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SURVEILL ANCE S TUDIES
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ii
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iii
SURVEILL ANCE
S TUDIES
A READER
Edited by
Torin Monahan
David Murakami Wood
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iv
1
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(ToCome)
ISBN 978–0–19–029782–4 (pbk.)
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Paperback printed by WebCom, Inc., Canada
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9780190297817_Book.indb 4 12-Jul-18 3:28:25 PM

CONTENTS
List of Figures and Tables xi

Acknowledgmentsxiii
Rights and Permissions xv
Introduction: Surveillance Studies as a Transdisciplinary Endeavor xix
1 OPENINGS AND DEFINITIONS 1
1 James B. Rule, Private Lives and Public Surveillance: Social Control

in the Computer Age 5
2 Oscar H. Gandy, jr., The Panoptic Sort: A Political Economy of
Personal Information 9
3 William G. Staples, Everyday Surveillance: Vigilance and Visibility
in Postmodern Life 14
4 David Lyon, Surveillance Studies: An Overview 18
5 Gary T. Marx, What’s New about the “New Surveillance?” Classifying
for Change and Continuity 22
2 SOCIET Y AND SUBJECTIVIT Y 27
6 Jeremy Bentham, The Panopticon 31

7 Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison 36
8 Gilles Deleuze, Postscript on the Societies of Control 42
9 Kevin D. Haggert y and Richard V. Ericson,
The Surveillant Assemblage 47
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vi
vi Contents
10 Thomas Mathiesen, The Viewer Society: Michel Foucault’s

“Panopticon” Revisited 51
11 David Armstrong, The Rise of Surveillance Medicine 55
12 Irus Braverman, Zooland: The Institution of Captivity 59
3 STATE AND AUTHORIT Y 63
13 Johann Got tlieb Fichte, Foundations of Natural Right 67

14 Anthony Giddens, The Nation-State and Violence 70
15 Geoffrey C. Bowker and Susan Leigh Star, Sorting Things Out:
Classification and Its Consequences 75
16 Maria Los, The Technologies of Total Domination 79
17 Anna Funder, Stasiland: Stories from behind the Berlin Wall 83
18 Cindi Katz, The State Goes Home: Local Hyper-Vigilance
of Children and the Global Retreat from Social Reproduction 88
4 IDENTIT Y AND IDENTIFICATION 93
19 Valentin Groebner, Who Are You? Identification, Deception,

and Surveillance in Early Modern Europe 97
20 John C. Torpey, The Invention of the Passport: Surveillance,
Citizenship, and the State 101
21 Allan Sekula, The Body and the Archive 105
22 Dorothy Nelkin and Lori Andrews, DNA Identification
and Surveillance Creep 111
23 Shoshana Amielle Magnet, When Biometrics Fail: Gender, Race,
and the Technology of Identity 116
5 BORDERS AND MOBILITIES 121
24 Louise Amoore, Biometric Borders: Governing Mobilities in

the War on Terror 125
25 Mark B. Salter, Passports, Mobility, and Security: How Smart Can
the Border Be? 129
26 Stephen Graham and David Murakami Wood, Digitizing
Surveillance: Categorization, Space, Inequality 133
27 Katja Franko Aas, “Crimmigrant” Bodies and Bona Fide
Travelers: Surveillance, Citizenship, and Global Governance 138
28 Didier Bigo, Security, Exception, Ban, and Surveillance 143
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vi
Contents vii
6 INTELLIGENCE AND SECURIT Y 147
29 James Bamford, The Puzzle Palace: Inside the National Security

Agency, America’s Most Secret Intelligence Organization 152
30 Alfred W. McCoy, Policing America’s Empire: The United States,
the Philippines, and the Rise of the Surveillance State 157
31 Ahmad H. Sa’di, Thorough Surveillance: The Genesis of Israeli
Policies of Population Management, Surveillance, and Political Control
towards the Palestinian Minority 161
32 Glenn Greenwald, No Place to Hide: Edward Snowden, the NSA, and
the US Surveillance State 166
7 CRIME AND POLICING 173
33 Clive Norris and Gary Armstrong, CCTV and the Social

Structuring of Surveillance 179
34 Mike McCahill, The Surveillance Web: The Rise
of Visual Surveillance in an English City 183
35 Philip Boyle and Kevin D. Haggert y, Spectacular Security: Mega-
Events and the Security Complex 187
36 Pete Fussey, Jon Coaffee, Gary Armstrong, and Dick Hobbs,
The Regeneration Games: Purity and Security in the Olympic City 191
37 Hille KOSKELA, “The Gaze without Eyes”: Video-Surveillance and
the Changing Nature of Urban Space 195
38 Andrew John Goldsmith, Policing’s New Visibility 199
39 Torin Monahan and Rodolfo D. Torres, Schools under
Surveillance: Cultures of Control in Public Education 204
8 PRIVACY AND AUTONOMY 209
40 Priscilla M. Regan, Legislating Privacy: Technology, Social Values,

and Public Policy 213
41 Jean-F rançois Blanchet te and Deborah G. Johnson, Data
Retention and the Panoptic Society: The Social Benefits of
Forgetfulness 217
42 Helen Fay Nissenbaum, Privacy in Context: Technology, Policy, and
the Integrity of Social Life 222
43 Julie E. Cohen, Configuring the Networked Self: Law, Code, and
the Play of Everyday Practice 226
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vi
viii Contents
44 John Gilliom, Overseers of the Poor: Surveillance, Resistance, and

the Limits of Privacy 230
45 Colin J. Bennet t, In Defense of Privacy: The Concept and
the Regime 234
9 UBIQUITOUS SURVEILL ANCE 239
46 Roger Clarke, Information Technology and Dataveillance 243

47 Dana Cuff, Immanent Domain: Pervasive Computing and
the Public Realm 248
48 Mike Crang and Stephen Graham, Sentient Cities:
Ambient Intelligence and the Politics of Urban Space 253
49 Mark Andrejevic, Surveillance in the Big Data Era 257
10 WORK AND ORGANIZATION 261
50 Graham Sewell and Barry Wilkinson, “Someone to Watch over

Me”: Surveillance, Discipline, and the Just-in-Time Labour Process 265
51 Kirstie Ball, Workplace Surveillance: An Overview 269
52 Gavin J. D. Smith, Behind the Screens: Examining Constructions
of Deviance and Informal Practices among CCTV Control Room
Operators in the UK 273
53 Christian Fuchs, Web 2.0, Prosumption, and Surveillance 276
11 POLITICAL ECONOMY 281
54 Adam Arvidsson, On the “Pre-History of the Panoptic Sort”: Mobility

in Market Research 285
55 David Murakami Wood and Kirstie Ball, Brandscapes of Control?
Surveillance, Marketing and the Co-Construction of Subjectivity and
Space in Neo-Liberal Capitalism 289
56 Anthony Amicelle, Towards a “New” Political Anatomy of Financial
Surveillance 294
57 Nicole S. Cohen, The Valorization of Surveillance: Towards a Political
Economy of Facebook 298
58 Shoshana Zuboff, Big Other: Surveillance Capitalism and
the Prospects of an Information Civilization 302
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xi
Contents ix
12 PARTICIPATION AND SOCIAL MEDIA 307
59 Mark Andrejevic, The Work of Being Watched: Interactive Media

and the Exploitation of Self-Disclosure 309
60 Hille Koskela, Webcams, TV Shows, and Mobile Phones:
Empowering Exhibitionism 313
61 Anders Albrechtslund, Online Social Networking as Participatory
Surveillance 317
62 Priscilla Regan and Valerie Steeves, Kids R Us: Online Social
Networking and the Potential for Empowerment 321
63 Alice E. Marwick, The Public Domain: Social Surveillance in
Everyday Life 326
13 RESISTANCE AND OPPOSITION 331
64 Colin J. Bennet t, The Privacy Advocates: Resisting the Spread of

Surveillance 335
65 Laura Huey, Kevin Walby, and A aron Doyle, Cop Watching in the
Downtown Eastside: Exploring the Use of (Counter)Surveillance as a
Tool of Resistance 339
66 Finn Brunton and Helen Nissenbaum, Vernacular Resistance to
Data Collection and Analysis: A Political Theory of Obfuscation 343
67 Steve Mann, Jason Nolan, and Barry Wellman,
Sousveillance: Inventing and Using Wearable Computing Devices for
Data Collection in Surveillance Environments 347
68 Torin Monahan, The Right to Hide? Anti-Surveillance Camouflage
and the Aestheticization of Resistance 351
14 MARGINALIT Y AND DIFFERENCE 357
69 Oscar H. Gandy, jr., Coming to Terms with Chance: Engaging

Rational Discrimination and Cumulative Disadvantage 361
70 Jasbir K. Puar, Terrorist Assemblages: Homonationalism
in Queer Times 365
71 Corinne Mason and Shoshana Magnet, Surveillance Studies and
Violence against Women 369
72 Simone Browne, Dark Matters: On the Surveillance of Blackness 373
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x Contents
15 ART AND CULTURE 377
73 John E. McGrath, Loving Big Brother: Performance, Privacy,

and Surveillance Space 381
74 David Rosen and A aron Santesso, The Watchman in
Pieces: Surveillance, Literature, and Liberal Personhood 385
75 Andrea Mubi Brighenti, Artveillance: At the Crossroads of Art and
Surveillance 389
76 Mike Nellis, Since Nineteen Eighty Four: Representations of
Surveillance in Literary Fiction 394
77 Catherine Zimmer, Surveillance Cinema 398
78 Jennifer R. Whitson, Gaming the Quantified Self 403
Index 407
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xi
L I S T O F F I G U R E S A N D TA B L E S
Figures
1 Jeremy Bentham’s Panopticon prison design, 1791, Willey Reveley. 32

2 Stasi smell samples for dog tracking, undated, John Steer, courtesy of
the Stasi-Museum, Berlin, ASTAK. 65
3 Plate 41 from Identification anthropométrique, 1893, Alphonse Bertillon. 109
4 AeroVironment Nano-Hummingbird, 2011, sponsored by US Defense
Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA). 148
5 IXmaps Project tracing Internet routes through NSA servers, 2016,
Andrew Clement. 167
6 Recording the police, 2015, unknown. 201
7 Eavesdropping, 1880, Théodore Jacques Ralli. 211
8 Hyper-Reality [Augmented reality city of the near future], 2016,
Keiichi Matsuda. 241
9 Modern Times, 1936, Charlie Chaplin. 262
10 One Nation under CCTV, 2008, Banksy. 332
11 Faceless, 2007, Manu Luksch. 392
Table
1 Surveillance Dimensions 25
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xi
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xi
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This book was made possible through generous financial assistance from our universities.
The Department of Communication at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill pro-
vided support through a Kenneth and Mary Lowe Challenge Fund/Faculty Excellence Grant.
The Department of Sociology and the Surveillance Studies Centre at Queen’s University
provided support with the aid of the Canada Research Chairs Program.
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vxi
9780190297817_Book.indb 14 12-Jul-18 3:28:25 PM

v
x
RIGHTS AND PERMISSIONS
David Armstrong. “The Rise of Surveillance

Section 1: Openings and Definitions Medicine.” Sociology of Health & Illness 17
James B. Rule. Private Lives and Public (3): 393–404. 1995 [393–97, 399–401, 403].
Surveillance: Social Control in the Computer Age. Reprinted with permission.
London: Allen Lane, 1973 [19, 22–23, 37–40, 350– Irus Braverman. Zooland: The Institution of Captivity.
52, 354–55, 357]. Reprinted with permission. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2013 [75–79,
Oscar H. Gandy, Jr. The Panoptic Sort: A Political 82–83, 86–90]. Reprinted with the permission.
Economy of Personal Information. Boulder,
CO: Westview, 1993 [1–2, 15–18]. Reprinted with
permission. Section 3: State and Authority
William G. Staples. Everyday Surveillance: Vigilance
and Visibility in Postmodern Life. Lanham, Johann Gottlieb Fichte. Foundations of Natural Right.
MD: Rowan & Littlefield Publishers, 2000 [3–7]. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
Reprinted with permission. Edited by Frederick Neuhouser, translated by
David Lyon. Surveillance Studies: An Overview. Michael Baur, (1796/97) 2000 [254, 257–58, 261–
Cambridge, UK: Polity, 2007 [13–16, 25–27]. 63]. Reprinted with permission.
Reprinted with permission. Anthony Giddens. The Nation-State and Violence
Gary T. Marx. “What’s New about the ‘New (Critique of Historical Materialism Vol. II).
Surveillance?’: Classifying for Change and Cambridge, UK: Polity, 1985 [1, 146, 159, 184–
Continuity.” Surveillance and Society 1 (1):9–29. 85, 189, 192, 311–13, 327, 345]. Reprinted with
2002. Reprinted with permission. permission.
Geoffrey C. Bowker and Susan Leigh Star.
Sorting Things Out: Classif ication and Its
Consequences. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press,
Section 2: Society and Subjectivity 1999 [196–9 7, 199–2 01, 212, 225]. Reprinted
Jeremy Bentham. The Works of Jeremy Bentham, vol 4. with permission.
Edited by J. Bowring. Ann Arbor: University of Maria Los. “The Technologies of Total Domination.”
Michigan Library, (1843) 2009 [40–41, 44–46]. Surveillance & Society 2 (1):15–38. 2004. Reprinted
Reprinted with permission. with permission.
Michel Foucault. Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Anna Funder. Stasiland: Stories from behind the Berlin
Prison, translated by Alan Sheridan, translation Wall. Melbourne: Text Publishing, 2002 [106–
copyright © 1977 by Alan Sheridan [200–209]. 110]. Reprinted with permission.
Used by permission of Pantheon Books, an Cindi Katz. “The State Goes Home: Local
imprint of the Knopf Doubleday Publishing Hypervigilance of Children and the Global
Group, a division of Penguin Random House Retreat from Social Reproduction.” Social Justice
LLC. All rights reserved. 28 (3):47–56. 2001 [47–49, 50–51, 55]. Reprinted
Gilles Deleuze. “Postscript on the Societies of with permission.
Control.” October 59:3–7. 1992 [3–7]. Reprinted
with permission.
Kevin D. Haggerty and Richard V. Ericson. “The Section 4: Identity and Identification
Surveillant Assemblage.” British Journal of
Sociology 51 (4):605–22. 2000 [606, 608–1 4, Valentin Groebner. Who Are You? Identification,
617–19]. Reprinted with permission. Deception, and Surveillance in Early Modern
Thomas Mathiesen. “The Viewer Society: Michel Europe. Translated by M. Kyburz and J. Peck.
Foucault’s ‘Panopticon’ Revisited.” Theoretical Cambrige, MA: Zone Books, 2007 [25–27,
Criminology 1 (2):215–35. 1997 [216–23, 225–26, 200–202, 218–19, 257–58]. Reprinted with
228–31]. Reprinted with permission. permission.
9780190297817_Book.indb 15 12-Jul-18 3:28:25 PM

