1 Introduction to Anthropology
1 Introduction to Anthropology
1 Introduction to Anthropology
Introduction to Anthropology
Anthropology:
Holistic Anthropology, Anthropological Why Study Anthropology?
The Four
Interdisciplinary Research, Explanations
Subfields
and the Global
Perspective
Chapter Questions understanding of humanity, from the beginnings of
human societies to the present. This chap- ter
■ What is unique about the field of anthropology introduces the distinctive approaches used in
as compared with other disciplines? anthro- pology to achieve these goals.
A
does not distinguish anthropology from other
nthropologist Morton Fried once disciplines. After all, historians, psychologists,
pointed out the similarities between economists, sociolo-
the space travel described in
science fiction and the field of
anthropol- ogy (1977). He noted that
when Neil Armstrong
became the first human to set foot on the
moon in July 1969, his step constituted
first contact. To space travel- ers created
by science fiction writers, first contact
refers to the first meeting between
humans and extraterrestrial beings. To
anthropologists, the phrase refers to
initial encounters between peoples of
different societies. For thousands of
years, peoples throughout the world have
had first contacts with each other. As we
shall see in this chapter, the field of
anthropology includes four major
subdisciplines that seek to understand
different aspects of humanity in much
the same way that future space travelers
might investigate extraterrestrials.
Anthropolo- gists draw upon a variety of
field methods, techniques, and
approaches to conduct their
investigations, which have two major
goals: to understand the uniqueness and
diversity of human behavior and human
societies around the world and to
discover the fundamental similarities
that link human beings throughout the
world in both the past and the present. To
accomplish these goals, anthro- pologists
undertake systematic case studies of
people liv- ing in particular locations, in
the past and present, and use
comparative techniques to assess the
similarities and differences among
societies.
Using these goals as a springboard,
anthropology has
forged distinctive objectives and propelled
research that has broadened our
study humankind in one way or peoples through- out the world. Today,
another. Anthropology stands apart anthropologists do not solely focus their
because it combines four subfields, attention on non-Western cultures, and they
or sub- disciplines, that bridge the are just as likely to examine cultural
natural sciences, the social sci- practices in an urban setting in the United
ences, and the humanities. These States as to conduct fieldwork in some far-
four subfields—physical off place. However, anthropologists
anthropology, archaeology, linguistic continue to grapple with the basic
anthropology, and cultural questions of human diversity and similari-
anthropology or ethnology— ties through systematic research within the
constitute a broad approach to the four subfields described below.
study of humanity the world over,
both past and present. Figure 1.1
shows these subfields and the Physical Anthropology
various specializations that make up Physical anthropology
each one. A dis- cussion of these is the branch of
subdisciplines and some of the key anthropology con-
spe- cializations in each follows. cerned with humans as
The subfields of anthropology a biological
initially emerged in Western society species. As such, it
in an attempt to understand non- is the subfield
Western peoples. When Europeans most closely
began exploring and coloniz- ing the related to
world in the fifteenth century, they the natural sciences.
encountered native peoples in the Physi- cal
Americas, Africa, the Middle East, anthropologists
and Asia. European travelers, conduct research in
missionaries, and govern- ment two major areas:
officials described these non- hu- man
Western cultures, pro- viding a evolution and
record of their physical modern human
appearances, customs, and beliefs. variation. The
By the nineteenth century, investigation of hu-
anthropology had developed into man evolution
the primary discipline and science pres- ents one of
for understanding these non- the most
Western societies and cul- tures. tantalizing areas
The major questions that these of
nineteenth-century anthropologists anthropologic
sought to answer dealt with the al
basic dif- ferences and similarities of study.
human societies and cultures and Research has
with the physical variation found in now traced the
gists, and scholars in many other fields African origins Hominid skull in burial.
systematically of
2
Chapter 1 ■ Introduction to Anthropology 1
Biological Anthropology
Prehistoric Forensic
Archaeology
Anthropology
Historical Paleoanthropology
Archaeology Classical
Human
Archaeology
Anatomy Demographic
Human Taxonomy
Archaeology
Paleopatho
Bib
Ethology Population
Cultural Resource
Genetics Human
Management
Ecology
PHYSICAL ANTHROPOLOGY
ARCHAEOL
Structural
Ecological Linguistics
Anthropology HistoricalAnthropology
Demographic Linguistics Phonology Morphology Comparative
Economic Anthropology Syntax Ethnosemantics
Social Anthropology CognitiveLegal
Political Anthropology Linguistics
Anthro
APPLIED ANTHROPOLOGY
Forensic Anthropology Cultural Resource Management Ap
Figure 1.1 The four core subfields of anthropology and applied anthropology. Also included are some of the various
specializations within each of the subfields which are discussed in this text. Many of these specializations overlap with one
another in the actual studies carried out by anthropologists.
