than surrounding pressure
(pressure above a liquid surface) at given temperature.
Condition for evaporisation:
pv < p at T = C
(ii) Boiling: Boiling is high rate of evaporisation, when the vapour pressure of
liquid is greater than or equal to the surrounding pressure (pressure above
a liquid surface) at given temperature.
Condition for boiling:
pv ≥ p at T = C
14 Fluid Mechanics

1.13.2 Cavitation
The mechanism of cavitation is defined as the following steps:
p>p The local static pressure
Formation of vapour cause becomes equal to or less
bubbles inside the than the liquid vapour
liquid pressure, i.e., p≤ pv

The local static pressure


Travel of vapour cause slightly more than the
Zone-I bubbles along with
p≤ pv liquid vapour pressure
liquid i.e., p > pv ≤

cause
Collapse of vapour
× ×× bubbles
Zone-II ××
× ×× ≤
p>pv ××

Zone-III
p >>pv Cavitation

(a) Cavitation in varying (b) Steps in cavitation


diameter pipe
Fig. 1.7: Mechanism of cavitation.

(a) Formation of vapour bubbles (Zone-I)


(b) Travel of vapour bubbles (Zone-II)
(c) Collapse of vapour bubbles (Zone-III)

In order to easily understand the phenomenon of cavitation we consider a


liquid passing through the varying diameter pipe.
(a) Formation of Vapour Bubbles (Zone-I): If the local static pressure at
any point in a conduit becomes less than or equal to the vapour pressure
of liquid at same operating temperature, boiling starts and vapour bubbles
form inside the liquid. This initiates the cavitation. The formation of
vapour bubbles inside the liquid is depicted as Zone-I in Fig. 1.7 (a).
(b) Travel of Vapour Bubbles (Zone-II): After the formation of vapour bubbles,
these bubbles travel along with the liquid into regions of higher pressure. The
path covered by vapour bubbles is shown as Zone-II in Fig. 1.7(a).
(c) Collapse of Vapour Bubbles (Zone-III): When the vapour bubbles
reach the region of high pressure, the pressure outside the bubbles is
greater than the pressure inside the bubbles. Therefore, bubbles collapse
and create vacuum, the surrounding higher pressure rush to the region
of vacuum with very high velocity, which develop very high pressure
wave (100 times of atmospheric pressure). This high pressure wave will
act as a hammering action on the metal. This hammering action is known
as Cavitation.
Properties of Fluids 15

1.14 SURFACE TENSION


At surface of contact between a gas and a liquid or between two immiscible liquids,
tensile force (i.e., tension) acts on the surface due to unbalanced molecular forces
acting downwards. This tensile force is known as surface tension. It is denoted by
σ (sigma). Surface tension is the property of the liquid surface.
Air

Air
Water B
Free Surface

B Contact surface between


two immiscible liquids
Water C
A Mercury

(a) (b)

Fig. 1.8: Surface tension


Surface tension is expressed as the force acting normal per unit length of the free
surface or contact surface between two immiscible liquids.
Mathematically,
Unbalanced molecular force act normal to the free surface
Surface tension: σ =
Length of the free surface
SI unit of σ is N/m
Surface tension is also defined as surface energy per unit area.
Surface energy Nm
Surface tension: σ = = = N/m
Surface area m2
Due to surface tension, free surface of liquid behaves like a thin membrane. This
enables the free surface to support very small load placed on it. For instance, a small
needle gently placed on the liquid surface will not sink due to surface tension.
To understand more about surface tension, let us consider equilibrium of force
within a liquid. We consider a molecule A inside the liquid as shown in Fig. 1.8 (a).
This molecule A is attracted by cohesive forces on all sides by the molecules of same
liquid. Thus resultant force acting on molecule A is zero. On the other hand, a molecule
at the surface of liquid at point B does not have any liquid molecule above it and
therefore, there is a net downward force on the molecule B due to the attraction on
molecules below it. (i.e., cohesive force). This downward force will act normal to the
free surface and create tensile force (i.e., tension) on the surface. This downward
unbalanced force rises to surface tension. Similar reason in case of the contact
surface between two immisable liquids as shown in Fig. 1.8 (b).
Effect of Temperature: Surface tension depends directly upon the intermolecular
cohesion since this cohesion decreases with rise in temperature, thus surface tension
decreases with temperature rise.
The surface tension of some liquids at 20ºC and at atmospheric pressure are given
in the Table 1.4:
16 Fluid Mechanics

Table 1.4
Liquid in Contact with Air Surface Tension (σ): N/m
Water–air 0.0728
Kerosene–air 0.0277
Glycerine–air 0.0633
Benzene–air 0.0289
Mercury–air 0.5140

1.14.1 Surface Tension on Liquid Droplet


Let d = diameter of small spherical droplet.
σ = surface tension of the liquid.
∆p = pressure difference between the inside and outside
of the drop
Let the droplet in Fig. 1.9 (a) is cut into two halves. The surface tension and
excess pressure acting on left half portion is shown in Fig. 1.9 (b) and Fig. 1.9 (c)
σ

∆p

(a) Droplet (b) Surface tension (c) Excess pressure

π 2
σπd ∆p d
4

(d) Surface tension force (e) Pressure or bursting


on hemispherical force
section of a liquid drop

Fig. 1.9: Surface tension on liquid droplet.

Considering the equilibrium of one half of the droplet, from Figs. 1.9 (d) and
1.9 (e);
Bursting force = Surface tension force
π
∆p. d 2 = surface tension × circumference
4
= σ.πd
σ.πd 4σ
∆p = =
π 2 d
d
4
Properties of Fluids 17


∆p = ... (i)
d
Above Eq. (i), shows that with the decrease of diameter of the droplet, pressure
intensity inside the droplet increases.