xvi
xvi Rights and Permissions

John C. Torpey. The Invention of the Glenn Greenwald. No Place to Hide: Edward Snowden,
Passport: Surveillance, Citizenship, and the State. the NSA, and the US Surveillance State.
Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, New York: Metropolitan Books, 2014 [91–96, 98–
2000 [1, 4, 6–13, 17]. Reprinted with permission. 101, 118–19, 151, 153]. Reprinted with permission.
Allan Sekula. “The Body and the Archive.” October
39:3–64. 1986 [5–7, 10, 16–19, 62]. Cambridge,
MA: MIT Press. Reprinted with permission. Section 7: Crime and Policing
Dorothy Nelkin and Lori Andrews. “DNA
Identification and Surveillance Creep.” Clive Norris and Gary Armstrong. “CCTV and
Sociology of Health & Illness 21 (5):689–706. the Social Structuring of Surveillance.” In
1999 [689–99, 701, 703]. Reprinted with Surveillance of Public Space: CCTV, Street
permission. Lighting, and Crime Prevention, edited by Kate
Shoshana Amielle Magnet. When Biometrics Painter and Nick Tilley, 157–78. Copyright
Fail: Gender, Race, and the Technology of Identity. © 1999 by Lynne Rienner Publishers, Inc.
Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2011 [2–3, Reprinted with permission.
5–7, 47–50]. Reprinted with permission. Mike McCahill. The Surveillance Web: The Rise
of Visual Surveillance in an English City.
Collumpton, Devon, UK: Willan Publishing,
Section 5: Borders and Mobilities 2002 [95–98]. Reprinted with permission.
Philip Boyle and Kevin D. Haggerty. “Spectacular
Louise Amoore. “Biometric Borders: Governing Security: Mega-Events and the Security Complex.”
Mobilities in the War on Terror.” Political International Political Sociology 3 (3):257–74. 2009
Geography 25 (3):336–51. 2006 [337–38, 341–43]. [267–70]. Reprinted with permission.
Reprinted with permission. Pete Fussey, Jon Coaffee, Gary Armstrong, and Dick
Mark B. Salter. “Passports, Mobility, and Hobbs. “The Regeneration Games: Purity and
Security: How Smart Can the Border Be?” Security in the Olympic City.” British Journal of
International Studies Perspectives 5 (1):71–91. 2004 Sociology 63 (2):260–84. 2012 [261–62, 264, 268,
[78–80, 85]. Reprinted with permission. 273–74, 276]. Reprinted with permission.
Stephen Graham and David Wood. “Digitizing Hille Koskela. “The Gaze without Eyes: Video
Surveillance: Categorization, Space, Inequality.” Surveillance and the Changing Nature of
Critical Social Policy 23 (2):227–48. 2003 [228– Urban Space.” Progress in Human Geography 24
35, 242]. Reprinted with permission. (2):243–65. 2000 [246, 248–50, 255, 258–59].
Katja Franko Aas. “Crimmigrant Bodies and Bona Reprinted with permission.
Fide Travelers: Surveillance, Citizenship and Andrew John Goldsmith. “Policing’s New Visibility.”
Global Governance.” Theoretical Criminology British Journal of Criminology 50 (5):914–34. 2010
15 (3):331–46. 2011 [337–42]. Reprinted with [917–22, 931]. Reprinted with permission.
permission. Torin Monahan and Rodolfo D. Torres. “Introduction.”
Didier Bigo. “Security, Exception, Ban and In Schools under Surveillance: Cultures of Control
Surveillance.” Theorizing Surveillance: The in Public Education, 1–18. New Brunswick,
Panopticon and Beyond, edited by D. Lyon, 46– NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2010 [1–4 , 6, 13–1 4].
68. Devon: Willan Publishing, 2006 [47–49, Reprinted with permission.
55, 63]. Reprinted with permission.
Section 8: Privacy and Autonomy

Section 6: Intelligence and Security
Priscilla M. Regan. Legislating Privacy: Technology,
James Bamford. The Puzzle Palace: Inside the National Social Values, and Public Policy. Chapel
Security Agency, America’s Most Secret Intelligence Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995
Organization. Copyright © 1982, 1983 [15–16, 19, [212–21]. Reprinted with permission.
317–20, 461–63, 468–69, 475–76]. Reprinted Jean-François Blachette and Deborah G. Johnson.
by permission of Houghton Mifflin Harcourt “Data Retention and the Panoptic Society: The
Publishing Company and Penguin Books. All Social Benefits of Foregetfulness.” The
rights reserved. Information Society 18 (1):33–45. 2002 [33–39, 43].
Alfred W. McCoy. Policing America’s Empire: The Reprinted with permission.
United States, the Philippines, and the Rise of Helen Fay Nissenbaum. Privacy in Context: Technology,
the Surveillance State. Madison: University of Policy, and the Integrity of Social Life. Stanford,
Wisconsin Press, 2009 [15–19]. Reprinted with CA: Stanford Law Books, 2010 [1–3, 231–36].
permission. Reprinted with permission.
Ahmad H. Sa’di. Thorough Surveillance: The Genesis Julie E. Cohen. Configuring the Networked Self: Law,
of Israeli Policies of Population Management, Code, and the Play of Everyday Practice. New
Surveillance, and Political Control towards Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2012 [148–52].
the Palestinian Minority. Manchester, Reprinted with permission.
UK: Manchester University Press, 2013 [52–55, John Gilliom. Overseers of the Poor: Surveillance,
58–61, 63, 67]. Reprinted with permission. Resistance, and the Limits of Privacy.
9780190297817_Book.indb 16 12-Jul-18 3:28:25 PM

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Rights and Permissions xvii
Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2001 (2):161–78. 2011 [161–64, 167–69]. Reprinted with
[2–7, 9–10, 43–4 4, 67–68]. Reprinted with permission.
permission. Nicole S. Cohen. “The Valorization of
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and the Regime.” Surveillance and Society 8 Facebook.” Democratic Communiqué 22 (1):5–22.
(4):485–96. 2011. Reprinted with permission. 2008 [7–15, 18]. Reprinted with permission.
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Capitalism and the Prospects of an Information
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(5):498–512. 1988 [499, 502–508]. Reprinted with
permission. Section 12: Participation and
Dana Cuff. “Immanent Domain: Pervasive Computing
and the Public Realm.” Journal of Architectural Social Media
Education 57 (1):43–49. 2003 [43–48]. Reprinted Mark Andrejevic. “The Work of Being Watched:
with permission. Interactive Media and the Exploitation of
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Era.” In Emerging Pervasive Information and Reprinted with permission.
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[58–64]. Reprinted with permission. 2008. Reprinted with permission.
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(2):151–65. 2010. Reprinted with permission.
Graham Sewell and Barry Wilkinson. “Someone to Alice E. Marwick. “The Public Domain: Social
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Practices among CCTV Control Room Operators Spread of Surveillance. Cambridge, MA: MIT
in the UK.” Surveillance & Society 2 (2/3):376–95. Press, 2008 [ix, 199, 210–1 1, 217, 220–22, 225].
2004. Reprinted with permission. Reprinted with permission.
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309. 2011. Reprinted with permission. Eastside: Exploring the Use of (Counter)
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Sort: Mobility in Market Research.” Surveillance Finn Brunton and Helen Nissenbaum. “Vernacular
& Society 1 (4):456–74. 2004. Reprinted with Resistance to Data Collection and Analysis: A
permission. Political Theory of Obfuscation.” First Monday 16
David Murakami Wood and Kirstie Ball. “Brandscapes (5). 2011. Reprinted with permission.
of Control? Surveillance, Marketing and the Steve Mann, Jason Nolan, and Barry Wellman.
Co-construction of Subjectivity and Space in “Sousveillance: Inventing and Using Wearable
Neo-L iberal Capitalism.” Marketing Theory 13 Computing Devices for Data Collection in
(1):47–67. 2013 [47, 49–52, 54–55, 57, 60–62]. Surveillance Environments.” Surveillance & Society 1
Reprinted with permission. (3):331–55. 2003. Reprinted with permission.
Anthony Amicelle. “Towards a ‘New’ Political Anatomy Torin Monahan. “The Right to Hide? Anti-
of Financial Surveillance.” Security Dialogue 42 Surveillance Camouflage and the
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xviii Rights and Permissions

Aestheticization of Resistance.” Communication Section 15: Art and Culture
and Critical/Cultural Studies 12 (2):159–78. 2015
[159–65, 169–7 1]. Reprinted with permission. John E. McGrath. Loving Big Brother: Performance,
Privacy, and Surveillance Space. New York:
Routledge, 2004 [2–3, 5–7, 10–1 1, 14, 166–68].
Section 14: Marginality and Reprinted with permission.
David Rosen and Aaron Santesso. The Watchman
Difference in Pieces: Surveillance, Literature, and Liberal
Personhood. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press,
Oscar H. Gandy, Jr. Coming to Terms with
2013 [56–59, 100–104]. Reprinted with permission.
Chance: Engaging Rational Discrimination
Andrea Mubi Brighenti. “Artveillance: At the
and Cumulative Disadvantage. Burlington,
Crossroads of Art and Surveillance.” Surveillance
VT: Ashgate, 2009 [1–3, 5, 10–15]. Reprinted with
& Society 7 (2):137–48. 2010. Reprinted with
permission.
permission.
Jasbir K. Puar. Terrorist Assemblages: Homonationalism
Mike Nellis. “Since Nineteen Eighty
in Queer Times. Durham, NC: Duke University
Four: Representations of Surveillance in Literary
Press, 2007 [152, 154–56, 160–62, 164–65].
Fiction.” In New Directions in Surveillance and
Reprinted with permission.
Privacy, edited by B. J. Goold and D. Neyland,
Corrine Mason and Shoshana Magnet. “Surveillance
178–204. Portland, OR: Willan Publishing, 2009
Studies and Violence against Women.”
[178, 197–200]. Reprinted with permission.
Surveillance & Society 10 (2):105–18. 2012.
Catherine Zimmer. Surveillance Cinema.
New York: New York University Press, 2015 [18–
Simone Browne. Dark Matters: On the Surveillance
24]. Reprinted with permission.
of Blackness. Durham, NC: Duke University
Jennifer R. Whitson. “Gaming the Quantified Self.”
Press, 2015 [7–9, 16–17, 21–22, 24, 77–79, 128].
Surveillance & Society 11 (1/2):163–76. 2013.
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xi
TORIN MONAHAN AND

DAVID MURAKAMI WOOD
I NT R O D U C T I O N
Surveillance Studies as a Transdisciplinary Endeavor
Surveillance studies is a dynamic field of mediation at all. Face-to-face surveillance,

scholarly inquiry. It emerges, in large part, of people watching and controlling others,
from recognition of the ways in which perva- is certainly not rendered obsolete by new
sive information systems increasingly regu- technologies.
late all aspects of social life. Whether with Although definitions of surveillance
workplaces monitoring the performance vary, most scholars stress that surveillance
of employees, social media sites tracking is about more than just watching; it depends
clicks and uploads, financial institutions also on some capacity to control, regulate,
logging transactions, advertisers amassing or modulate behavior. This reading draws
fine-
grained data on customers, or secu- upon the French origins of the word surveil-
rity agencies siphoning up everyone’s tel- lance, which means “watching from above.”
ecommunications activities, surveillance It implies a power relationship. It is not
practices—although often hidden—have just passive looking but is instead a form
come to define the way modern institutions of oversight that judges and intervenes to
operate. This development indicates more shape behavior. Importantly, one does not
than just the adoption of information-based need to be aware of such control dynamics
technological systems by organizations; for them to be effective; these dynamics
rather, it represents a larger transformation can perhaps have greater force if they are
in how people and organizations perceive felt as natural and their politics are hidden.
and engage with the world. It now seems The excerpts in this book sketch a number
completely reasonable and responsible to of definitions with different accents and
collect data by default and base decisions on nuances, but as a starting point, surveil-
those data. It seems rational to use data to lance can be understood as “monitoring
sort people into categories according to their people in order to regulate or govern their
anticipated risk or value and to treat people behavior” (Gilliom and Monahan 2013: 2).
differently based on their categorization. While academics may agree, more or less,
These are surveillance logics that transcend with general definitions, the term “surveil-
any particular technological system, and lance” invites a range of interpretations. For
indeed they do not require technological some it is restricted to specific technologies
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xx Introduction
or legal designations, whereas for others it process. There are always value judgments
signals any form of systematic monitoring and power imbalances, and they usually
that exerts an influence or has a tangible reproduce social inequalities. Because of
outcome. Additionally, because of its neg- growing awareness of the central role of
ative connotations, practitioners on the surveillance in shaping power relations
ground often disagree about whether sur- and knowledge across social and cultural
veillance is taking place. For instance, so- contexts, scholars from many different ac-
cial scientists who conduct empirical work ademic disciplines have gravitated to sur-
with policing agencies have found that veillance studies and contributed to its
most law-enforcement personnel do not see solidification as a field.
their work in that way, even as they describe But academic fields do not develop en-
their professional functions in terms that tirely on their own, just from a set of shared
researchers would label as surveillance. ideas or concerns. Rather, they depend on
Surveillance may be ubiquitous, but it the concerted efforts of individuals to pull
acquires different forms, functions, and and hold people together, to initiate and
meanings across social settings. Broadly, sustain conversations over time, and, ulti-
one could say that all formations of capital, mately, to institutionalize the field in a set
nation, and state—three aspects that consti- of organizational practices and artifacts
tute the structure of contemporary societies (Mullins 1972). For surveillance studies,
(Karatani 2014)—depend on mechanisms those practices entailed workshops begin-
of surveillance to control markets, regulate ning in the early 1990s and continuing
bodies, and protect institutions. Recently, with greater frequency in the 2000s; the
these processes were illuminated in the formation of the international Surveillance
arena of national security and state intelli- Studies Network (SSN)1 in 2006; and the
gence, where the public gained newfound hosting of international conferences every
awareness of the extent of state surveillance two years, starting in 2004. The artifacts
operations with the trove of US National include numerous edited volumes, many
Security Agency (NSA) documents released of them outgrowths of the aforementioned
by Edward Snowden in 2013. Clearly, sur- workshops, and, crucially, the founding of
veillance flourishes in other spheres too, the open-access online journal Surveillance
beyond explicit state operations or formal & Society2 in 2002. Many of the people in-
governance structures. For instance, public volved in these activities, including the
interest in surveillance has likewise been editors of this Reader, are represented
piqued by revelations about peer and corpo- in this book, but special mention must
rate monitoring on social media sites like be made of sociologist David Lyon, who
Facebook, which are platforms that also en- was instrumental early on in organizing
gage in the robust collection, analysis, and workshops and conference panels and
sharing of data, sometimes even running producing edited volumes that drew
undisclosed “experiments” on users to scholars into dialogue, thus helping to con-
see how they respond to different types of stitute the field.
content. Clearly this is an “origin story,” and
Across domains, from state security such stories are always political: they set
agencies to social media sites, surveil- the parameters for who and what counts
lance regulates boundaries and relations. or should be counted. As a collection of
It reinforces separation and different curated materials, Readers, such as this
treatment along lines of class, race, gender, one, are similarly political and necessarily
sexuality, age, and so on. Regardless of exclusionary, if only because there simply
the context, surveillance is never a neutral is not sufficient room to include everything
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xxi
Introduction xxi
that one would like to— or should— This should not be read as a romanticiza-
include. Although such politics and tion of the field. Certainly not every sur-
exclusions are unavoidable, we choose to veillance studies scholar welcomes being
be self-reflexive about our standpoints and challenged from a disciplinary perspective
the choices we are making. We are interdis- other than her or his own. That said, as the
ciplinary scholars with backgrounds and field as a whole has been forced to grapple
direct experience in surveillance studies, with such challenges, and continues to do
science and technology studies (STS), ge- so, the general tone has not been one of de-
ography, sociology, communication, and fensiveness but rather appreciation. Not of
history. Indirectly, through conferences, exclusion and ostracism, but of inclusion
publications, and collaborations, we partici- and acceptance. These are the norms that
pate in many other fields: anthropology, po- characterize the field for many participants,
litical science, law and society, criminology, and they are ones we try to reproduce with
American studies, gender studies, cultural our selection, grouping, and framing of
studies, and others. excerpts in this book.
This interdisciplinary orientation inflects
the explicit and implicit arguments of this
Reader. Instead of overemphasizing the
contributions of one discipline, for instance, Histories of Surveillance and
we seek to illustrate how different discipli- Surveillance Studies
nary perspectives bring different concerns,
methods, and theoretical positions to the There may be an allure to seeing surveil-
study of surveillance in society. We feel that lance as novel, but there are important his-
this is an empirically accurate representa- torical contexts and lineages that inform
tion of the field, as well, in that there are and shape the present. Some of the earliest
many voices and disciplines represented influential work in the field, by pioneers like
in the conversations of the field, as any pe- James B. Rule and Michel Foucault, came
rusal of conference programs will bear out. out of a 1960s and 1970s context of state
More than being a static “snapshot,” how- surveillance that included the monitoring,
ever, there is a deeper and ongoing story disruption, and repression of progressive
here about a correspondence between the groups by both totalitarian and democratic
field’s institutionalization and its increasing states (Murakami Wood 2009b). At this
interdisciplinarity. The two have occurred, time, as is still the case today, state actors
and continue to occur, together. Perhaps were emboldened by new technologies that
the field’s defining feature is its search for afforded the collection and analysis of infor-
commonalities among tensions in disci- mation on an unprecedented scale. Rule’s
plinary approaches to surveillance. This book Private Lives and Public Surveillance
is the reason we prefer to call surveillance (1973) delved into these trends with a focus
studies a “transdisciplinary field.” It draws on the implications of government agencies
its strength and forms its identity from and corporations adopting new computer
shared general concerns and productive databases as central tools of governance
frictions among disciplines, all the while and customer management. Rule saw these
fostering departures and innovations. It has changes as introducing the threat of a “total
achieved cohesion as a bona fide new field surveillance society” that could lead to di-
with shared concepts, “citation classics,” minished autonomy, curtailed rights, and
and forms of institutionalization (e.g., a political repression.
journal and conferences), but it also invites, Foucault (1977), on the other hand,
and often seems to embrace, critiques. cast his eye backward to illustrate how
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xx
ii
xxii Introduction
surveillance became a central method for The biggest historical transformations