Anthropologists at Work
JOHN HAWKS: become possible to expand our
Physical (or Biological) knowledge of evolution beyond the John Hawks
Anthropologist skeletal record, finding signs from
the immune system, digestion, and
J
ohn Hawks is an anthropolo- pigmentation, to traits like hearing context. My scientific work hasn’t
gist who works on the border and ultimately, the brain itself. been limited to genetics and
between paleoanthropology Hawks is probably most widely fossils. Lately, I have become
and genetics. He got his start teach- known for his blog, which is visited more and more interested in the
ing evolution in his home state of by several thousand readers every problems of cultural transmission
Kansas, followed by doctoral train- day. Describing new research from and informa- tion theory. This is
ing and teaching in Michigan, Utah, an expert’s perspective, he has part of my “first principles”
and his current home, the University shown the power of public outreach approach to problems in
of Wisconsin. He studies the relation- as an element of the scientific prehistory—I think that we have to
ships between the genes of living and process. This element of his work has build an account of the origins of
ancient people, to discover the ways made him a leader in the “open culture that is based in the
that natural selection has affected science” move- ment, trying to simplest rules of information
them. In 2007, Hawks and coworkers expand public acces- sibility to transfer.
scanned the genome, finding scientific research and open access
evidence for widespread selection to scientific data. On his blog, Hawks Hawks welcomes everyone who is
on new advantageous mutations writes: interested in human evolution based
during the last 40,000 years (Hawks on a scientific approach to go to his
et al. 2007). The breadth of this blog at http://johnhawks.net/weblog/
What does it mean to be a
selection across the genome hawks/hawks.html.
paleoan- thropologist? To use
indicated that human evo- lution
evidence from the fossil record, we
actually accelerated, as larger
must be trained in human Explore the Concept on
populations and new agricultural sub-
anatomy— especially bone myanthrolab.com
sistence exerted strong pressures on
anatomy, or osteology. We have to
ancient people. Far from slowing
know the anatomical com-
down our evolution, culture had
parisons between humans and
created new opportunities for
other primates, and the way these
adaptive change in the human
anatomies relate to habitual be-
population.
haviors. The social and ecological
Now, Hawks is busy examin-
behaviors of primates vary exten-
ing the Neandertal genome. The
sively in response to their unique
availability of genetic evidence from
ecological circumstances. Under-
ancient bones has transformed the
standing the relationship of anatomy,
way we study these ancient people.
behavior, and environment gives
By comparing Neandertal genes with
us a way to interpret ancient fossils
humans and chimpanzees, it will
and place them in their
environmental
dealing with the study of the human light on why human populations vary.
skeleton. Such stud- ies have wide-ranging Physical anthropologists have also shed light on
applications, from the identifica- tion of gen- eral questions about humanity such as the
murder victims from fragmentary skeletal propensity of violence in human societies. Physical
remains to the design of ergonomic anthropologist Philip Walker has conducted in-
airplane cockpits. Physical anthropologists depth research on human
are also interested in evaluating how
disparate physical characteristics reflect
evolutionary adaptations to different
environmental conditions, thus shedding
4 Chapter 1 ■ Introduction to Anthropology
skeletal materials from various
periods of prehistory that attempts
to answer general questions about
the preva- lence of violence in past
societies (2001). Walker finds that
human skeletal remains with
traumatic injuries such as
embedded flint arrow points in the
vertebrate or cut marks on cranial
skulls and other archaeological
materi- als from the past suggest
that both violence and canni- balism
has been pervasive since the
beginning of human prehistory.
Although the prehistoric data
indicates that there were periods of
peace, Walker’s data based on an
enormous amount of skeletal data
indicates that warfare and violence
were frequent (2001:590). The data
indicates
Chapter 1 ■ Introduction to Anthropology 5
generation and create populations with tedious research. Archaeologists often spend hours
distinctive sets of DNA. These genetic sorting through ancient trash piles, or middens, to
markers can serve to distinguish ancient discover how members of past societies ate their
lineages of DNA. By following the meals, what tools they used in their households and
pathways of these genetic markers, genetic in their work, and what beliefs gave meaning to
paleoanthropologists such as Wells can their lives. They collect and carefully analyze the
blend archaeology, prehistoric, and broken frag- ments of pottery, stone, glass, and
linguistic data with paleoanthropological other materials. It may take them months or even
data to trace human evolution. years to fully complete the study of an excavation.
The Genographic Project traces both Unlike fictional archaeologists, who experience
mitochondrial DNA (passed from mother to glorified adventures, real-world archae- ologists
offspring in long lineages of maternal descent) thrive on the intellectually challenging adventure
and the Y chromosome (passed from father of systematic, scientific research that enlarges our
to son). These data have helped provide under- standing of the past.
inde- pendent evidence for the African There are many more areas of specialization within ar-
origins of the modern human species and chaeology that reflect the geographic area, topic, or
human ancestors. This evidence will be time
discussed in later chapters on the evolution
of modern humans. Individuals can join the
project and submit samples of their own
DNA to trace their genetic linkage to
ancient populations at https://genographic.
nationalgeographic.com.