1.14.2 Surface Tension on a Hollow Bubble


A hollow bubble like a soap bubble in air has two surfaces in contact with air, one
inside and other the outside, as shown in Fig. 1.10. The surfaces that act on the
hemispherical section are same as that of the droplet, but two surfaces of bubble
are subjected to surface tension. At equilibrium condition in this case, we have
π 2
∆p d = 2 . σπd
4

∴ ∆p = ... (ii)
d

Outer Surface

Inner Surface

Fig. 1.10: Two surfaces of a soap bubble or hollow bubble.

The above Eq. (ii), shows that a soap solution has a high value of surface tension
(σ), which causes a soap bubble to be large in diameter for small pressure of blowing.

1.14.3 Surface Tension on a Liquid Jet


Consider a liquid jet of diameter d and length l as shown in Fig. 1.11.

∆pld
d
l

Fig. 1.11: Force on liquid jet.


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votes—he contending for district elections, and the delegates to vote
individually. South Carolina was not represented in the convention.
After the first ballot Mr. Van Buren’s vote sensibly decreased, until
finally, Mr. James K. Polk, who was a candidate for the Vice-
Presidency, was brought forward and nominated unanimously for
the chief office. Mr. Geo. M. Dallas was chosen as his colleague for
the Vice-Presidency. The nomination of these gentlemen, neither of
whom had been mentioned until late in the proceedings of the
convention, for the offices for which they were finally nominated,
was a genuine surprise to the country. No voice in favor of it had
been heard; and no visible sign in the political horizon had
announced it.
The Whig convention nominated Henry Clay, for President; and
Theodore Frelinghuysen for Vice-President.
The main issues in the election which ensued, were mainly the
party ones of Whig and Democrat, modified by the tariff and Texas
questions. It resulted in the choice of the Democratic candidates,
who received 170 electoral votes as against 105 for their opponents;
the popular majority for the Democrats being 238,284, in a total vote
of 2,834,108. Mr. Clay received a larger popular vote than had been
given at the previous election for the Whig candidate, showing that
he would have been elected had he then been the nominee of his
party; though the popular vote at this election was largely increased
over that of 1840. It is conceded that the 36 electoral votes of New
York State gave the election to Mr. Polk. It was carried by a bare
majority; due entirely to the Gubernatorial candidacy of Mr. Silas
Wright, who had been mentioned for the vice-presidential
nomination in connection with Mr. Van Buren, but who declined it
after the sacrifice of his friend and colleague; and resigning his seat
in the Senate, became a candidate for Governor of New York. The
election being held at the same time as that for president, his name
and popularity brought to the presidential ticket more than enough
votes to make the majority that gave the electoral vote of the State to
the Democrats.
President Tyler’s annual and last message to Congress, in
December 1844, contained, (as did that of the previous year) an
elaborate paragraph on the subject of Texas and Mexico; the idea
being the annexation of the former to the Union, and the assumption
of her causes of grievance against the latter; and a treaty was pending
to accomplish these objects. The scheme for the annexation of Texas
was framed with a double aspect—one looking to the then pending
presidential election, the other to the separation of the Southern
States; and as soon as the rejection of the treaty was foreseen, and
the nominating convention had acted, the disunion aspect
manifested itself over many of the Southern States—beginning with
South Carolina. Before the end of May, a great meeting took place at
Ashley, in that State, to combine the slave States in a convention to
unite the Southern States to Texas, if Texas should not be received
into the Union; and to invite the President to convene Congress to
arrange the terms of the dissolution of the Union if the rejection of
the annexation should be persevered in. Responsive resolutions were
adopted in several States, and meetings held. The opposition
manifested, brought the movement to a stand, and suppressed the
disunion scheme for the time being—only to lie in wait for future
occasions. But it was not before the people only that this scheme for
a Southern convention with a view to the secession of the slave States
was a matter of discussion; it was the subject of debate in the Senate;
and there it was further disclosed that the design of the secessionists
was to extend the new Southern republic to the Californias.
The treaty of annexation was supported by all the power of the
administration, but failed; and it was rejected by the Senate by a two-
thirds vote against it. Following this, a joint resolution was early
brought into the House of Representatives for the admission of Texas
as a State of the Union, by legislative action; it passed the House by a
fair majority, but met with opposition in the Senate unless coupled
with a proviso for negotiation and treaty, as a condition precedent. A
bill authorizing the President and a commissioner to be appointed to
agree upon the terms and conditions of said admission, the question
of slavery within its limits, its debts, the fixing of boundaries, and the
cession of territory, was coupled or united with the resolution; and in
this shape it was finally agreed to, and became a law, with the
concurrence of the President, March 3, 1845. Texas was then in a
state of war with Mexico, though at that precise point of time an
armistice had been agreed upon, looking to a treaty of peace. The
House resolution was for an unqualified admission of the State; the
Senate amendment or bill was for negotiation; and the bill actually
passed would not have been concurred in except on the
understanding that the incoming President (whose term began
March 4, 1845, and who was favorable to negotiation) would act
under the bill, and appoint commissioners accordingly.
Contrary to all expectation, the outgoing President, on the last day
of his term, at the instigation of his Secretary of State, Mr. Calhoun,
assumed the execution of the act providing for the admission of
Texas—adopted the legislative clause—and sent out a special
messenger with instructions. The danger of this had been foreseen,
and suggested in the Senate; but close friends of Mr. Calhoun,
speaking for the administration, and replying to the suggestion,
indignantly denied it for them, and declared that they would not
have the “audacity” to so violate the spirit and intent of the act, or so
encroach upon the rights of the new President. These statements
from the friends of the Secretary and President that the plan by
negotiation would be adopted, quieted the apprehension of those
Senators opposed to legislative annexation or admission, and thus
secured their votes, without which the bill would have failed of a
majority. Thus was Texas incorporated into the Union. The
legislative proposition sent by Mr. Tyler was accepted: Texas became
incorporated with the United States, and in consequence the state of