governance and the construction of modern were associated not so much with the de-
subjects. Foucault’s observations about the velopment of new technologies as they were
emergence of distributed methods of rule with the social functions and goals of sur-
and self-disciplining forms of subjectivity veillance. In early modern Europe, states
were incredibly generative and explain sought to discover commonalities in groups
his substantial and sustained influence in and codify descriptions of them in bureau-
the field, however much scholars might cratic archives, thus creating identities
question the specifics of his historical anal- against which individuals were measured
ysis or particular aspects of his theory. (Groebner 2007). By the end of the eight-
Ironically, as Gilles Deleuze (1992) later eenth century, however, rulers became in-
pointed out, the combined technological creasingly interested in identifying specific
transformations and sociopolitical crises of people, both in nation-states and their col-
the 1960s and 1970s presaged the end of the onies, to effectively create “police states”
modern surveillance regime described by of well-governed and transparent societies
Foucault in Discipline and Punish, leading (Fichte 2000 [1796/97]). By the late nine-
to today’s more machinic, automated, and teenth century, this identification impera-
inhuman late-capitalist regime. tive reached crisis levels, fueled by concerns
The history of surveillance, of course, about anonymous individuals— perhaps
goes back much further. As David Lyon’s The with criminal inclinations—circulating in
Electronic Eye (1994) described, surveillance newly industrialized cities and challenging
can be detected in population documents established social hierarchies (Cole 2001;
from ancient Egypt and also in records of Torpey 2000). Identification regimes were
English landholding with the Domesday combined with generalized surveillance
Book from 1086. Interestingly, the word and mass enforcement, which were often
“eavesdrop,” which had its first printed use in supplemented by spectacular and exem-
1606, originally referred to someone who lit- plary punishments to deter criminal beha-
erally stood within the space next to a house vior by others.
where rainwater dripped from the eaves, Modern surveillance also concerned it-
where one could secretly listen to what was self increasingly with individual subjec-
said inside (OED Online 2016). These his- tivity and the management of populations
torical references reveal a mixture of hier- in ways that generated compliance, pro-
archical politics, technological affordances ductivity, and even health and happiness
(writing itself and the vernacular architec- (Foucault 1978). In this, surveillance was
ture of wooden houses, respectively), and always associated with scientific advances,
local social practices, which come together particularly with the new science of num-
to produce particular forms of surveillance. bers, statistics (Hacking 1990; Porter 1995;
It is not accurate in most cases to make an Scott 1998). As Ian Hacking shows in The
arbitrary distinction between “technolog- Taming of Chance (1990), throughout the
ical” and “non- technological” surveillance. nineteenth century, a general belief in de-
However, it is certainly true that the earlier terminism gradually gave way to regimes
the form of surveillance, the greater and of probability. The quantification of every-
more obvious the role that people played in thing (grain, forests, people, suicides, and
the process. The actual or suspected presence so on) gave rise to statistical bureaus and
of spies, informers, watchmen, and guards allowed states to invoke scientific rationality
looms larger in social imaginaries about sur- in governance decisions.
veillance in the premodern and early modern At the same time, the science of
periods than it does today. the body— in terms of both the broad
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xx
ii
Introduction xxiii
picture of biology and evolution and the In the late nineteenth century, biological
development of physiology and kinetics theories of racial inferiority fused with new
(movement)— was inspired by and pro- identification techniques like physiognomy,
vided the basis for a new kind of efficient photography, and fingerprinting—the early
and compliant workforce. Typically, these systems of biometric measurement (Cole
efforts mobilized surveillance to extract 2001; Sekula 1986). These were policing
as much labor from bodies as was phys- technologies deployed in an effort to cata-
ically possible. Frederick Winslow Taylor logue offenders and make criminality leg-
(1911) is well known in this regard, due to ible, and perhaps even predictable, through
his efforts to implement a system of “sci- scientific means. In tandem with the rise of
entific management” of factory workers. the eugenics movement of the Progressive
This early form of workplace surveillance Era in the United States, these scientific
relied on close observation, segmentation schemes drew upon narratives of biolog-
of tasks, and division of labor, all overseen ical difference to justify unequal treatment
by a new class of managerial elites whose of supposedly inferior groups: immigrants,
technocratic functions would, in Taylor’s racial minorities, the poor, the illiterate,
view, advance the social and economic or the cognitively impaired (Kevles 1995).
prosperity of the nation. Behind the facade of objective science, dis-
Whereas Taylor believed in a voluntary criminatory practices were institutional-
system where incentives and effective man- ized through such identification systems,
agement would compel heightened pro- and social hierarchies were reinforced in
ductivity, brutal forms of involuntary labor a time of heightened migration and social
extraction—as with slavery in the United mobility.
States, Brazil, Haiti, and elsewhere—also The period at the end of the nineteenth
depended on surveillance innovations. As century saw the creation of new rights and
Nicholas Mirzoeff (2011) explains, state freedoms. The modern legal concept of
visuality regimes, including those used in privacy arose in the context of polite New
the institutional management of slaves, England society and the frustrations of
rely on techniques of classification, sep- the American bourgeoisie with an increas-
aration, and aestheticization, such that ingly intrusive media, in particular popular
people are reduced to governable units and newspapers in their reporting of society
represented in bureaucratic systems that functions. Louis Brandeis and Samuel
obscure the symbolic and real violence of Warren’s (1890) famous line about the
dehumanizing complexes. In the case of “right to be let alone” comes from this con-
slavery in the United States, especially as text, where privacy was mobilized as a right
the institution started to unravel, surveil- of the privileged. Perhaps awareness of un-
lance took the form of hot-iron branding, equal access to privacy rights, even during
slave passes and “lantern laws” to regulate its emergence as a legal construct over
movement, and wanted posters encour- a century ago, helps explain the general
aging the apprehension of runaway slaves reservations that many surveillance studies
(Browne 2015). In her important work scholars have about privacy discourses
on the surveillance of blackness, Simone today. As we develop in Section 8, there
Browne reveals how forms of agency and are clearly disciplinary reasons as well for
resistance were always a part of the slave one’s commitment to— or suspicion of—
experience and that exercises of resistance privacy protections as responses to surveil-
continue today in people’s confrontations lance. However, for better or worse, within
with discriminatory and racist surveillance policy arenas and liberal academia, privacy
apparatuses (see Section 14). and the “private life” remain both tactically
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x
vxi
xxiv Introduction
and ideologically the dominant forms of re- technological innovations in conjunction