Archaeology
Archaeology, the
branch of anthropology
that examines the
material traces of past
societ- ies, informs us
about the cul-
ture of those societies
—the shared way of
life of a group of
people that includes
their values, beliefs,
and norms. However,
as we will see below
some archaeologists
do research in
contemporary societies.
Artifacts, the mate-
rial products of former
societ- ies, provide
clues to the past.
Some archaeological sites
reveal spectacular jewelry
like that found by the
movie character Indiana
Jones
or the treasures of a pharaoh’s tomb. Most
artifacts, how- ever, are not so spectacular.
Despite the popular image of archaeology
as an adventurous, even romantic pursuit, it
usually consists of methodical, time-
consuming, and— sometimes—somewhat
8 Chapter 1 ■ Introduction to Anthropology
period on which the archaeologist the distinctive equipment,
works (see Figure 1.1). One more methods, and procedures
contemporary development in the needed to excavate
field of archaeology is called under water.
ethnoarchaeology. One new interesting
Ethnoarchaeology is the study of approach used in
material artifacts of the past along archaeology employs the
with the observation of modern GIS (Geographical
peoples who have knowledge of the Information Sys- tems), a tool
use and sym- bolic meaning of those that was adopted by geolo-
artifacts. Frances Hayashida has gists and environmental
been conducting scientists as well as physical
ethnoarchaeological research in the anthropologists. Archaeolo-
coastal areas of Peru regarding the gists can use the GIS systems linked to
production and consumption of an- satellites to help locate specific
cient maize beer called chicha and transportation routes used by peoples and
this tradition carried on in modern their animals in the past as well as many
breweries (2008). This other patterns (Tripcevich 2010).
ethnoarchaeological research In another novel approach, still other
involves the study of the archaeologists have turned their attention
contemporary chicha production to the very recent past. For example, in
along with the investigation of how 1972, William L. Rathje began a study of
prehistoric indigenous peoples were mod- ern garbage as an assignment for the
providing inputs of labor, raw students in his intro- ductory anthropology
materials, and the different class. Even he was surprised at the number
technologies in their development of of people who took an interest in the
breweries in different areas of findings. A careful study of garbage
coastal Peru. This provides insights about modern so- ciety
ethnoarchaeological research that cannot be ferreted out in any other
involves in-depth observations and way. Whereas questionnaires and
interviews with modern peoples in interviews depend upon the coopera- tion
order to understand what has been and interpretation of respondents, garbage
re- provides an unbiased physical record of
tained from the past regarding chicha human activity. Rathje’s “garbology project”
production. is still in progress and, combined with
There are many other information from respondents, offers a
fields of archaeology as unique look at pat- terns of waste
indicated in Figure 1.1. management, consumption, and alcohol use
For example, some in contemporary U.S. society (Rathje and
specializations in Ritenbaugh 1984).
archaeology include
industrial
archaeologists, biblical
archaeologists, medieval
and post-
medieval
archaeologists,
and Islamic
archaeologists.
Underwater
archaeologists
work on a vari-
ety of places and
time periods
throughout the
world; they are dis-
tinguished from
other
archaeologists by
Chapter 1 ■ Introduction to Anthropology 9
Linguistic Anthropology
Linguistics, the study of language, has a
long history that dovetails with the
discipline of philosophy, but is also one of
the integral subfields of anthropology.
Linguistic anthropology focuses on the
relationship between lan- guage and
culture, how language is used within
society, and how the human brain acquires
and uses language. Linguistic
anthropologists seek to discover the
ways in which languages are different from
one another, as well as how they are
similar to one another. Two wide- ranging
areas of research in linguistic anthropology
are structural linguistics and historical
linguistics.
Structural linguistics explores how
language works. Structural linguists
compare grammatical patterns or other
linguistic elements to learn how
contemporary languages mirror and differ
from one another. Structural linguistics has
also uncovered some intriguing relation-
ships between language and thought
patterns among dif- ferent groups of people.
Do people who speak different languages
with different grammatical structures think
and perceive the world differently from
each other? Do native Chinese speakers
think or view the world and life experi-
ences differently from native English
speakers? Structural linguists are
attempting to answer this type of question.
Linguistic anthropologists also examine
the connec- tions between language and
social behavior in different cultures. This
specialty is called sociolinguistics. Socio-
linguists are interested both in how
language is used to define social groups
and in how belonging to particular groups
leads to specialized kinds of language use.
In Thailand, for example, there are thirteen
forms of the pro- noun I. One form is used
with equals, other forms come into play
with people of higher status, and some
forms are used when males address
females (Scupin 1988).
Another area of research that has
interested linguis- tic anthropologists is
historical linguistics. Historical
linguistics concentrates on the
comparison and classifi- cation of different
10 Chapter 1 ■ Introduction to
among languages.