war was established between the United States and Mexico; it only
being a question of time and chance when the armistice should end
and hostilities begin. Although Mr. Calhoun was not in favor of war
with Mexico—he believing that a money payment would settle the
differences with that country—the admission of Texas into the Union
under the legislative annexation clause of the statute, was really his
act and not that of the President’s; and he was, in consequence,
afterwards openly charged in the Senate with being the real author of
the war which followed.
The administration of President Polk opened March 4, 1845; and
on the same day, the Senate being convened for the purpose, the
cabinet ministers were nominated and confirmed. In December
following the 29th Congress was organized. The House of
Representatives, being largely Democratic, elected the Speaker, by a
vote of 120, against 70 for the Whig candidate. At this session the
“American” party—a new political organization—first made its
appearance in the National councils, having elected six members of
the House of Representatives, four from New York and two from
Pennsylvania. The President’s first annual message had for its chief
topic, the admission of Texas, then accomplished, and the
consequent dissatisfaction of Mexico; and referring to the
preparations on the part of the latter with the apparent intention of
declaring war on the United States, either by an open declaration, or
by invading Texas. The message also stated causes which would
justify this government in taking the initiative in declaring war—
mainly the non-compliance by Mexico with the terms of the treaty of
indemnity of April 11, 1839, entered into between that State and this
government relative to injuries to American citizens during the
previous eight years. He also referred to the fact of a minister having
been sent to Mexico to endeavor to bring about a settlement of the
differences between the nations, without a resort to hostilities. The
message concluded with a reference to the negotiations with Great
Britain relative to the Oregon boundary; a statement of the finances
and the public debt, showing the latter to be slightly in excess of
seventeen millions; and a recommendation for a revision of the tariff,
with a view to revenue as the object, with protection to home
industry as the incident.
At this session of Congress, the States of Florida and Iowa were
admitted into the Union; the former permitting slavery within its
borders, the latter denying it. Long before this, the free and the slave
States were equal in number, and the practice had grown up—from a
feeling of jealousy and policy to keep them evenly balanced—of
admitting one State of each character at the same time. Numerically
the free and the slave States were thus kept even: in political power a
vast inequality was going on—the increase of population being so
much greater in the northern than in the southern region.
The Ashburton treaty of 1842 omitted to define the boundary line,
and permitted, or rather did not prohibit, the joint occupation of
Oregon by British and American settlers. This had been a subject of
dispute for many years. The country on the Columbia River had been
claimed by both. Under previous treaties the American northern
boundary extended “to the latitude of 49 degrees north of the
equator, and along that parallel indefinitely to the west.” Attempts
were made in 1842 and continuing since to 1846, to settle this
boundary line, by treaty with Great Britain. It had been assumed that
we had a dividing line, made by previous treaty, along the parallel of
54 degrees 40 minutes from the sea to the Rocky mountains. The
subject so much absorbed public attention, that the Democratic
National convention of 1844 in its platform of principles declared for
that boundary line, or war as the consequence. It became known as
the 54–40 plank, and was a canon of political faith. The negotiations
between the governments were resumed in August, 1844. The
Secretary of State, Mr. Calhoun, proposed a line along the parallel of
49 degrees of north latitude to the summit of the Rocky mountains
and continuing that line thence to the Pacific Ocean; and he made
this proposition notwithstanding the fact that the Democratic party—
to which he belonged—were then in a high state of exultation for the
boundary of 54 degrees 40 minutes, and the presidential canvass, on
the Democratic side, was raging upon that cry.
The British Minister declined this proposition in the part that
carried the line to the ocean, but offered to continue it from the
summit of the mountains to the Columbia River, a distance of some
three hundred miles, and then follow the river to the ocean. This was
declined by Mr. Calhoun. The President had declared in his
inaugural address in favor of the 54–40 line. He was in a dilemma; to
maintain that position meant war with Great Britain; to recede from
it seemed impossible. The proposition for the line of 49 degrees
having been withdrawn by the American government on its non-
acceptance by the British, had appeased the Democratic storm which
had been raised against the President. Congress had come together
under the loud cry of war, in which Mr. Cass was the leader, but
followed by the body of the democracy, and backed and cheered by
the whole democratic newspaper press. Under the authority and
order of Congress notice had been served on Great Britain which was
to abrogate the joint occupation of the country by the citizens of the
two powers. It was finally resolved by the British Government to
propose the line of 49 degrees, continuing to the ocean, as originally
offered by Mr. Calhoun; and though the President was favorable to
its acceptance, he could not, consistently with his previous acts,
accept and make a treaty, on that basis. The Senate, with whom lies
the power, under the constitution, of confirming or restricting all
treaties, being favorable to it, without respect to party lines, resort
was had, as in the early practice of the Government, to the President,
asking the advice of the Senate upon the articles of a treaty before
negotiation. A message was accordingly sent to the Senate, by the
President, stating the proposition, and asking its advice, thus shifting
the responsibility upon that body, and making the issue of peace or
war depend upon its answer. The Senate advised the acceptance of
the proposition, and the treaty was concluded.
The conduct of the Whig Senators, without whose votes the advice
would not have been given nor the treaty made, was patriotic in
preferring their country to their party—in preventing a war with
Great Britain—and saving the administration from itself and its party
friends.
The second session of the 29th Congress was opened in December,
1847. The President’s message was chiefly in relation to the war with
Mexico, which had been declared by almost a unanimous vote in
Congress. Mr. Calhoun spoke against the declaration in the Senate,
but did not vote upon it. He was sincerely opposed to the war,
although his conduct had produced it. Had he remained in the
cabinet, to do which he had not concealed his wish, he would, no
doubt, have labored earnestly to have prevented it. Many members of