sponse to surveillance. This is true even as with popular theorizations about postmod-
scholars search for more comprehensive, ernism. In addition to the aforementioned
powerful, and flexible ways of responding Gilles Deleuze (1992) and Oscar Gandy
to surveillance encroachments and abuses. (1993), Mark Poster (1990) described surveil-
Before the field of surveillance studies lance operations in new media technologies
started to coalesce in the late 1990s, scholars and human-machine interfaces, which si-
largely followed the thread of the early 1970s multaneously deterritorialized subjectivity
critiques of centralized computer databases, and dispersed control mechanisms. David
state surveillance, and policing. For ex- Lyon (2001, 1994) synthesized many of
ample, Gary Marx’s classic book Undercover these themes by explicating the ways in
(1988) connected the use of older forms of which “information societies” are neces-
human surveillance with police informants sarily “surveillance societies” because the
and undercover operations to the emer- automatic collection of data by informa-
gence of new technologies, such as infrared tion systems affords the classification of
cameras, that could circumvent privacy ex- individuals and groups, behaviors and risks,
pectations without concomitant increases leading to differential treatment of people.
in legal protections. Likewise, Roger Clarke Kevin Haggerty and Richard Ericson
(1988) described dangers brought about by (2000) developed these foundations fur-
forms of “dataveillance” that allowed for the ther, describing the role of the individual’s
large-scale combination of data points and “data double” in a larger “surveillant assem-
the construction of profiles that could be blage,” an amorphous network of public
used to discriminate against people even and private systems where individuals have
in advance of any wrongdoing. David Lyon little recourse to alter or contest the surveil-
(1988) echoed these anxieties as well in his lance that is taking place. More than that,
first major work to deal with surveillance, almost all organizations engage in such acts
where he concluded by developing the om- of data collection, analysis, and intervention
inous figure of the “carceral computer.” (Staples 2000), meaning— among other
With greater attention to racial inequalities things—that surveillance has become one
and corporate profiling of customers, Oscar of the dominant modes of ordering in the
Gandy (1993) similarly noted how informa- postmodern era.
tion systems were acting politically to sort
people in unequal ways while obscuring the
inherent biases of the systems in question. Conceptual Challenges
As a culminating point, of sorts, in 1987
a number of significant players in the As scholars from a variety of disciplines
emergent field (e.g., Priscilla Regan, Gary engaged with surveillance studies, they
Marx, Andrew Clement, and James Rule) relied upon a common set of concepts to
contributed to an influential report by the advance collective knowledge. In partic-
US Office of Technology Assessment (1987) ular, Foucault’s interpretation of Jeremy
on workplace surveillance; this report Bentham’s Panopticon, the legal and moral
rearticulated some of the above critiques concept of privacy, and George Orwell’s
but also, perhaps more important for this figure of Big Brother were quite produc-
discussion of field formation, served as tive in sparking analysis. Over time, how-
an early and explicit articulation of shared ever, these concepts became strained and
concerns. seemed dissonant with the empirical
In the early 1990s, a conceptual conditions described by researchers or the
change began with consideration of new field’s growing theoretical interests.
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v
x
Introduction xxv
To start with, the allure of Foucault’s or critical of such discourses. We have al-
(1977) writings on Bentham’s Panopticon ready observed, for example, that although
prison design was that he transformed it into perceived threats to privacy may be a
a powerful metaphor for the ways in which clarion call to arms for civil-society groups
institutions could provide scripts for people and progressives more generally (Bennett
to internalize the surveillant gaze and po- 2008; Regan 1995), whether in its origins
lice themselves into social conformity (see or today, privacy has never truly been a
Section 2). There has been increasing dissat- universal human right. Some other limita-
isfaction with the concept, though, perhaps tions of the concept might be its difficulty
because of the way people feel compelled to in overcoming the individualistic frame to
modify it and devise clunky spin-off terms assist with understanding encroachments
(e.g., “superpanopticon,” “synopticon,” on social groups or public spaces (Patton
“ban- opticon”) to match new phenomena 2000); tensions between its presentation as
rather than invent something altogether an easily identifiable universal value and its
new. Foucault intended the Panopticon to remarkable messiness in practice (Nippert-
serve as an illustration of a particular histor- Eng 2010); or the empirical reality that
ical moment in the development of modern some of the targets of the most intrusive
thinking about subjectivity and social con- forms of surveillance are more concerned
trol (Murakami Wood 2009), but it has be- with issues of domination and power, not
come an almost hegemonic construct in the abstract notions like privacy (Gilliom 2001).
field. It is often applied or intoned as if it has Finally, George Orwell’s (1949) exceed-
some kind of universal explanatory value but, ingly disturbing fictional portrayal of a to-
if used this way, it lacks empirical validity. talitarian society (in Nineteen Eighty-Four),
Rather than being rational, centralized, and with the human face forever crushed
totalizing, surveillance is more often par- under the boot of Big Brother, has simi-
ticularistic, multi-sited, and highly special- larly made it difficult to escape motifs of
ized, leading Bruno Latour (2005) to refer to all-powerful, centralized state surveillance.
contemporary surveillance—using another Notwithstanding the resilience of the Big
derivative neologism—as oligoptic, that is, Brother figure in the media or common
narrow and focused rather than broad and parlance, the field continues to stress the
distributed. Of course, the focus and inten- heterogeneous mix of surveillance flows,
sity is not random. It varies according to even with state surveillance (e.g., Guzik
one’s social address (Monahan 2010) and is 2016; Hayes 2009; Monahan and Regan
more likely to sort, exclude, and marginalize 2012; Walby and Monaghan 2011). Edward
populations, not homogenize people and Snowden’s revelations about NSA surveil-
shape them into uniform docile bodies (see lance programs, for instance, reveal that
Section 14). private companies are the source of much
The concept of privacy remains salient data analyzed by state agencies and that
in the field, as well as in legal, policy, and private contractors, just as Snowden was,
popular discourses. Along with data pro- are essential to the state surveillance ap-
tection concerns, privacy resonates deeply paratus. In other words, state surveillance
with many people and provides something is only part of the picture. Across many
to organize around. That said, whereas the arenas, the blend of state, corporate, and
concept’s universalizing and individualizing social surveillance shapes life chances
tendencies undoubtedly lend it force in in concrete ways: whether someone gets
legal and policymaking arenas, these have health insurance or a bank loan, gets
been seen as deficiencies as well, espe- fired because of a Facebook posting or
cially by academics trained to be suspicious discriminated against because of their
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xvi
xxvi Introduction
credit score, gets targeted for police scru- into sections based on historical periods, ge-
tiny because she lives in a crime “hot spot,” ographical focus, conceptual frameworks,
or spied upon as a potential “terrorist” be- topical areas, or disciplinary perspectives,
cause he protests environmental polluters. among other options. Following from our
Thus, even within surveillant assemblages, earlier observation that surveillance studies
as Sean Hier and Josh Greenberg (2009) is a transdisciplinary field defined by its
note, hierarchies of visibility persist, such search for commonalities among tensions
that descriptions of exposure alone are in- in disciplinary approaches to surveillance,
sufficient to account for the uneven politics we have chosen a hybrid organizational
of surveillance. approach that seeks to triangulate, some-
On the other end of the spectrum, what loosely, topical areas, disciplinary
many people would find Orwell’s dysto- perspectives, and the field’s chronological de-
pian vision bizarre today because they see velopment. Thus, each section concentrates
surveillance— especially social networking primarily on a topical area, but this often
and media-based surveillance—as fun, con- reflects disciplinary preferences, and those
venient, or inconsequential (Albrechtslund preferences have changed over time as
2008; Ellerbrok 2011; McGrath 2004). It is scholars from different disciplines have
worth mentioning here that scholars doing joined the conversation. So, by reading the
literary analyses of surveillance have long sections in order, one can also get a sense of
observed that Orwell’s vision was highly how the field has mutated over time.
derivative of earlier writing by the Russian Emphatically, the order of sections
author Yevgeny Zamyatin (1972 [1921]). It does not represent a neat evolutionary
also seems that Aldous Huxley’s Brave New development but instead a fascinating it-
World (1932)—in which control is exercised erative process, where scholars studying
through a combination of eugenics, in one area are oftentimes influenced by
pleasure, drugs, and peer pressure— the contributions of those in an entirely
provides a far more convincing set of different area, leading to recombinant
metaphors for the contemporary situation knowledge for the collective advancement
(Marks 2005; Murakami Wood 2009a). of the field. For instance, while crimino-
With the exception of the concept of logical studies of police video surveillance
privacy, which remains central for many were some of the earliest and most for-
scholars in surveillance studies, the field mative empirical projects in surveillance
has largely departed from these genera- studies, researchers did not cease to inves-
tive concepts. Nonetheless, they have pro- tigate police video surveillance once others
foundly shaped the field’s discourses and drew the field toward explorations of resist-
remain useful as symbols of the extremes ance, ubiquitous surveillance, or the polit-
of universal or totalizing forms of surveil- ical economy; instead, scholars folded these
lance. As the next section will show, the lines of inquiry into their projects, making
field’s topical and conceptual apparatuses their findings both unpredictable and re-
have exploded as the field has grown, freshing, all the while furthering the dia-
adding complexity, nuance, and renewed logue with others (e.g., Coaffee and Fussey
vigor to what came before. 2015; McCahill and Finn 2014; Smith 2015).
Likewise, world events can suddenly re-
kindle interest in older areas of investi-
gation, as can be observed with terrorist
Book Overview attacks drawing attention back to national
security, Snowden’s leaks foregrounding
There are many possible ways to organize a state intelligence operations, or police
Reader such as this one. It could be divided killing of unarmed black men raising
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xxivi
Introduction xxvii
interest in the documentary evidence that larger systems of power and influence. This
video surveillance might provide, albeit makes sense given that with the exception
with an emphasis on police accountability, of Oscar Gandy, who is a communication
not citizen wrongdoing. This iterative scholar, each of the other authors in this
process is represented within most of the section would identify as a sociologist.
sections too, where we include excerpts Section 2, “Society and Subjectivity,”
from older and newer explorations of the provides excerpts from some of the key
area and note the influences in our section theoretical texts that shaped the field.
introductions so that these iterations and These include Bentham’s and Foucault’s
cross-fertilizations can be appreciated. writings on the Panopticon prison design,
It should be mentioned that some of the Deleuze’s delineations of the emergence
excerpts are by scholars who would not nec- of control dynamics replacing the disci-
essarily identify with the field of surveil- plinary ones outlined by Foucault, and
lance studies. This is to be expected with others exploring how such control might
foundational theoretical works that pre- manifest in decentralized networks or ar-
date the formation of the field, but there ticulate with powerful media institutions
are other instances of more contemporary that are characterized more by the many
selections by people working in aligned watching the few. Because the emphasis
fields. We chose to include such pieces if is on how subjectivity is produced through
they were exemplary works in new areas or exposure to surveillance, especially in or by
they challenged the status quo in ways we institutions, we also include selections that
found productive. Given that we valorize illustrate how public health campaigns in-
the relative porousness and inclusiveness form medical imaginaries and surveillance-
of the field, it seemed appropriate that we based zoo designs cultivate conservationist
would not exclude significant publications values in zoogoers.
simply because of how an author positioned The next two sections, “State and
themself. Authority” (Section 3) and “Identity and
The Reader’s first content section, Identification” (Section 4), explore the ways
“Openings and Definitions,” offers a pre- in which surveillance was a critical part
sentation of originary works that helped of the rise of the modern nation-state, es-
constitute surveillance studies. The authors pecially pertaining to the identification
wrestle with different definitions of surveil- and governance of people at borders and
lance, illustrating a lack of consensus at the within state territories. The authors an-
incipient stages of the field. Some position alyze incarnations of state surveillance
the target of surveillance as an individual in the service of totalitarian and postcolo-
person whose freedoms are infringed upon, nial regimes, such as Cold War–era East
while others question the larger effects on Germany and apartheid-era South Africa,
subject populations or society as a whole. respectively, and question the extent to
There is general agreement, however, that which totalitarian tendencies are present in
surveillance is widespread, facilitated by in- all modern nation-states. When states de-
formation systems used by most organiza- fine themselves by territorial demarcations,
tions, and permeating down to the capillary then the regulation of movement, through
level of society—that is, on the level of eve- passports or other identity documents, ef-
ryday interactions in most arenas of public fectively conjures “citizens” into being as
and private life. This movement between identifiable representatives of the state.
the macro and the micro is indicative of Unfortunately, identification efforts cannot
authors working to develop what C. Wright be divorced from the prejudices of their cul-
Mills (1959) called “the sociological imagi- tural contexts, so they usually reproduce
nation,” situating everyday practices within those prejudices in technological form.
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xx
iivi
xxviii Introduction
The section on “Borders and Mobilities” conducted the first empirical research on
(Section 5) picks up these themes and police video surveillance, largely found
places them within more of a contemporary that it was not effective at preventing most
national-security context. The identifica- crimes, just for displacing criminal activity
tion and sorting of populations is increas- to areas under less overt observation or, at
ingly embedded in computer algorithms, best, assisting with the identification of
facilitating social exclusion through au- suspects after the fact. While not entirely
tomated means. This is perhaps most absent from these criminological accounts,
apparent with border control systems that other excerpts advance an explicit gender
are effectively distributed across geographic critique of surveillance, seeing technolog-
territories and temporalities, as anywhere ical systems as potentially adding layers
or anytime that someone is identified and of harassment while not mitigating vio-
assessed against software- encoded risk lence against women. Additional pieces
profiles. As a few of the excerpts in this investigate the ways in which police and
section reveal, these functions are delegated security schemes connect to the political
not only to computer systems, but also to in- economy— securing places of commerce,
dividual travelers and the general public, advancing the security industry, and
who are responsibilized to submit volun- enforcing an actuarial form of risk man-
tarily to security demands and inform on agement that invariably punishes poor and
others who seem suspicious in some way, racialized populations. Of course, with the
usually due to their racial or ethnic iden- spread of camera-equipped mobile phones,
tity markers. Given this focus on terri- the power dynamics between the police
tory, mobility, and risk management, it is and the public may be open, at least par-
not surprising that the main disciplines tially, to renegotiation.
represented in this section are geography, We turn next to “Privacy and Autonomy”
political science, and criminology. (Section 8), with a number of treatments
National security and policing are two that address the field’s apprehensions with
of the most prevalent areas of concern in the privacy concept. These selections add
non-academic discussions of surveillance. complexity to the concept, showing both
The sections on “Intelligence and Security” how it is a dynamic social norm and how
(Section 6) and “Crime and Policing” theorizations of it have advanced well be-
(Section 7) offer a sampling of critical aca- yond many of the depictions of its critics.
demic and journalistic works in these areas. Technological developments seem to pro-
Some of it details the mind-boggling extent duce the greatest threats to privacy, at
of the NSA’s telecommunications surveil- least from the perspective of surveillance
lance systems, while other pieces allow us studies, especially as information gath-
to situate these intelligence practices in a ering and sharing become routine. Privacy
longer history of state overreach, with illegal scholars— who tend to come from the
targeted spying on activists, journalists, in- disciplines of political science, philosophy,
ternational allies, and others. Importantly, and legal studies—point out that as long as
as other excerpts show, internal state sur- privacy is presented solely as an individual
veillance is almost always coupled with and good, it is destined to be compromised
informed by similar applications in distant and eroded in policy realms that, fairly or
war zones and occupied territories. not, tend to view any other concerns as
When it comes to domestic policing advancing public interests. Thus, persua-
(Section 7), video surveillance—or closed- sive arguments are needed about the social
circuit television (CCTV)— is the most good provided by privacy protections. A few
obvious focal point. Criminologists, who of the excerpts offer just such arguments,
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xxi
Introduction xxix
while others concentrate on the impor- self-discipline on the part of workers, for
tance of respecting the context of infor- instance through team- based projects
mation generation or of safeguarding where peers depend on one’s reliability.
opportunities for boundary negotiation Information technologies facilitate the
between individuals and information sys- reach of workplace surveillance too. On
tems. Finally, to flesh out the surveillance- one hand, mobile technologies lead to a
studies debate a bit further, we offer both a condition that Melissa Gregg (2011) refers
critique of privacy and a more general re- to as “presence bleed,” where one is ex-
sponse in defense of the concept. pected to be always available to work and to
Privacy concerns are so pressing, in part, be monitored, even at home. On the other
because surveillance is becoming routine, hand, the very systems of commerce or
pervasive, and increasingly hidden. The communication (e.g., cashier checkout sys-
next section, “Ubiquitous Surveillance” tems or social media sites) are fundamen-
(Section 9), brings together insights from tally ones of surveillance: either of employee
scholars with backgrounds in informa- performance or of user activity, where, in
tion studies, communication, geography, the case of social media, users effectively
and architecture to document this move engage in “free labor” to generate value
toward invisible, automated control in for companies. Then again, it is impor-
built environments and data practices. tant to remember that those charged with
The excerpts show how information- surveilling others are themselves engaged
rich environments— characterized by in mostly tedious and unrewarding work.
embedded sensors, mobile computing, and This brings us to closer scrutiny of the
algorithmic processes— are fundamen- relationship between surveillance and the
tally surveillant. Their logic is that all data political economy (Section 11). In the service
elements (objects, people, conditions) must of company profits, customer surveillance
be “addressable” and subject to remote or takes many forms, ranging from the devel-
automated management. This can be seen opment of customer categories to facilitate
with what has been called the “Internet of effective advertising throughout the twen-
things,” with networked appliances like tieth century to the hidden screening of
refrigerators or with “smart cities” that use customers by financial industries charged
embedded sensors and other technologies with implementing risk- management
to regulate transportation systems, elec- techniques to block potential money
tricity usage, and sewage treatment in “real launderers or terrorists. The emphasis on
time.” Whether integrated with urban in- company brands also compels technolog-
frastructure or occurring in abstract “big ical innovations in surreptitiously “reading”
data” practices, ubiquitous surveillance customers’ physiological responses to
depends on decisions about data priorities products and shaping their affective
and values that are clearly political in their attachment to brands. Finally, several
effects. excerpts enumerate the ways that Internet
The next two sections, “Work and giants such as Facebook and Google have
Organization” (Section 10) and “Political made value extraction through information
Economy” (Section 11), are closely related, systems a science, creating new information
as two sides of the same coin. From a ecologies that threaten to become totalizing
largely sociological perspective, analyses systems of control. In these selections, one
of workplace surveillance show how early can see the convergence of historical, soci-
techniques of scientific management and ological, criminological, and communica-
performance monitoring have mutated tion approaches to the political economy of
into managerial strategies to cultivate surveillance.
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xxx Introduction
Operating in more of a communication systems. With perhaps the exception of

and media studies register, the next section, Steve Mann’s work on sousveillance, or sur-
“Participation and Social Media” (Section veillance from “below,” the work in this
12), problematizes the dominant surveil- area is generally measured and pragmatic.
lance-studies paradigm of top- down con- On one hand, it is eager to find solutions
trol by institutions or institutional actors. to power asymmetries, but, on the other, it
On the whole, the excerpts recognize that recognizes the limitations and sometimes
such institutional surveillance persists in even the dangers (or risks to others) of
online environments, but rather than jump trying to do so.
to quick conclusions about the totalizing The next section, “Marginality and
capacities of Internet platforms, they pose Difference” (Section 14), turns further to-
questions about the cultural meanings or ward humanities- inflected critiques of
practices that exceed those systems of con- surveillance. The selections highlight
trol. Perhaps forms of peeror lateral sur- how surveillance imbricates with inter-
veillance (e.g., social media users following sectional forms of oppression, exposing
each other’s posts or profiles) introduce the marginalized populations to differential
possibility for empowerment by fostering and often augmented forms of violence
experimentation with self- presentation or and control. This can manifest in abstract
developing relationships of trust and inti- ways, such as with discriminatory actu-
macy. Then again, these exchanges could arial assessments by financial institutions,
trap individuals in what Mark Andrejevic contributing to tangible “cumulative dis-
(2007) has called “digital enclosures,” advantage” (Gandy Jr. 2009) for poor and
where people derive social value but can racialized groups. It could also take the
never achieve robust forms of democratic form of violent encounters with armed
empowerment. These two conclusions are police, stalkers and domestic partners, or
not mutually exclusive, of course. Vitally, racist citizens concerned about terrorist
the questions posed by the excerpts in this threats. In order to confront surveillance
section invite the field to reconsider funda- that materializes or reinforces unequal
mentally its understandings of and value conditions of marginality, one must come
judgments about surveillance. to terms with the fact that “threatening”
Section 13, “Resistance and Opposition,” racialized bodies are always constructed in
presents excerpts from scholars intrigued opposition to normative “white” bodies that
by the potentials for contesting surveil- are seen as symbolically stable, compliant,
lance, for “fighting back” in some way. and transparent (Hall 2015). If the history
These selections offer a diverse array of of surveillance is inseparable from the his-
disciplinary perspectives, informed by po- tory of racism, as Simone Browne (2015)
litical science, criminology, information contends, then exposure to surveillance can
studies, engineering, philosophy, and cul- never be neutral and scholarship on sur-
tural studies. Some countersurveillance veillance should reject, once and for all, any
techniques covered here include attempts universalist claims about it.
to turn surveillance against institutional The final section in the Reader, “Art
agents, such as the police, by filming their and Culture” (Section 15), emphasizes per-
activities; organizing through coalitions formance theory, literary analysis, visual
of civil society groups, policymakers, and studies, and game studies in its consid-
activists to implement or maintain pri- eration of surveillance- themed cultural
vacy protections; or using technological products and practices. Representations of
tools or masking techniques to obfus- surveillance in literature and film, for in-
cate and temporarily evade surveillance stance, are hugely influential in shaping
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xxi
Introduction xxxi
popular perceptions and understandings the problems of surveillance reflects classic