Anthropology By examining and
analyzing grammati- cal structures and
sounds of languages, researchers are able to
discover rules for how languages change over
time, as well as which languages are related
to one an- other historically. This type of
historical linguistic research is particularly
useful in tracing the migration routes of
various societies through time, confirming
archaeological and paleoanthropological data
gathered independently. For example, through
historical linguistic research, anthropologists
have corroborated the Asian origins of many
Native American populations.
Anthropologists at Work
KELLEY HAYS-GILPIN: Although concerned with the inter-
Archaeologist pretation of past technology and
adept at ceramic classification, Hays-
C
onservation of the past, the Gilpin has consistently sought to
deciphering of gender in the push the interpretation of
archaeological record, and archaeological data to extract deeper
the meaning of rock art are just a few meaning than archae- ologists
of the intriguing topics that Kelley usually propose. Beginning with her
Hays- Gilpin has addressed in more doctoral work, she became
than two decades of research. Hays- increasingly interested in the study of
Gilpin is an archaeologist with a ideology, symbols, and gender in the
research focus on the prehistoric archaeological record. Through the
American Southwest, particularly the comparative study of pottery, textiles,
history and archaeol- ogy of the and rock art, she used ancient art as
Pueblo peoples. Like many modern a means of understanding cultural
archaeologists, her career has con- tinuity and change. This
included work in both cultural Kelley Hays-Gilpin.
research fur- thered her
resource management and university understanding of modern Native
teach- ing (see Chapter 18). She American perceptions of and which was published in 1998. It
completed her doctoral work focusing concerns about the past. For Hays- draws on the research of three
on early decorated ceramics in the Gilpin, the significance of ancient ob- generations of women engaged in the
Four Cor- ners region in the jects to contemporary indigenous study of essen- tially the same group
Southwest and then, began her career people—having conversations about of archaeological materials from sites
with the Navajo Nation Archaeology ancestors and making connections in northeastern Arizona. While it
Department in Flagstaff, Arizona. be- tween the past and present—is of provides a detailed examination of a
Hays-Gilpin worked on col- lections cru- cial importance. It is about being particular collec- tion, the study also
salvaged from archaeological sites able to glean messages from the past affords insight into changing
destroyed by development proj- ects that help us live better lives in the perceptions of archaeological
or threatened by construction. present, includ- ing such matters as interpretation. Also published in 1998
Currently, she teaches archaeology, how to grow food in the desert and was Hays-Gilpin’s co-edited volume,
ceramic analysis, and rock art how to help others understand and the Routledge Reader in Gender Ar-
courses at Northern Arizona appreciate their heritage. Hays-Gilpin chaeology, which helped establish
University in Flag- staff, located just co-authored an interdis- ciplinary the legitimacy of gendered
hours from the Pet- rified Forest study of Prehistoric Sandals from approaches to the study of the
National Park and her favorite rock Northeastern Arizona: The Earl H. archaeological record.
art sites. Morris and Ann Axtell Morris
Research,
the methods and techniques of cultural in a systematic manner is the specific research goal
anthropologists at greater length in of the cultural anthro- pologist. Technically,
Chapter 14. ethnologist refers to anthropolo- gists who focus
The results of the fieldwork of the on the cross-cultural aspects of the various
cultural anthropolo- gist are written up as ethnographic studies done by the cultural
an ethnography, a description of a anthropologists. Ethnologists analyze the data that
culture within a society. A typical are produced by the individual ethnographic
ethnography reports on the environmental studies to produce cross-cultural generalizations
setting, economic patterns, social about humanity and cultures.
organization, political system, and religious
rituals and beliefs of the society under
study. This description of a society is based
on what anthropologists call ethnographic
data. The gathering of ethnographic data
12 Chapter 1 ■ Introduction to
Applied Anthropology
Anthropology
The four subfields of anthropology
(physical anthropol- ogy,
archaeology, linguistic anthropology,
and cultural anthropology) are well
established. However, some
scholars recognize a fifth
subdiscipline. Applied anthro-
pology is the use of anthropological
data from the other subfields to
address modern problems and
concerns. These problems may be
environmental, technological,
economic, social, political, or
cultural. Anthropologists have
played an increasing role in the
development of government policies
and legislation, the planning of
development projects, and the
implementation of mar- keting
strategies. Although anthropologists
are typically trained in one of the
major subfields, an increasing num-
ber are finding employment outside
of universities and museums.
Although many anthropologists
see at least
Chapter 1 ■ Introduction to Anthropology 13
Holistic Anthropology,
Interdisciplinary Research, and
the Global Perspective
By its very nature, anthropology is an
interdisciplin- ary, holistic field. Most
anthropologists receive some training in
each of four subfields of anthropology.