Congress, of the same party with the administration, were extremely
averse to the war, and had interviews with the President, to see if it
was inevitable, before it was declared. Members were under the
impression that the war could not last above three months.
The reason for these impressions was that an intrigue was laid,
with the knowledge of the Executive, for a peace, even before the war
was declared, and a special agent dispatched to bring about a return
to Mexico of its exiled President, General Santa Anna, and conclude a
treaty of peace with him, on terms favorable to the United States.
And for this purpose Congress granted an appropriation of three
millions of dollars to be placed at the disposal of the President, for
negotiating for a boundary which should give the United States
additional territory.
While this matter was pending in Congress, Mr. Wilmot of
Pennsylvania introduced and moved a proviso, “that no part of the
territory to be acquired should be open to the introduction of
slavery.” It was a proposition not necessary for the purpose of
excluding slavery, as the only territory to be acquired was that of
New Mexico and California, where slavery was already prohibited by
the Mexican laws and constitution. The proviso was therefore
nugatory, and only served to bring on a slavery agitation in the
United States. For this purpose it was seized upon by Mr. Calhoun
and declared to be an outrage upon and menace to the slaveholding
States. It occupied the attention of Congress for two sessions, and
became the subject of debate in the State Legislatures, several of
which passed disunion resolutions. It became the watchword of party
—the synonym of civil war, and the dissolution of the Union. Neither
party really had anything to fear or to hope from the adoption of the
proviso—the soil was free, and the Democrats were not in a position
to make slave territory of it, because it had just enunciated as one of
its cardinal principles, that there was “no power in Congress to
legislate upon slavery in Territories.” Never did two political parties
contend more furiously about nothing. Close observers, who had
been watching the progress of the slavery agitation since its
inauguration in Congress in 1835, knew it to be the means of keeping
up an agitation for the benefit of the political parties—the
abolitionists on one side and the disunionists or nullifiers on the
other—to accomplish their own purposes. This was the celebrated
Wilmot Proviso, which for so long a time convulsed the Union;
assisted in forcing the issue between the North and South on the
slavery question, and almost caused a dissolution of the Union. The
proviso was defeated; that chance of the nullifiers to force the issue
was lost; another had to be made, which was speedily done, by the
introduction into the Senate on the 19th February, 1847, by Mr.
Calhoun of his new slavery resolutions, declaring the Territories to
be the common property of the several States; denying the right of
Congress to prohibit slavery in a Territory, or to pass any law which
would have the effect to deprive the citizens of any slave State from
emigrating with his property (slaves) into such Territory. The
introduction of the resolutions was prefaced by an elaborate speech
by Mr. Calhoun, who demanded an immediate vote upon them. They
never came to a vote; they were evidently introduced for the mere
purpose of carrying a question to the slave States on which they
could be formed into a unit against the free States; and so began the
agitation which finally led to the abrogation of the Missouri
Compromise line, and arrayed the States of one section against those
of the other.
The Thirtieth Congress, which assembled for its first session in
December, 1847, was found, so far as respects the House of
Representatives, to be politically adverse to the administration. The
Whigs were in the majority, and elected the Speaker; Robert C.
Winthrop, of Massachusetts, being chosen. The President’s message
contained a full report of the progress of the war with Mexico; the
success of the American arms in that conflict; the victory of Cerro
Gordo, and the capture of the City of Mexico; and that negotiations
were then pending for a treaty of peace. The message concluded with
a reference to the excellent results from the independent treasury
system.
The war with Mexico was ended by the signing of a treaty of peace,
in February, 1848, by the terms of which New Mexico and Upper
California were ceded to the United States, and the lower Rio
Grande, from its mouth to El Paso, taken for the boundary of Texas.
For the territory thus acquired, the United States agreed to pay to
Mexico the sum of fifteen million dollars, in five annual installments;
and besides that, assumed the claims of American citizens against
Mexico, limited to three and a quarter million dollars, out of and on
account of which claims the war ostensibly originated. The victories
achieved by the American commanders, Generals Zachary Taylor
and Winfield Scott, during that war, won for them national
reputations, by means of which they were brought prominently
forward for the Presidential succession.
The question of the power of Congress to legislate on the subject of
slavery in the Territories, was again raised, at this session, on the bill
for the establishment of the Oregon territorial government. An
amendment was offered to insert a provision for the extension of the
Missouri compromise line to the Pacific Ocean; which line thus
extended was intended by the amendment to be permanent, and to
apply to all future territories established in the West. This
amendment was lost, but the bill was finally passed with an
amendment incorporating into it the anti-slavery clause of the
ordinance of 1787. Mr. Calhoun, in the Senate, declared that the
exclusion of slavery from any territory was a subversion of the
Union; openly proclaimed the strife between the North and South to
be ended, and the separation of the States accomplished. His speech
was an open invocation to disunion, and from that time forth, the
efforts were regular to obtain a meeting of the members from the
slave States, to unite in a call for a convention of the slave States to
redress themselves. He said: “The great strife between the North and
the South is ended. The North is determined to exclude the property
of the slaveholder, and, of course, the slaveholder himself, from its
territory. On this point there seems to be no division in the North. In
the South, he regretted to say, there was some division of sentiment.
The effect of this determination of the North was to convert all the
Southern population into slaves; and he would never consent to
entail that disgrace on his posterity. He denounced any Southern
man who would not take the same course. Gentlemen were greatly
mistaken if they supposed the Presidential question in the South
would override this more important one. The separation of the North
and the South is completed. The South has now a most solemn
obligation to perform—to herself—to the constitution—to the Union.
She is bound to come to a decision not to permit this to go on any