of surveillance, yet until recently there has sociological concerns about the place of
been surprisingly little sustained academic individuals in society and the relationship of
discussion of them in the field. This is rap- structure to agency. As others sought to flesh
idly changing with a flurry of new books out these concerns, they did so with empir-
on these and related subjects (e.g., Lefait ical research on people in context, classically
2013; Rosen and Santesso 2013; Wise 2016; of workplaces or police departments, where
Zimmer 2015). The excerpts in this section the latest surveillance systems, such as com-
offer sophisticated critical interpretations of puter keystroke tracking or CCTV, were used
various cultural works, thereby correcting to monitor others from a distance. Such so-
deficiencies in the field and suggesting ciological and criminological framings were
directions for future investigation. formative for the field, establishing the ini-
tial parameters for the study of surveillance,
and because these framings resonate with
Conclusion conventional understandings of surveillance
(e.g., Big Brother), they continue to exert a
The thing that holds most of surveillance force on new scholarship. This can be seen,
studies’ areas together is a general agree- for instance, with the impulse of scholars to
ment that surveillance is central to the study the next big organizational incarna-
functioning of contemporary societies, from tion of surveillance (e.g., Google, Uber, the
the level of state practices all the way down Department of Homeland Security), what-
to interpersonal exchanges among family ever it might be.
members and friends. While some may As the field expanded, this interest in
not agree that surveillance is the most im- institutions and technological systems
portant social process or cultural logic, it is persisted, but it shifted to reflect a wider range
difficult to contest its pervasiveness and in- of disciplinary concerns and approaches.
fluence. It is how organizations and people Privacy scholars, for instance, framed the
make sense of and manage the world. It is issues in terms of rights, values, and legis-
also how power relations are established lative processes. The focus remained on in-
and reproduced. For scholars, surveillance stitutional abuses facilitated by technology,
offers a rich approach to investigating social but privacy scholars also outlined pragmatic
and cultural phenomena and detecting the solutions that might be achieved through
power relations inherent in them. legislative changes or technological designs
As represented in the organization of this (e.g., with encryption). Geographers stressed
Reader’s sections, the field started out with how the integration of surveillance systems
more of an institutional focus, questioning into urban infrastructure was actualizing
the increasing influence of state and corpo- new regimes of governance and fueling
rate actors over others. Technology was cen- neoliberal capitalism, which benefited
tral in facilitating this influence, whether corporations and the military but aggravated
with architectural embodiments of control social inequalities. Communication scholars
with panoptic designs or with databases and similarly situated surveillant media sys-
video-camera systems. The early institu- tems in the context of the political economy,
tional focus makes sense in that hierarchical describing how large media and technology
relationships and power differentials— the companies shape ideologies while profiting
roots of surveillance— are more apparent from the labor of viewers or users.
when there are extreme disparities between The latest “cultural turn” in surveillance
parties, such as between institutions and studies is significant in that it largely breaks
individuals. Moreover, this initial framing of from the institutional framework, at least as
9780190297817_Book.indb 31 12-Jul-18 3:28:26 PM

xxixi
xxxii Introduction
a necessary element, in order to trace power 3. Obviously, these are broad brushstrokes that
relations in the production and circulation occlude much of the nuance and do not represent
of cultural meanings, many of which rely all contributions to the field. The aim of this
on representations of people and narratives summary is to offer a general sense of the arc of
about their identities (Monahan 2011). Thus, the field’s development.
feminist studies, queer studies, and critical
race studies scholars might draw attention to references
depictions of threats or worthiness, showing Albrechtslund, Anders. 2008. Online Social
how those markers are encoded in surveil- Networking as Participatory Surveillance. First
lance systems and practices, propagating vi- Monday 13 (3). Available from http://fi rstmonday.
org/htbin/cgiwrap/bin/ojs/index.php/fm/article/
olence against marginalized groups. Those viewArticle/2142/1949 [accessed December
studying cinema, literature, media, or art 26, 2010].
Andrejevic, Mark. 2007. iSpy: Surveillance and Power
often highlight the ways in which cultural in the Interactive Era. Lawrence: University Press
products form perception and a sense of per- of Kansas.
sonhood, normalizing the idea of being a Bennett, Colin J. 2008. The Privacy Advocates:
Resisting the Spread of Surveillance. Cambridge,
surveillance subject, while also presenting MA: MIT Press.
avenues for resistance and critique. Brandeis, Louis D., and Samuel D. Warren. 1890. The
Performance studies scholars interrogate and Right to Privacy. Harvard Law Review 4 (5):193,
195–97.
contest, sometimes through performance, Browne, Simone. 2015. Dark Matters: On the Surveillance
the meaning and politics of the many sur- of Blackness. Durham, NC: Duke University Press.
veillance routines that characterize daily life. Clarke, Roger. 1988. Information Technology and
Dataveillance. Communications of the ACM 31
Finally, communication scholars and others (5):498–512.
seek to understand the participatory trend in Coaffee, Jon, and Pete Fussey. 2015. Constructing
Resilience through Security and
self-and peer-surveillance (e.g., through the Surveillance: The Politics, Practices, and
“Quantified Self” movement or social media Tensions of Security-Driven Resilience. Security
use), often by starting from the perspective of Dialogue 46 (1):86–105.
Cole, Simon A. 2001. Suspect Identities: A History
users themselves.3 of Fingerprinting and Criminal Identification.
This Reader provides one possible Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
mapping of the field of surveillance studies. Deleuze, Gilles. 1992. Postscript on the Societies of
Control. October 59:3–7.
We take our inspiration from the field’s Ellerbrok, Ariane. 2011. Playful Biometrics: Controversial
many generous participants—our mentors, Technology through the Lens of Play. The
colleagues, and students— who have Sociological Quarterly 52 (4):528–47.
Fichte, Johann Gottlieb. 2000 [1796/97]. Foundations
brought, and continue to bring, this vibrant of Natural Right. Translated by M. Baur.
field into being. Importantly, this book does Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
not aspire to be a final representation of Foucault, Michel. 1977. Discipline and Punish: The
Birth of the Prison. New York: Vintage.
what the field is or what counts in it, but in- ———. 1978. The History of Sexuality: An Introduction.
stead a provisional sketch of a dynamic and Vol. 1. New York: Vintage.
Gandy, Oscar H. 1993. The Panoptic Sort: A Political
exciting process of mutation. Foremost, it Economy of Personal Information. Boulder,
is an invitation for others to explore, delve CO: Westview.
deeper into full texts that are only partially Gandy Jr., Oscar H. 2009. Coming to Terms with
Chance: Engaging Rational Discrimination
reproduced here, and participate in the on- and Cumulative Disadvantage. Burlington,
going conversations and debates. VT: Ashgate.
Gilliom, John. 2001. Overseers of the Poor: Surveillance,
Resistance, and the Limits of Privacy.
Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
notes Gilliom, John, and Torin Monahan. 2013.
SuperVision: An Introduction to the Surveillance
Society. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
1. http://w ww.surveillance-studies.net/. Gregg, Melissa. 2011. Work’s Intimacy. Malden,
2. http://w ww.surveillance-and-society.org/. MA: Polity.
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Introduction xxxiii
Groebner, Valentin. 2007. Who Are You? Identification, Mirzoeff, Nicholas. 2011. The Right to Look: A
Deception, and Surveillance in Early Modern Counterhistory of Visuality. Durham, NC: Duke
Europe. Translated by M. Kyburz and J. Peck. University Press.
Cambridge, MA: Zone Books. Monahan, Torin. 2010. Surveillance in the Time
Guzik, Keith. 2016. Making Things Stick: Surveillance of Insecurity. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers
Technologies and Mexico’s War on Crime. University Press.
Oakland: University of California Press. ———. 2011. Surveillance as Cultural Practice. The
Hacking, Ian. 1990. T he Taming of Sociological Quarterly 52 (4):495–508.
Chance. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge Monahan, Torin, and Priscilla M. Regan. 2012. Zones
University Press. of Opacity: Data Fusion in Post-9/1 1 Security
Haggerty, Kevin D., and Richard V. Ericson. 2000. Organizations. Canadian Journal of Law and
The Surveillant Assemblage. British Journal of Society 27 (3):301–17.
Sociology 51 (4):605–22. Mullins, Nicholas C. 1972. The Development of a
Hall, Rachel. 2015. The Transparent Traveler: The Scientific Specialty: The Phage Group and the
Performance and Culture of Airport Security. Origins of Molecular Biology. Minerva 10:52–82.
Durham, NC: Duke University Press. Murakami Wood, David. 2009a. Can a Scanner See
Hayes, Ben. 2009. Neoconopticon: The EU the Soul? Philip K. Dick against the Surveillance
Security-Industrial Complex: Statewatch and Society. Review of International American Studies
the Transnational Institute. Available from 3 (3)–4 (1):46–59.
http://w ww.tni.org/sites/w ww.tni.org/fi les/ ———. 2009b. The ‘Surveillance Society’: Questions
download/neoconopticon_ 0.pdf [accessed May of History, Place and Culture. European Journal of
17, 2013]. Criminology 6 (2):179–94.
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of Exchange. Translated by M. K. Bourdaghs. Public?: Surveillance Technologies and the
Durham, NC: Duke University Press. Value of Public Places. Ethics and Information
Kevles, Daniel J. 1995. In the Name of Technology 2:181–87.
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Oxford: Oxford University Press. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Lefait, Sébastien. 2013. Surveillance on Regan, Priscilla M. 1995. Legislating Privacy:
Screen: Monitoring Contemporary Films and Technology, Social Values, and Public Policy.
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Illusions. Cambridge, UK: Polity. Watchman in Pieces: Surveillance, Literature,
———. 1994. The Electronic Eye: The Rise of and Liberal Personhood. New Haven, CT: Yale
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Torpey, John C. 2000. The Invention of the in the Suppression of Animal Rights Activists in
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Eyes and Public Order: Policing and Surveillance
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Section 1
OPENINGS AND DEFINITIONS
H ow one defines surveillance is vital.

Definitions inform the types of research
one does and claims one can make. Although
under attack, this framing logically leads to
appeals to the law to mitigate such harms.
The modifications that have been made
it may be true that the specific interests to this type of definition have been predomi-
of scholars, which are disciplinarily condi- nately influenced by a Foucauldian concep-
tioned, lead them to prefer some definitions tion of power that decenters the individual
over others, the early years of the field saw and emphasizes the ways in which all people
greater variation in definitions than is typi- are caught in webs of power relations. So, in-
cally the case today. This is probably because stead of placing the individual human subject
scholars were dispersed and mostly working at the center, the focus of analysis could be on
in separate areas with few opportunities to groups, societies, or even nonhumans. The in-
form a consensus about key definitions or troduction of the possibility of the nonhuman
concepts. With a few exceptions, though, subject of surveillance has several implications.
participants in the field quickly agreed that The first is that nonhuman creatures might be
surveillance signified more than passive under surveillance, which has been considered
observation; it was instead, or additionally, at greater length by both Irus Braverman (see
about the production of power relations. Section 2) and Kevin Haggerty and Daniel
One of the first scholars to consider sur- Trottier (2015). The second implication is that
veillance as a singular phenomenon was it might not be human beings directly who
James B. Rule (excerpted in Chapter 1). He are under surveillance, but rather situations,
and his colleagues defined surveillance as events, or a person’s indirect traces in data,
“any systematic attention to a person’s life which are the details of one’s “life” in Rule’s
aimed at exerting influence over it” (Rule sense. This attention to information and
et al. 1983: 223). This sociologically inflected personal data is at the heart of Rule’s book
definition depends on a liberal conception Private Lives and Public Surveillance, which
of personhood that sees individuals as sov- was published in 1973— a few years before
ereign agents shaped by external influences Foucault’s Discipline and Punish—at the begin-
and interactions. Concerns emerge when ning of what was then being called the “data-
these external forces might be destructive, base society,” so clearly Rule was negotiating
unwanted, or unaccountable—as with the a few different approaches to power. Scholars
bureaucratic surveillance analyzed by Rule. such as Roger Clarke (see Section 9) and
Because this definition derives its potency Oscar Gandy (excerpted in Chapter 2) would
from a view of individuals’ essential rights later pick up this focus on surveillance through
9780190297817_Book.indb 1 12-Jul-18 3:28:26 PM

2 Surveillance Studies: A Reader
data (or “dataveillance”) and develop it further. field like surveillance studies is the “imperial
Even today, information and data remain cen- urge” to redefine everything as surveillance,
tral to most contemporary definitions of sur- and while some, like Gary Marx (2016), do
veillance and to the field more broadly, as the indeed argue for a maximalist definition that
selections in this reader testify. recasts casual observation or just “looking” as
By crafting definitions to emphasize somewhere on a continuum of surveillance, a
populations or groups as the targets, one primary purpose of definitions is to clarify the
can focus analytic attention on issues of gov- object of study, as well as its social context.
ernance. For instance, in his influential book Lyon’s highlighting of the “focused, systematic
Surveillance, Power, and Modernity (1990), and routine” nature of surveillance separates
Christopher Dandeker defines surveillance as out surveillance from other, more casual, oc-
“the gathering of information about and the casional, and disorganized forms of attention.
supervision of subject populations in organi- It does not, of course, say anything about the
zations” (Dandeker 1990: vii). This definition social significance or morality of either, merely
seems to offer a rather wider sense of who or that they are not the same. Gary Marx’s own
what is under surveillance—the term “subject modus operandi, as demonstrated by his ex-
populations” both strips out the requirement cerpt in this section, is to produce compre-
for the subject of surveillance to be an indi- hensive lists of features and characteristics of
vidual or even to be human at all. Through its surveillance, against which any particular thing
explicit reference to subjection, it also draws can be assessed. He stresses key differences
attention to power, and with the last phrase between earlier modes of surveillance and
of the definition, “in organizations,” provides “new” digital surveillance.
an institutional framework for that power. In These definitions offer different prisms
some ways, one could argue that surveillance for thinking about the various sites, forms,
is about making and remaking both subject targets, and functions of surveillance. Some
populations and organizations, often at the mechanism of control or regulation may
same time. William Staples (excerpted in be seen as necessary for surveillance to
Chapter 3) emphasizes this co- constitutive be taking place, but the theoretical frames
relationship in his investigation and theoriza- adopted by scholars color their views of
tion of “everyday surveillance.” what else matters most (e.g., individuals,
Likewise, David Lyon’s oft-quoted definition groups, contexts). While the goals of those
of surveillance—as “the focused, systematic implementing surveillance systems may
and routine attention to personal details for seem like an obvious focal point, for some
purposes of influence, management, protec- time the field has been concentrating in-
tion or direction” (excerpted in Chapter 4)— stead on conditions, contexts, experiences,
retains a focus on the person, but his analysis and negotiations of surveillance (e.g., Ball
is further concerned with “sites” of surveil- 2009; McCahill and Finn 2014; Saulnier
lance (both actual and metaphorical) and with 2016). Perhaps with the advent of big data
processes. Beyond simply “watching,” Lyon’s and automated analytics, definitions will
definition explicitly considers the purposes have to shift to emphasize the construction
and qualities of attention that are needed for of emergent purposes in a society in which
something to be “surveillance.” One of the surveillance is ubiquitous and all data are
dangers inherent in a new transdisciplinary collected as a matter of course.
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Introduction to Section 1: Openings and Definitions 3
References McCahill, Michael, and Rachel L. Finn. 2014.