Chapter 1 ■ Introduction to Anthropology 15
Anthropologists at Work
BAMBI B. SCHIEFFELIN: instead on language and socialization
Linguistic Anthropologist among many different societies. They
emphasized the importance of
A
s an undergraduate at Colum- cultural practices in shaping verbal
bia University, Bambi Schief- activities. For example, prior to their
felin was drawn to two fields: research, it was assumed that “baby
anthropology and comparative litera- talk” was the same all over the world.
ture. After spending a summer on a They found, however, that “baby talk”
field trip to rural Bolivia and a year in is not univer- sal and is linked to
the southern highlands of Papua New ideas that people have about
Guinea, Schieffelin decided to pursue children.
a doctorate in anthropology, with a In her ethnographic research,
specialty in linguistic anthropology. She Schieffelin tape-records and tran-
combined the fields of developmental scribes everyday social interactions
psychology, linguistics, and anthropol- in different speech communities. She
ogy, which prepared her for fieldwork has carried out research in Papua
among the Kaluli people in Papua New Guinea since 1967, focusing Bambi Schieffelin.
New Guinea. After completing her not only on language socialization,
Ph.D. degree, Schieffelin spent a year but also on language change and the
teach- ing anthropology at the introduction of literacy into a nonliter- the Christian missionization process
University of California at Berkeley ate society. In addition to this work in among the native peoples such as
and also teach- ing linguistics at a relatively traditional society, Schief- the Bosavi. In addition, Schieffelin
Stanford University. Since 1986, she felin has worked in a number of urban has been examining speech activities
has been teaching at New York speech communities in the United and language use on commercials on
University in the Department of States, where linguistic diversity is You- Tube and
Anthropology. apparent on every street corner. Her icanhascheezburger.com and the use
Schieffelin’s work focuses on lan- research in Philadelphia among Sino- of texting by teenagers. This piqued
guage use and socialization. She Vietnamese people focused on lan- the interest of many un- dergraduates
studies how language is acquired by guage socialization and literacy, and who began to explore the techniques
children and how language is used in her studies of Haitians in New York used by linguistic an- thropologists for
various social contexts. She has col- analyzed language socialization and exploring new types of media.
laborated with Elinor Ochs to develop code-switching practices. Schieffelin’s work repre- sents the
innovative approaches to under- As a linguistic anthropologist, most current developments in
standing how language use is influ- Schieffelin tries to integrate two per- linguistic anthropology today.
enced by socialization. Together they spectives. First, she focuses on how Linguistic anthropologists have
have edited several volumes, includ- the study of language use can lead to broadened their vision of places in
ing Language Socialization across insights into how culture is transmit- which to investigate language use—
Cultures (1987). In addition, Schief- ted from generation to generation in including the legal, medical, scientific,
felin has developed these topics in everyday social interactions. Second, educational, and political arenas—as
her own book, The Give and Take of she analyzes the ways in which lan- these contexts are critical to under-
Everyday Life: Language Socialization guage expresses social relationships standing how power is acquired and
of Kaluli Children (1990). and cultural meanings across dif- distributed. They are also studying all
Through their research on children’s ferent social and political contexts. varieties of literacy, including television,
language socialization, Schieffelin Recently, Schieffelin has been en- radio, and the Internet providing new
and Ochs contributed to a cross- gaged in research on how language perspectives on these new forms of
cultural understanding of this relates to Bible translation and con- global communication.
process. Un- til the early 1970s, most version to Christianity in Papua New
of the theo- ries on language and Guinea. She does research on how
socialization had been drawn from translations of parables and speech
psychological research on middle- Explore the Concept on
activities change the meaning of
class Americans. S c h i e ff e l i n and concepts of place and the body in myanthrolab.com
Ochs focused
16 Chapter 1 ■ Introduction to
Anthropology
However, because of the huge amount of Finally, anthropology dovetails
research undertaken in these different considerably with the field of history,
subfields—more than three hundred which, like anthropology, encompasses a
journals and hundreds of books are broad range of events. Every human
published every year—no one individual can event that has ever taken place in the
keep abreast of all the developments across world is a potential topic for both
the discipline. Consequently, an- historians and anthropologists. Historians
thropologists usually specialize in one of describe and explain human events that
the four sub- fields. Nevertheless, most have occurred throughout the world;
anthropologists are firmly committed to a anthropologists place their biological,
holistic approach to understanding archaeolog- ical, linguistic, and
humankind—a broad, comprehensive ethnographic data in the context of these
account that draws on all four subfields historical developments.
under the umbrella of an- thropology. This Through the four subfields and the
holistic approach involves the analysis of interdisci- plinary approach,
biological, environmental, psychological, anthropologists have emphasized a
economic, historical, social, and cultural global perspective. The global
conditions of humanity. In other words, perspective enables anthropologists to
anthropologists study the physical consider the biological, environmental,
characteristics of humans, including their
genetic en- dowment, as well as their
prehistoric, historical, and social and
cultural environments. Through collabora-
tive studies among the various specialists in
the four subfields, anthropologists can ask
broadly framed ques- tions about humanity.