further, but to show that, dearly as she prizes the Union, there are
questions which she regards as of greater importance than the
Union. This is not a question of territorial government, but a
question involving the continuance of the Union.” The President, in
approving the Oregon bill, took occasion to send in a special
message, pointing out the danger to the Union from the progress of
the slavery agitation, and urged an adherence to the principles of the
ordinance of 1787—the terms of the Missouri compromise of 1820—
as also that involved and declared in the Texas case in 1845, as the
means of averting that danger.
The Presidential election of 1848 was coming on. The Democratic
convention met in Baltimore in May of that year; each State being
represented in the convention by the number of delegates equal to
the number of electoral votes it was entitled to; saving only New
York, which sent two sets of delegates, and both were excluded. The
delegates were, for the most part, members of Congress and office-
holders. The two-thirds rule, adopted by the previous convention,
was again made a law of the convention. The main question which
arose upon the formation of the platform for the campaign, was the
doctrine advanced by the Southern members of non-interference
with slavery in the States or in the Territories. The candidates of the
party were, Lewis Cass, of Michigan, for President, and General Wm.
O. Butler, of Kentucky, for Vice-President.
The Whig convention, taking advantage of the popularity of Genl.
Zachary Taylor, for his military achievements in the Mexican war,
then just ended; and his consequent availability as a candidate,
nominated him for the Presidency, over Mr. Clay, Mr. Webster and
General Scott, who were his competitors before the convention.
Millard Fillmore was selected as the Vice-presidential candidate.
A third convention was held, consisting of the disaffected
Democrats from New York who had been excluded from the
Baltimore convention. They met at Utica, New York, and nominated
Martin Van Buren for President, and Charles Francis Adams for
Vice-President. The principles of its platform, were, that Congress
should abolish slavery wherever it constitutionally had the power to
do so—[which was intended to apply to the District of Columbia]—
that it should not interfere with it in the slave States—and that it
should prohibit it in the Territories. This party became known as
“Free-soilers,” from their doctrines thus enumerated, and their party
cry of “free-soil, free-speech, free-labor, free-men.” The result of the
election, as might have been foreseen, was to lose New York State to
the Baltimore candidate, and give it to the Whigs, who were
triumphant in the reception of 163 electoral votes for their
candidates, against 127 for the democrats; and none for the free-
soilers.
The last message of President Polk, in December following, gave
him the opportunity to again urge upon Congress the necessity for
some measure to quiet the slavery agitation, and he recommended
the extension of the Missouri compromise line to the Pacific Ocean,
passing through the new Territories of California and New Mexico,
as a fair adjustment, to meet as far as possible the views of all parties.
The President referred also to the state of the finances; the excellent
condition of the public treasury; government loans, commanding a
high premium; gold and silver the established currency; and the
business interests of the country in a prosperous condition. And this
was the state of affairs, only one year after emergency from a foreign
war. It would be unfair not to give credit to the President and to
Senator Benton and others equally prominent and courageous, who
at that time had to battle against the bank theory and national paper
money currency, as strongly urged and advocated, and to prove
eventually that the money of the Constitution—gold and silver—was
the only currency to ensure a successful financial working of the
government, and prosperity to the people.
The new President, General Zachary Taylor, was inaugurated
March 4, 1849. The Senate being convened, as usual, in extra
session, for the purpose, the Vice-President elect, Millard Fillmore,
was duly installed; and the Whig cabinet officers nominated by the
President, promptly confirmed. An additional member of the Cabinet
was appointed by this administration to preside over the new “Home
Department” since called the “Interior,” created at the previous
session of Congress.
The following December Congress met in regular session—the 31st
since the organization of the federal government. The Senate
consisted of sixty members, among whom were Mr. Webster, Mr.
Calhoun, and Mr. Clay, who had returned to public life. The House
had 230 members; and although the Whigs had a small majority, the
House was so divided on the slavery question in its various phases,
that the election for Speaker resulted in the choice of the Democratic
candidate, Mr. Cobb, of Georgia, by a majority of three votes. The
annual message of the President plainly showed that he
comprehended the dangers to the Union from a continuance of
sectional feeling on the slavery question, and he averred his
determination to stand by the Union to the full extent of his
obligations and powers. At the previous session Congress had spent
six months in endeavoring to frame a satisfactory bill providing
territorial governments for California and New Mexico, and had
adjourned finally without accomplishing it, in consequence of
inability to agree upon whether the Missouri compromise line should
be carried to the ocean, or the territories be permitted to remain as
they were—slavery prohibited under the laws of Mexico. Mr. Calhoun
brought forward, in the debate, a new doctrine—extending the
Constitution to the territory, and arguing that as that instrument
recognized the existence of slavery, the settlers in such territory
should be permitted to hold their slave property taken there, and be
protected. Mr. Webster’s answer to this was that the Constitution
was made for States, not territories; that it cannot operate anywhere,
not even in the States for which it was made, without acts of
Congress to enforce it. The proposed extension of the constitution to
territories, with a view to its transportation of slavery along with it,
was futile and nugatory without the act of Congress to vitalize slavery
under it. The early part of the year had witnessed ominous
movements—nightly meetings of large numbers of members from
the slave States, led by Mr. Calhoun, to consider the state of things
between the North and the South. They appointed committees who
prepared an address to the people. It was in this condition of things,
that President Taylor expressed his opinion, in his message, of the
remedies required. California, New Mexico and Utah, had been left
without governments. For California, he recommended that having a
sufficient population and having framed a constitution, she be
admitted as a State into the Union; and for New Mexico and Utah,
without mixing the slavery question with their territorial
governments, they be left to ripen into States, and settle the slavery
question for themselves in their State constitutions.