Surveillance, Capital, and Resistance: Theorizing
Ball, Kirstie S. 2009. Exposure: Exploring the Subject the Surveillance Subject. New York: Routledge.
of Surveillance. Information, Communication & Rule, James B., Douglas McAdam, Linda Stearns, and
Society 12 (5):639–57. David Uglow. 1983. Documentary identification
Dandeker, Christopher. 1990. Surveillance, Power, and mass surveillance in the United States.
and Modernity: Bureaucracy and Discipline from Social Problems 31 (2):222–34.
1700 to the Present Day. Cambridge, UK: Polity. Saulnier, Alana. 2016. Surveillance Studies and
Haggerty, Kevin D., and Daniel Trottier. 2015. the Surveilled Subject. Doctoral dissertation,
Surveillance and/of Nature: Monitoring beyond Department of Sociology, Queen’s University,
the Human. Society & Animals 23 (4):400–20. Kingston, ON.
Marx, Gary T. 2016. Windows into the Soul: Surveillance
and Society in an Age of High Technology.
Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
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9780190297817_Book.indb 4 12-Jul-18 3:28:26 PM

JAMES B. RULE
P R I V AT E L I V E S A N D
PUBLIC SURVEILL ANCE
Social Control in the Computer Age
In a work that predates Foucault’s recasting of Bentham’s Panopticon, James Rule

anticipates a comprehensive system of surveillance that amasses data on all individuals,
stores those data indefinitely, has predictive capabilities for advance intervention, and
fosters social control by eliminating possibilities for disobedience. He calls this system
a “total surveillance society.” While Rule is explicit in mobilizing the concept of a total
surveillance society as a heuristic for analysis—against which to compare existing sur-
veillance systems—and as a cautionary figure, today’s emerging capabilities in predictive
analytics and data fusion show just how prescient he was.
***
Why do we find the world of 1984 so Those who seek to maintain social con-
harrowing? Certainly one reason is its trol must accomplish two sorts of things.
vision of life totally robbed of personal pri- First, they must maintain what one might
vacy, but there is more to it than that. For call powers of control. This means, for one
the ugliest and most frightening thing thing, that they need to be able to apply
about that world was its vision of total con- sanctions, or inducements sufficient to
trol of men’s lives by a monolithic, author- discourage the sanctioned person from re-
itarian state. Indeed, the destruction of peating his disobedient acts. . . . Second, if
privacy was a means to this end, a tool for the system is not to rely only on reward or
enforcing instant obedience to the dictates punishment after the fact, it must possess
of the authorities. means of excluding would-be rule-breakers
And yet, such thoroughgoing, relentless from the opportunity to disobey, for ex-
social control represents nothing other than ample, by refusing in some way to deal with
an extreme manifestation of one of the ubiq- them. . . .
uitous processes of social life. Ubiquitous, Neither of these two powers does any
and actually vital. . . . good, however, without . . . a system of
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6 Surveillance Studies: A Reader
surveillance. In the first place, surveillance of earlier behaviour. Nor would the single
entails a means of knowing when rules are master agency compartmentalize informa-
being obeyed, when they are broken, and, tion which it collected, keeping certain data
most importantly, who is responsible for for use only in certain kinds of decisions.
which. In some instances these things may Instead, it would bring the whole fund
be easy to accomplish, e.g., a flagrant armed of its information to bear on every deci-
robbery by notorious criminals. In the case sion it made about everyone. Any sign of
of other forms of disobedience, such as in- disobedience— present or anticipated—
come tax evasion, it may be extremely diffi- would result in corrective action. The fact
cult. A second element of surveillance, also that the system kept everyone under con-
indispensable, is the ability to locate and stant monitoring would mean that, in the
identify those responsible for misdeeds of event of misbehaviour, apprehension and
some kind. Again, this may be simple in sanctioning would occur immediately. By
many cases . . . however, it may be the most making detection and retaliation inevitable,
difficult condition of all to fulfil. such a system would make disobedience al-
In practice, it is often very difficult to most unthinkable.
draw boundaries between processes of sur- One should never expect to encounter a
veillance and the application of what has real system like the one just described. That
been termed the powers of control . . . the is just the point. The only usefulness of this
same people and the same bodies are paradigm is as a foil for comparison to real
often engaged in the collection of infor- systems, as a case guaranteed to be more ex-
mation and in the application of sanctions. treme than the real world could ever produce.
Nevertheless, when I want to emphasize True, some agencies may develop something
those activities having to do with collecting like systems of total surveillance over very
and maintaining information, I speak of limited numbers of people, for short periods
systems of surveillance. Where the concern of time. Police may keep constant watch over
lies more with the actual management of a small group of conspirators, or the staff
behaviour, through sanctioning or exclu- of a hospital may exercise something like
sion, I refer to systems of control. . . . total surveillance over those in the intensive
[L]‌et me sketch a model of the most ex- care ward. But difficulties of staging, and
treme possible development of mass sur- especially prohibitive costs, rule out such
veillance, an ideal type of a social order techniques for larger clienteles over longer
resembling the one portrayed by Orwell, periods of time. No, the usefulness of the
though perhaps even more extreme. This paradigm lies in its making it possible to
I call a total surveillance society. compare systems of surveillance and control
In such a world, first of all, there would now in existence to this theoretical extreme
be but a single system of surveillance and and to one another in terms of their prox-
control, and its clientele would consist of imity to this extreme. . . .
everyone. This system would work to en- [A]‌ny real surveillance system is limited
force compliance with a uniform set of in size. This means, for one thing, limita-
norms governing every aspect of everyone’s tion to the numbers of persons whom it can
behaviour. Every action of every client would depict in its files. Second, there is always
be scrutinized, recorded and evaluated, a limitation in the amount of information
both at the moment of occurrence and for with which a system can cope, the amount
ever afterwards. The system would collate which it can meaningfully use in its deci-
all information at a single point, making sion-making on each person. Indeed, . . . the
it impossible for anyone to evade responsi- amount of usable information is often less
bility for his past by fleeing from the scene than that which is theoretically available on
9780190297817_Book.indb 6 12-Jul-18 3:28:26 PM

Other documents randomly have
different content
nai talonpoikaisen. Niinkuin se sama Piessa-raukan eukkokin, joka
sittemmin joutui vaimoksi Inarin papille.
— Entäs Ponnin Sohja? toimesi Ampru. Muistihan isä Tahvokin,

että
Ponnin Sohja keikkui emäntänä Könkään pappilassa sen Junnu-
papin aikana?
Kyllähän Tahvo-vaari sen muisti, vaikka olikin hiukan epäuskoinen

Muurmanneihin nähden. He olivat hänen mielestään liiaksi kulun
päällä olevia… sellaisia ajelehtijoita, ettei hän oikein tiennyt. Mutta…
saattoi hyvinkin… ei hän halunnut vastaankaan panna, vaikka
toisinaan vahvasti epäilikin.
— Mikäs siinä, toimesi Ampru. — Kyllä Sapina rouvaksi kelpaa…

varallakin yhtä hyvin kuin Ponnin Sohjakin.
Sabina istui takan kupeella pimennossa ja kehräsi. Häntä hiukan

kiusasi omaisten vapaa juttelu. Isä varsinkin oli sellainen…
kummallinen. Otti kaikki niin verisen vakavasti… vaikka tässä
tapauksessahan tuon nyt sai ottaakin. Kyllä hänkin luotti Jonneen.
Ettäkö ylpeäksi —? Sabina pysäytti rukkinsa ja kuulosti. - Mitä se

isä nyt taas oikein puhui? — Niin… tässä vain tuli mielheen, että kun
sie tietysti reissaat sinne Ristiaaniin, kuninkhaan kaupunkhiin, ja saat
nähhä kaiken sen komeuen, tulet ehkä ylpeäksi etkä enää muista
köyhiä vanhempiasi.
Pyh! Isä taas joutavia. Minne Ristiaaniin se hän… Tännehän

Jonne asettuisi heidän naapurikseen. Uutistalokas hänestä tulisi,
korvenraivaaja ja karhunkaataja. Ei hän Ristiaaneista välittänyt.
Mutta nyt rupesi isä Ampru panemaan vastaan oikein voimainsa
takaa. Hän oli kerran saanut ajatuksesta kiinni eikä halunnut sitä
noin vain jättää. Muurmannin Jonne oli herra, kouluja käynyt ja puhui
kahta kieltä. Vahinko olisi sellaisia lahjoja korpeen haudata. Niiden
piti joutua käytäntöön. Ei hän, Ampru, hyväksynyt koko
uutistalohommaa. Se kuului heille, oppimattomille, tämä metsässä
möyriminen. Herra oli herra ja hänen piti hankkia herran paikka. Tiesi
vaikka vielä ministeerinä pohottaisi Muurmannin Jonne. Sabinan
täytyi väkistenkin hymyillä. Olihan hänkin joskus sellaista ajatellut,
vaikka olikin sitten lyönyt sen mahdottomaksi. Mutta hiveli sentään
hänen lapsenomaista sieluaan kuulla isän tuollaisia juttelevan.
Nyt otti setä Juhani sananvuoron. Hän oli kerran lukenut

muutamasta työmiehestä, josta tuli ministeeri. Missä se nyt
tapahtuikaan… siellä jossakin Eklannin maassa. Ja hän oli sentään
tavallinen työmies. Oli kannellut jauhosäkkejä laivahaminassa selkä
jauhossa. Mutta sitten kun pääsi kuninkaan lähimmäksi mieheksi, löi
pitkän takin selkäänsä ja käyttäysi kuin herra. Koska raa'asta
runtotyömiehestä saattoi tulla ministeeri, miksei sitten Jonnesta,
jonka äitikin oli kuulemma ollut Ruijan hienointa aatelia —
opsysmannin tytär Vesisaaresta.
Setä Juhani oli oikeassa. Peijakas — oli sitä tuota tiedon roskaa
Lunnasjärvelläkin! Se jos olisi tuo Juhani saanut kouluja käydä, olisi
se pappi taikka rohvessoori.
Juhani setä pyyhkäisi pitkää partaansa. Olihan sitä elämän

varrella tullut opituksi yhtä ja toista. Harva se taisikin niin tarkkaan
präntätyn käyttää kuin hän, joka luki yksin uistinpaketin kuoretkin.
Kerrankin oli sattunut käteen eklanninkielinen lappu. Senkin hän oli
lukenut, vaikkei ollutkaan ymmärtänyt muuta kuin »Lonton.» Se
kuului olevan sen niminen kaupunki… jossakin siellä Tanskan
takana.
Näin kuluivat talvi-illat takkavalkean ääressä. Sabinasta ja häntä

odottavasta onnesta lähtivät puheet matkaan, kierrellen kaiken
maailman meret ja maat ja päätyen aina lopuksi Sabinaan ja hänen
onneensa. Se oli kuin maan pyörintää auringon ympäri. Niin —
siitäkin oli keskusteltu muutamana iltana. Sitä pani Ampru ensin
jyrkästi vastaan. Mutta kun hän sai kuulla, että Muurmannin Jonne
oli sen kerran Tunturimajalla juurta jaksaen selittänyt, niin täytyi
Amprun uskoa. Hollannin juusto oli ollut maapallona ja kattolamppu
aurinkona. Sen ympäri oli Jonne kuljettanut juustoa, näyttäen, mille
puolen maapalloa päivä kulloinkin paistoi. Se oli ollut hyvin järkeen
pystyvä asia.
Mutta — se rautatie jäi sittenkin tulematta ja se pakkasi hiukan

harmittamaan. Isä Ampru innostui vanhaan unelmaansa. Olisi se nyt
ollut mukavaa Lunnasjärveltäkin piipahtaa Sabinaa katsomaan.
— Ei kaikki hyvät yhellä kertaa, huomautti Karuliina.
Eipä ei… mutta olisi se nyt ollut tavattoman lystiä rautahevosella

jyryyttää. Ei muuta kuin istua selkäkenossa ja antaa huhkia vain.
Kyllä kruunun voima veti.
Näin he keskustelivat nuo erämaan hurskaat sielut ja aina palasi

keskustelu Sabinaan ja hänen onneensa.
Oliko tullut kirjettä vieläkään?
Ei ollut tullut ja sehän juuri Sabinaa huolestutti. Liekö mennyt

perille sekään ensimmäinen kirje?
Ojah, perille oli mennyt. Se kun vain Jonne ei muuten joutanut
kirjoittamaan. Sillä oli lukuja paljon.
Mutta — tiesikö kukaan, minne ukko Muurmanni oli hävinnyt?