Anthropology does not limit itself to its
own four
subfields to realize its research agenda.
Although it stands as a distinct discipline,
anthropology has strong links to other
social sciences. Cultural anthropology or
ethnology, for instance, is closely related to
sociol- ogy. In the past, cultural
anthropologists examined the traditional
societies of the world, whereas sociologists
focused on modern societies. Today, cultural
anthropol- ogists and sociologists explore
many of the same soci- eties using similar
research approaches. For example, both
rely on statistical and nonstatistical data
when- ever appropriate in their studies of
different types of societies.
As we shall discover in later chapters,
cultural anthro- pology also overlaps the
fields of psychology, econom- ics, and
political science. Cultural anthropologists
draw on psychology when they assess the
behavior of people in other societies.
Psychological questions bearing on
perception, learning, and motivation all
figure in ethno- graphic fieldwork.
Additionally, cultural anthropologists or
ethnologists probe the economic and
political behavior and thought of people in
various societies, using these data for
comparative purposes.
Chapter 1 ■ Introduction to Anthropology 17
psychological, economic, historical, social, norms of their soci- ety, they tend to think
and cultural conditions of humans at all times of their own culture as prefera- ble, and as
and in all places. Anthropologists do not limit what is normal, while ranking other
themselves to understand- ing a particular cultures as less desirable. Members of a
society or set of societies, but attempt to go society may be so com- mitted to their own
beyond specific or local conditions and cultural traditions that they cannot
demonstrate the interconnections among conceive of any other way of life. They often
societies throughout the world. This global view other cultural traditions as strange or
perspective is used throughout this text to alien, perhaps even infe- rior, crazy, or
show how anthropologists situate their immoral.
findings in the interconnecting worldwide Such deeply ingrained perceptions are
context. difficult to escape, even for
anthropologists. Nineteenth-century
Anthropological Explanations
A fundamental question faced by
anthropologists is how to evaluate the
particular social, cultural, or bio- logical data
they gather. Human knowledge is rooted in
personal experience, as well as in the beliefs,
tradi- tions, and norms maintained by the
societies in which people live. This includes
such knowledge as assump- tions about
putting on warm clothing in cold weather
and bringing an umbrella if it is going to rain,
for example. Yet, it also includes notions
about how food should be prepared, what
constitutes “appropriate” be- havior, and
what the appropriate social and cultural
roles are for men and women.
Religion constitutes another source of
human knowledge. Religious beliefs and faith
are most often derived from sacred texts,
such as the Bible, Qur’an, and Talmud, but
they are also based on intuitions, dreams,
visions, and extrasensory perceptions. Most
religious beliefs are cast in highly personal
terms and, like personal knowledge, span a
wide and diverse range. People who do not
accept these culturally coded assumptions
may be perceived as different, abnormal, or
nonconformist by other members of their
society. Yet, ethnographic and cross-cultural
research in anthro- pology demonstrates that
such culturally constituted knowledge is not
as general as we might think. This research
indicates that as humans, we are not born
with this knowledge. Such knowledge tends to
vary both among different societies and
among different groups within the same
society.
Popular perceptions about other cultures
have often
been based on ethnocentric attitudes.
Ethnocentrism is the practice of judging
another society by the values and standards
of one’s own society. To some degree,
ethnocentrism is a universal phenomenon. As
humans learn the basic values, beliefs, and
18 Chapter 1 ■ Introduction to
Anthropology
Anthropologists at Work
SCOTT ATRAN: and animals in very similar ways.
foundations of religion, which resulted in his widely
Cultural Anthropologist Later, Atran began an
acclaimed book In Gods We Trust: The Evolutionary
investiga- tion of the cognitive
Landscape of Religion published by Oxford Press. In
B
orn in 1952 in New York City, and evolutionary
this book Atran, explores the psycho- logical
Scott Atran went to Columbia foundations of religion and how it has become a
University as a Westinghouse universal feature of all human societies. Currently,
mathematics scholar. At a student his most re- cent work is on the characteristics asso-
dem- onstration against the Vietnam ciated with suicide bombers and political and religious
conflict in 1970, he met the famous terrorism in different areas of the world. Atran has been
anthropologist Margaret Mead and funded by the National Science Foundation and other
she invited him to work as her agencies to study the phenomena of ter- rorism and
assistant at the American Museum of this has included fieldwork and interviews with
National History. In 1970, Atran also imprisoned Al Qaeda members and their supporters in
traveled to the Middle East for the Europe, the Middle East, Central and Southeast Asia,
first time, conducting fieldwork in and North Africa. His recent book Talking to the
Palestinian villages. As a graduate Enemy: Faith, Brother- hood and the (Un)Making of
student in 1974, Atran organized a Terrorists is based on this long-term research. In
famous debate at the Abbaye de March, 2010 Atran testified before the Senate
Roy- aumont in France on the nature Armed Services Subcommittee on Emerging
of uni- versals in human thought and Threats and Capabilities today on “Pathways to and
society, with the participation of from Violent Extremism: The Case for Science-Based
some well- known scholars such as Field Research.” His testimony can be seen at
the linguist Noam Chomsky, the http://www.edge.org/3rd_
psychologist Jean Piaget, the culture/atran10/atran10_index.html.