With a view to meet the wishes of all parties, and arrive at some
definite and permanent adjustment of the slavery question, Mr. Clay
early in the session introduced compromise resolutions which were
practically a tacking together of the several bills then on the calendar,
providing for the admission of California—the territorial government
for Utah and New Mexico—the settlement of the Texas boundary—
slavery in the District of Columbia—and for a fugitive slave law. It
was seriously and earnestly opposed by many, as being a concession
to the spirit of disunion—a capitulation under threat of secession;
and as likely to become the source of more contentions than it
proposed to quiet.
The resolutions were referred to a special committee, who
promptly reported a bill embracing the comprehensive plan of
compromise which Mr. Clay proposed. Among the resolutions
offered, was the following: “Resolved, that as slavery does not exist
by law and is not likely to be introduced into any of the territory
acquired by the United States from the Republic of Mexico, it is
inexpedient for Congress to provide by law either for its introduction
into or exclusion from any part of the said territory; and that
appropriate territorial governments ought to be established by
Congress in all of the said territory, and assigned as the boundaries
of the proposed State of California, without the adoption of any
restriction or condition on the subject of slavery.” Mr. Jefferson
Davis of Mississippi, objected that the measure gave nothing to the
South in the settlement of the question; and he required the
extension of the Missouri compromise line to the Pacific Ocean as
the least that he would be willing to take, with the specific
recognition of the right to hold slaves in the territory below that line;
and that, before such territories are admitted into the Union as
States, slaves may be taken there from any of the United States at the
option of their owner.
Mr. Clay in reply, said: “Coming from a slave State, as I do, I owe it
to myself, I owe it to truth, I owe it to the subject, to say that no
earthly power could induce me to vote for a specific measure for the
introduction of slavery where it had not before existed, either south
or north of that line.*** If the citizens of those territories choose to
establish slavery, and if they come here with constitutions
establishing slavery, I am for admitting them with such provisions in
their constitutions; but then it will be their own work, and not ours,
and their posterity will have to reproach them, and not us, for
forming constitutions allowing the institution of slavery to exist
among them.”
Mr. Seward of New York, proposed a renewal of the Wilmot
Proviso, in the following resolution: “Neither slavery nor involuntary
servitude, otherwise than by conviction for crime, shall ever be
allowed in either of said territories of Utah and New Mexico;” but his
resolution was rejected in the Senate by a vote of 23 yeas to 33 nays.
Following this, Mr. Calhoun had read for him in the Senate, by his
friend James M. Mason of Virginia, his last speech. It embodied the
points covered by the address to the people, prepared by him the
previous year; the probability of a dissolution of the Union, and
presenting a case to justify it. The tenor of the speech is shown by the
following extracts from it: “I have, Senators, believed from the first,
that the agitation of the subject of slavery would, if not prevented by
some timely and effective measure, end in disunion. Entertaining
this opinion, I have, on all proper occasions, endeavored to call the
attention of each of the two great parties which divide the country to
adopt some measure to prevent so great a disaster, but without
success. The agitation has been permitted to proceed, with almost no
attempt to resist it, until it has reached a period when it can no
longer be disguised or denied that the Union is in danger. You have
had forced upon you the greatest and gravest question that can ever
come under your consideration: How can the Union be preserved?
*** Instead of being weaker, all the elements in favor of agitation are
stronger now than they were in 1835, when it first commenced, while
all the elements of influence on the part of the South are weaker.
Unless something decisive is done, I again ask what is to stop this
agitation, before the great and final object at which it aims—the
abolition of slavery in the States—is consummated? Is it, then, not
certain that if something decisive is not now done to arrest it, the
South will be forced to choose between abolition and secession?
Indeed as events are now moving, it will not require the South to
secede to dissolve the Union.*** If the agitation goes on, nothing will
be left to hold the States together except force.” He answered the
question, How can the Union be saved? with which his speech
opened, by suggesting: “To provide for the insertion of a provision in
the constitution, by an amendment, which will restore to the South
in substance the power she possessed of protecting herself, before
the equilibrium between the sections was destroyed by the action of
the government.” He did not state of what the amendment should
consist, but later on, it was ascertained from reliable sources that his
idea was a dual executive—one President from the free, and one from
the slave States, the consent of both of whom should be required to
all acts of Congress before they become laws. This speech of Mr.
Calhoun’s, is important as explaining many of his previous actions;
and as furnishing a guide to those who ten years afterwards
attempted to carry out practically the suggestions thrown out by him.
Mr. Clay’s compromise bill was rejected. It was evident that no
compromise of any kind whatever on the subject of slavery, under
any one of its aspects separately, much less under all put together,
could possibly be made. There was no spirit of concession
manifested. The numerous measures put together in Mr. Clay’s bill
were disconnected and separated. Each measure received a separate
and independent consideration, and with a result which showed the
injustice of the attempted conjunction; for no two of them were
passed by the same vote, even of the members of the committee
which had even unanimously reported favorably upon them as a
whole.
Mr. Calhoun died in the spring of 1850; before the separate bill for
the admission of California was taken up. His death took place at
Washington, he having reached the age of 68 years. A eulogy upon
him was delivered in the Senate by his colleague, Mr. Butler, of South
Carolina. Mr. Calhoun was the first great advocate of the doctrine of
secession. He was the author of the nullification doctrine, and an
advocate of the extreme doctrine of States Rights. He was an