Hänestä ei oltu kuultu pitkään aikaan. Oliko setä Juhani kuullut?
Olihan hän jotakin. Ristiaanissa kuului viime tietojen mukaan

oleskelleen kuningasta puhuttelemassa. Aikoi perustaa oikean
rautavalimon jonnekin Ruijan rantaan.
Siltä äijältä ne eivät neuvot loppuneet. Jos yhdessä maassa tie

nousi pystyyn, niin aloitapas toisessa. Ja rahoja se aina sai. Liekö
vielä Jonnen äidin perintöön koskenut.
Eihän äijällä ollut siihen oikeuttakaan. Siitähän kuului olevan oikein

kirjakin. Ei ollut Jonne koskaan kertonut, kuinka suuri summa oli?
Ei ollut Sabinakaan kuullut; ei ollut tullut kysytyksi. Mutta kaipa sitä

oli jonkin verran, koskapa Jonne oli kerran kertonut, että sillä oli
turvattu tulevaisuus.
Tulevaisuus! Se sana soinnahti kauniilta lunnasjärveläisten

korvissa.
Kaipa Sabina hiukan avustaisi heitäkin, kun kerran naimisiin joutuisi?
Sabina ei osannut siihen mitään sanoa. Ei hän ollut sitä ajatellut.

Tietysti hän avustaisi, jos kerran jotakin saisi.
— Saisi edes kerran oikeaa hapriikin lankaa, tuumaili äiti Karuliina.

—
Se oli kuulemma niin liukasta kutoa.
Kyllä kotikehruulanka oli aina parempaa, arveli Ampru. Mutta,
kunhan saisi oikean äkeen, jolla jyräisi näitä kivikkopeltoja. Se olisi
jotakin!
Jokaisella oli joku toivomus. Setä Juhani toivoi sorvipenkkiä.

Hänestä oli sorvaaminen aina näyttänyt erikoisen hupaisalta työltä.
Hän oli kerran Könkäällä katsellut, kuinka nikkari sorvasi
sängyntolppaa. Niin syntyi koivupökkelöstä ruusattu sängynjalka,
että ihan ihme. Mitäs ne lapsukaiset toivoivat? Yksi toivoi rusinoita,
toinen siirappivoileipää. Ampru oli kerran tuonut jouluksi puoli litraa
siirappia Siosjärveltä. Siitä oli tehty siirappivoileipiä koko väelle. —
Vähäänpä sie tyytyisit. Sabina hymähti. Pikku Anni oli viisas. Hän ei
havitellut liikoja. Vaikka — kyllä kai nyt Jonne joskus antaisi sen
verran, että saisi sisarilleen ostaa jonkun vaatekappaleen.
Vaatteista tahtoikin Amprun perheessä puute olla. Muuta oli

sittenkin… kutakuinkin. Vaate oli kallista. Nytkin oli pikku Annilla
Sabinan vanha röijy. Hihat oli kääritty laskoksille, jotta pikku kädet
paremmin pääsisivät näkyviin.
Mistä se hänkin hääleningin saisi? Eihän nyt kehdannut

vanhoissa, kuluneissa ketineissä Jonnen rinnalla vihillä seistä.
Mutta kyllä kai Jumala siitäkin huolen piti.
Kiitollisuus valtasi Sabinan mielen. Asiat olivat sentään

paremmalla kannalla kuin alussa oli uskaltanut toivoakaan. Jonne ei
ollutkaan hyljännyt häntä, vaikka hän niin oli luullut.
Sitä hän vain suri hiljakseen, että hän oli rumentunut. Entinen
kukkea ihonväri oli kadonnut ja sijaan astunut kalvakkuus. Hän
katseli muotoaan Suomen-Huotarin lahjoittamasta peilistä ja silloin
hän toisinaan raskaasti huokasi….
Epäilyskin kohotti päätään. Miksi ei Jonne kirjoittanut? Oliko niin,

ettei hän joutanu?
Iltahetkinä kun omaiset nukkuivat lueskeli Sabina Jonnen entisiä

kirjeitä. Muuan lause on erikoisesti painunut mieleen. Jonne oli
kirjoittanut »Mie toivoisin, että elämä kukkisi meille kuin verenpisara
kotipirttisi ikkunalla.»
Huokaus pusertautui Sabinan rinnasta. Sitä hänkin toivoi. Mutta

elämä tuntui toisinaan niin toivottoman raskaalta. Tämä odotus,
odotus.
Se oli pitkä kun iäisyys.
Amprun väki rupeaa laittautumaan levolle Sabina siirtää rukkinsa

syrjään. Taas oli kulunut yksi päivä ja kevät oli askelta lähempänä. Ei
ollut syytä heittäytyä huolten valtaan. Jonne saapuisi kuin
kuninkaanpoika noutamaan Kunigundaa, joka tosin nukkui lattialla,
mutta sittenkin pystyi uneksimaan kuin saduissa.
Sabina nukkuu ja näkee unta Jonnesta ja Ristiaanista. He kulkevat

Ristiaanin katuja ja kaikki ihmiset katsovat heitä. Kuningaskin tulee
vastaan ja pysäyttää Jonnen. »No, Muurmanni, hyvinkös malmia
löytyy?» »Hyvinpä löytyy, herra kuningas… löytyypä niinkin ja aina
vähän muutakin.» Jonne osoittaa Sabinaa ja jatkaa: »Tämänkin mie
olen löytänyt Lapista.» Kuningas katselee Sabinaa tutkivasti ja
sanoo viimein: »Sillä on pisamia kasvoissa ja se näyttää hiukan
kalvakalta.» »Niin näyttää, herra kuningas, mutta kylläpähän siitä
vuonkuu… kevätpuolheen…» »Aivan oikein, Muurmanni,
kevätpuolheen. Mutta — hoia sie sitä hyvin, jotta punaruusut jälleen
kukkisit sen poskilla.» Jonne kumartaa kohteliaasti ja kuningas
taputtaa Sabinaa olalle…
XIII.
Katajan Matti on saanut saunansa valmiiksi aikoja sitten. Hän on

kylpenyt säännöllisesti joka lauantai ja tyytyväinen hän on ollut. Nyt
ahertaa hän taas uutisrakennuksensa kimpussa; hän mielisi saada
sen valmiiksi mikkeliksi.
Talvi on mennyt, sitä seurannut kevät ja kesä ovat takanapäin. On

taas käsissä syksy.
Katajan Matti istuu hajareisin rakennuksensa katolla, kiinnittäen

paikoilleen harjalautaa. Hän on onnellinen. Pirtin muuri on muurattu.
Kuusi-Tuomas väylän varrelta on ollut hänellä muurmestarina ja itse
hän on autellut, minkä on kerinnyt. Nyt oli vielä eteiseen saatava ovi
ja ikkunat. Silloinpa olisikin pirtti valmis.
Katajan Matti antaa vasaran hetkeksi levätä ja vaipuu

katselemaan edessään leviävää maisemaa. Kaamaslaki kohoaa
mahtavana suoraan pohjoisessa. Sen huippu on kuuran peitossa ja
alempana tunturin rinteellä muuttaa koivunlehti väriään. Keltaista ja
punaista, tummempaa ja vaaleampaa näkyy joka suunnalta, mihin
vain hänen katseensa kääntyy. Metsät ympärillä ovat noita värejä
ihan kirjavanaan. Ilma on kuulakas ja kirkas. Viime yönä on käynyt
halla.
Tapahtuu erämaassakin jotakin. Ei yksin tämä halla, harmaja

vieras kyläile mailla. Lentelee etelän lintukin, se haikaraksi mainittu,
toisinaan yli Kiiluvaistunturin ja pudottaa tuomisensa lakeistorvesta
sisään.
Viime huhtikuussa se oli saapunut jo ennen variksen tuloa ja

tuonut
Sabinalle — pojan.
Kajahtaa pari, kolme vasaran iskua. Katajan Matti on lyönyt naulan

harjalautaan. Siinäpä se olikin tarpeeseen; puri laudansyrjän tiukasti
pärekerrokseen kiinni.
Kummat tunteet vellovat Katajan Matin povessa. Ei hän vihainen

ole, kaukana siitä. Hänen piti vain kopauttaa naula tuohon paikkaan.
Muuten olisi harjalauta jäänyt irvistämään.
Tapahtuu erämaassakin jotakin… tapahtuu… Sellainenkin

ihmeellinen asia, että Katajan Matti, hiljainen mies, jonka silmissä
aina asustaa kostea kiilto, rakastaa Lunnasjärven Sabinaa — siitä
huolimatta, että tämä on saanut toiselle miehelle lapsen.
Ei ole Katajan Matti koskaan Sabinalle mitään puhunut, ei edes

viitannut sinnepäinkään. Hän on niin omituinen; hän puhelee vain
itsekseen. Rapatessaan syvennystä muurin kupeeseen on hän
sanonut puoliääneen: »Siinäpä on Sapinan kirnulle paikka», ja
rakennellessaan pirtin ulkoportaita: »Askellauat on laitettava leveät,
jottei Sapinan jalka luiskaha hänen navetasta tulleshaan maitokiulun
kanssa.»
Niin — navettakin oli valmis. Yksin lypsyjakkarankin hän oli tehnyt.
Sitäkin rustatessaan hän oli ajatellut Sabinaa.
Katajan Matti ei yhtään epäile, ettei hän Sabinaa saisi. Se ei johdu

hänen mieleensäkään. Hänestä se on päivänselvä asia. Kun hän
kerran Sabinaa rakastaa ja kun ei se Malmi-Muurmannin poikakaan
tullut, on selvä, että Sabina suostuu häneen.
Ei hän alunpitäenkään ollut uskonut, että Malmi-Muurmannin

pojassa olisi ollut sanansa pitäjää. Hän oli tutkinut sen miehen.
Olihan hän siksi monta kertaa Muurmannin pojan taakkoja kantanut
ja melkein joka kerta tämä oli tinkinyt sopimuksesta.
Samalla tavalla se oli tietysti tinkinyt Sabinankin asiassa.
Katajan Matti tarttuu vasaraansa ja jatkaa työtään. Vasaran iskut

kajahtelevat kuulakassa syysilmassa. Niissä soi voima ja rehti,
päättäväinen aikomus. Hän, Katajan Matti, ei Sabinaa pettäisi. Hän
hoitaisi hänet ja hänen lapsensa…
Se pisti hiukan Matin sydäntä, että Sabinan pojan nimi oli Jonne.
Miksi piti vielä tuon petturin nimi pojalle antaa? Eikö nyt muuta nimeä
oltu keksitty?
Mutta — sehän oli Malmi-Muurmannin pojanpoika. Kaipa sille oli

sitten ollut annettava isänsä nimi.
Katajan Matti tyytyi siihenkin. Mitäpä se häneen kuului. Pääasia,

että hän ottaisi Sabinan ja pitäisi hänestä hellää huolta.
Iltapäivällä oli Katajan Matti päättänyt pistäytyä Amprun pirtissä.

Silloin hän puhuisi asiansa.
*****
Tämä syksy erosi suuresti edellisestä. Silloin oli vielä toivottu, nyt
ei enää.
Muurmannin Jonne ei ollut tullutkaan.
Kuinka hartaasti Sabina oli häntä odottanut! Joka ilta viime

kesäkuussa hän oli kävellyt Jonnea vastaan. Sieltä… Kaamaslaen
takaa hänen piti tulla, hänen sydämensä valitun. Hän oli odottanut
häntä jokaisessa tienkäänteessä. Mutta — Jonnea ei ollut kuulunut.
Kerran — muutamana pyhänä hän oli kulkenut Tunturimajalle

saakka. Siellä oli ollut kuollutta ja liikkumatonta — paksut
rautakanget ovissa ja luukut ikkunoissa. Vain tuuli oli vaisusti
puhallellut puiden latvoissa ja yksinäinen orava oli katsellut häntä
kuusen oksalta…
Hän oli palannut sydän tuskaa täynnä, väsyneenä ja onnettomana.

Näinkö
Jonne hänet hylkäsi —?
Kotona hän oli hiukan virkistynyt. Siellä potki kehdossa pieni

pulleasäärinen poika. Se hymyili hänelle. Sabina nosti lapsen
syliinsä, painoi sitä rintaansa vasten ja nyt vasta heltisivät
vapauttavat kyyneleet hänen silmistänsä.
— On sitä surkeutta kerraksheen! pauhasi Ampru. Hän oli

muuttunut häijyksi ja kärtyisäksi sen jälkeen kuin toivo Muurmannin
pojan paluusta oli sammunut.
— Kaikkia rutkaleita niitä ihmisinä kohellaankin! On sitäkin…

kuvatusta tässä kahvilla helssattu senkin seittemät kerrat ja tuon se
nyt teki!… Ja kaikhiin maankulkureihin se siekin, Sapina, luotat.
Hyvä Isä sentään! Luottaneethan he olivat kaikki, isä etupäässä.
Mitä? Ampru kiivastui. Hänkö luottanut? Se oli valhe — musta

valhe!
Amprua hävetti ja suututti, että hänkin oli mokomaan luottanut.

Mutta hän ei halunnut sitä tunnustaa eikä siitä saanut puhua —
ainakaan hänen kuultensa.
Mutta isähän oli kuvitellut kuninkaat ja kaikki virkakunnat tämän

asian yhteyteen. Mitäs nyt oikeaa asiaa kieltää.
Silloin Ampru lopullisesti suuttui. Hän sieppasi kirveen, työntyi

rantteelle ja nyt saivat rangat tuntea hänen vihansa voimaa.
— Älä sie isää kiusaa, rauhoitteli Karuliina-äiti. — Yhenkaltaisessa

erhetyksessä tässä on eletty kaikin.
Niin — totta puhui Karuliina… juuri samankaltaisessa. Hänkin,

setä
Juhani, oli ihan todesta luottanut Muurmannin poikaan.
Niin — setä Juhani ja äiti ymmärsivät ottaa asian rauhallisesti. He

tyytyivät kohtaloon. Isä ja ukki olivat katkeroituneita, viimemainittu
varsinkin. Sabina ihan pelkäsi häntä. Tuuheiden kulmakarvojensa
alta tuijotteli vanhus häntä pahaenteisesti. Hän ei puhunut mitään,
mutta kun hän tavantakaa pudisteli päätään ja huokasi syvään,
tuntui Sabinasta toisinaan oikein kamalalta.
Näkikö ukki mitään? Hänhän oli oikeastaan tietäjä. Moni

kopsalainen oli käynyt häneltä neuvoa kysymässä ja aina oli vanhus
auttanut. Mutta — nyt saattoi hän toisinaan puhua sellaisia
kummallisia sanoja, että ihan selkäpiitä karmi niitä kuunnellessa.
— Kummempia vielä kuulhaan, sanoi hän kerrankin. — Mie en

tieä, mitä se on, mutta risthiin lentelevät koivuvarvut, kun luutia
tehen.
Karuliina hätääntyi.
— Älkää nyt suotta peloitelko tyärriepua. Eikö sillä ole jo

tarpheeksi kärsimistä.
Ukki ei vastannut mitään, istui vain kyyryssä ja pudisteli päätään.