anthropologists Claude Lévi- Strauss Atran has taught at Cambridge Uni- versity,
and Gregory Bateson, and the Hebrew University in Jerusa- lem, and the École
biologists François Jacob and des hautes études in Paris. He is currently a
Jacques Monod, which many research di- rector in anthropology at the Centre
consider a mile- stone in the national de la recherche scientifique (The Center for
development of the field Scientific Research) based in Paris and is a
known as cognitive science.
member of the Jean Nicod Institute at the École
Atran continued observing
normale supérieure. He is also visiting profes- sor
societies as he traveled overland
of psychology and public policy at the University of
from Portugal to China, via
Michigan, presidential scholar in sociology at the
Afghanistan and Pakistan. Landing
John Jay College of Criminal Justice in New York
again in the Middle East, he
City, and co-founder of ARTIS Research and Risk
conducted ethnographic research on
Modeling. Atran’s broadly inter- disciplinary scientific
kinship and social ties, land tenure,
studies on human reasoning processes and cultural
and political economy among the
man- agement of the environment, and on re- ligion
Druze, a religious group in Israel and
and terrorism, have been featured around the world in
Lebanon. Later, Atran became a
science publications, such as Science, Nature,
pioneer in the study of the
Proceedings of
foundations of biological thinking in
Western science and other Native
American Indian groups such as the
Itzá Maya in Mexico. This research
became the basis of his well-known
books Cognitive Foundations of
Natu- ral History: Towards an
Anthropology of Science and The
Native Mind and the Cultural
Construction of Nature, and Plants of
the Peten Itzá Maya, which il- lustrate
how people throughout the world
classified biological species of plants
Chapter 1 ■ Introduction to Anthropology 19
Scott Atran.
the National Academy of
Sciences USA, and Brain
and Behavioral Sciences,
as well as the popular
press, including features
stories with BBC television
and radio, National Public
Radio, The Wall Street
Journal, and Newsweek. He
has been the subject of a
cover story in The New York
Times Magazine (“Darwin’s
God,” 2007) and has written
numerous op-eds for the
New York Times.
Atran has teamed up
with psycholo- gists and
political scientists, including
Douglas Medin and Robert
Axelrod, to experiment
extensively on the ways sci-
entists and ordinary people
categorize and reason
about nature, on the cogni-
tive and evolutionary
psychology of reli- gion, and
on the role of sacred values
in political and cultural
conflict. Based on recent
fieldwork, he has testified
before the U.S. Congress
and has repeatedly briefed
National Security Council
staff at the White House on
paths to violent extremism
among youth in Southeast
and South Asia, the Middle
East, North Africa, and
Europe. Atran has utilized his
knowledge and research as
a cultural anthropologist to
help understand some of the
basic questions of human
life and also to contribute to
solving some of our current
problems with globally-
spon- sored political and
religious terrorism.
Deductive Method
HYPOTHESIS:
derived from theory, tested by specific observation
GENERAL
THEORY
SPECIFIC OBSERVATIONS
EXPLANATION:
derived from specific observation, builds general theory
Inductive Method
Chapter 1 ■ Introduction to Anthropology 21
weight, age, and sex all constitute disagreements about interpretations are
variables. Research- ers use the observations common. Consequently, con- clusions are
about different variables to develop frequently presented as tentative and hypo-
hypotheses about the data. A hypothesis thetical. The point here, however, is not
is a testable proposition concerning the that progress is impossible.
relationship between particular sets of Anthropological evidence can be veri- fied
variables in the collected data. The practice or discarded by making assumptions
of testing hypotheses is the major focus of explicit and weeding out contradictory,
the scientific method, as scientists test one subjective knowledge. Poor hypotheses are
an- other’s hypotheses to confirm or refute rejected and replaced by better explana-
them. If a hy- pothesis is found to be valid, it tions. Explanations can be made stronger
may be woven together with other hypotheses by drawing on independent lines of
into a more general theory. Theories are evidence to support and evalu- ate theories.
statements that explain hypotheses and This process makes the scientific method
observations about natural or social much more effective than other means of
phenomena. Because of their explanatory acquiring knowledge.
nature, theories often encompass a variety of
hypotheses and observations. One of the
most comprehensive theories in anthropol-
ogy is the theory of evolution (see Chapter 3).
This theory helps explain a diversity of
hypotheses about biological and natural
phenomena, as well as discover- ies by
paleoanthropologists and geneticists.