eloquent speaker—a man of strong intellect. His speeches were plain,
strong, concise, sometimes impassioned, and always severe. Daniel
Webster said of him, that “he had the basis, the indispensable basis
of all high characters, and that was unspotted integrity, unimpeached
honor and character!”
In July of this year an event took place which threw a gloom over
the country. The President, General Taylor, contracted a fever from
exposure to the hot sun at a celebration of Independence Day, from
which he died four days afterwards. He was a man of irreproachable
private character, undoubted patriotism, and established reputation
for judgment and firmness. His brief career showed no deficiency of
political wisdom nor want of political training. His administration
was beset with difficulties, with momentous questions pending, and
he met the crisis with firmness and determination, resolved to
maintain the Federal Union at all hazards. His first and only annual
message, the leading points of which have been stated, evinces a
spirit to do what was right among all the States. His death was a
public calamity. No man could have been more devoted to the Union
nor more opposed to the slavery agitation; and his position as a
Southern man and a slaveholder—his military reputation, and his
election by a majority of the people as well as of the States, would
have given him a power in the settlement of the pending questions of
the day which no President without these qualifications could have
possessed.
In accordance with the Constitution, the office of President thus
devolved upon the Vice-President, Mr. Millard Fillmore, who was
duly inaugurated July 10, 1850. The new cabinet, with Daniel
Webster as Secretary of State, was duly appointed and confirmed by
the Senate.
The bill for the admission of California as a State in the Union, was
called up in the Senate and sought to be amended by extending the
Missouri Compromise line through it, to the Pacific Ocean, so as to
authorize slavery in the State below that line. The amendment was
introduced and pressed by Southern friends of the late Mr. Calhoun,
and made a test question. It was lost, and the bill passed by a two-
third vote; whereupon ten Southern Senators offered a written
protest, the concluding clause of which was: “We dissent from this
bill, and solemnly protest against its passage, because in sanctioning
measures so contrary to former precedents, to obvious policy, to the
spirit and intent of the constitution of the United States, for the
purpose of excluding the slaveholding States from the territory thus
to be erected into a State, this government in effect declares that the
exclusion of slavery from the territory of the United States is an
object so high and important as to justify a disregard not only of all
the principles of sound policy, but also of the constitution itself.
Against this conclusion we must now and for ever protest, as it is
destructive of the safety and liberties of those whose rights have been
committed to our care, fatal to the peace and equality of the States
which we represent, and must lead, if persisted in, to the dissolution
of that confederacy, in which the slaveholding States have never
sought more than equality, and in which they will not be content to
remain with less.” On objection being made, followed by debate, the
Senate refused to receive the protest, or permit it to be entered on
the Journal. The bill went to the House of Representatives, was
readily passed, and promptly approved by the President. Thus was
virtually accomplished the abrogation of the Missouri compromise
line; and the extension or non-extension of slavery was then made to
form a foundation for future political parties.
The year 1850 was prolific with disunion movements in the
Southern States. The Senators who had joined with Mr. Calhoun in
the address to the people, in 1849, united with their adherents in
establishing at Washington a newspaper entitled “The Southern
Press,” devoted to the agitation of the slavery question; to presenting
the advantages of disunion, and the organization of a confederacy of
Southern States to be called the “United States South.” Its constant
aim was to influence the South against the North, and advocated
concert of action by the States of the former section. It was aided in
its efforts by newspapers published in the South, more especially in
South Carolina and Mississippi. A disunion convention was actually
held, in Nashville, Tennessee, and invited the assembly of a Southern
Congress. Two States, South Carolina and Mississippi responded to
the appeal; passed laws to carry it into effect, and the former went so
far as to elect its quota of Representatives to the proposed new
Southern Congress. These occurrences are referred to as showing the
spirit that prevailed, and the extraordinary and unjustifiable means
used by the leaders to mislead and exasperate the people. The
assembling of a Southern “Congress” was a turning point in the
progress of disunion. Georgia refused to join; and her weight as a
great Southern State was sufficient to cause the failure of the scheme.
But the seeds of discord were sown, and had taken root, only to
spring up at a future time when circumstances should be more
favorable to the accomplishment of the object.
Although the Congress of the United States had in 1790 and again
in 1836 formally declared the policy of the government to be non-
interference with the States in respect to the matter of slavery within
the limits of the respective States, the subject continued to be
agitated in consequence of petitions to Congress to abolish slavery in
the District of Columbia, which was under the exclusive control of
the federal government; and of movements throughout the United
States to limit, and finally abolish it. The subject first made its
appearance in national politics in 1840, when a presidential ticket
was nominated by a party then formed favoring the abolition of
slavery; it had a very slight following which was increased tenfold at
the election of 1844 when the same party again put a ticket in the
field with James G. Birney of Michigan, as its candidate for the
Presidency; who received 62,140 votes. The efforts of the leaders of
that faction were continued, and persisted in to such an extent, that
when in 1848 it nominated a ticket with Gerritt Smith for President,
against the Democratic candidate, Martin Van Buren, the former
received 296,232 votes. In the presidential contest of 1852 the
abolition party again nominated a ticket, with John P. Hale as its
candidate for President, and polled 157,926 votes. This large
following was increased from time to time, until uniting with a new
party then formed, called the Republican party, which latter adopted