Toisen kerran hän sanoi:
— Kun omasta verestä nousee paha, on sitä vasthaan voimaton.
Sabina kuunteli ukin puheita pelko ja vavistus sydämessä. Mitä —

kuolemaako se ennusti — ukki? Ei kai äidin pikku poju vain kuolisi?
Ei, ei, ukki vain omiaan höpsi. Se oli taas sillä päällä. Kyllä Jumala
taivaastaan varjelisi heitä.
Sabina istui mietteissään ja tuuditteli lasta. Kaikenlaisia ajatuksia

kulki hänen päässään. Mikä oli tuleva hänen pojastaan kerran?
Herrako vai talonpoika? Sillä oli — pikku Jonnella kaikki isänsä
tuntomerkit: kaunis, kaareva nenä, siromuotoinen suu ja musta
tukka. Ainoastaan silmät olivat äidin: — ne olivat haalakat.
*****
Illalla tuli Katajan Matti. Hän oli pukeutunut pyhävaatteisiin ja

kellonperät riippuivat rentoina rinnalla. Ne olivat hiukan
omituisemmat kellonperät kuin tavallisesti. Ne olivat
karhunhampaista tehdyt. Matin isä oli ollut kuulu karhunkaataja ja
hän oli kerran Haaparannalla käydessään teettänyt kellonperät
karhunhampaista. Mihinkäs Matti nyt aikoi, kun oli noin
sonnustautunut?
Isä Ampru silmäili tutkivasti Mattia, aivan kuin aavistaen tämän

asian. Olisipa toki hyvä, jos Matti korjaisi tyttären tästä pois.
Jaloissahan tuo oli, kun ei joutanut talon töihinkään. Lapsi vei kaiken
ajan.
Hän oli kerran ennen toivonut samaa. Silloin oli Sabina vielä tyttö.
Oli tullut sitten sellainen aika, jolloin hän oli nauranut aikaisemmille
kuvitteluilleen. Sabinako Matin vaimoksi? Heh! Muurmannin poika oli
ilmestynyt näyttämölle ja lyönyt Matin laudalta kuin kuivan tallukan.
Nyt hän taas taipui aikaisempiin ajatuksiinsa.
Pantiin kahvipannu tulelle. Matti teki niin juhlallisen vaikutuksen,

että kahvipannu lensi lieteen kuin itsestään.
— Kopsaanko aiot? kysäisi Ampru äkkiä.
Matti kaiveli piippuaan. Hänen oli hiukan vaikea päästä alkuun.

Vaikka ei hän yhtään peljännyt. Hänellä oli sellainen omituinen
tunne, ettei epäonnistuminen tullut kysymykseenkään. Yhtäkaikki
mietitytti, miten asian aloittaisi.
— En.
— No… mitäs sie nyt noin — tällissä? Harjakaisiako aiot pitää?
Matti silmäsi Sabinaa kuin salaa. Ahaa, jo pääsi Ampru

varmuuteen.
Tytärtä se meinasi.
Sabina oli myös huomannut Matin silmäyksen. Sama kostealta
kiiltelevä katse kuin ennenkin. Hän muisti kesäyön Nooakin arkin
maassa. Silloin oli Matti tuonut hänet kotiin. Samoin syysillan kosken
niskassa. Silloinkin oli Matti tuonut hänet kotiin.
Tulisiko hän nyt noutamaan häntä kolmannen kerran?
Äiti Karuliina pesi kuppeja pöydän päässä. Hänkin oli miettiväinen.

Hiljainen myhäily leikki hänen huulillaan. Kihlajaisetko tässä
tulivatkin?
Hän oli ajatellut toisenlaisia kihlajaisia. Tuossa pöydän päässä,

kellon alla, istuisi Muurmannin Jonne selkä kenossa, Ruijan leikkoja
poltellen. Ja hän, Karuliina, kaataisi sille kahvia kuppiin käden hiukan
vavahdellessa.
Mutta — vavahtelemaan pakkasi käsi nytkin — vaikka hän oli

vasta kuppeja pesemässä. Vaikuttiko siihen epävarmuus Matin
onnistumisesta?
— Sinulla alkaa talo olla valmis?
Ampru istui kahareisin penkillä ja leikkasi tupakkaa kukkaroonsa.
— Mikkeliksi pääsen asumhaan… vakituisesti.
Ampru innostui. Hän oli herkkä innostumaan.
— Niin se mies rytkää! Laittaa talon kylmhään mettään ja ihan

yksin.
— Onhan sitä nyt aina väliin apuakin ollut… muurarikin ja

muitakin… silloin tällöin.
— No joo… mutta vähän sie olet sittenkin muien apua tarvinnut.
Onhan tässä joku hirsi kiskotettu miehissä ylös, mutta sittenkin…
Kyllähän Katajan Matti sen kiitollisena myönsi, että auliisti oli

Amprukin apua tarjonnut, silloinkuin hän oli tarvinnut.
— Etkä sie sekhaantunut sen Malmi-Muurmanninkhaan homhiin,

vaikka oli toisinhaan hyvätkin tienat tarjolla.
Eihän hän isosti. Jonkun taakan oli nakannut Kopsaan. Siinä

kaikki.
Matti poltteli ja mietti. Laatuunkäypä mies tämä Ampru. Hyvän

appiukon siitä saisi.
Nyt oli Karoliinalla kahvi valmiina. Hän kaasi kuppiin ja kehoitti

Mattia ottamaan.
Matti siirtyi pöydän päähän. Hän kulki pikku pojan kehdon päitse.
Siinä nukkui Muurmannin Jonnen poika. Se auttoi asiaa alkuun.
— Jaa… sinulla se on jo valmis poikakin, sanoi hän hymyillen.
Sabina painoi päänsä alas. Hän ei vastannut mitään.
— Mie tässä arvelin, että etköhän sie nyt tarvitseisi sille isää, kun
ei tullut se vasittu…
Sabina punehtui. Kyllä hän ymmärsi Matin tarkoituksen, mutta ei

nytkään vastannut mitään.
— Mie tässä olisin… niinkuin emäntää vailla ja ajattelin sinua

kysyä…
Nyt ei Ampru enää jaksanut itseään hillitä. Hän lausui:
— Kuulepas, Sapina, Matti pyytää sinua vaimokseen.
Suuret kyyneleet rupesivat vierimään Sabinan poskia pitkin.

Minkävuoksi hän itki? Siksikö, ettei tuo pöydän päässä istuva mies
ollut Muurmannin Jonne, ja että hänen nyt ehkä piti vastata
kieltävästi? Vai siksikö, että tuo mies oli Katajan Matti, jolle ehkä
sittenkin oli vastattava myöntävästi? Ei Sabina sitä itsekään tiennyt.
— Älä sie turhia itke, Sapina. Sinunhan pitäisi päinvastoin iloita,

että Matti niin rehellisesti pyytää sinua vaimokseen.
Eihän Sabina itsekään tiennyt, oliko se iloa vai surua. Pääasia

vain, ettei hän tahtonut kieltääkään. Hän ei puhunut mitään.
— Mie otaksun siis, ettei sinulla ole asiaa vasthaan.
— Mutta… jos Jonne palaisi, sai hän lopulta sanotuksi.
— Ei palaa, huokasi äiti ja samaa sanoi setä Juhanikin.
— Huihai! toimesi Ampru. — Vai että palaisi! Johan nyt, kun

heinäkuun alussa tuli jo vuosi eikä ole ees kirjoittanut.
Isän puhe ei Sabinaan isosti vaikuttanut. Hän puhui kuin tuuleen.

Toista oli äidin ja setä Juhanin. Kun he kerran olivat toivonsa
menettäneet, oli kai turhaa enää hänenkään rimpuilla vastaan.
Hän ei vastannut mitään, katsahti vain hiukan ujosti Mattiin ja

punoi palmikkonsa päätä.
Matti luki kuin kirjasta. Nuo olivat pettämättömät myöntymyksen

merkit.
Hän virkkoi:
— Sitten lähen ensi viikolla kuulutusta ottamhaan.
Sabina ei äännähdäkään. Asia on päätetty.
Niin lähtee Katajan Matti kahvit juotuaan ja ohjaa askelensa

uutisrakennukselleen. Hän on tyytyväinen ja hyräilee laulunpätkää.
Ei hän monta sanaa ollut Sabinan kanssa vaihtanut, mutta mitäpä
tarvittiinkaan…
Katajan Matti panee nukkumaan pirttinsä lattialle. Hänen

toiveensa on täyttynyt. Tässä pirtissä askartelisi Lunnasjärven
Sabina kuukauden päästä… Mutta kehto hänen piti tehdä aivan ensi
tilassa. Tietysti ei Ampru halunnut luovuttaa omaansa; ehkä itsekin
vielä tarvitseisi…
Mutta ei hätää. Hänellä oli kuivia lautoja. Niistä hän kyllä pian
kehdon kaputtelisi kokoon. Laittaisi oikein ruusatut jalat… sellaiset
kiperänokkaiset. Siinäpä oli Sabinan sitten hyvä lastansa keinutella.
Katajan Matti nukkuu onnellisena nähden unta Sabinasta.
Mutta Amprun pirtissä lattialla lepää Lunnasjärven Sabina avoimin

silmin, katsellen tuikkivaa iltatähteä.
Hänestä se on niin lohduttoman kaukana.

XIV.
Katajan Matin pirtissä puuhailee Lunnasjärven Sabina. Hän on nyt

Matin vaimo.
Viikko sitten he olivat käyneet Siosjärvellä. Siosjärven rovasti on

heidät vihkinyt ja samalla vahvistanut pikku Jonnen kasteen. Matin
nimiin se oli ristitty; niin he olivat sopineet. Vanha rovasti oli
lempeästi nuhdellut heitä; — ei pitäisi rikkoa Luojan järjestystä.
Sabina oli kuunnellut vaieten punaiset läikät poskillaan. Matti oli
lakkiaan pyöritellen vastaillut yksikantaan: »Niin … niinhän se…»
He olivat astuneet Kopsasta peräkanaa, Sabina edellä lasta

komsiossa kantaen ja Matti perässä. Kopsan kievaritalossa oli
tarjottu kahvit ja isäntä oli puhellut entiseen tapaansa: »No…
mitenkä se nyt tämä kummilapsi jaksaa?» »Ja poikakin sillä jo on!»
»No minkäs nimen pani Siosjärven pappi?»
Matti oli selittänyt, että Jonnehan oli… pojan ressun nimi..
»Vai Jonne.» »Korheien nimien perhään tet olette siellä

Lunnasjärvellä.» »Eikös se Muurmannin poikakin ollut Jonne?»
»Olihan se», oli Matti vastannut… »Jonnehan se oli se
Muurmannin poikakin.» »Sille tuo lie kaimaksi ristitty… tämäkin
Jonne…» »Se kun on sellainen… soma nimi…»
»Sie taiat omistellakin pojan ittellesti?» oli Kopsan isäntä veistellyt.

»Eikös se Muurmannin poika olekhaan tämän Jonnen isä?»
Eikö mitä. Kyllä se oli hänen poikansa.
Sitä sanoessaan oli Matti vahvasti punastunut, paljon enemmän

kuin Siosjärven papin edessä. Hän ei tavallisesti valehdellut, mutta
nyt oli täytynyt sekin synti tehdä.
Mitäpäs siitä, kun hän kerran Sabinaa rakasti. Rakkaushan peitti

syntien paljouden… niin Sabinaan kuin häneenkin nähden.
Sabina ei ollut Kopsassa juuri monta sanaa sanonut. Olihan vain

kiittänyt kahvista ja esittänyt: »Emmekhään jo lähe, Matti?»
Eikä Matilla ollut sitä vastaan ollut. Sopi lähteäkin. Hän oli
sellainen peräänantavainen mies. Matkalla ei oltu monta sanaa
puhuttu. Hirvijängän laidassa oli istahdettu levähtämään. Sabina oli
syöttänyt lasta.
»Tähän saakka oli hyvin kuulunut Muurmannin herran ammutus.»
Sabina sen oli sanonut ja Mattikin oli innostunut. Oli se muutamilla

ilmoilla kuulunut aina Kopsaan saakka. Hän oli kerran… sen pojan
taakkoja kantaessaan Kopsan kievarin pihalla kuunnellut ja selvästi
oli kuulunut. Mutta — silloin oli puhaltanutkin pohjoisesta.
Sabina oli luonut Mattiin kiitollisen katseen. Matin sydän oli

lämmennyt. Olihan hauskaa, että edes joku asia kiinnitti Sabinan
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SURVEILL ANCE S TUDIES

9780190297817_Book.indb 1 12-Jul-18 3:28:25 PM

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Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press

© Oxford University Press 2018

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in

You must not circulate this work in any other form

Library of Congress Cataloging-​in-​Publication Data

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List of Figures and Tables xi

1 OPENINGS AND DEFINITIONS 1

1 James B. Rule, Private Lives and Public Surveillance: Social Control

2 SOCIET Y AND SUBJECTIVIT Y 27

6 Jeremy Bentham, The Panopticon 31

9780190297817_Book.indb 5 12-Jul-18 3:28:25 PM

10 Thomas Mathiesen, The Viewer Society: Michel Foucault’s

3 STATE AND AUTHORIT Y 63

13 Johann Got tlieb Fichte, Foundations of Natural Right 67

4 IDENTIT Y AND IDENTIFICATION 93

19 Valentin Groebner, Who Are You? Identification, Deception,

5 BORDERS AND MOBILITIES 121

24 Louise Amoore, Biometric Borders: Governing Mobilities in

9780190297817_Book.indb 6 12-Jul-18 3:28:25 PM

6 INTELLIGENCE AND SECURIT Y 147

29 James Bamford, The Puzzle Palace: Inside the National Security

7 CRIME AND POLICING 173

33 Clive Norris and Gary Armstrong, CCTV and the Social

8 PRIVACY AND AUTONOMY 209

40 Priscilla M. Regan, Legislating Privacy: Technology, Social Values,

9780190297817_Book.indb 7 12-Jul-18 3:28:25 PM

44 John Gilliom, Overseers of the Poor: Surveillance, Resistance, and

9 UBIQUITOUS SURVEILL ANCE 239

46 Roger Clarke, Information Technology and Dataveillance 243

10 WORK AND ORGANIZATION 261

50 Graham Sewell and Barry Wilkinson, “Someone to Watch over

11 POLITICAL ECONOMY 281

54 Adam Arvidsson, On the “Pre-​History of the Panoptic Sort”: Mobility

9780190297817_Book.indb 8 12-Jul-18 3:28:25 PM

12 PARTICIPATION AND SOCIAL MEDIA 307

59 Mark Andrejevic, The Work of Being Watched: Interactive Media

13 RESISTANCE AND OPPOSITION 331

64 Colin J. Bennet t, The Privacy Advocates: Resisting the Spread of

14 MARGINALIT Y AND DIFFERENCE 357

69 Oscar H. Gandy, jr., Coming to Terms with Chance: Engaging

9780190297817_Book.indb 9 12-Jul-18 3:28:25 PM

15 ART AND CULTURE 377

73 John E. McGrath, Loving Big Brother: Performance, Privacy,

9780190297817_Book.indb 10 12-Jul-18 3:28:25 PM

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

54 Adam Arvidsson, On the “Pre-History of the Panoptic Sort”: Mobility

Surveillance studies is a dynamic field of mediation at all. Face-to-face surveillance,

2 Surveillance Studies: A Reader

6 Surveillance Studies: A Reader