In contrast to the inductive method, the
deductive
method of scientific research begins with a
general the- ory from which scientists develop
testable hypotheses. Data are then collected
to evaluate these hypotheses. Initial
hypotheses are sometimes referred to as
“guess- timates” because they may be based
on guesswork by the scientist. These
hypotheses are tested through experi-
mentation and replication. As with the
inductive method, scientists test and retest
hypotheses and theories to ensure the
reliability of observations made.
Through these methods, researchers do
not arrive at absolute truths. Theories may be
invalidated or falsi- fied by contradictory
observations. Yet, even if numerous
observations and hypotheses suggest that a
particular theory is true, the theory always
remains open to fur- ther testing and
evaluation. The systematic evaluation of
hypotheses and theories enables scientists to
state their conclusions with a certainty that
cannot be applied to personal and culturally
construed knowledge.
Despite the thoroughness and
verification that characterize the research,
anthropological explanations have limitations.
Anthropologists must grapple with the myriad
of complex, interwoven variables that
influence human society and biological
processes. The complexi- ties of the
phenomena being studied make it difficult to
assess all of the potential variables, and
22 Chapter 1 ■ Introduction to
Anthropology
Anthropologists at Work
A. PETER CASTRO:
Applied Anthropologist
C
onflict over use of the
environ- ment is a theme
that unites
A. Peter Castro’s work as an
applied cultural anthropologist,
includ- ing his more than two
decades of ser- vice as a consultant
for the Food and Agriculture
Organization of the United Nations,
the United States Agency for
International Development, the
United Nations Development Program, A. Peter Castro with a man and woman in Ethiopia.
CARE, and other organizations.
Conflict is a ubiquitous aspect of
human existence. While disputes
may be an important
means for people to assert their upbringing, where farm worker union- issues in health care and agricultural
rights, interests, and needs, conflicts ization struggles, debates about off- programs and about the importance
can escalate into violence that shore oil development, and conflicts of linking local, national, and global
threatens both lives and livelihoods. over housing and commercial expan- dimensions of human and environmen-
Castro has used his perspective, sion were everyday occurrences. He tal crises. Castro’s Ph.D. advisor,
skills, and knowl- edge as a cultural credits his professors at the David Brokensha, has a distinguished
anthropologist to address issues University of California, Santa record as an applied anthropologist
related to understand- ing and Barbara, where he obtained his and was instrumental in providing
dealing with environmental conflicts undergraduate and graduate opportuni- ties for Castro to develop
in participatory and peaceful ways. degrees, with giving him the contacts in international agencies.
Besides his ongoing work as a inspiration and the training to use cul- Brokensha was one of the founders of
consultant, he incorporates conflict tural anthropology to address press- the Institute for Development
is- sues into his classes in the ing social and environmental issues. Anthropology, a nonprofit research and
Anthropol- ogy Department of the As an undergraduate, Castro was a educational organization dedicated to
Maxwell School of Citizenship and research assistant on a number of applying anthropological theories and
Public Affairs at Syra- cuse University, applied anthropology projects. In methods to improving the condition of
where he is an associ- ate professor. classes and through long discussions the world’s poor.
Castro’s interest in environmen- outside of class, he learned Castro’s early work as an ap-
tal conflicts reflects his rural California invaluable lessons from various plied anthropologist for international
professors about
Anthropology and the Humanities biochemical and physical aspects of the flower.
However, when painters, poets, or novelists
The scientific method is not the only means
perceive a flower, they understand the plant from
used by anthropologists to study different
an aesthetic standpoint. They might interpret the
societies and cul- tures. Anthropologists
flower as a sym- bolic phenomenon that represents
also employ a more humanistic- interpretive
nature. The sci- entist and the humanist use
approach as they study cultures. Think
different approaches
of this analogy. When botanists examine a
flower, they attempt to understand the
different components of the plant within a
scientific framework; they ana- lyze the
Chapter 1 ■ Introduction to Anthropology 23
and perspectives when examining
the natural world. Anthropologists
employ a humanistic-interpretive
approach in many circumstances.
James Peacock uses another type
of analogy to discuss the difference
between the scientific and the
humanistic-interpretive approaches
in anthropology (1986). Peacock
draws from the field of photography
to construct his analogy. He
discusses the “harsh light” of the
rigor of scientific analysis, used to
study the biologi- cal and material
conditions of a society, versus the
“soft focus” used when interpreting
the symbols, art, literature, religion,
or music of different societies.
Peacock con- cludes that both the
“harsh light” and the “soft focus”
are vital ingredients of the
anthropological perspective.
24 Chapter 1 ■ Introduction to
Anthropology
artifacts ogy
Key Terms cultural ethnocentrism
anthropology anthropology
deductive ethnography ethnologist
applied ethnology ethnomusicology
anthropology method
ethnoarchaeol ethnopoetics fossils
archaeology
Chapter 1 ■ Introduction to Anthropology 31
historical logy participant
linguistics observation
holistic primates
hypothesis primatology
inductive scientific
method method
linguistic sociolinguistics
anthropology structural
linguistics linguistics
middens theories
paleoanthropo variable