a platform endorsing the views and sentiments of the abolitionists,
the great and decisive battle for the principles involved, was fought
in the ensuing presidential contest of 1856; when the candidate of
the Republican party, John C. Fremont, supported by the entire
abolition party, polled 1,341,812 votes. The first national platform of
the Abolition party, upon which it went into the contest of 1840,
favored the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia and
Territories; the inter-state slave trade, and a general opposition to
slavery to the full extent of constitutional power.
Following the discussion of the subject of slavery, in the Senate
and House of Representatives, brought about by the presentation of
petitions and memorials, and the passage of the resolutions in 1836
rejecting such petitions, the question was again raised by the
presentation in the House, by Mr. Slade of Vermont, on the 20th
December 1837, of two memorials praying the abolition of slavery in
the District of Columbia, and moving that they be referred to a select
committee. Great excitement prevailed in the chamber, and of the
many attempts by the Southern members an adjournment was had.
The next day a resolution was offered that thereafter all such
petitions and memorials touching the abolition of slavery should,
when presented, be laid on the table; which resolution was adopted
by a large vote. During the 24th Congress, the Senate pursued the
course of laying on the table the motion to receive all abolition
petitions; and both Houses during the 25th Congress continued the
same course of conduct; when finally on the 25th of January 1840,
the House adopted by a vote of 114 to 108, an amendment to the
rules, called the 21st Rule, which provided:—“that no petition,
memorial or resolution, or other paper, praying the abolition of
slavery in the District of Columbia, or any state or territory, or the
slave-trade between the States or territories of the United States, in
which it now exists, shall be received by this House, or entertained in
any way whatever.” This rule was afterwards, on the 3d of December,
1844, rescinded by the House, on motion of Mr. J. Quincy Adams, by
a vote of 108 to 80; and a motion to re-instate it, on the 1st of
December 1845, was rejected by a vote of 84 to 121. Within five years
afterwards—on the 17th September 1850,—the Congress of the
United States enacted a law, which was approved by the President,
abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia.
On the 25th of February, 1850, there was presented in the House
of Representatives, two petitions from citizens of Pennsylvania and
Delaware, setting forth that slavery, and the constitution which
permits it, violates the Divine law; is inconsistent with republican
principles; that its existence has brought evil upon the country; and
that no union can exist with States which tolerate that institution;
and asking that some plan be devised for the immediate, peaceful
dissolution of the Union. The House refused to receive and consider
the petitions; as did also the Senate when the same petitions were
presented the same month.
The presidential election of 1852 was the last campaign in which
the Whig party appeared in National politics. It nominated a ticket
with General Winfield Scott as its candidate for President. His
opponent on the Democratic ticket was General Franklin Pierce. A
third ticket was placed in the field by the Abolition party, with John
P. Hale as its candidate for President. The platform and declaration
of principles of the Whig party was in substance a ratification and
endorsement of the several measures embraced in Mr. Clay’s
compromise resolutions of the previous session of Congress, before
referred to; and the policy of a revenue for the economical
administration of the government, to be derived mainly from duties
on imports, and by these means to afford protection to American
industry. The main plank of the platform of the Abolition party (or
Independent Democrats, as they were called) was for the non-
extension and gradual extinction of slavery. The Democratic party
equally adhered to the compromise measure. The election resulted in
the choice of Franklin Pierce, by a popular vote of 1,601,474, and 254
electoral votes, against a popular aggregate vote of 1,542,403 (of
which the abolitionists polled 157,926) and 42 electoral votes, for the
Whig and Abolition candidates. Mr. Pierce was duly inaugurated as
President, March 4, 1853.
The first political parties in the United States, from the
establishment of the federal government and for many years
afterwards, were denominated Federalists and Democrats, or
Democratic-Republicans. The former was an anti-alien party. The
latter was made up to a large extent of naturalized foreigners;
refugees from England, Ireland and Scotland, driven from home for
hostility to the government or for attachment to France. Naturally,
aliens sought alliance with the Democratic party, which favored the
war against Great Britain. The early party contests were based on the
naturalization laws; the first of which, approved March 26, 1790,
required only two years’ residence in this country; a few years
afterwards the time was extended to five years; and in 1798 the
Federalists taking advantage of the war fever against France, and
then being in power, extended the time to fourteen years. (See Alien
and Sedition Laws of 1798). Jefferson’s election and Democratic
victory of 1800, brought the period back to five years in 1802, and
reinforced the Democratic party. The city of New York, especially,
from time to time became filled with foreigners; thus naturalized;
brought into the Democratic ranks; and crowded out native
Federalists from control of the city government, and to meet this
condition of affairs, the first attempt at a Native American
organization was made. Beginning in 1835; ending in failure in
election of Mayor in 1837, it was revived in April, 1844, when the
Native American organization carried New York city for its
Mayoralty candidate by a good majority. The success of the
movement there, caused it to spread to New Jersey and
Pennsylvania. In Philadelphia, it was desperately opposed by the
Democratic, Irish and Roman Catholic element, and so furiously,
that it resulted in riots, in which two Romish Churches were burned
and destroyed. The adherents of the American organization were not
confined to Federalists or Whigs, but largely of native Democrats;
and the Whigs openly voted with Democratic Natives in order to
secure their vote for Henry Clay for the Presidency; but when in
November, 1844, New York and Philadelphia both gave Native
majorities, and so sapped the Whig vote, that both places gave

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